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10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/John Singlaub.md
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@ -61,16 +61,16 @@ relations:
with: "[[GeoMiliTech Consultants Corp.]]"
role: "consultant"
start: 1986
fn: 20
fn: 21
- type: partner_of
with: "[[Barbara Studley]]"
start: 1985
fn: 18
fn: 19
- type: participant_in
with: "[[Iran-Contra Affair]]"
start: 1985
end: 1987
fn: 15
fn: 16
- type: participant_in
with: "[[Christic Institute]]"
role: "defendant in the La Penca civil suit"
@ -113,37 +113,43 @@ On December 4, 1984, North wrote [[Robert McFarlane]] in a memorandum titled "As
North's February 6, 1985 memorandum to McFarlane stated that "as a consequence of GEN Singlaub's recent trip, both the Taiwanese and the South Koreans have indicated [to CIA field personnel] that they want to help in a 'big way,'" and that George had withheld dissemination of the offers and contacted North privately.[^10] A second memorandum of the same date from North to McFarlane, on a cable to Honduran President [[Roberto Suazo Cordova]], states that the FDN needed approximately $2 million in near-term financing for rifles, ammunition and boots for new volunteers, notes that Singlaub would see North the next day, and recommends that McFarlane authorize North to proceed as indicated with Singlaub.[^11] The Independent Counsel's report states that North arranged for Singlaub to meet South Korean officials in the United States.[^12] In an October 7, 1985 written response to questions from Representative [[Lee Hamilton]], McFarlane wrote that there was no official or unofficial relationship between the NSC staff and fund raising for the Nicaraguan opposition, "This includes the alleged relationship with General Singlaub"; the Independent Counsel's report lists the response among McFarlane's withholdings of information from Congress.[^9]
In March 1987 Singlaub told the Washington Post that in late 1984 he had asked two foreign governments for $10 million each, had offered three options (a direct contribution, money for him to buy weapons, or a diversion through an overcharged arms deal), and had discussed the diversion idea with North in early 1985. Informed sources named the two governments as Taiwan and South Korea, and officials of both denied contributing or knowing of any solicitation. Singlaub described a planned Taiwanese purchase of 40 MK 37 torpedoes from [[Israel]] through a Washington consulting company for which he was an unpaid adviser, with Taiwan to pay about $10 million above Israel's price of $72 million to $75 million, and said he left each government an index card with the number of the contras' Panamanian bank account.[^13] An investigator told the Post that Taiwan's contribution came as surplus light arms, with the CIA station chief in Taiwan acting as a facilitator.[^13]
In March 1987 Singlaub told the Washington Post that in late 1984 he had asked two foreign governments for $10 million each, had offered three options (a direct contribution, money for him to buy weapons, or a diversion through an overcharged arms deal), and had discussed the diversion idea with North in early 1985. Informed sources named the two governments as Taiwan and South Korea, and officials of both denied contributing or knowing of any solicitation. Singlaub described a planned Taiwanese purchase of 40 MK 37 torpedoes from [[Israel]] through a Washington consulting company for which he was an unpaid adviser, with Taiwan to pay about $10 million above Israel's price of $72 million to $75 million, and said he left each government an index card with the number of the contras' Panamanian bank account.[^13] An investigator told the Post that Taiwan's contribution came as surplus light arms, with the CIA station chief in Taiwan acting as a facilitator.[^13] The congressional report states that in early 1985, in connection with his solicitation of "Country 3," Singlaub suggested to that country's officials and to North that a portion of his proposed arms sales to it be diverted to the contras, and that during the summer of 1985 he worked without success through GeoMiliTech Consultants, "owned by Barbara Studley," on diverting part of a $75 million proposed sale of torpedoes to Country 3.[^14] The Post's account of the 40 MK 37 torpedoes does not name the consulting company, and the report does not name Taiwan as Country 3; the two accounts concern the same subject and price range.[^13]
In May 1986 Singlaub travelled to the Far East again, to countries that the congressional report designates only by number, after telling [[Elliott Abrams]] that he wanted to know how the United States would send a "signal"; Singlaub testified that Abrams said he would send it, Abrams testified that he never agreed to, and Richard Melton, who was present at their conversations, supported Abrams. Before Singlaub met his contact in one country, Abrams told him to stop.[^14]
