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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- CharlesDocter
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- Bankruptcy
alias:
- Charles A. Docter
- Charles Deeter
summary: "INSLAW's bankruptcy counsel who told the House Judiciary Committee that in July 1987 the former bankruptcy judge Roger Whelan threatened to organize opposition to Judge Bason's reappointment over an unpaid fee petition."
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Charles A. Docter, of the Washington firm Docter, Docter and Salus, was bankruptcy counsel to [[INSLAW]] as debtor in possession in its Chapter 11 case in the [[United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Columbia]], No. 85-00070, alongside [[Charles R. Work]] of McDermott, Will and Emery. His partner Stanley Salus handled the company's complaint to the United States Trustee, [[William White]], after the [[Jack Rugh]] telephone call to [[Gregory McKain]] in February 1985.[^1]
### The Whelan Conversation
Docter told the [[House Committee on the Judiciary]] that in July 1987, two months before Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]] ruled that the [[Department of Justice]] had taken [[PROMIS]] by fraud, [[Roger Whelan]], the bankruptcy judge Bason had succeeded and by then a practicing attorney with a fee application pending before Bason in the [[United Press International|UPI]] bankruptcy, came to his office and threatened to oppose Bason's reappointment because Bason had not ruled on the petition, saying that Senior District Judge Irwin Gasch would organize the opposition. Docter told Bason of the conversation and recommended that he act promptly; Bason ruled on the fee application on July 17, 1987. Docter gave his account to the committee in private session. When the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] sought more, "Docter referred us to his testimony before the House Committee, but refused to provide us any additional information." Whelan denied to Bua that he had ever spoken to Docter about the UPI case or tried to pressure Bason, while acknowledging his friendship with Gasch and his frustration at the delay. Bua wrote that he had "not attempted to resolve this seeming disagreement," which bore only tangentially on whether the department had influenced the merit selection panel, but added that "the possibility of concerted opposition to Bason by district court judges or others might explain why he was not reappointed." The panel, chaired by Judge [[Norma H. Johnson]], had received the transcript of Bason's ruling from [[Royce Lamberth]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, pp. 169-170, 211-214. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport (which spells the name Docter throughout; "Deeter" in later accounts is a transcription error). The firm's role as counsel of record appears in the reporter listings for *In re INSLAW, Inc.,* 97 B.R. 685 and 106 B.R. 331 (Bankr. D.D.C. 1989), not examined.

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@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Cornelius Blackshear was a U.S."
Cornelius Blackshear was a U.S. Trustee in the Southern District of New York who later became a U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge for the Southern District of New York. He became a key figure in the allegations surrounding the attempted conversion of [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s bankruptcy case and a subsequent alleged cover-up.
Blackshear initially testified in a deposition on March 25, 1987, that [[Philip White]], the U.S. Trustee for the District of Columbia, had told him that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), had tried to pressure White to convert [[INSLAW]]'s Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation and to have [[Harry Jones]] assigned to White to effect the conversion. Blackshear also stated that Stanton had never contacted him about detailing Jones, but he thought Stanton might have approached Jones directly. This testimony supported Inslaw's primary allegation of a plot to liquidate the company. However, after speaking with White, Blackshear realized he was mistaken and had confused Inslaw with the UPI case, about which White had told him the IRS had pressured him to join a motion to convert. Blackshear then prepared and signed an affidavit recanting his deposition testimony, stating that he had confused the cases. He also gave a second deposition repeating his new recollections. During the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigation, Blackshear essentially repeated his recanting statements, maintaining that White had not told him Stanton pressured him to convert Inslaw, and that he had confused Inslaw with UPI. He did, however, disagree with White regarding a conversation about the possible assignment of Harry Jones to Washington, believing White had told him Stanton planned to bring Jones to Washington, while White maintained Blackshear told this to White. Blackshear also denied discussing with [[Anthony Pasciuto]] at a social gathering that he was sorry for his conduct or had given false testimony in his recantation to avoid hurting people.[^1]
Blackshear initially testified in a deposition on March 25, 1987, that [[William White]], the U.S. Trustee for the District of Columbia, had told him that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), had tried to pressure White to convert [[INSLAW]]'s Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation and to have [[Harry Jones]] assigned to White to effect the conversion. Blackshear also stated that Stanton had never contacted him about detailing Jones, but he thought Stanton might have approached Jones directly. This testimony supported Inslaw's primary allegation of a plot to liquidate the company. However, after speaking with White, Blackshear realized he was mistaken and had confused Inslaw with the UPI case, about which White had told him the IRS had pressured him to join a motion to convert. Blackshear then prepared and signed an affidavit recanting his deposition testimony, stating that he had confused the cases. He also gave a second deposition repeating his new recollections. During the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigation, Blackshear essentially repeated his recanting statements, maintaining that White had not told him Stanton pressured him to convert Inslaw, and that he had confused Inslaw with UPI. He did, however, disagree with White regarding a conversation about the possible assignment of Harry Jones to Washington, believing White had told him Stanton planned to bring Jones to Washington, while White maintained Blackshear told this to White. Blackshear also denied discussing with [[Anthony Pasciuto]] at a social gathering that he was sorry for his conduct or had given false testimony in his recantation to avoid hurting people.[^1]
Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, chose to believe Blackshear's original testimony and found his recantation to be the result of an "honest mistake." However, several years later, in January 1991, Bason filed a complaint against Blackshear with the Judicial Council of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, stating that he now believed Blackshear recanted not due to an honest mistake but because he made a conscious choice to testify falsely. The OPR, however, credited Blackshear's recantation, noting that he had no apparent motive to lie about the matter. The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PSI) found Blackshear's recantation implausible, noting that he had stated on four occasions prior to his recantation that White told him about pressure from Stanton to convert the Inslaw case. The PSI also found no evidence to support Blackshear's explanation that he had confused Inslaw with the UPI case. The Special Counsel's investigation concluded that there was insufficient evidence to prove that Blackshear lied when he recanted his deposition testimony. The report acknowledged the confusion arising from Blackshear's various statements but attributed it to poor memory rather than intentional misstatements. The Special Counsel found no reason why Blackshear, a sitting bankruptcy judge, would commit perjury and jeopardize his career.[^1]

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@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ The theory held that a core group of intelligence operatives, arms dealers, and
His primary source was [[Michael Riconosciuto]], a computer scientist and self-described CIA contractor who claimed he had modified PROMIS software at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]]-[[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]] joint venture in Indio, California, and that [[Earl Brian]] had distributed the modified software internationally with DOJ cooperation. Casolaro began interviewing Riconosciuto before Riconosciuto's March 1991 arrest on methamphetamine charges.[^1] Other key contacts included [[Robert Booth Nichols]], an international operative with alleged ties to the [[NSC]], organized crime, and the [[Yakuza]], with whom Casolaro spent hundreds of hours on the phone.[^1]
Casolaro's investigation also touched the Wackenhut-Cabazon weapons venture, [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "Old Boy" networks involved in drug trafficking since the 1950s, the death of journalist and BCCI investigator Alan Standorf, and alleged connections between former DOJ official [[Michael Abbell]] and the [[Cali Drug Cartel]].[^1][^3] Shortly before his death, Riconosciuto had passed Casolaro a lead about Abbell's Cali connections, warning it might be dangerous. Hamilton, pressed for time, turned the lead over to Casolaro.[^1]
Casolaro's investigation also touched the Wackenhut-Cabazon weapons venture, [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "Old Boy" networks involved in drug trafficking since the 1950s, the death of the Army signals-intelligence officer and BCCI source [[Alan Standorf]], and alleged connections between former DOJ official [[Michael Abbell]] and the [[Cali Drug Cartel]].[^1][^3] Shortly before his death, Riconosciuto had passed Casolaro a lead about Abbell's Cali connections, warning it might be dangerous. Hamilton, pressed for time, turned the lead over to Casolaro.[^1]
### Final Days

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Egyptian multi-millionaire film producer and son of Mohammed Al-Fayed, romantically involved with Princess Diana; died with her in a 1997 Paris car crash."
born: 1955-04-15
died: 1997-08-31

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@ -51,7 +51,11 @@ The Bua Report found no credible evidence to support the Iran trip allegation. E
Both Brian and Videnieks categorically denied ever meeting one another or meeting Riconosciuto, denied having visited Indio, California, and denied any involvement in the alleged PROMIS distribution. The Bua Report found both men to be credible witnesses and concluded there was "overwhelming" evidence of no connection between Brian and anything related to INSLAW or PROMIS. Bua found Riconosciuto's account a "tale of total fiction woven against the background of accurate historical facts" and Ben-Menashe's affidavits contradicted by his own subsequent testimony to Bua investigators.[^2]
Brian was never charged with any crime in connection with the PROMIS affair.
Brian was never charged with any crime in connection with the PROMIS affair. His libel suit against [[Elliot Richardson]] over the former attorney general's New York Times article of October 21, 1991, "A High-Tech Watergate," which accused him of taking part in an illegal conspiracy, was dismissed; the New York Court of Appeals held on November 29, 1995, that because Richardson had disclosed at the outset that he was INSLAW's own lawyer, because the article's "predominant tone" was "rife with rumor, speculation and seemingly tenuous inferences," and because its purpose was to call for an independent investigation, "a reasonable reader would understand the statements... as mere allegations to be investigated rather than as facts."[^5]
### Financial News Network and UPI
In July 1993 the Securities and Exchange Commission charged Brian and three others with fraudulently inflating the revenue and earnings of the Financial News Network, the Los Angeles cable channel controlled with United Press International by his holding company Infotechnology, Inc.; he settled without admitting or denying the charges and consented to a permanent injunction. A federal grand jury in the Central District of California returned a 24-count indictment in June 1994, unsealed on September 5, 1995, charging Brian, then Infotechnology's chairman, and its chief operating officer John F. Berentson with lying to obtain 56 million dollars in loans from Security Pacific and Toronto-Dominion in 1989 by falsifying FNN's books through fictitious equipment leases and inter-company billings; FNN's chief financial officer C. Steven Bolen and Gary A. Prince pleaded guilty and cooperated. FNN, which lost 72.4 million dollars in fiscal 1990, and UPI, whose management rights Infotechnology had bought in February 1988, both entered Chapter 11 in 1991. On October 17, 1996, after a four-month trial in Los Angeles, a jury convicted Brian on ten counts including conspiracy and bank and securities fraud, deadlocking on the rest; he was ordered to report to prison on August 18 of the following year to serve a term reported as four and a half years, and appealed. Hadron continued as a public company, was renamed Analex Corporation in 2002 and ceased reporting in 2007.[^6]
### Footnotes
@ -59,3 +63,5 @@ Brian was never charged with any crime in connection with the PROMIS affair.
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
[^4]: U.S. Senate, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. *The Inslaw Affair.* September 1989.
[^5]: *Brian v. Richardson,* 87 N.Y.2d 46, 660 N.E.2d 1126 (N.Y. 1995). https://www.law.cornell.edu/nyctap/I95_0246.htm
[^6]: "Former UPI execs charged with fraud," United Press International, September 6, 1995. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1995/09/06/Former-UPI-execs-charged-with-fraud/3824810360000/ ; Gersh, Debra, "SEC Accuses Former UPI Chief of Fraud," *Editor & Publisher,* July 10, 1993 (headline and date only); Fricker, Richard L., "Earl Brian: Reagan's 'Scandal Man' Off to Jail," *The Consortium,* 1997. https://www.consortiumnews.com/archive/xfile11.html ; Securities and Exchange Commission, EDGAR filing history for Hadron, Inc., CIK 0000044800. Fricker gives the reporting date as "Aug. 18" without a year; the sentencing order and the disposition of the appeal were not located.

