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@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ The largest and best-equipped faction was the [[FDN|Fuerza Democrática Nicarag
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### Drug Trafficking
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The [[John Kerry|Kerry]] Committee investigation (1987-1988) by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee uncovered direct links between drug dealers and the Contras.[^1] Contra leaders acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north, landing in at least one instance at [[Homestead Air Force Base|Homestead]] Air Force Base in [[Florida]].
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The [[John Kerry|Kerry]] Committee investigation (1987-1988) by the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] uncovered direct links between drug dealers and the Contras.[^1] Contra leaders acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north, landing in at least one instance at [[Homestead Air Force Base|Homestead]] Air Force Base in [[Florida]].
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[[Norwin Meneses]] worked for the Contras as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor during the entire war.[^2] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] sold cocaine in [[Los Angeles]] to raise funds for the Contras in the early 1980s and founded the FDN chapter in Los Angeles. Multiple Contra officials were identified by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] as being involved in or connected to drug trafficking, including [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]], [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], [[Vicente Rappaccioli]], and [[Marcos Aguado]].
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@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ UC-Berkeley sociologist Jerome Skolnick wrote in 1988: "We think that law enforc
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### GAO Assessment
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The U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO), in a 1989 report, documented the nationwide reach: "In the early 1980s the gangs began selling crack cocaine. Within a matter of years, the lucrative crack market changed the black gangs from traditional neighborhood street gangs to extremely violent criminal groups operating from coast to coast. The lure of profits coupled with increased pressure from local police have prompted the Los Angeles gangs to extend their territories far beyond their neighborhoods. Within the past three to four years, members of the Crips and the Bloods have been identified selling or distributing crack in Washington, Oregon, Kansas, Oklahoma, Colorado, Missouri, North Carolina, Arizona, Virginia, Maryland and elsewhere."[^1]
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The U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO), in a 1989 report, documented the nationwide reach: "In the early 1980s the gangs began selling crack cocaine. Within a matter of years, the lucrative crack market changed the black gangs from traditional neighborhood street gangs to extremely violent criminal groups operating from coast to coast. The lure of profits coupled with increased pressure from local police have prompted the Los Angeles gangs to extend their territories far beyond their neighborhoods. Within the past three to four years, members of the Crips and the Bloods have been identified selling or distributing crack in Washington, Oregon, Kansas, Oklahoma, Colorado, Missouri, [[North Carolina]], Arizona, Virginia, Maryland and elsewhere."[^1]
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The GAO noted that a Washington, D.C., crack ring in 1989 was distributing 440 pounds of cocaine every week, much of it allegedly purchased from the Crips and the Bloods, who had purchased their cocaine from the Colombians. The report included a map showing arrows emanating from Los Angeles across the country, with black dots marking cities where crack had appeared.[^1]
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@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ The existence of LCN as a formal organization with a name, membership rituals, a
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### Intelligence and Government Connections
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LCN families, particularly in Chicago and New York, developed documented relationships with elements of U.S. intelligence and law enforcement during the Cold War period. The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and the [[Mafia]] cooperated in at least one documented operation: a series of Agency-funded plots in the early 1960s aimed at assassinating Cuban leader [[Fidel Castro]], using LCN intermediaries including [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]], [[Sam Giancana]], and [[John Roselli]]. The [[Church Committee]] investigation in 1975-1976 examined this relationship in detail.[^3]
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LCN families, particularly in Chicago and New York, developed documented relationships with elements of U.S. intelligence and law enforcement during the Cold War period. The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and the [[Mafia]] cooperated in at least one documented operation: a series of Agency-funded plots in the early 1960s aimed at assassinating Cuban leader [[Fidel Castro]], using LCN intermediaries including [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]], [[Sam Giancana]], and [[Johnny Roselli|John Roselli]]. The [[Church Committee]] investigation in 1975-1976 examined this relationship in detail.[^3]