In May 1986 Singlaub travelled to the Far East again, to countries that the congressional report designates only by number, after telling [[Elliott Abrams]] that he wanted to know how the United States would send a "signal"; Singlaub testified that Abrams said he would send it, Abrams testified that he never agreed to, and Richard Melton, who was present at their conversations, supported Abrams. Before Singlaub met his contact in one country, Abrams told him to stop.[^15]
### The 1985 weapons purchase for the FDN
In March 1985 Singlaub met the FDN military commander, [[Enrique Bermudez]], at FDN base camps, drew up a weapons list (AK-47 rifles, RPG-7 launchers, light machine guns and SA-7 missiles), and took it to North, who made "some additions and subtractions"; later that month Singlaub introduced [[Adolfo Calero]] to a European arms dealer whose AK-47 price Calero described as about half of what the FDN had been paying, a difference the congressional report partly attributes to Singlaub taking no commission.[^15] In early May Calero and Singlaub met [[Richard Secord]] in North's office about SA-7 missiles, and Secord was chosen for them because he would supply training; in mid-May Calero ordered other weapons through Singlaub's dealer. North's notes of May 17, 1985 list a "Singlaub deal" and 10,000 AK-47s and record an unsuccessful effort to dissuade Calero; North attributed to Casey a warning against a five-to-six-million-dollar transaction with a broker suspected of reverse technology transfer to the Eastern Bloc, and the dealer denied this to the committees. The arms arrived in Central America on July 8, 1985, and were the last order Calero placed with any dealer other than Secord.[^15]
In March 1985 Singlaub met the FDN military commander, [[Enrique Bermudez]], at FDN base camps, drew up a weapons list (AK-47 rifles, RPG-7 launchers, light machine guns and SA-7 missiles), and took it to North, who made "some additions and subtractions"; later that month Singlaub introduced [[Adolfo Calero]] to a European arms dealer whose AK-47 price Calero described as about half of what the FDN had been paying, a difference the congressional report partly attributes to Singlaub taking no commission.[^16] In early May Calero and Singlaub met [[Richard Secord]] in North's office about SA-7 missiles, and Secord was chosen for them because he would supply training; in mid-May Calero ordered other weapons through Singlaub's dealer. North's notes of May 17, 1985 list a "Singlaub deal" and 10,000 AK-47s and record an unsuccessful effort to dissuade Calero; North attributed to Casey a warning against a five-to-six-million-dollar transaction with a broker suspected of reverse technology transfer to the Eastern Bloc, and the dealer denied this to the committees. The arms arrived in Central America on July 8, 1985, and were the last order Calero placed with any dealer other than Secord.[^16]
Calero testified in deposition that his three main sources were Ron Martin, Secord and Singlaub, that he felt best with Singlaub and had "blind trust" in him, and that Singlaub told him North had said to stay away because of his high profile. Committee counsel put the first payments for shipments arranged by Singlaub at $2 million on April 26, 1985 and $3.3 million in May.[^16] The Washington Post reported in 1987 that Singlaub helped the contras buy $5.3 million of East Bloc weapons shipped through [[Honduras]].[^13] A letter from the Washington lawyer [[Thomas Green]] to the committees compared the Singlaub and Secord shipments, giving Singlaub's as 348 tons with about $300,000 charged for shipping.[^17] Singlaub testified in 1987 that the delivery went from [[Poland]] to Honduras, that Swiss banks handled the transfers, and that North had cleared the items and given him rules after checking with "someone in the Justice Department," who was not identified.[^18]
Calero testified in deposition that his three main sources were Ron Martin, Secord and Singlaub, that he felt best with Singlaub and had "blind trust" in him, and that Singlaub told him North had said to stay away because of his high profile. Committee counsel put the first payments for shipments arranged by Singlaub at $2 million on April 26, 1985 and $3.3 million in May.[^17] The Washington Post reported in 1987 that Singlaub helped the contras buy $5.3 million of East Bloc weapons shipped through [[Honduras]].[^13] A letter from the Washington lawyer [[Thomas Green]] to the committees compared the Singlaub and Secord shipments, giving Singlaub's as 348 tons with about $300,000 charged for shipping.[^18] Singlaub testified in 1987 that the delivery went from [[Poland]] to Honduras, that Swiss banks handled the transfers, and that North had cleared the items and given him rules after checking with "someone in the Justice Department," who was not identified.[^19]