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@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ George Francis Bason Jr. was appointed to the Bankruptcy Court for the District
### The Independent Handling Proceeding (June 1987)
In June 1987, after INSLAW filed for independent handling of its bankruptcy case on the grounds that the DOJ could not be trusted to administer it fairly, Bason found that DOJ had "unlawfully, intentionally and willfully" attempted to convert INSLAW's Chapter 11 reorganization into a Chapter 7 liquidation "without justification and by improper means." The ruling was based partly on testimony from Anthony Pasciuto, Deputy Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees, who initially stated that DOJ Director Thomas Stanton had pressured U.S. Trustee [[Edward White]] to force the company into liquidation. Bason also found that Stanton had struck a bargain with [[C. Madison Brewer]] to achieve this conversion.[^1]
In June 1987, after INSLAW filed for independent handling of its bankruptcy case on the grounds that the DOJ could not be trusted to administer it fairly, Bason found that DOJ had "unlawfully, intentionally and willfully" attempted to convert INSLAW's Chapter 11 reorganization into a Chapter 7 liquidation "without justification and by improper means." The ruling was based partly on testimony from Anthony Pasciuto, Deputy Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees, who initially stated that DOJ Director Thomas Stanton had pressured U.S. Trustee [[William White]] to force the company into liquidation. Bason also found that Stanton had struck a bargain with [[C. Madison Brewer]] to achieve this conversion.[^1]
### The Adversary Proceeding (September 1987)

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
- CIA
summary: "CIA officer who developed contacts with international arms merchant Adnan Khashoggi, factotum for the House of Saud."
born: 1917-01-30

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Father of Dodi Fayed and husband of Samira Khashoggi Fayed, connected to the PROMIS investigation through his son's death."
born: 1929-01-27
died: 2023-08-30

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@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Nicholas Davies was a British journalist who joined [[Mirror Group]] Newspapers
In 1991, investigative journalist [[Seymour Hersh]] published *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy,* which included allegations based primarily on accounts by Israeli intelligence operative [[Ari Ben-Menashe]]. Hersh alleged that Davies had been recruited as a [[Mossad]] asset in the early 1980s through contacts in London and a subsequent visit to Israel.[^2]
Ben-Menashe stated that Davies and he became business partners in an international arms firm, Ora Limited, operating out of Davies's home in London beginning in 1983. The firm allegedly functioned to facilitate the flow of Israeli arms to Iran during the [[Iran-Iraq War]], a channel that ran parallel to the operations later associated with the [[Iran-Contra Affair]]. Ben-Menashe claimed Davies made more than $1.5 million from a single arms transaction.[^2]
Ben-Menashe stated that Davies and he became business partners in an international arms firm, [[Ora Group|Ora Limited]], operating out of Davies's home in London beginning in 1983. The firm allegedly functioned to facilitate the flow of Israeli arms to Iran during the [[Iran-Iraq War]], a channel that ran parallel to the operations later associated with the [[Iran-Contra Affair]]. Ben-Menashe claimed Davies made more than $1.5 million from a single arms transaction.[^2]
The most specific allegation was that Davies passed [[Mordecai Vanunu|Mordechai Vanunu]]'s location to Mossad operatives, enabling the 1986 honey-trap operation in Rome that led to Vanunu's abduction and return to Israel for trial on nuclear secrets charges.[^3]

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@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ summary: "Patricia Cloherty worked for Patricof and Company in New York from abo
Patricia Cloherty worked for [[Patricof and Company]] in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] to be Deputy Administrator of the [[Small Business Administration]] (SBA). After leaving the SBA around 1980, she worked at Tessler & Cloherty, Inc., an investment management company she ran with her husband, [[Daniel Tessler]]. In February 1988, Cloherty returned to Patricof and Company.
Cloherty's involvement with [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] began in 1984 when she and her husband took over management of 53rd Street Ventures, which had a small investment in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]. [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that Cloherty told [[Richard D'Amore]] that she "knew all about" [[Earl Brian]]'s role in the Inslaw matter. However, Cloherty denied ever making such a statement to D'Amore or anyone else. She maintained that she knows nothing about Earl Brian's connection, if any, to Inslaw. She stated that she knows Earl Brian, having met him in the 1980s when they both served on the board of the National Association of Small Business Investment Companies. In 1990, Brian contacted Patricof and Company with a deal proposal regarding UPI, but Cloherty did not meet with him directly, and the firm decided not to pursue the deal. Cloherty stated she has never heard of and has had no involvement with Hadron or Simeon, and does not know [[Dominic Laiti]], [[Edwin Meese]], or [[Lowell Jensen]]. She denied discussing 53rd Street Ventures' investment in Inslaw with Brian, Jensen, Meese, Laiti, or any officials from the DOJ or the Reagan or Bush administrations. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support Hamilton's claims regarding Cloherty's knowledge of a conspiracy.[^1]
Cloherty's involvement with [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] began in 1984 when she and her husband took over management of [[53rd Street Ventures]], which had a small investment in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]. [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that Cloherty told [[Richard D'Amore]] that she "knew all about" [[Earl Brian]]'s role in the Inslaw matter. However, Cloherty denied ever making such a statement to D'Amore or anyone else. She maintained that she knows nothing about Earl Brian's connection, if any, to Inslaw. She stated that she knows Earl Brian, having met him in the 1980s when they both served on the board of the National Association of Small Business Investment Companies. In 1990, Brian contacted Patricof and Company with a deal proposal regarding UPI, but Cloherty did not meet with him directly, and the firm decided not to pursue the deal. Cloherty stated she has never heard of and has had no involvement with Hadron or Simeon, and does not know [[Dominic Laiti]], [[Edwin Meese]], or [[Lowell Jensen]]. She denied discussing 53rd Street Ventures' investment in Inslaw with Brian, Jensen, Meese, Laiti, or any officials from the DOJ or the Reagan or Bush administrations. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support Hamilton's claims regarding Cloherty's knowledge of a conspiracy.[^1]
### Footnotes

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@ -40,9 +40,19 @@ Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism b
Distribution of the backdoored software was handled in part through British media mogul [[Robert Maxwell]], who used his Israeli computer company [[Degem]] and a network of international holdings as vehicles for sales to intelligence and law enforcement agencies worldwide.[^2] Eitan's involvement in what became known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] was never formally adjudicated; U.S. government investigations, including the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993), found no credible evidence that enhanced PROMIS was distributed internationally.[^4]
### Dr. Ben Orr
The documentary trace of an Israeli visitor to the [[Department of Justice]] is two memoranda of [[Jack Rugh]], the department's deputy project manager on the [[INSLAW]] contract. On May 6, 1983, Rugh wrote that "Brick Brewer recently instructed me to make a copy of an LEAA version of PROMIS available to Dr. Ben Orr, a representative of the Government of Israel. Dr. Orr called me to discuss that request... I have made a copy of the LEM DEC version of PROMIS and will provide it, along with the corresponding documentation, to Dr. Orr before he leaves the United States for Israel on May 16," and on May 12 he recorded delivery of the materials to [[C. Madison Brewer]] for transmittal. The version so recorded was the public-domain [[LEAA]] one. Eitan, in the account he gave Thomas and Dillon, was Dr. Orr, travelling on a forged passport in the identity of a real retired prosecutor, "Dr Benjamin Orr, an assistant public prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice in Tel Aviv," who first flew to the United States on December 19, 1982, met Brewer, and returned in February 1983 to be shown the enhanced PROMIS at INSLAW's own offices by [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], after which Brewer handed him a tape from an office cupboard; Hamilton is quoted recalling eyes "like a computer, tracking everything."[^5]
### Later Career
Eitan founded the Pensioners' Party, Gil, which won seven Knesset seats in March 2006 and joined [[Ehud Olmert]]'s coalition, in which he served as minister for pensioner affairs; in October 2008 he told a German magazine that Iran's president should be kidnapped and tried at The Hague. Of the Eichmann capture he told Gordon Thomas that "almost every published fact about the capture of Eichmann is pure bullshit. I know because I personally am the man who captured him."[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21.
[^2]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999.
[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
[^5]: House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992, reproducing Rugh's memoranda of May 6 and 12, 1983, which do not identify Dr. Orr; Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon, *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy,* Carroll and Graf, 2002. https://archive.org/details/robert-maxwell-israels-superspy-2002 The February 1983 visit in the book and the May 1983 transfer in the memoranda are not the same transaction, and no record reconciles them.
[^6]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies,* 2009 edition. https://archive.org/details/gideons-spies

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
- CIA
summary: "Powerful West Virginia Democratic Senator whose executive assistant was Barbara Videnieks, wife of PROMIS figure Peter Videnieks."
born: 1917-11-20

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Historical Figure"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Sister of Adnan Khashoggi and mother of Dodi Fayed, connected to the Khashoggi family's arms dealing network."
born: 1935
died: 1986

