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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Aldo Moro.md Normal file
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---
title: Aldo Moro
aliases:
- Aldo Moro
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- Italy
- Gladio
- BrigateRosse
- DemocraziaCristiana
- StrategyOfTension
- 1960s
- 1970s
born: 1916-09-23
died: 1978-05-09
location: "Bari, Italy"
summary: "Aldo Moro was Italy's five-time Prime Minister and Democrazia Cristiana president who was kidnapped and murdered by the Brigate Rosse in March-May 1978, with his abduction occurring precisely on the morning he was to present a coalition government incorporating the Italian Communist Party - a political development that Gladio-linked investigators and the Red Brigades themselves sought to prevent."
---
Aldo Moro was born on September 23, 1916, in Maglie, [[Italy|Apulia]]. A professor of law at the University of Bari and Rome, he entered politics through the Democrazia Cristiana (DC) and served five times as Prime Minister of Italy between 1963 and 1976, more times than any other postwar leader. He was kidnapped on March 16, 1978, and murdered on May 9, 1978, by the [[Brigate Rosse|Red Brigades]].[^1]
### Political Career
Moro was the preeminent figure of the DC's left wing, known for patient consensus-building and an unusual willingness to engage with Italy's substantial left-wing political forces. He led the DC's "opening to the left" in the early 1960s that incorporated the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) into government coalition, an approach that was then controversial but proved politically productive.
By the mid-1970s, with the Italian Communist Party (PCI) under [[Enrico Berlinguer]] representing approximately 34% of the electorate - the largest communist vote in any Western democracy - Moro developed what became known as the "historic compromise": a proposed collaboration between the DC and the PCI to stabilize Italian governance. Berlinguer, for his part, was moving the PCI toward Eurocommunism, distancing the party from Moscow and embracing parliamentary democracy. Their potential collaboration represented a fundamental realignment of Italian politics.[^1]
### Kidnapping
On the morning of March 16, 1978, Moro was traveling by car through central Rome to Parliament, where he was scheduled to present the new Andreotti government, which would include Communist Party support for the first time. His motorcade was ambushed at the intersection of Via Fani by a Red Brigades unit; all five of his bodyguards were killed in an operation involving at least twelve attackers who had trained with military precision. Moro was taken prisoner.
The simultaneous timing - the kidnapping occurred on the precise morning of the historic compromise government's presentation - was noted immediately as either extraordinary coincidence or evidence of political intelligence about DC-PCI negotiations. Both the Red Brigades (who opposed the historic compromise as a bourgeois accommodation) and the right-wing Gladio-linked networks (who feared communist participation in government) had reason to prevent it.[^1]
### Captivity and the State's Refusal to Negotiate
During 55 days of captivity, Moro wrote a series of letters - to his family, to DC colleagues including Secretary General Benigno Zaccagnini, to his friend Interior Minister Francesco Cossiga, and to Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti. The letters became increasingly urgent, then anguished. He challenged the DC's refusal to negotiate, argued that his life should not be sacrificed to political principle, and pleaded for prisoner exchanges or other arrangements.
The government position, maintained by Andreotti and supported by the DC leadership after internal debate, was that the state could not negotiate with terrorists without fundamentally undermining Italian institutions. The PCI, in a painful position, supported the government's refusal to negotiate. The Socialist Party under Bettino Craxi advocated negotiation; this minority position did not prevail.
Moro's letters, which revealed his bitter disappointment in colleagues he had served for decades, created an acute political crisis of their own. The DC leadership initially suggested the letters had been written under duress or psychological manipulation; Moro's family rejected this characterization.[^1]
### Murder and Aftermath
On May 9, 1978, Moro's body was found in the trunk of a Renault 4 at Via Caetani in Rome - equidistant between DC headquarters and PCI headquarters, a placement interpreted as a deliberate symbolic message. He had been shot multiple times. The location's symbolism - midway between the DC and the party it had contemplated governing with - was widely noted.