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LCN's primary criminal activities include drug trafficking, money laundering, labor racketeering, illegal gambling, extortion, and the infiltration of legitimate businesses. By the late twentieth century, federal prosecutorial use of the RICO Act had produced convictions against multiple family leadership structures, diminishing but not eliminating LCN's operational capacity.[^2]
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@ -49,7 +49,7 @@ The Sabra and Shatila massacres (September 16-18, 1982) were carried out by Leba
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The PLO operated from Tunis from 1982 to 1994. During this period it maintained international diplomatic recognition from most of the developing world and Arab states as the representative of the Palestinian people, while Israel and the United States refused to negotiate with it directly. The First Intifada (1987-1993), a Palestinian civilian uprising in the West Bank and Gaza that surprised PLO leadership, shifted political momentum to internally-based Palestinian organizations and pressured all parties toward negotiation.[^1]
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Secret negotiations between Israeli and PLO representatives, conducted in Oslo, Norway, under Norwegian facilitation, produced the Oslo Accords, formally signed on the White House lawn on September 13, 1993, by Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in the presence of President Bill Clinton. The Declaration of Principles recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, committed Israel to negotiate Palestinian self-governance, and established the framework for the [[Palestinian Authority]] created in 1994 to govern Gaza and portions of the West Bank.[^1]
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Secret negotiations between Israeli and PLO representatives, conducted in Oslo, Norway, under Norwegian facilitation, produced the Oslo Accords, formally signed on the [[White House]] lawn on September 13, 1993, by Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in the presence of President Bill Clinton. The Declaration of Principles recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, committed Israel to negotiate Palestinian self-governance, and established the framework for the [[Palestinian Authority]] created in 1994 to govern Gaza and portions of the West Bank.[^1]
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### Arms Networks and Intelligence Connections
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@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ The Sandinista government was opposed by the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administra
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### Unsubstantiated Drug Trafficking Allegations
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Despite the Reagan administration's efforts to link the Sandinistas to drug trafficking, the evidence never materialized. "Although uncorroborated reports indicating Nicaraguan involvement in the shipping of cocaine to the United States had been received, CIA was unable to confirm reports implicating high-level Sandinistas in drug trafficking," the CIA informed the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in April 1984. Two years later, Justice Department officials reached the same conclusion.[^3]
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Despite the Reagan administration's efforts to link the Sandinistas to drug trafficking, the evidence never materialized. "Although uncorroborated reports indicating Nicaraguan involvement in the shipping of cocaine to the United States had been received, CIA was unable to confirm reports implicating high-level Sandinistas in drug trafficking," the CIA informed the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] in April 1984. Two years later, Justice Department officials reached the same conclusion.[^3]
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President Reagan displayed a photograph of [[Federico Vaughn]], identified as "a top aide to one of the nine commandantes," loading an aircraft with drugs. A subsequent House Judiciary Committee investigation revealed Vaughn was likely a U.S. double agent whose house had been "continuously rented" by the U.S. Embassy since 1981, and who was associated with both Norwin Meneses and [[Oliver North]].[^3]
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@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
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summary: UNO (United Nicaraguan Opposition) was a CIA-inspired merger of Contra factions created to improve the Contras' public image, existing mostly as a facade while the FDN retained real authority.
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start: 1987
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---
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UNO (United Nicaraguan Opposition) was a [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-inspired merger of Contra factions created to improve the [[Contras|Contras]]' public image, existing mostly as a facade while the [[FDN]] retained real authority and did the bulk of the fighting. The merger was formalized in the Oval Office on August 5, 1987, at a gathering of Nicaraguan resistance leaders.[^1]
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UNO (United Nicaraguan Opposition) was a [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-inspired merger of Contra factions created to improve the [[Contras|Contras]]' public image, existing mostly as a facade while the [[FDN]] retained real authority and did the bulk of the fighting. The merger was formalized in the [[Oval Office]] on August 5, 1987, at a gathering of Nicaraguan resistance leaders.[^1]
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### Purpose and Structure
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