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---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- AnthonyMoscato
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- DOJ
- EOUSA
alias:
- Anthony C. Moscato
- Tony Moscato
summary: "Career Justice Department administrator, acting director of the Executive Office for United States Attorneys during the Bua inquiry, whom Bill Hamilton accused of helping deny Judge Bason's reappointment; he told the special counsel he had nothing to do with it."
born: 1945-09-04
died: 2026-06-12
location: "Fairfax, Virginia"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Anthony Charles Moscato (September 4, 1945, [[New York City]], to June 12, 2026, Fairfax, [[Virginia]]) spent his career in the administrative offices of the [[Department of Justice]]. Raised in Washington Heights, he took a degree in government at [[Columbia University]] in 1967 and a law degree at [[George Washington University]] in 1970, joined the department's Tax Division as a trial attorney in 1976, and moved the next year to the Justice Management Division as special assistant to the assistant attorney general for administration. Over the following two decades he served as deputy assistant attorney general for administration, acting inspector general of the department, director of the [[Executive Office for United States Attorneys]] and director of the [[Executive Office for Immigration Review]]. In 1999 the attorney general named him a member of the Board of Immigration Appeals, from which he retired in 2006.[^1]
### The Bason Allegation
His name entered the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|INSLAW affair]] through [[Bill Hamilton]], who told the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] that a former department security officer, [[Garnett Taylor]], knew that "Anthony Moscato, who is now Acting Director of EOUSA, played an affirmative role on behalf of DOJ in denying Judge Bason's reappointment," and asked that Taylor be subpoenaed before a grand jury. [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]], the bankruptcy judge who had found in 1987 that the department took [[INSLAW]]'s [[PROMIS]] software by fraud, was not reappointed by the merit selection panel of the district court chaired by Judge [[Norma H. Johnson]]. Bua's report records Moscato's answer: "he had nothing whatsoever to do with the selection of bankruptcy judges. He convincingly stated that he is not familiar with Judge Norma Johnson, did not know that she chaired a selection panel, and did not even know there was a Merit Selection Panel. He stated that he spoke to no one about Bason's qualifications for reappointment. He cannot explain why his and Garnett Taylor's names would be used in the same sentence as Bankruptcy Judge Bason. Taylor and he are not even social friends, much less confidants." At the time of the 1987 non-reappointment he held other administrative posts in the department; the transcript of Bason's ruling had reached the panel from [[Royce Lamberth]], then chief of the civil division of the [[U.S. Attorney's office]].[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Anthony (Tony) Charles Moscato," obituary, Fairfax Memorial Funeral Home, June 2026. https://www.fairfaxmemorialfuneralhome.com/obituaries/Anthony-Charles-Moscato?obId=48707990
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, pp. 185-186 (the report's own pagination). https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ In 1973, Hamilton and his wife Nancy founded [[INSLAW]] (the Institute for Law a
### The DOJ Contract and Bankruptcy
In March 1982, INSLAW signed a $10 million, three-year contract with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ's]] Executive Office for United States Attorneys to install PROMIS in 20 large U.S. Attorneys' offices and word-processor systems in 74 smaller ones. From the contract's earliest days, Hamilton and [[C. Madison Brewer]], the DOJ's project manager, were in conflict: Hamilton alleged Brewer obstructed INSLAW's proprietary rights claims and engineered advance payment disputes to force the company into financial distress. When INSLAW ran out of funds to sustain litigation against the DOJ while fighting to protect its software rights, it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in February 1985.[^2]
In March 1982, INSLAW signed a $10 million, three-year contract with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ's]] [[Executive Office for United States Attorneys]] to install PROMIS in 20 large U.S. Attorneys' offices and word-processor systems in 74 smaller ones. From the contract's earliest days, Hamilton and [[C. Madison Brewer]], the DOJ's project manager, were in conflict: Hamilton alleged Brewer obstructed INSLAW's proprietary rights claims and engineered advance payment disputes to force the company into financial distress. When INSLAW ran out of funds to sustain litigation against the DOJ while fighting to protect its software rights, it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in February 1985.[^2]
Hamilton and Nancy Hamilton sued the DOJ for non-payment on a version of PROMIS called Modification 12 and for the alleged unauthorized distribution of the enhanced software beyond the contract's authorized sites. In September 1987, [[Bankruptcy Judge George F. Bason]] ruled in their favor, finding DOJ had "taken, converted, stole, INSLAW's enhanced PROMIS by trickery, fraud, and deceit" and awarding approximately $6.8 million in damages. The ruling was affirmed by the district court but reversed on jurisdictional grounds by the Court of Appeals in May 1991.[^2]

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---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- ChristineMiller
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- CourtOfFederalClaims
- Judiciary
alias:
- Christine Cook Nettesheim
- Christine Miller
- Judge Christine Miller
- Judge Nettesheim
summary: "Judge of the Court of Federal Claims who, as hearing officer on the Senate's 1995 referral of INSLAW's claims, ruled on July 31, 1997, that every version of PROMIS was in the public domain and INSLAW was owed nothing, ending the affair in the courts."
born: 1944
location: "Oakland, California"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Christine Odell Cook Miller (born 1944, Oakland, [[California]]), who served under the name Christine Cook Nettesheim until September 10, 1994, is a judge of the [[United States Court of Federal Claims]]. She took a degree at [[Stanford University]] in 1966 and a law degree at the University of Utah in 1969, clerked for Judge David T. Lewis of the Tenth Circuit, was a trial attorney in the Civil Division of the [[Department of Justice]] from 1970 to 1972 and at the [[Federal Trade Commission]] from 1972 to 1974, practiced in Washington, and served as special counsel to the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation and assistant general counsel of the U.S. Railway Association. [[Ronald Reagan]] nominated her to the Claims Court on November 23, 1982; the Senate confirmed her on December 10. [[Bill Clinton]] gave her a recess appointment to the same seat on December 10, 1997, and the Senate confirmed her again on February 3, 1998. She took senior status on February 4, 2013, and retired on March 1.[^1]
### The INSLAW Referral
In May 1995 the Senate referred [[INSLAW]]'s remaining claims against the government to the Court of Federal Claims for an advisory opinion, after the [[House Committee on the Judiciary]]'s 1992 report had endorsed Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]]'s finding that the department took [[PROMIS]] by fraud and the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] had rejected it in 1993. As hearing officer, Miller ruled on July 31, 1997, that all versions of PROMIS were in the public domain and that the government had always been entitled to use the software as it wished, so that INSLAW was owed no compensation. A three-judge review panel of the court upheld the ruling in August 1998. The Justice Department announced the decision in a press release.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Federal Judicial Center, "U.S. Court of Federal Claims: Miller, Christine Odell Cook," Biographical Directory. https://www.fjc.gov/history/courts/u.s.-court-federal-claims-miller-christine-odell-cook
[^2]: See [[INSLAW]] and [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] and the Department of Justice press release of August 1997 cited there; the opinion of July 31, 1997, was not examined.

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@ -1,8 +1,7 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Exiled President of the Philippines whose stolen fortune was reportedly laundered through Robert Booth Nichols via networks connected to the PROMIS scandal."
born: 1917-09-11
died: 1989-09-28

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@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- GarbyLeon
- Casolaro
- Wilcher
- PROMIS
- Hollywood
summary: "Hollywood development executive at Joel Silver Productions and Columbia who wrote to Janet Reno in July 1993 demanding an inquiry into Paul Wilcher's death as a parallel to Casolaro's, and who prompted and assisted Cheri Seymour's investigation of the Octopus."
location: "Los Angeles, California"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Garby Leon, born in [[New York City]], took a degree at Marlboro College and a doctorate at [[Harvard University]], was a conscientious objector during the [[Vietnam War]] and active in the antiwar movement, and went into the film business. He was director of development at [[Joel Silver Productions]] at Warner Brothers in Burbank, where he oversaw more than seventy projects, and by July 1993 was at Columbia Pictures in the Thalberg Building at Culver City. He was a frequent telephone and mail correspondent of [[Paul Wilcher]], the Washington lawyer who in May 1993 hand-delivered a hundred-page letter to Attorney General [[Janet Reno]] alleging cover-ups by the [[Department of Justice]] and who was found dead in his apartment in June.[^1]
### The Letter to Reno
On July 14, 1993, Leon wrote to Reno that Wilcher's case "deserves your most serious attention." He drew the parallels with [[Danny Casolaro]], found dead in a Martinsburg hotel in August 1991 while investigating the [[PROMIS]] affair and what he called [[The Octopus]]: both men had been investigating illegal government activity, both had said they feared for their lives, both were found dead in strange circumstances with records missing and their bodies altered. He questioned the reported presence of [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] and [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] personnel at the death scene, objected that Wilcher's body had been cremated "without fingerprint or dental x-ray matching," and wrote: "I don't believe he died of natural causes." Of Wilcher he said he was "not a perfect person" but "a man of unusual energy and altruism," a former seminarian who had considered the priesthood before the law. [[Sarah McClendon]] wrote to Reno in the same terms.[^1][^2]
### The Last Circle
Leon spent the following year pressing the California journalist [[Cheri Seymour]] to write up her investigation of Casolaro's death and the Octopus, and worked with her on it; she thanked him, "formerly Director of Development at Joel Silver Productions," for prompting a first draft in 1994 and for "countless tasks" during their joint investigation, and he appears as a subject in her book.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Leon, Garby. Letter to Attorney General Janet Reno, July 14, 1993, with the biographical note attached, reproduced at http://www.pinknoiz.com/covert/wilcher.html
[^2]: See [[Paul Wilcher]] and [[Janet Reno]] and the sources cited there.
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal,* TrineDay, 2010, acknowledgments (as described in later accounts; the text was not examined).