### Eden Pastora, 1986
In March 1986 Singlaub travelled to [[Costa Rica]], met [[Eden Pastora]] and negotiated an agreement with him, purportedly on behalf of the United States. The Independent Counsel's report states that word of the agreement briefly gave Pastora the advantage in the competition among the Newly Aligned Commanders; Fiers cabled that Singlaub's actions did not reflect a new posture toward Pastora, and a UNO/FARN commander and two other commanders threatened to march back to the Costa Rican border if the arms they had been promised did not arrive.[^19] A Miami Herald clipping in Singlaub's FBI file reports him announcing in Costa Rica that he had come to persuade Pastora to visit Washington and saying that United States officials wanted Pastora to play a role like that of Charles de Gaulle in the French resistance.[^6] Calero testified that people in Washington were upset about Singlaub's involvement in the Pastora matter, so the FDN sent nothing to Pastora, and that Singlaub had also gone to a meeting with a group of former national guardsmen.[^16]
In March 1986 Singlaub travelled to [[Costa Rica]], met [[Eden Pastora]] and negotiated an agreement with him, purportedly on behalf of the United States. The Independent Counsel's report states that word of the agreement briefly gave Pastora the advantage in the competition among the Newly Aligned Commanders; Fiers cabled that Singlaub's actions did not reflect a new posture toward Pastora, and a UNO/FARN commander and two other commanders threatened to march back to the Costa Rican border if the arms they had been promised did not arrive.[^20] A Miami Herald clipping in Singlaub's FBI file reports him announcing in Costa Rica that he had come to persuade Pastora to visit Washington and saying that United States officials wanted Pastora to play a role like that of Charles de Gaulle in the French resistance.[^6] Calero testified that people in Washington were upset about Singlaub's involvement in the Pastora matter, so the FDN sent nothing to Pastora, and that Singlaub had also gone to a meeting with a group of former national guardsmen.[^17]
### GeoMiliTech Consultants Corp.
Singlaub signed correspondence as "Consultant" of [[GeoMiliTech Consultants Corp.]], the Washington company of [[Barbara Studley]], at 1919 Pennsylvania Avenue NW. Among the exhibits to the deposition of [[Daniel O. Graham]] is a letter on the company's letterhead addressed "Dear Bill" to Casey at the CIA and signed by Singlaub as "Major General, U.S. Army (RET)" and "Consultant," which committee counsel dated to August 1986. It encloses a list of hardware quoted July 28, 1986, including 10,000 AKMS rifles at 185 each, 60 12.7mm machine guns and 20 twin-mount 14.5mm machine guns, and the list is marked "NO EUC REQUIRED." The letter states that the list was developed in conjunction with a member of the NSC, that funds from Congress would not be available until after September, and that a bank in Switzerland would accept a letter of credit from Casey's bank and lend for six to twelve months.[^20] Committee counsel stated in the Graham deposition that [[Robert Schweitzer]], a lieutenant general, was hired by the company in late August or early September 1986, was interviewed by Singlaub, and met North with Singlaub on or about December 2, 1986.[^20]
Singlaub signed correspondence as "Consultant" of [[GeoMiliTech Consultants Corp.]], the Washington company of [[Barbara Studley]], at 1919 Pennsylvania Avenue NW. Among the exhibits to the deposition of [[Daniel O. Graham]] is a letter on the company's letterhead addressed "Dear Bill" to Casey at the CIA and signed by Singlaub as "Major General, U.S. Army (RET)" and "Consultant," which committee counsel dated to August 1986. It encloses a list of hardware quoted July 28, 1986, including 10,000 AKMS rifles at 185 each, 60 12.7mm machine guns and 20 twin-mount 14.5mm machine guns, and the list is marked "NO EUC REQUIRED." The letter states that the list was developed in conjunction with a member of the NSC, that funds from Congress would not be available until after September, and that a bank in Switzerland would accept a letter of credit from Casey's bank and lend for six to twelve months.[^21] Committee counsel stated in the Graham deposition that [[Robert Schweitzer]], a lieutenant general, was hired by the company in late August or early September 1986, was interviewed by Singlaub, and met North with Singlaub on or about December 2, 1986.[^21]