The murder ended the historic compromise. The coalition government formed without the support arrangement that Moro had been presenting when kidnapped. The political project he had dedicated years to building did not survive his death.[^2]
### Gladio Dimension
The parliamentary and judicial investigations into the Moro kidnapping, which continued for decades, repeatedly intersected with evidence of intelligence service penetration, deliberate obstruction of rescue efforts, and the possibility that state actors had allowed or facilitated the killing.
The investigation uncovered that the apartment at Via Gradoli in Rome where the Red Brigades had used a safe house - which police had specifically been asked to search - was not searched until after a medium at a seance session provided the address, by which time the kidnappers had vacated. The identity of who provided false information during the search, and why the Via Gradoli address was not searched through normal investigation, was never definitively established.
Subsequent investigations also raised questions about what role, if any, foreign intelligence services (including the CIA, which opposed the historic compromise as a destabilizing communist entry into Western European government) played in the lack of rescue. The Parliamentary Commission on Terrorism produced extensive documentation without reaching definitive conclusions on outside involvement.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Drake, Richard. *The Aldo Moro Murder Case.* Harvard University Press, 1995. This is the primary English-language scholarly account.
[^2]: Moro, Aldo. *Lettere dalla prigionia.* Edited by Miguel Gotor. Einaudi, 2008 (the letters themselves, the primary documentary record of his captivity).
[^3]: Ganser, Daniele. *NATO's Secret Armies: Operation GLADIO and Terrorism in Western Europe.* Frank Cass, 2005. Flamini, Gianni. *Il Partito del Golpe.* Bovolenta, 1982-1985.

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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eldon Byrd.md
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---
title: Eldon Byrd
aliases:
- Eldon Byrd
- Eldon A. Byrd
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
category: "Scientists & Researchers"
tags:
- Person
- Researcher
summary: "Scientist and researcher connected to government programs in parapsychology and electromagnetic weapons research."
born: 1939
died: 2002
- Navy
- PSI
- URIGeller
- RemoteViewing
- ElectromagneticWeapons
- 1970s
- 1980s
born: 1939-01-01
died: 2002-01-01
location: "White Oak, Maryland"
summary: "Eldon Byrd was a Navy physicist at the Naval Surface Weapons Center who conducted parapsychology experiments with Uri Geller in 1973-1974 including the nitinol memory-metal bending test, and worked on research into electromagnetic effects on biological systems."
---
Eldon A. Byrd was a physicist employed at the [[Naval Surface Weapons Center]] at White Oak, [[Maryland]], where he worked primarily on research into the effects of electromagnetic fields on biological systems - an area of military interest as a potential non-lethal weapons application. He became one of several government scientists involved in testing the Israeli psychic [[Uri Geller]] during the period of intensive government parapsychology interest in the early 1970s.[^1]
### Naval Surface Weapons Center Research
Byrd's work at the Naval Surface Weapons Center examined how electromagnetic fields at various frequencies affected living tissue, including potential effects on human brain function and behavior. This research had potential applications in both defensive and offensive contexts - understanding vulnerability to electromagnetic interference as well as possible means of influencing adversary personnel through non-kinetic means. The research placed him within the broader community of scientists examining the intersection of physics, biology, and intelligence applications.[^1]
### Uri Geller Experiments
In 1973-1974, Byrd conducted a series of experiments with Geller at a site in the Washington D.C. area. The most significant of these involved nitinol, a nickel-titanium "shape-memory alloy" developed by the Naval Ordnance Laboratory in 1963. Nitinol's defining property is that it returns to a memorized shape when heated; altering that shape at room temperature requires forces that would be expected to leave microscopic evidence of deformation.
Byrd reported that Geller appeared to alter the memorized shape of a nitinol wire - producing a permanent kink that the wire subsequently "remembered" as its new shape rather than returning to its original form. If accurate, this would have implied an anomalous mechanism: either deformation at room temperature inconsistent with the alloy's properties, or some effect on the crystalline structure of the metal that conventional mechanisms could not easily explain.