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@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- GregoryMcKain
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
alias:
- Greg McKain
summary: "INSLAW programmer whom Jack Rugh of the Justice Department telephoned in February 1985 with a job offer and the word that the trustees expected INSLAW to be liquidated within sixty days, the call Judge Bason treated as evidence of a plan to convert the bankruptcy."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Gregory McKain was a programmer at [[INSLAW]] who had worked on [[PROMIS]] from the start of the company's contract with the [[Executive Office for United States Attorneys]]. On February 21, 1985, shortly after INSLAW filed under Chapter 11, [[Jack Rugh]], the deputy project manager who had, in the words of the special counsel's report, "been very impressed for some time with McKain's work and had discussed with McKain on several occasions the possibility of McKain working for DOJ," telephoned to ask whether he would be interested in joining the [[Department of Justice]]. According to McKain's testimony, Rugh told him during the call that the department had talked to the trustees, who said INSLAW would not survive Chapter 11 and would probably be in Chapter 7 within thirty to sixty days.[^1]
McKain reported the conversation to [[Bill Hamilton]], who was upset by it and had INSLAW's bankruptcy counsel, Stanley Salus of the firm of [[Charles Docter]], take it up with the United States Trustee, [[William White]], who assured them his office acted independently of the department. Rugh's account differed: he said he had offered only his personal opinion that INSLAW would end in liquidation. Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]], in his 1988 findings, treated the call as part of the department's effort to force the company into liquidation and noted its business consequences, INSLAW's officers having had to spend time calming McKain and other employees who feared for their jobs and to incur legal fees investigating the claim. The special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] wrote in 1993: "Arguably there is no more reason to think that Rugh is lying about this than there is to think that McKain is... It is equally possible, of course, that Mr. McKain simply misunderstood what Mr. Rugh had said. In the end, McKain's testimony provides some support to the conversion theory, but not enough to satisfy us that the theory is true." White later asked that a confidentiality order be worded to protect him from the kind of criticism INSLAW's counsel had made after the Rugh-McKain call.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, pp. 211-214. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport
[^2]: *In re INSLAW, Inc.,* 88 B.R. 484 (Bankr. D.D.C. 1988). The opinion was not examined; the statements that McKain had worked on PROMIS from the start and Bason's findings on the call's business consequences rest on a reporter summary of it.

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@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
---
category: "Belgium Scandals"
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- Belgium
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Harry Jones was an Assistant U.S."
Harry Jones was an Assistant U.S. Trustee in the Southern District of New York. He became involved in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] allegations concerning the attempted conversion of [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s bankruptcy case.
[[Anthony Pasciuto]] alleged that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), tried to detail Jones to [[Philip White]]'s office in Washington D.C. to work on converting the Inslaw case from Chapter 11 reorganization to Chapter 7 liquidation. [[Cornelius Blackshear]] initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure to have Jones assigned to the case. Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Stanton sought to have Jones detailed to accomplish the conversion when White resisted Stanton's pressure. The Special Counsel's investigation found that Stanton did consider transferring Jones to assist in the Inslaw matter, but denied that Jones was to be assigned to effect a conversion. Stanton testified he wanted Jones to set up the creditors' committee and conduct the first meeting of creditors due to the matter's likely publicity, and that Blackshear had told him his office was too busy to spare Jones. Jones himself testified that he was never requested by anyone, including Stanton, to go to Washington to work on the [[INSLAW]] case. The Special Counsel's investigation found no evidence to the contrary and concluded that the inference that Jones was to be used to file a baseless motion to convert was unreasonable, given Jones's reputation for integrity and expertise in bankruptcy matters.[^1]
[[Anthony Pasciuto]] alleged that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), tried to detail Jones to [[William White]]'s office in Washington D.C. to work on converting the Inslaw case from Chapter 11 reorganization to Chapter 7 liquidation. [[Cornelius Blackshear]] initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure to have Jones assigned to the case. Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Stanton sought to have Jones detailed to accomplish the conversion when White resisted Stanton's pressure. The Special Counsel's investigation found that Stanton did consider transferring Jones to assist in the Inslaw matter, but denied that Jones was to be assigned to effect a conversion. Stanton testified he wanted Jones to set up the creditors' committee and conduct the first meeting of creditors due to the matter's likely publicity, and that Blackshear had told him his office was too busy to spare Jones. Jones himself testified that he was never requested by anyone, including Stanton, to go to Washington to work on the [[INSLAW]] case. The Special Counsel's investigation found no evidence to the contrary and concluded that the inference that Jones was to be used to file a baseless motion to convert was unreasonable, given Jones's reputation for integrity and expertise in bankruptcy matters.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.

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@ -1,8 +1,7 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Widow of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos who was acquitted with Adnan Khashoggi of racketeering and fraud charges in 1990."
born: 1929-07-02
location: "Manila, Philippines"

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@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ summary: "John Keeney was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Crim
John Keeney was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He was implicated in allegations surrounding the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].
According to a source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], Keeney, along with [[Mark Richards]] and [[Philip White]], knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s alleged malfeasance in the Inslaw matter. The source believed that while Richards and White were "pretty upset" about it, they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath, and that they would not commit perjury.[^1]
According to a source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], Keeney, along with [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]] and [[Philip White]], knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s alleged malfeasance in the Inslaw matter. The source believed that while Richard and White were "pretty upset" about it, they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath, and that they would not commit perjury.[^1]
However, when interviewed by the Special Counsel, John Keeney stated that he had no knowledge of any wrongdoing by Lowell Jensen generally, or of the type of wrongdoing described in the Hamilton affidavit specifically. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support the allegations against Keeney or any connection between him and a conspiracy related to [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] or [[PROMIS]].[^1]

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@ -37,7 +37,7 @@ The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 report (House Report 102-857), pr
### Bua Report Findings
Special Counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]], appointed in November 1991, found no credible evidence supporting any of these allegations. Jensen, by then a sitting federal district judge, denied engineering contract disputes with INSLAW or directing any DOJ action to harm the company. He denied any financial interest in Brian-controlled entities including Biotech, Hadron, Accumenics, and Simeon, and denied ever being promised stock in any computer-related company. He stated he had been genuinely interested in modernizing DOJ through information technology, specifically recalling "Project Eagle," a multi-million dollar initiative to automate DOJ's litigating divisions, but denied any role in awarding Project Eagle contracts, noting that the Request for Proposals was issued in May 1986 and he was appointed to the bench the following June.[^2]
Special Counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]], appointed in November 1991, found no credible evidence supporting any of these allegations. Jensen, by then a sitting federal district judge, denied engineering contract disputes with INSLAW or directing any DOJ action to harm the company. He denied any financial interest in Brian-controlled entities including Biotech, Hadron, [[Accumenics]], and Simeon, and denied ever being promised stock in any computer-related company. He stated he had been genuinely interested in modernizing DOJ through information technology, specifically recalling "Project Eagle," a multi-million dollar initiative to automate DOJ's litigating divisions, but denied any role in awarding Project Eagle contracts, noting that the Request for Proposals was issued in May 1986 and he was appointed to the bench the following June.[^2]
The Bua Report found Jensen to be a credible witness and concluded there was no evidence to support the claim that he acted out of bias toward INSLAW or in coordination with Brian.[^2]

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@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- MikeHarari
- Mossad
- Panama
- Noriega
- Contras
- PROMIS
- Israel
alias:
- Michael Harari
- Michael Harare
summary: "Mossad operations chief who led the Lillehammer team in 1973, then ran arms, and by the testimony of Noriega's former consul drugs, through Panama in the 1980s as Noriega's associate, and whom Ari Ben-Menashe names as Pesach Ben-Or's partner in the Guatemalan PROMIS sale."
born: 1927-02-18
died: 2014-09-21
location: "Tel Aviv, Israel"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Mike Harari (February 18, 1927, Tel Aviv, to September 21, 2014) was the [[Mossad]] officer who ran its special operations section in the years after the Munich massacre and who led the team that killed Ahmed Bouchiki, a Moroccan waiter mistaken for the Black September planner Ali Hassan Salameh, at Lillehammer, [[Norway]], in July 1973. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] writes that Harari "had just left Israel because of his failure in the 'Moroccan Waiter Affair'" when he joined the private arms network that [[Ariel Sharon]] ran in Central America from the late 1970s, and that he "was a close associate of Panama's military intelligence chief, [[Manuel Noriega]]." By 1981, in Ben-Menashe's account, "Sharon and Harari were running what Harari described as more of a CIA network than an Israeli operation," supplying the [[Contras]] and financing itself, "according to Harari," by "transporting cocaine from South America to the United States via Central America," with Noriega "a major player."[^1]
### Panama
In February 1988 [[Jose Blandon]], Noriega's former consul general in New York, told the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations under Senator [[John Kerry]] that "Michael Harare" had "close contacts with Noriega and was Panama's honorary consul in Tel Aviv," and that his network did "business with Noriega in Panama for a series of companies for arms contraband, smuggling to supply arms to Central America and to the counterrevolution, the Nicaragua counterrevolution." Asked by Kerry what "other things" the network handled, Blandon answered, "Drugs," and confirmed "a direct linkage" between "the Harare network and these airstrips, in which guns would go in one shipment and drugs would come out in another." "The Harare network is a network that was established with Israeli citizens, Panamanians and U.S. citizens for arms supply purposes," he said. The Israeli embassy spokesman Yosef Gal replied that Harari was "acting as a private citizen" and that Israel "had no knowledge of his activities." Harari was not named in the Miami and Tampa indictments of Noriega that month, left [[Panama]] at the time of the American invasion of December 1989 and returned to [[Israel]].[^2][^3]
### PROMIS
Ben-Menashe's account of the sale of a modified [[PROMIS]] to [[Guatemala]] states that "the price Israel had to pay for this agreement was that the [[Eagle]] company, run by [[Pesach Ben-Or]] in Guatemala and his associate Mike Harari in Panama, and overseen by Ariel Sharon, would continue selling weapons to the Guatemalan government." The special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] found Ben-Menashe's PROMIS affidavits contradicted by his later testimony, and no official inquiry examined Harari's part. He received the Mossad chief's medal of distinction in 2007 and was the subject of a 2014 Hebrew biography by Aaron J. Klein.[^1][^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network,* Sheridan Square, 1992, chs. "The First Billion" and "Promis." https://archive.org/details/profits-of-war-1992-ari-ben-menashe
[^2]: "Ex-agent of the Mossad Implicated in Drug Deals with Panamanian," *Jewish Telegraphic Agency,* February 1988. https://www.jta.org/archive/ex-agent-of-the-mossad-implicated-in-drug-deals-with-panamanian The printed subcommittee report, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy,* December 1988, was not examined.
[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice, *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua,* March 1993. Harari's birth and death dates, the Lillehammer role, his absence from the 1988 Noriega indictments, his departure from Panama in December 1989, the 2007 medal and the Klein biography are as given in obituary and press summaries not examined in full.