A memorandum prepared by Studley, found in North's safe, proposed a "conduit" through which Soviet weapons and technology would be supplied to "Freedom Fighters" without "the consent or awareness of the Department of State or Congress." The congressional report calls it the Singlaub-Studley plan, states that Singlaub presented it to North and Casey in 1985 and that North acknowledged receiving it and dismissed its significance, and quotes [[George Shultz]] saying at the hearings that it was "a piece of junk."[^21] Singlaub told the 1987 hearings that Studley showed him the memorandum and that he thought it a good plan; Senator [[Paul Sarbanes]] called it a "plan to get around the constitutional system," and Singlaub testified that he set up a December 1985 meeting between Casey and Studley.[^18] Graham testified that he arranged a meeting at Langley between Studley and Casey toward the end of 1985, with only the three of them present.[^20]
A memorandum prepared by Studley, found in North's safe, proposed a "conduit" through which Soviet weapons and technology would be supplied to "Freedom Fighters" without "the consent or awareness of the Department of State or Congress." The congressional report calls it the Singlaub-Studley plan, states that Singlaub presented it to North and Casey in 1985 and that North acknowledged receiving it and dismissed its significance, and quotes [[George Shultz]] saying at the hearings that it was "a piece of junk."[^22] Singlaub told the 1987 hearings that Studley showed him the memorandum and that he thought it a good plan; Senator [[Paul Sarbanes]] called it a "plan to get around the constitutional system," and Singlaub testified that he set up a December 1985 meeting between Casey and Studley.[^19] Graham testified that he arranged a meeting at Langley between Studley and Casey toward the end of 1985, with only the three of them present.[^21]
A memorandum from Studley to North dated October 30, 1985 reports the questioning of an arms agent identified as "W" about a shipment that left on June 20, 1985, and a visit by a man named Mario Dellamico, described as working for the arms dealer Ron Martin, who offered Martin's arms for the contras and handed over a copy of Studley's packing list; it ends: "General John K. Singlaub has been advised of this information."[^20]
A memorandum from Studley to North dated October 30, 1985 reports the questioning of an arms agent identified as "W" about a shipment that left on June 20, 1985, and a visit by a man named Mario Dellamico, described as working for the arms dealer Ron Martin, who offered Martin's arms for the contras and handed over a copy of Studley's packing list; it ends: "General John K. Singlaub has been advised of this information."[^21]
The [[Miami Herald]] reported in June 1987 that GeoMiliTech listed Singlaub as an adviser.[^23] Byron wrote that the company's "board of advisers" in the mid-1980s included Singlaub and retired Lt. Gen. Dan Graham; Graham testified in 1987 that he was never an adviser or director of the company.[^21][^24]
### Hearings and the Christic Institute suit
Singlaub was one of about 30 defendants in the civil suit brought by two journalists injured in the May 30, 1984 La Penca bombing at a press conference held by Pastora in Costa Rica.[^5] An FBI report of an interview in Miami on May 23, 1989, with the interviewee's name withheld, summarizes the amended complaint as accusing Singlaub and others of conspiring to supply money for explosives and arms through businesses including the Orca Supply Company and CSF Investments Ltd., of a December 1984 plan to kill Pastora, and of smuggling cocaine into the United States between September 1983 and the date of the complaint. The report also states that Judge James L. King ordered summary judgment for the defendants on June 23, 1988, finding the plaintiffs' allegations "based upon unsubstantiated rumor and speculation from unidentified sources with no first hand knowledge," and that Singlaub had told Congress he arranged for weapons from an Eastern bloc country to reach the contras through an intermediary, an act the report calls not a violation of the [[Boland Amendment]].[^6] The Washington Post obituary states that the suit, brought by the [[Christic Institute]], was resolved in Singlaub's favor in 1992 and that Singlaub was never the subject of a criminal investigation.[^1] An FBI agent, an assistant United States attorney and a Customs agent interviewed Singlaub on June 12, 1987 at the Miami Airport Marriott; the content is withheld in the released file.[^6]