Byrd also reportedly conducted experiments in which Geller was asked to affect the magnetic state of computer memory devices. He described what he believed were positive results from these sessions in informal communications that circulated among researchers in the parapsychology and intelligence communities.[^1]
### Government and Scientific Context
Byrd's experiments were part of the same period that saw the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-funded [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] program under [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]] examining Geller's abilities. The Geller experiments at SRI attracted significant scientific attention, positive and negative, and Byrd's separate tests contributed to the network of informal reports about Geller's claimed abilities that circulated through government and academic channels in this period.
Like Puthoff and Targ, Byrd believed the experimental results were anomalous enough to warrant continued investigation. His institutional position at the Naval Surface Weapons Center gave his assessments some weight within the government research community interested in potential parapsychological applications.[^1]
### Later Career and Controversies
Byrd continued to speak and write in the parapsychology community through the 1980s, advocating for scientific investigation of anomalous human capabilities. He died in 2002.
### Footnotes
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis.* Little, Brown and Company, 2017, pp. 104-107. Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers: The Secret History of America's Psychic Spies.* Dell, 1997.

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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Giorgio Ambrosoli.md Normal file
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---
title: Giorgio Ambrosoli
aliases:
- Giorgio Ambrosoli
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- Italy
- Sindona
- BancoAmbrosiano
- P2
- Assassination
- 1970s
born: 1933-07-26
died: 1979-07-11
location: "Milan, Italy"
summary: "Giorgio Ambrosoli was the Italian lawyer appointed as official liquidator for Michele Sindona's bankrupt Italian banking empire whose methodical documentation of Sindona's fraud was completed just weeks before he was shot dead outside his Milan apartment on July 11, 1979, on the orders of Sindona."
---
Giorgio Ambrosoli was born on July 26, 1933, in Milan. He practiced as a commercial lawyer in Milan and was appointed in 1974 by the Banca d'Italia as the official liquidator (commissario liquidatore) for [[Michele Sindona]]'s bankrupt Italian banking interests following the collapse of Sindona's empire. He was shot and killed outside his apartment at Via Morozzo della Rocca in Milan on July 11, 1979, at age 45.[^1]
### The Liquidation Task
Ambrosoli's appointment came after the Banca d'Italia placed Sindona's Italian banks - [[Banca Privata Italiana]] and [[Banca Unione]] - into compulsory liquidation following their insolvency. The task he was given was technically complex and politically dangerous: to reconstruct the true financial condition of institutions whose records had been systematically falsified, document the fraud, and work with judicial authorities toward criminal proceedings.
Ambrosoli conducted the liquidation with methodical competence over five years. He worked through thousands of transactions, reconstructed how funds had been moved out of the banks and into Sindona's offshore network and personal accounts, documented the connections to [[Vatican Bank|IOR]] and other institutions that had facilitated the transactions, and produced a comprehensive account of the fraud that left no significant question about Sindona's criminal liability.
He was aware of the danger his work created. He wrote to his wife in January 1979: "Regardless of what happens to me, I've had a wonderful experience that has made me feel like a man in the full sense of the word." His liquidation report was substantially complete by mid-1979.[^1]
### Murder
Ambrosoli was shot three times by a gunman as he returned home on the evening of July 11, 1979. He died from his wounds within minutes.
The gunman was subsequently identified as [[William Arico]], an American Mafia hitman from New York. Arico was hired through intermediaries connected to Sindona's American organized crime relationships. Arico died in an escape attempt from a U.S. federal prison in 1984 before he could be tried for the Ambrosoli killing.
[[Michele Sindona]] was convicted by an Italian court of ordering the assassination. The conviction came in 1986, shortly before Sindona himself was poisoned in prison on March 22, 1986. The judicial finding established definitively that the murder was a contract killing ordered by Sindona to prevent Ambrosoli's findings from being used against him in criminal proceedings.[^1]
### Legacy
Ambrosoli's liquidation report, completed despite the threats he operated under, formed the documentary basis for Sindona's Italian criminal convictions. In Italy he is remembered as a civic hero - a private citizen who fulfilled a public trust at the cost of his life. His story was told by journalist Corrado Stajano in the 1984 book *Un eroe borghese* (A Bourgeois Hero), later made into a film. He was posthumously awarded the Gold Medal for Civil Valor by the Italian Republic.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Stajano, Corrado. *Un eroe borghese: il caso dell'avvocato Giorgio Ambrosoli assassinato dalla mafia politica.* Einaudi, 1991 (originally published 1984 as *Un eroe borghese*). This is the primary account of Ambrosoli's life and assassination. Tosches, Nick. *Power on Earth: Michele Sindona's Explosive Story.* Arbor House, 1986.