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@ -11,6 +11,11 @@ location: "St. Louis, Missouri, USA"
---
Nancy Burke Hamilton was raised in St. Louis, Missouri. She married [[Bill Hamilton]] in 1963. Together they founded the [[INSLAW|Institute for Law and Social Research]] (ILSR), the non-profit predecessor to [[INSLAW|INSLAW, Inc.]], and were joint owners of INSLAW, Inc. when it was incorporated in Delaware in January 1981. She is listed alongside Bill Hamilton as a co-owner and co-plaintiff throughout INSLAW's decade-long litigation against the [[Department of Justice]] over the theft and misappropriation of the [[PROMIS]] software.[^1]
### Testimony
On March 17, 1987, [[Anthony Pasciuto]], deputy director of the Executive Office for United States Trustees, met privately with the Hamiltons and, by her testimony, told them that his director [[Thomas Stanton]] had pressured the United States Trustee [[William White]] to convert INSLAW's Chapter 11 case into a Chapter 7 liquidation and had tried to detail the New York trustee's attorney [[Harry Jones]] to the case to effect it; the account became the basis of Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]]'s finding of June 1987 that the [[Department of Justice]] had tried "unlawfully, intentionally and willfully" to convert the case. She testified with her husband before the [[House Committee on the Judiciary]]'s subcommittee under [[Jack Brooks]] on December 5, 1990, at its hearing on the department's "repeated refusal" to give the committee access to its documents, alongside [[Elliot Richardson]], and was co-author of INSLAW's Analysis and Rebuttal of the Bua Report and its addendum of February 1994. The couple's daughter [[Patricia Hamilton]], INSLAW's sales manager for Canada, swore the February 1991 affidavit that opened the Canadian thread of the affair.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice, *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua,* March 1993, and *Report on the Review of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua's Report,* September 27, 1994; Hamilton, Patricia C., affidavit, February 1991, Exhibit 1, *INSLAW, Inc. v. United States,* Adv. Proc. No. 86-0069 (Bankr. D.D.C.). See [[Project Abbreviation]].

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@ -68,9 +68,9 @@ Allegations that Maxwell worked for Israeli intelligence were aired publicly in
The most detailed espionage account came from [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], a self-described former employee of the Israeli [[Military Intelligence Directorate (Israel)|Military Intelligence Directorate]], who claimed in his 1992 book [[Profits of War]] that Maxwell and Davies were long-time [[Mossad]] assets, and that Davies had tipped him to Vanunu's 1986 approach to the [[Sunday Mirror]] over the photographs Vanunu had taken at [[Dimona]], introducing him to Vanunu's intermediary [[Oscar Guerrero]]; Vanunu was subsequently lured from London to [[Rome]], seized by Israeli operatives, and convicted in Israel.[^10][^22] His maternal relationship to the prime minister's office began, by his own account, through a meeting arranged with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] in the early 1960s.[^10]
The Welsh author Gordon Thomas, in [[Gideon's Spies]] (1999) and the later book Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy (2002), drew partly on Ben-Menashe and on the Israeli operative [[Rafi Eitan]] to allege that Maxwell helped distribute a version of the [[PROMIS]] case-management software that Israeli technicians had fitted with a hidden "trapdoor," enabling Israel to monitor the foreign agencies that bought it, marketing it through the Tel Aviv firm [[Degem Computers]].[^9][^23] In these accounts Maxwell received a flat fee of about 8 million dollars plus a percentage of revenues, and the agencies said to have received the software through his network included those of the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, South Korea, Poland, the Soviet Union, South Africa, Jordan, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Nicaragua, with an abridged version said to have been sold to [[Credit Suisse]] in 1985 and a Soviet sale in the late 1980s facilitated by the lifting of [[IBM]] export restrictions.[^10][^9] INSLAW separately alleged that Maxwell contributed 600,000 dollars from a joint U.S.-Israeli intelligence slush fund to secure the removal of its lead litigation counsel [[Leigh Ratiner]], and that the former senator [[John Tower]] had approached Maxwell in 1984 on behalf of a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-connected group to formalize his role as the PROMIS marketing intermediary; the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] found no credible evidence for these claims.[^10][^25]
The Welsh author Gordon Thomas, in [[Gideon's Spies]] (1999) and the later book Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy (2002), drew partly on Ben-Menashe and on the Israeli operative [[Rafi Eitan]] to allege that Maxwell helped distribute a version of the [[PROMIS]] case-management software that Israeli technicians had fitted with a hidden "trapdoor," enabling Israel to monitor the foreign agencies that bought it, marketing it through the Tel Aviv firm [[Degem|Degem Computers]].[^9][^23] In these accounts Maxwell received a flat fee of about 8 million dollars plus a percentage of revenues, and the agencies said to have received the software through his network included those of the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, South Korea, Poland, the Soviet Union, South Africa, Jordan, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Nicaragua, with an abridged version said to have been sold to [[Credit Suisse]] in 1985 and a Soviet sale in the late 1980s facilitated by the lifting of [[IBM]] export restrictions.[^10][^9] INSLAW separately alleged that Maxwell contributed 600,000 dollars from a joint U.S.-Israeli intelligence slush fund to secure the removal of its lead litigation counsel [[Leigh Ratiner]], and that the former senator [[John Tower]] had approached Maxwell in 1984 on behalf of a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-connected group to formalize his role as the PROMIS marketing intermediary; the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] found no credible evidence for these claims.[^10][^25]
Ben-Menashe's reliability has been repeatedly questioned, including by a 1993 congressional task force, and no declassified record has substantiated the PROMIS-distribution or recruitment allegations; an Israeli prime minister's spokesman dismissed Thomas's claims as "unmitigated drivel."[^9][^11] Maxwell was also long rumored to have had contacts with British intelligence and, given his Eastern European origins and trading ties, with the Soviet [[KGB]], though these characterizations rest on journalistic sourcing rather than disclosed files, and no archive of any of the three services has been released that confirms a formal agent relationship.[^2][^9]
Ben-Menashe's reliability has been repeatedly questioned, including by a 1993 congressional task force, and no declassified record has substantiated the PROMIS-distribution or recruitment allegations; an Israeli prime minister's spokesman dismissed Thomas's claims as "unmitigated drivel."[^9][^11] In February 1994 INSLAW argued that twenty pages the FBI had released under the Freedom of Information Act showed its Albuquerque office had run a foreign counterintelligence investigation of Maxwell and one of his companies, and that this must concern a PROMIS sale to a defense installation in [[New Mexico]]; the Justice Department's reviewers, having read the unredacted documents, called the inference "a remarkable leap" and wrote that "none of the documents in question even mentioned INSLAW or PROMIS... In short, there is nothing of which we are aware that links Mr. Maxwell to PROMIS."[^26] Maxwell was also long rumored to have had contacts with British intelligence and, given his Eastern European origins and trading ties, with the Soviet [[KGB]], though these characterizations rest on journalistic sourcing rather than disclosed files, and no archive of any of the three services has been released that confirms a formal agent relationship.[^2][^9]
### Murder Allegations
@ -109,3 +109,4 @@ Herzog eulogized him with the words, "He scaled the heights of human endeavor. K
[^23]: Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon. *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy: The Life and Murder of a Media Mogul.* Carroll & Graf, 2002.
[^24]: Ostrovsky, Victor. *The Other Side of Deception: A Rogue Agent Exposes the Mossad's Secret Agenda.* HarperCollins, 1994, on the alleged Mossad motive to eliminate Maxwell as a collapsing liability.
[^25]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993, on the rejection of the Leigh Ratiner and PROMIS-distribution allegations and the proximity of the Casolaro and Maxwell deaths.
[^26]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report on the Review of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua's Report on the Allegations of INSLAW, Inc.,* September 27, 1994, section on the INSLAW addendum of February 1994. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -10,11 +10,11 @@ summary: "Ronald LeGrand was the Chief Investigator for the Senate Judiciary Com
---
Ronald LeGrand was the Chief Investigator for the Senate Judiciary Committee. In late April 1988, he telephoned [[Bill Hamilton]], president of [[INSLAW]], to request a full briefing on the disputes between Inslaw and the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. Hamilton and his [[Nancy Hamilton|wife]] subsequently briefed LeGrand at Inslaw on the morning of May 11. Two days later, LeGrand telephoned Hamilton with information from a trusted senior [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] career official. This source, who had been in the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] since the [[Watergate scandal]] under President [[Richard Nixon]], told LeGrand to convey to the Hamiltons that "What you think happened, did happen. You are not crazy. But you do not know squat about how dirty the [[INSLAW]] case really is. If you ever learn even half of it, you will be sickened. [[INSLAW]] is a lot dirtier for the [[Department of Justice|Department of Justice]], in its breadth and depth, than [[Watergate]]. The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] has been compromised at every level on the [[INSLAW]] case."[^1]
The source also stated that [[Lowell Jensen]] engineered Inslaw's problems and relied on [[Miles Matthews]], [[James Knapp]], and [[James Johnston]]. Miles Matthews allegedly stated in the presence of LeGrand's source that "Lowell [Jensen] wants to get INSLAW out of the way and give the business to friends." The source further indicated that [[John Keeney]], [[Mark Richards]], and [[Philip White]] knew "all about" Jensen's malfeasance, and that while Richards and White were "pretty upset," they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath. The source also believed that documents related to Project Eagle were shredded inside the DOJ, but suggested Inslaw should subpoena paperwork prepared by a Jensen subordinate regarding the purchase of large quantities of computer hardware for which senior DOJ career staff saw no justification.[^2]
The source also stated that [[Lowell Jensen]] engineered Inslaw's problems and relied on [[Miles Matthews]], [[James Knapp]], and [[James Johnston]]. Miles Matthews allegedly stated in the presence of LeGrand's source that "Lowell [Jensen] wants to get INSLAW out of the way and give the business to friends." The source further indicated that [[John Keeney]], [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]], and [[Philip White]] knew "all about" Jensen's malfeasance, and that while Richard and White were "pretty upset," they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath. The source also believed that documents related to Project Eagle were shredded inside the DOJ, but suggested Inslaw should subpoena paperwork prepared by a Jensen subordinate regarding the purchase of large quantities of computer hardware for which senior DOJ career staff saw no justification.[^2]
The source also informed [[INSLAW]] through LeGrand that the Criminal Division had served as the nerve center for the scheme to drive [[INSLAW]] out of business by engineering sham contract disputes. LeGrand's communication was a significant turning point for the Hamiltons, as it provided internal corroboration of their suspicions regarding the theft of the [[PROMIS]] software.[^1] However, the Special Counsel's investigation found that LeGrand provided little corroboration of Hamilton's allegations during a sworn statement to House investigators.
LeGrand informed House investigators and the Special Counsel that, as far as he knew, none of the information provided to him by his source was obtained first-hand. The Special Counsel interviewed LeGrand's source, a long-time career employee of the Department of Justice, who stated that he had no first-hand knowledge of any misconduct by anyone in relation to PROMIS or Inslaw, and had not heard any credible rumors about such misconduct. This source indicated that the subject of Inslaw came up during a friendly conversation with LeGrand in 1987 or 1988. He suggested contacting Miles Matthews because Matthews was responsible for procurement in the Criminal Division and the source disliked or distrusted him. The source denied ever mentioning Jensen, Richards, White, Johnston, or Knapp to LeGrand, and did not believe any of these individuals would be involved in any type of cover-up. Furthermore, the source denied that any statements attributed to him in Hamilton's affidavit were accurate, and he never said or believed any of the comments attributed to him, never had reason to believe that identified DOJ officials were involved in wrongdoing, or that Project Eagle documents were improperly shredded. The Special Counsel's investigation ultimately found no credible evidence of a conspiracy involving Jensen or other senior DOJ officials.[^2]
LeGrand informed House investigators and the Special Counsel that, as far as he knew, none of the information provided to him by his source was obtained first-hand. The Special Counsel interviewed LeGrand's source, a long-time career employee of the Department of Justice, who stated that he had no first-hand knowledge of any misconduct by anyone in relation to PROMIS or Inslaw, and had not heard any credible rumors about such misconduct. This source indicated that the subject of Inslaw came up during a friendly conversation with LeGrand in 1987 or 1988. He suggested contacting Miles Matthews because Matthews was responsible for procurement in the Criminal Division and the source disliked or distrusted him. The source denied ever mentioning Jensen, Richard, White, Johnston, or Knapp to LeGrand, and did not believe any of these individuals would be involved in any type of cover-up. Furthermore, the source denied that any statements attributed to him in Hamilton's affidavit were accurate, and he never said or believed any of the comments attributed to him, never had reason to believe that identified DOJ officials were involved in wrongdoing, or that Project Eagle documents were improperly shredded. The Special Counsel's investigation ultimately found no credible evidence of a conspiracy involving Jensen or other senior DOJ officials.[^2]
---
### Footnotes