[[Robert Gates]] told the Senate intelligence committee on October 8, 1986 that CIA officials had tried to avoid learning about private funding: "Somebody will say something about Singlaub or something like, we will say I don't want to hear anything about it." The Independent Counsel wrote that, to the extent Gates spoke for others in the CIA, this was wrong, and recorded Gates's grand jury testimony that he had heard rumors that North had put contra leaders in touch with Secord and Singlaub.[^22]
[[Robert Gates]] told the Senate intelligence committee on October 8, 1986 that CIA officials had tried to avoid learning about private funding: "Somebody will say something about Singlaub or something like, we will say I don't want to hear anything about it." The Independent Counsel wrote that, to the extent Gates spoke for others in the CIA, this was wrong, and recorded Gates's grand jury testimony that he had heard rumors that North had put contra leaders in touch with Secord and Singlaub.[^25]
### Durrani-case deposition, 1991
In August 1991 defense counsel for [[Arif Durrani]] took the depositions of Studley and Singlaub in Washington. The United States Attorney's Office in Bridgeport wrote on September 9, 1991 that neither witness had any knowledge of Durrani or his claims or any known involvement in or knowledge of the "Iran" portion of the Iran-Contra affair, and that both had met [[Manuel Pires]] only within the last two years.[^26] [[Christopher Byron]] wrote in December 1991 that Studley denied in her deposition that she knew Durrani.[^24]
### The Philippines, 1987
Singlaub opened an office in the [[Philippines]] to search for a treasure of gold bullion, telling the [[Los Angeles Times]] he intended to use the gold to finance anti-communist insurgencies in Southeast Asia; he abandoned the effort after local newspaper reports described it as a cover for mercenary training.[^1] On September 17, 1987 the FBI's Honolulu office sent a teletype to headquarters captioned "Neutrality Matter, Philippines," from a source whose reliability had not been established, and asked headquarters to contact the Independent Counsel or the Front Door Task Force and to obtain background on the National Defense Council Foundation and the United States Council for World Freedom; the released file withholds the source and the body of the report.[^6] Graham testified in 1987 that his last conversation with Singlaub, in February, concerned "his problems with his activities in the Philippines."[^20]
Singlaub opened an office in the [[Philippines]] to search for a treasure of gold bullion, telling the [[Los Angeles Times]] he intended to use the gold to finance anti-communist insurgencies in Southeast Asia; he abandoned the effort after local newspaper reports described it as a cover for mercenary training.[^1] On September 17, 1987 the FBI's Honolulu office sent a teletype to headquarters captioned "Neutrality Matter, Philippines," from a source whose reliability had not been established, and asked headquarters to contact the Independent Counsel or the Front Door Task Force and to obtain background on the National Defense Council Foundation and the United States Council for World Freedom; the released file withholds the source and the body of the report.[^6] Graham testified in 1987 that his last conversation with Singlaub, in February, concerned "his problems with his activities in the Philippines."[^21]
### Later years
@ -151,7 +157,7 @@ Singlaub's memoir, Hazardous Duty, written with Malcolm McConnell, appeared in 1
### Claims from Ari Ben-Menashe
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] describes a 1985 contra deal brokered through GeoMiliTech and itemized at $3,242,000 paid to the [[Ora Group]], against $5 million that he says GeoMiliTech's books showed received from the American side.[^23] The Hartford Courant reported in 1992 a private $5 million shipment of Soviet-bloc arms arranged by Singlaub and Studley in the summer of 1985, and did not mention Ora.[^18]
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] describes a 1985 contra deal brokered through GeoMiliTech and itemized at $3,242,000 paid to the [[Ora Group]], against $5 million that he says GeoMiliTech's books showed received from the American side.[^27] The Hartford Courant reported in 1992 a private $5 million shipment of Soviet-bloc arms arranged by Singlaub and Studley in the summer of 1985, and did not mention Ora.[^19]
### Footnotes
@ -168,13 +174,17 @@ Singlaub's memoir, Hazardous Duty, written with Malcolm McConnell, appeared in 1
[^11]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair (H. Rept. 100-433, S. Rept. 100-216), Appendix A, vol. 2, Source Documents: memorandum from North to McFarlane, February 6, 1985, "Cable to President Suazo of Honduras," pp. 1056-1058 (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0229; the scan is partly illegible).