[^2]: Stille, Alexander. *Excellent Cadavers: The Mafia and the Death of the First Italian Republic.* Pantheon, 1995.

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---
title: Licio Gelli
aliases:
- Licio Gelli
- Il Burattinaio
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- Italy
- P2
- Masonry
- Fascism
- CIA
- Intelligence
- Gladio
- 1960s
- 1970s
- 1980s
born: 1919-04-21
died: 2015-01-15
location: "Arezzo, Tuscany, Italy"
summary: "Licio Gelli was the Venerable Master of the clandestine Italian Masonic lodge Propaganda Due (P2) from 1967 whose membership list of 962 senior Italian officials, politicians, and financiers was discovered in March 1981, and who was convicted of political conspiracy and fraud related to the Banco Ambrosiano collapse before dying in Arezzo in January 2015."
---
Licio Gelli was born on April 21, 1919, in Pistoia, [[Italy|Tuscany]]. He died on January 15, 2015, in Arezzo. He was the Venerable Master of [[Propaganda Due|Propaganda Due (P2)]], the clandestine Masonic lodge whose exposure in 1981 constituted one of the most significant political scandals in postwar Italian history. His sobriquet was "Il Burattinaio" (the Puppetmaster).[^1]
### Wartime Career
Gelli volunteered for the fascist forces during the [[Spanish Civil War]] in 1936, serving with the Blackshirts in support of Franco. During World War II he worked for the Mussolini government's liaison to the Fascist Party's Italian Social Republic (Repubblica di Salo). In this period he also had contact with German occupation authorities, including the Gestapo, in his area of Tuscany.
As the war ended, Gelli demonstrated the opportunism that would characterize his subsequent career: he switched allegiances and provided intelligence assistance to American forces advancing through Tuscany, establishing a relationship with American military intelligence that he would cultivate in the postwar years. This wartime record - fascist by background but American-connected by the war's end - was typical of the personnel recruited into Italy's post-fascist intelligence networks and NATO-connected stay-behind organizations.[^1]
### Post-War Intelligence Relationships
Through the late 1940s and 1950s, Gelli developed relationships with Italian military intelligence (SIFAR, later reorganized as SISMI), with American intelligence through CIA contacts in Rome, and with Argentine intelligence - he traveled to Argentina repeatedly and developed relationships with figures in both the Peron government and its successors, later facilitating the flight of Italians to Argentina and other South American countries. His Argentine connections would prove useful when he needed to flee Italy after 1981.[^1]
Gelli was admitted to Masonry through conventional channels and joined the Propaganda Due lodge in 1963, becoming its Venerable Master in 1967. He subsequently expanded the lodge's membership far beyond its original hundred-odd members, recruiting throughout the Italian security establishment, banking sector, political class, and media.
### P2 as Power Network
Under Gelli, [[Propaganda Due|P2]] became less a Masonic lodge than an intelligence network and mutual protection society whose membership spanned every institution of consequence in Italian public life. The lodge's actual function - facilitating covert coordination among its members, providing protection from judicial investigation, and advancing a broadly anti-communist political agenda consistent with [[Operation Gladio|Gladio's]] objectives - was entirely divorced from any religious or fraternal purpose.
Gelli's collection of files on P2 members, combined with his extensive contacts in Italian intelligence, made him a figure of extraordinary informal power. He was consulted by politicians seeking intelligence about opponents, by businessmen seeking protection from legal exposure, and by intelligence officers seeking coordination across institutional boundaries that formal channels could not bridge.