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---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- RoyceLamberth
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- FISACourt
- DOJ
- Judiciary
alias:
- Royce C. Lamberth
- Judge Lamberth
summary: "Chief of the civil division of the U.S. Attorney's office in Washington who, weeks before taking the federal bench in 1987, delivered Judge Bason's INSLAW ruling to the judge chairing the panel on Bason's reappointment; later presiding judge of the FISA court."
born: 1943
location: "San Antonio, Texas"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Royce C. Lamberth (born 1943, San Antonio, [[Texas]]) is a judge of the [[United States District Court for the District of Columbia]], appointed by [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1987 after thirteen years in the [[U.S. Attorney's office]] for the District, where from 1978 he was chief of the civil division. He took his law degree at the [[University of Texas School of Law]] in 1967 and served as a captain in the Army Judge Advocate General's Corps until 1974. He presided over the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court from 1995 to 2002, was chief judge of the district court from 2008 to 2013, and took senior status on July 15, 2013.[^1]
### The Bason Reappointment
On September 28, 1987, Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]] ruled from the bench that the [[Department of Justice]] had taken [[INSLAW]]'s [[PROMIS]] software "by trickery, fraud, and deceit." Bason's term was then before a merit selection panel of the district court chaired by Judge [[Norma H. Johnson]], which did not recommend his reappointment. Johnson told the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] that she had received a transcript of Bason's oral ruling from Lamberth, "who at the time was the Chief of the Civil Division for the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia"; she had at first failed to recall the contact. Bua's report noted that when Lamberth brought the ruling to Johnson's attention he was still employed at the U.S. Attorney's office but "had, in fact, already been nominated to the federal bench," Reagan having named him on March 19, 1987, "and was sworn in shortly thereafter, on November 16, 1987." The Senate had confirmed him on November 13. Bua concluded that no Justice Department official had improperly influenced the selection panel, that the contact was the only evidence found of any department contact with the reappointment process, and that the episode did not call Johnson's credibility into doubt.[^1][^2]
### Later Career
Lamberth's [[Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court]] service ran from 1995 to 2002, the last years as presiding judge. As chief judge from 2008 he sat on the Judicial Conference of the United States. After taking senior status he also sat by designation in the Western District of Texas at San Antonio.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Federal Judicial Center, "Lamberth, Royce C.," Biographical Directory of Article III Federal Judges. https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/lamberth-royce-c
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, pp. 156-157, 165-166 (the report's own pagination). https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -16,8 +16,9 @@ McDade spent three days photocopying thousands of supporting documents to *The L
McDade also described [[Scott Lawrence]]'s deep-cover drug investigation, code-named [[THE INDO-CHINA PROJECT]], on the Maine/Canadian border. Lawrence's investigation was abruptly shut down after he and his supervisor, [[John (Tim) Kelly]], requested to impanel grand juries to depose [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officials.[1]
McDade found himself a target of [[ECHELON]] technology during his investigation in the [[United States]], forcing him to take extraordinary measures to communicate with [[Sue Todd]] and [[Cheri Seymour]]. He stated that the [[NSA|NSA]] was spying on [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens while [[Canada]] spied on [[United States|American]] citizens, both using [[ECHELON]] and trading data. Although he reportedly left the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] after his investigation was exposed in the *Toronto Star* in August 2000, [[Sue Todd]] indicated he ultimately returned to police work in his hometown.[1]
McDade found himself a target of [[ECHELON]] technology during his investigation in the [[United States]], forcing him to take extraordinary measures to communicate with [[Sue Todd]] and [[Cheri Seymour]]. He stated that the [[NSA|NSA]] was spying on [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens while [[Canada]] spied on [[United States|American]] citizens, both using [[ECHELON]] and trading data. The RCMP's spokesman Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet said on August 25, 2000, that the inquiry had produced "absolutely nothing to date to indicate national security has been compromised in any way," and CSIS's Dan Lambert that the service had reviewed the matter in 1991 and never held a copy of the software;[2] the public record of the affair, from the 1991 origin to the 2000 disclosure, is on the [[Project Abbreviation]] page. Although he reportedly left the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] after his investigation was exposed in the *Toronto Star* in August 2000, [[Sue Todd]] indicated he ultimately returned to police work in his hometown.[1]
---
### Footnotes
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
[2] Sallot, Jeff. "Mounties probe software allegations," *The Globe and Mail,* August 26, 2000.

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---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- AlanStandorf
- NSA
- Casolaro
- PROMIS
- BCCI
- SuspiciousDeath
alias:
- Alan David Standorf
summary: "Civilian analyst at Vint Hill Farms Station, the Army-run NSA post in Virginia, found beaten to death in his car at Washington National Airport in January 1991, whom Bill Turner named as a source of the BCCI and PROMIS documents in Danny Casolaro's missing briefcase."
died: 1991-01
location: "Vint Hill Farms Station, Virginia"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Alan Standorf was a civilian employee, described by the airport detectives who investigated his death as "a low-level analyst," at [[Vint Hill Farms Station]], the military reservation outside Warrenton, [[Virginia]], "which is run by the army for the [[National Security Agency]]." He died of a blow to the head around January 3, 1991; his body, wrapped in his coat, was found stuffed in the back seat of his car at Washington National Airport on January 28. He had withdrawn 500 dollars from a cash machine shortly before he died, no money was found with the body, and a handgun was missing. Because he worked at a restricted facility, an Army intelligence investigator spent two days with the detectives of the National Airport Authority going over the evidence, and an Army intelligence officer looked for any sign that the death was related to his work; finding no suspect, the detectives took the case for a robbery with the body dumped at the airport.[^1]
### The Casolaro Connection
[[Danny Casolaro]] was found dead in a Martinsburg, [[West Virginia]], hotel on August 10, 1991, without the briefcase of documents he had been carrying. [[Bill Turner]], the former Hughes Aircraft employee who had met him the day before, said the briefcase held material Casolaro had "received from Alan Standorf" together with documents "concerning modified PROMIS software sales to Canada, Australia, and Israel," and it was Turner, the Village Voice reported, who was "the source of the rumor" that reached the airport detectives that Casolaro had been investigating Standorf's death. On September 4, 1991, the two detectives came to the Martinsburg police station while Casolaro's son, sister and a family friend were there to collect his car, and told the family they were investigating Standorf's murder. When the two police forces met, "they realized that neither one had any evidence linking Casolaro and Standorf"; the story that a business card of one had been found on the other's body was false. Later accounts describe Standorf as a first lieutenant in electronic intelligence and say [[Michael Riconosciuto]] introduced him to Casolaro in 1990 as a source on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] and [[PROMIS]].[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ridgeway, James, and Doug Vaughan. "The Last Days of Danny Casolaro: Murder or Suicide," *The Village Voice,* October 15, 1991, pp. 31-43, part 1, as reprinted at https://survivorbb.rapeutation.com/viewtopic.php?f=218&t=2794
[^2]: "Son of Slain Journalist Who Exposed Web of CIA Corruption Calling For New Murder Investigation," *CovertAction Magazine,* September 4, 2023 (which gives January 31, 1991, as the date the body was found). https://covertactionmagazine.com/2023/09/04/son-of-slain-journalist-who-exposed-web-of-cia-corruption-calling-for-new-murder-investigation/ The rank, the Riconosciuto introduction and the BCCI documents are as given in later accounts not examined.