[^12]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, vol. I, Part I, "The Underlying Facts." https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_i.htm
[^13]: Benjamin Weiser, "Singlaub Suggested an Earlier Fund Diversion," Washington Post, March 20, 1987 (date as printed on the clipping); CIA CREST CIA-RDP90-00965R000707040014-2, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000707040014-2
[^14]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, ch. 3, pp. 69-70 (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=93).
[^15]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair (H. Rept. 100-433, S. Rept. 100-216), ch. 2, pp. 50-51 (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=74).
[^16]: Deposition of Adolfo Calero, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix B, vol. 3 (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0235), including transcript pp. 84-85, 94-95, 165-166 and 178-179.
[^17]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix A, vol. 2, Source Documents: letter from Thomas C. Green to committee counsel on the prices and shipments of the Singlaub and Secord purchases (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0229; the scan is partly illegible).
[^18]: Hartford Courant, "Head of Iran Hostage Probe Linked to Arms Deal," May 29, 1992. https://www.courant.com/1992/05/29/head-of-iran-hostage-probe-linked-to-arms-deal/
[^19]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, vol. I, ch. 19 (U.S. v. Alan D. Fiers, Jr.), citing DIRECTOR 772442 (March 11, 1986) and DIRECTOR 799822 (March 28, 1986). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_19.htm
[^20]: Deposition of Daniel O. Graham, with Graham Exhibits 1 to 4, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix B, vol. 12 (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0234).
[^21]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, ch. 15, "The Diversion," p. 269 and note (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=293).
[^22]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, vol. I, ch. 16 (Robert M. Gates): Gates, SSCI testimony, October 8, 1986, p. 9; Gates, grand jury, May 1, 1991. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_16.htm
[^23]: Ari Ben-Menashe, Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network (Sheridan Square, 1992). Sole source for the itemization; the figures are as reported on the Ora Group page of this vault.
[^14]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, ch. 3, p. 64. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ssd?id=txu.059173017837367;seq=88
[^15]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, ch. 3, pp. 69-70 (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=93).
[^16]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair (H. Rept. 100-433, S. Rept. 100-216), ch. 2, pp. 50-51 (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=74).
[^17]: Deposition of Adolfo Calero, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix B, vol. 3 (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0235), including transcript pp. 84-85, 94-95, 165-166 and 178-179.
[^18]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix A, vol. 2, Source Documents: letter from Thomas C. Green to committee counsel on the prices and shipments of the Singlaub and Secord purchases (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0229; the scan is partly illegible).
[^19]: Hartford Courant, "Head of Iran Hostage Probe Linked to Arms Deal," May 29, 1992. https://www.courant.com/1992/05/29/head-of-iran-hostage-probe-linked-to-arms-deal/
[^20]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, vol. I, ch. 19 (U.S. v. Alan D. Fiers, Jr.), citing DIRECTOR 772442 (March 11, 1986) and DIRECTOR 799822 (March 28, 1986). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_19.htm
[^21]: Deposition of Daniel O. Graham, with Graham Exhibits 1 to 4, Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Appendix B, vol. 12 (Internet Archive item micro_IA41152840_0234).
[^22]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, ch. 15, "The Diversion," p. 269 and note (HathiTrust full view, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=txu.059173017837367&seq=293).
[^23]: "Newspaper says banker involved in loans for Contra arms," United Press International, June 10, 1987, reporting the Miami Herald. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1987/06/10/Newspaper-says-banker-involved-in-loans-for-Contra-arms/9700550296000/
[^24]: Christopher Byron, "Did Convict Arif Durrani Help Set the Stage for Iran/Contra?," *New York*, December 16, 1991, p. 42. https://books.google.com/books?id=6ugCAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA42
[^25]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, vol. I, ch. 16 (Robert M. Gates): Gates, SSCI testimony, October 8, 1986, p. 9; Gates, grand jury, May 1, 1991. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_16.htm
[^26]: Government's Objection to Arif Durrani's Second Request for Production of Documents, *United States v. Durrani*, D. Conn., B-90-090 (TFGD) and B-86-59 (TFGD), September 9, 1991, p. 7. CIA CREST document 0001474388. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/0001474388
[^27]: Ari Ben-Menashe, Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network (Sheridan Square, 1992). Sole source for the itemization; the figures are as reported on the Ora Group page of this vault.