His connections extended internationally. He was reportedly in contact with CIA officers in Rome, maintained relationships with South American intelligence services through his Argentine network, and cultivated ties with Yugoslav intelligence - a typically ambiguous Cold War figure who was useful to multiple patrons simultaneously.[^1]
### Exposure and Flight
On March 17, 1981, officers of the Italian Finance Police raided Gelli's villa in Arezzo in the course of an investigation into the bankruptcy of Banco Ambrosiano and the affairs of [[Roberto Calvi]]. In a filing cabinet at the villa they discovered a list of 962 current P2 members, along with extensive files documenting the lodge's finances and activities.
The membership list was turned over to Prime Minister Arnaldo Forlani, who disclosed its contents to Parliament in May 1981. The disclosure produced an immediate political crisis: the heads of all three intelligence services resigned, as did several Cabinet ministers whose names appeared on the list. Parliament passed a law dissolving secret associations, specifically targeting P2, in May 1981.
Gelli was informed of the impending raid - by whom was never established - and had already left Italy when the Finance Police arrived. He was arrested in Geneva in September 1982 on an Italian extradition warrant. He escaped from prison in Geneva in August 1983, one of the most embarrassing episodes in Swiss penitentiary history, and spent years as a fugitive in South America before surrendering to Italian authorities in Switzerland in 1988.[^1]
### Criminal Proceedings
Gelli was convicted by Italian courts on multiple charges: political conspiracy for his role in P2's activities; slander for fabricating documents intended to defame magistrates investigating him; and fraud related to the Banco Ambrosiano collapse and the flight of funds from Italy through P2-connected channels. He received sentences totaling more than 17 years, substantially reduced on appeal. He served limited actual prison time due to health issues and his age, and was released to house arrest in the late 1990s.
He spent his final years under house arrest at his villa in Arezzo, giving occasional interviews in which he continued to deny wrongdoing and characterize P2 as a legitimate organization that had been misrepresented. He died on January 15, 2015, at age 95.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Italian Parliament, Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on the P2 Lodge. Final Report, July 1984. Willan, Philip. *Puppetmasters: The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy.* Constable, 1991.
[^2]: Cornwell, Rupert. *God's Banker: An Account of the Life and Death of Roberto Calvi.* Victor Gollancz, 1983. Raw, Charles. *The Moneychangers.* HarperCollins, 1992.

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---
title: Roberto Calvi
aliases:
- Roberto Calvi
- God's Banker
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- Italy
- BCCI
- BancoAmbrosiano
- VaticanBank
- P2
- OrganizedCrime
- 1970s
- 1980s
born: 1920-04-13
died: 1982-06-18
location: "Milan, Italy"
summary: "Roberto Calvi was the chairman of Banco Ambrosiano, Italy's largest private bank, and a member of Propaganda Due whose bank collapsed in June 1982 with a $1.3 billion deficit after his offshore shell company network - backed by guarantees from the Vatican Bank - was exposed; he was found hanging from scaffolding under London's Blackfriars Bridge on June 18, 1982, eight days after fleeing Italy on a forged passport."
---
Roberto Calvi was born on April 13, 1920, in Milan. He joined Banco Ambrosiano - founded in 1896 as a Catholic-oriented institution - as a junior clerk after the war and rose to become its chairman in 1975. His death on June 18, 1982, under Blackfriars Bridge in [[London]], preceded by eight days his bank's announcement of a $1.3 billion deficit, remains one of the most debated deaths in European financial history.[^1]
### Rise at Banco Ambrosiano
Calvi's career at Banco Ambrosiano tracked the institution's transformation from a provincial Catholic bank into one of Italy's largest private financial institutions with extensive international operations. By the time he became chairman, Banco Ambrosiano had subsidiaries and affiliates across Latin America and Europe, and its connections to the [[Vatican Bank|Instituto per le Opere di Religione (IOR)]] - the Vatican's financial institution - made it uniquely positioned to move money through channels outside normal Italian regulatory oversight.