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@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
---
category: "Belgium Scandals"
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- Belgium
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Anthony Pasciuto was the Deputy Director of the Executive Office of U.
Anthony Pasciuto was the Deputy Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST) within the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He became a central figure in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s allegations of a plot to convert its bankruptcy to a liquidation and a subsequent cover-up.
Inslaw's primary allegation stemmed from a private conversation [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]] had with Pasciuto in March 1987. According to Nancy Hamilton's later testimony, Pasciuto told them that the Director of EOUST, [[Thomas Stanton]], had pressured the U.S. Trustee assigned to the [[INSLAW]] case, [[Philip White]], to convert the case to Chapter 7. Pasciuto also allegedly told the Hamiltons that Stanton had tried to detail a talented attorney from the U.S. Trustee's Office in the Southern District of New York, [[Harry Jones]], to Washington D.C., to work on converting the Inslaw case. This allegation was initially supported by the deposition testimony of [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, who swore that White had told him Stanton wanted the Inslaw case converted and a particular attorney from Blackshear's office assigned to handle it.[^1]
Inslaw's primary allegation stemmed from a private conversation [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]] had with Pasciuto in March 1987. According to Nancy Hamilton's later testimony, Pasciuto told them that the Director of EOUST, [[Thomas Stanton]], had pressured the U.S. Trustee assigned to the [[INSLAW]] case, [[William White]], to convert the case to Chapter 7. Pasciuto also allegedly told the Hamiltons that Stanton had tried to detail a talented attorney from the U.S. Trustee's Office in the Southern District of New York, [[Harry Jones]], to Washington D.C., to work on converting the Inslaw case. This allegation was initially supported by the deposition testimony of [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, who swore that White had told him Stanton wanted the Inslaw case converted and a particular attorney from Blackshear's office assigned to handle it.[^1]
However, Pasciuto's testimony and statements were found to be highly unreliable by the Special Counsel's investigation. Pasciuto himself testified during the Independent Handling hearing that no one had ever told him Stanton pressured White to convert the case, and he had no personal knowledge of the subject. He admitted that if he did tell the Hamiltons of such pressure, it was because he was very upset and would have done anything, including exaggerating and making things up, to hurt Stanton, his boss, with whom he was having problems. Pasciuto later changed his story, claiming that his initial statements to the Hamiltons were true and that his trial testimony was influenced by pressure from the DOJ and the lack of corroboration from Blackshear and White.[^1]

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---
category: "Crime & Abuse Networks"
tags:
- Person
- GerardJohnSchaefer
- Florida
- SerialKiller
- Wackenhut
- MartinCounty
alias:
- Gerard Schaefer
- G.J. Schaefer
- Killer Cop
- Butcher of Blind Creek
summary: "Martin County, Florida, deputy sheriff convicted in 1973 of two murders and linked by recovered possessions to at least six missing women, and by one account a Wackenhut security guard in 1970."
born: 1946-03-26
died: 1995-12-03
location: "Fort Lauderdale, Florida"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Gerard John Schaefer (March 26, 1946, Neenah, Wisconsin, to December 3, 1995, Florida State Prison) was a [[Martin County, Florida|Martin County]] deputy sheriff convicted in September 1973 of the first-degree murders of Susan Place and Georgia Jessup, two teenagers whose remains were found on Hutchinson Island on April 1, 1973. A trunk and jewelry box seized from his mother's house in [[Fort Lauderdale]] held jewelry, teeth, identity documents and photographs belonging to or depicting other women who had disappeared in southern [[Florida]] between 1969 and 1973. He was never charged with those deaths. Within a month of joining the sheriff's office he abducted two hitchhikers, [[Nancy Trotter]] and Paula Sue Wells, handcuffed and gagged them and tied them to trees with nooses at their necks, then left; both escaped. Trotter and Wells told a state investigator the next day that he had talked of selling them into "white slavery" and had "started estimating how much he could get for us."[^1][^2][^3]
### Teaching, Security Work and the Police
Schaefer grew up in Nashville, Atlanta and, from 1960, Fort Lauderdale, graduated from St. Thomas Aquinas High School in 1964, and took a degree at [[Florida Atlantic University]] in 1968; a university psychological evaluation that year found "impairment in reality testing." He student-taught geography at Plantation High School from September 23 to November 7, 1969, when he was dismissed after complaints from students and parents, and was let go from a second internship at Stranahan High School about seven weeks after it began on April 2, 1970. His first wife, Martha Fogg, divorced him on May 2, 1970, on grounds of extreme cruelty. He then travelled in Europe and North Africa, and on his return took work as a security guard, with the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] by one account and Florida Power & Light by another.[^1][^3][^4]
Applying to the Wilton Manors police (the year is given as both 1970 and 1971), he claimed two years as a research assistant at the university and said he had recently returned from [[Morocco]]; the department did not check. He had already failed the [[Broward County Sheriff's Office|Broward County Sheriff's Department]] psychological test. Wilton Manors dismissed him after six months for what its chief, Bernard Scott, called "a lack of common sense," and Martin County hired him as a deputy in June 1972 on the strength of a forged Wilton Manors recommendation.[^1][^3]
### Evidence, Trial and Prison
Searches in April 1973 recovered a locket engraved "LEIGH" belonging to Leigh Hainline Bonadies, a teenage neighbor of Schaefer's missing since September 1969; two teeth and a gold shamrock pin of Carmen Hallock, who had vanished in December 1969, together with a story of Schaefer's about the hanging of a woman in a black chiffon dress, the outfit Hallock was last seen in; the driver's license of Barbara Wilcox and passport of Collette Goodenough, hitchhikers last seen in January 1973; a chain and Madonna pin of Mary Briscolina, 14, missing with Elsie Farmer, 13, since October 1972; teeth and bone attributed to at least eight people; and photographs of women hanged or mutilated whose subjects police could not identify, along with pictures of Schaefer in women's clothing simulating his own hanging. Among the papers was a letter dated July 20, 1971, from a correspondent he had met in Morocco in 1970, enclosing a large number of pictures, several of women mutilated with bladed weapons; by a later account the correspondent wrote from Brunswick East, Victoria, and had taken the pictures in a village in the Sahara after what he called a "wog massacre" of Europeans and Arabs. Georgia Jessup's suede purse was in the possession of Schaefer's second wife, Teresa Dean, who said he had given it to her; when he pressed her and her brother Henry Dean to discard it, Dean gave it to police. The trunk held items from "at least six other women and girls." The jury convicted him on September 27, 1973, after about five hours, and he received two concurrent life terms on October 4.[^1][^2][^3][^5]
In prison he wrote the stories later published with [[Sondra London]] as Killer Fiction, described conversations with [[Ted Bundy]], whom he called "a tyro when he nabbed Ott and Naslund," and forged letters in the name of [[Ottis Toole]] to John Walsh, Sears and Florida newspapers on the promise of a book deal. He sued London three times, and also [[Michael Newton]], Colin Wilson, Robert Ressler and Patrick Kendrick, for calling him a serial killer; the suits against London were dismissed after she filed his handwritten confessions as an exhibit, the Seventh Circuit affirmed judgment for Newton in June 1995, and the Wilson court declared him libel-proof. He was found stabbed more than forty times in his cell on December 3, 1995. Vincent Faustino Rivera was convicted of the killing in 1999; the official account gave a quarrel over hot water, while letters from Danny Rolling to London describe Schaefer as a "manipulating SNITCH" whose cell had twice been set on fire.[^2][^3][^6][^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Crime: Bluebeard on the Beach," *Time,* May 28, 1973, p. 31 (the 1968 evaluation, the Broward rejection, Chief Scott, the trunk, and the arrest 22 days into the Martin County job). https://time.com/archive/6844470/crime-bluebeard-on-the-beach/
[^2]: London, Sondra. "Killer Cop," introductory essay to Schaefer, G.J., as told to Sondra London, *Killer Fiction,* Feral House, 1997 (reissued 2011); reproduces the investigator Littman's interview of Trotter and Wells, Schaefer's Bundy letter, the litigation and Rolling's letters. Archived at http://web.archive.org/web/20180514185819/http://sondralondon.com/tales/cop/index.htm
[^3]: "The Butcher of Blind Creek: Gerard John Schaefer," *CrimeCult,* November 16, 2024, a compilation drawing on *Palm Beach Post* coverage of May 1973 and Lane, Brian, *Real-Life Crimes,* Eaglemoss, 1992-93; the underlying clippings, on newspapers.com, were not examined. https://www.crimecult.com/p/gerard-john-schaefer
[^4]: The Wackenhut attribution is Lane, Brian, "Gerard Schaefer," *Real-Life Crimes,* Eaglemoss, London, 1992-93, p. 162, as cited in later accounts and not examined directly; the Crime Library profile of Schaefer, intermittently offline, gives the employer as "Florida Light and Power." No account describes his duties, names who hired him, or connects him to other Wackenhut personnel.
[^5]: The letter's date and the pictures of mutilated women are in the CrimeCult account. The Brunswick East origin, the Moroccan acquaintance of summer 1970 and the "village in the Sahara" after a "wog massacre" are given only in Kendrick, Patrick, *American Ripper: The Enigma of America's Serial Killer Cop,* BluewaterPress, 2020, pp. 224-225, as summarized in later accounts; the book was not available for examination, and the letter is not mentioned in London's essay or in any 1973 press account located. A count of 37 Polaroids is attributed to "'Grave' Site Probed for More Victims," *Fort Lauderdale News,* May 24, 1973, not examined. Kendrick's earlier *Extended Family* is a novel drawing on the case; "Up Close: Patrick Kendrick," *The Big Thrill,* August 2020. https://www.thebigthrill.org/2020/08/up-close-patrick-kendrick/
[^6]: Gilmore, Tim. "Stalking Ottis Toole, chapter 109: Framing Ottis Toole," *Jax Psycho Geo,* correcting the account in Matthews, Joe, and Les Standiford, *Bringing Adam Home,* 2011. https://jaxpsychogeo.com/north/springfield-ottis-toole-house/ottis-toole/stalking-ottis-toole-chapter-109/
[^7]: *Schaefer v. Newton,* 57 F.3d 1073 (7th Cir. 1995) (unpublished order affirming summary judgment; text not examined). The Rivera conviction and the hot-water account are in the CrimeCult compilation.