Calvi was a member of [[Propaganda Due|P2]], the clandestine Masonic lodge headed by [[Licio Gelli]], whose membership provided him with both protection from Italian judicial scrutiny and connections throughout the Italian security, political, and business establishment. His membership number on the P2 list discovered in 1981 was 1636.[^1]
### The Vatican Bank Relationship
The critical relationship in Calvi's operations was with the Vatican Bank (IOR), whose head from 1971 was Archbishop [[Paul Marcinkus]] of Chicago. Calvi and Marcinkus developed a working relationship that allowed IOR to hold nominal shares in Banco Ambrosiano's network of offshore companies in Luxembourg, Panama, Nicaragua, and elsewhere. The Vatican Bank issued "letters of patronage" to international creditors of these offshore companies, implicitly guaranteeing their debts.
The offshore company network served multiple purposes. It allowed Banco Ambrosiano to make loans that did not appear on its Italian balance sheet, evading Banca d'Italia oversight. It provided a mechanism for moving funds out of Italy in violation of Italian currency controls. And it created vehicles through which politically sensitive transactions - including alleged funding of the [[Solidarity (Poland)|Solidarity]] trade union movement in Poland, facilitated partly through Vatican connections and partly through [[BCCI]] - could be conducted without direct Italian banking involvement.[^2]
### Criminal Conviction and Flight
In 1981, following the P2 membership list disclosure and intensified Banca d'Italia scrutiny, Calvi was arrested on charges of illegal currency export. He was convicted in 1981, received a four-year suspended sentence, and was released pending appeal. His case was deeply entangled with the P2 investigation, since several of the magistrates investigating him were themselves on the P2 list, creating recusal complications that delayed proceedings.
On June 10, 1982, Italian appeals court upheld his conviction. That same day, Calvi fled Italy using a forged passport and traveled to London via Austria, accompanied by Flavio Carboni, a Sardinian businessman with alleged connections to Italian intelligence and organized crime.[^1]
### Death Under Blackfriars Bridge
On the morning of June 18, 1982, a postal clerk walking under Blackfriars Bridge over the River Thames noticed a body hanging from scaffolding beneath the bridge. The body was identified as Calvi. His pockets contained approximately $15,000 in cash and nearly five kilos of bricks and stones. The distance from the nearest accessible point of the bridge to where the body hung was approximately 40 feet - making suicide by rope over the edge mechanically difficult.
The initial inquest returned a suicide verdict. A second inquest in 1983, before a jury, returned an open verdict, finding the evidence insufficient to determine cause of death. Italian judicial authorities subsequently conducted their own investigation and concluded that Calvi had been murdered - strangled or asphyxiated before being hung. The same day he was found dead, Banco Ambrosiano announced its collapse, disclosing the $1.3 billion deficit.[^1]
Italian prosecutors charged Flavio Carboni and four others with murder. The 2010 Italian trial ended in acquittals; the court found the prosecution had not proven the case beyond reasonable doubt. No one was ever convicted of Calvi's death.
### BCCI Connection
Calvi and Banco Ambrosiano had overlapping relationships with [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]]. Both institutions served as mechanisms for moving funds outside normal Western banking regulatory frameworks. BCCI held deposits in Banco Ambrosiano entities, and both banks were involved in the financial flows supporting the Afghan Mujahideen and other covert operation financing that BCCI handled for the CIA and Saudi intelligence. The full extent of the BCCI-Banco Ambrosiano-Vatican Bank triangle was not established in any single judicial proceeding.[^2]
### Vatican Settlement
After Calvi's death and Banco Ambrosiano's collapse, the Vatican Bank initially denied legal responsibility for the offshore companies' debts, arguing that its "letters of patronage" were not legal guarantees. After protracted negotiations, the Vatican agreed in 1984 to pay $244 million to Banco Ambrosiano's international creditors as a "voluntary contribution in recognition of moral involvement" - an acknowledgment that IOR had played a role without admitting legal liability.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Cornwell, Rupert. *God's Banker: An Account of the Life and Death of Roberto Calvi.* Victor Gollancz, 1983. This is the primary English-language biographical account.
[^2]: Raw, Charles. *The Moneychangers: How the Vatican Bank Enabled Roberto Calvi to Steal $250 Million for the Heads of the P2 Masonic Lodge.* HarperCollins, 1992.
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and S.C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* Random House, 1993, pp. 160-163.