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@ -1,8 +1,7 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
- CIA
summary: "CIA officer who developed intelligence contacts with international arms merchant Adnan Khashoggi, a key figure in the Saudi-Israeli-American arms network."
born: 1916-02-16

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@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- LeeRawls
- DOJ
- BNL
- INSLAW
- Senate
- FBI
alias:
- W. Lee Rawls
- William Lee Rawls
summary: "Justice Department legislative affairs chief under Thornburgh who advised him how to thwart the House Banking Committee's BNL inquiry and corresponded with the House Judiciary Committee during its INSLAW investigation; later chief of staff to Senator Frist and to FBI Director Mueller."
died: 2010-12
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
W. Lee Rawls (Newport, Rhode Island, to December 2010, aged 66) was the [[Department of Justice]]'s assistant attorney general for legislative affairs under [[Richard Thornburgh]], the department's liaison to Congress in the years when the [[House Committee on the Judiciary]] under [[Jack Brooks]] was demanding [[INSLAW]] documents and the [[House Banking Committee]] under Henry Gonzalez was opening its inquiry into the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] loans to [[Iraq]]. A Princeton graduate of 1966 with a law degree from [[George Washington University]], he began as a legislative specialist at the Environmental Protection Agency, was chief of staff to Senator [[Pete Domenici]] by 1975, and served as staff director of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]] before joining the department.[^1]
### Thornburgh's Congress Man
In 1990, as Gonzalez prepared a full-scale investigation of the Atlanta branch of BNL, Rawls wrote Thornburgh a briefing memorandum: "Our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the House Banking Committee into this case is to have you contact Chairman Gonzalez directly." Gonzalez declined to take the attorney general's call, and Thornburgh wrote to him of his "profound disappointment." In May and July 1991 Rawls corresponded on the department's behalf with the House Judiciary Committee during its INSLAW investigation.[^2][^3]
### Later Career
Rawls was chief of staff to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist from 2003 to 2005 and then chief of staff and senior counsel to [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Director [[Robert Mueller]] until 2009. In private practice he was a partner at Vinson & Elkins and managing partner of the Washington office of Howard Baker's firm, Baker Donelson; he taught at the National Defense University and the College of William and Mary, was a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center, and in 2009 published In Praise of Deadlock, a defense of the Senate filibuster. He died of acute leukemia in December 2010.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "W. Lee Rawls, Justice Department official and Senate aide," obituary, *The Washington Post,* December 2010; Princeton Alumni Weekly memorial, Class of 1966; "Lee Rawls, Former Chief of Staff to FBI Director Mueller, Dies," *Tickle the Wire,* December 2010. The three obituaries agree on the career; none was opened in full, and the biographical details rest on their summaries.
[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq,* Bantam, 1993, pp. 193-194.
[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair,* H. Rept. 102-857, September 10, 1992, correspondence of May and July 1991 (the letters' contents were not examined). https://archive.org/details/InslawAffairInvestigativeReport

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@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- MarkRichard
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- DOJ
- Pollard
- IranContra
alias:
- Mark Richard
- Mark Richards
summary: "Deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division for twenty years, named by a Senate investigator's source as knowing of Lowell Jensen's conduct in the INSLAW matter and questioned by the Bua inquiry over the Office of Special Investigations; he called INSLAW's charges slanderous."
died: 2009-05-23
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Mark M. Richard (died May 23, 2009, Charlottesville, [[Virginia]], aged 69) was a career prosecutor of the [[Department of Justice]] for forty years, serving sixteen attorneys general from Ramsey Clark to Alberto Gonzales. Born in New York and raised in Brooklyn, he worked as a probation officer, graduated from Brooklyn Law School in 1967 and joined the department the same year, becoming chief of the fraud section. In 1979 he was made deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division, a post he held for twenty years. He had a hand in the inquiry into Carter's budget director Bert Lance, the Billy Carter Libya lobbying case, the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage prosecution, the federal intervention at Waco and the mid-1990s investigation of Democratic National Committee contributions. From 1999 to 2007 he was the department's representative to the [[European Union]], leading counterterrorism coordination after September 2001 and negotiating extradition and mutual legal assistance treaties. He received the Presidential Rank Award, two Attorney General's Exceptional Service Awards and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] Director's Award; Attorney General Eric Holder spoke at his funeral, and the Criminal Division named a memorial award for him.[^1]
### Pollard and Iran-Contra
In 1986 [[Leonard Garment]] informed U.S. Attorney [[Joseph E. diGenova]] and Richard that he was withdrawing from the representation of the Israeli officer Aviem Sella in the Pollard matter. Richard's handwritten notes of a department briefing on the Iran-Contra figure [[Scott Weekly]] recorded: "Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to Bush."[^2][^3]
### The INSLAW Inquiry
A career department source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], chief investigator of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]], said that Richard, [[John Keeney]] and [[Philip White]] knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s conduct in the [[INSLAW]] matter and that Richard and White were "pretty upset" about it but would speak only under subpoena and oath. Interviewed by the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]], Richard said he had no knowledge of any wrongdoing by Jensen generally or of the kind described in [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit, and Bua found no credible evidence for the allegation. INSLAW also suggested that the [[Office of Special Investigations]], the Nazi-hunting unit within the Criminal Division, was a covert intelligence arm distributing [[PROMIS]]. Bua's report records his reply: "Mr. Richard stated that INSLAW's charges are ridiculous. He said that OSI is only involved in its stated mission of locating and deporting Nazi war criminals and in related projects such as the analysis of Kurt Waldheim's role during World War II. He did, however, note that OSI does work with various intelligence agencies in fulfilling its mandate of locating war criminals. He categorically denied any involvement by OSI in covert operations, the dissemination of PROMIS or the death of Mr. Casolaro. He said that he considers these and other allegations made by INSLAW to be slanderous."[^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Mark M. Richard, Career Prosecutor With the Justice Department, Dies at 69," *The Washington Post,* June 3, 2009. Archived at http://web.archive.org/web/20141225083941/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/03/AR2009060303700.html
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option,* Random House, 1991, ch. 21.
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance,* Seven Stories, 1998, ch. 19.
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, p. 120 and the section on the Office of Special Investigations. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -1,21 +0,0 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
- CIA
- DoJ
- Lawyer
- INSLAW
summary: "Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the DOJ."
---
Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He was implicated in allegations surrounding the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].
According to a source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], Richards, along with [[John Keeney]] and [[Philip White]], knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s alleged malfeasance in the Inslaw matter. The source believed that while Richards and White were "pretty upset" about it, they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath, and that they would not commit perjury.[^1]
However, when interviewed by the Special Counsel, Mark Richards stated that he had no knowledge of any wrongdoing by Lowell Jensen generally, or of the type of wrongdoing described in the Hamilton affidavit specifically. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support the allegations against Richards or any connection between him and a conspiracy related to [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] or [[PROMIS]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.

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@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
---
category: "Belgium Scandals"
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- Belgium
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Thomas Stanton was the Director of the Executive Office of U.S."
Thomas Stanton was the Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST) within the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He became a central figure in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s allegations of a plot to convert its bankruptcy to a liquidation and a subsequent cover-up.
According to [[Anthony Pasciuto]], then Deputy Director of EOUST, Stanton had pressured [[Philip White]], the U.S. Trustee assigned to the Inslaw case, to convert Inslaw's Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation. Pasciuto also alleged that Stanton tried to detail [[Harry Jones]], an attorney from the U.S. Trustee's Office, to Washington D.C. to work on converting the Inslaw case. [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure. Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Stanton struck a bargain with [[C. Madison Brewer]] to liquidate [[INSLAW]] to rid the DOJ of its contract problems, and that Stanton made this commitment to curry favor with the EOUSA and higher DOJ officials to secure support for making the temporary U.S. Trustee program permanent. Bason believed Stanton agreed to pressure White and, when White resisted, sought to detail Jones to accomplish the conversion. However, the Special Counsel's investigation found that Stanton and Brewer denied any such discussions, and that Stanton testified he only briefly considered transferring Jones to assist with the Inslaw matter due to its high-profile nature, not to effect a conversion.[^1]
According to [[Anthony Pasciuto]], then Deputy Director of EOUST, Stanton had pressured [[William White]], the U.S. Trustee assigned to the Inslaw case, to convert Inslaw's Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation. Pasciuto also alleged that Stanton tried to detail [[Harry Jones]], an attorney from the U.S. Trustee's Office, to Washington D.C. to work on converting the Inslaw case. [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure. Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Stanton struck a bargain with [[C. Madison Brewer]] to liquidate [[INSLAW]] to rid the DOJ of its contract problems, and that Stanton made this commitment to curry favor with the EOUSA and higher DOJ officials to secure support for making the temporary U.S. Trustee program permanent. Bason believed Stanton agreed to pressure White and, when White resisted, sought to detail Jones to accomplish the conversion. However, the Special Counsel's investigation found that Stanton and Brewer denied any such discussions, and that Stanton testified he only briefly considered transferring Jones to assist with the Inslaw matter due to its high-profile nature, not to effect a conversion.[^1]
The Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigated allegations against Stanton and others, concluding that Bankruptcy Judge Bason's findings on the Independent Handling proceeding were "clearly erroneous" and that there was no evidence that DOJ employees had tried to pressure White to convert Inslaw's case. OPR also found no evidence that DOJ officials had lied to cover up a conversion effort. The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PSI) also investigated the matter, finding "no proof that an effort to convert Inslaw's bankruptcy proceedings was conducted by individuals beyond those the Bankruptcy Court had found responsible." The PSI noted that Stanton urged special treatment for the Inslaw case because he saw it as a means of favorably impressing the DOJ and ensuring continued support for his office, which, while improper, did not equate to the conspiracy alleged by the Hamiltons. The Special Counsel's investigation concluded that there was insufficient evidence to establish that the DOJ and Stanton endeavored to have the Inslaw case converted or engaged in any cover-up. It noted that a scheme to convert Inslaw would have been self-defeating, as only the Bankruptcy Court could order conversion, and the facts of the Inslaw case would not have supported such a motion.[^1]

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@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
---
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- AllanTessler
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- SheaGould
- HudsonInstitute
alias:
- Alan Tessler
- Allan Tessler
summary: "Senior managing partner of the New York firm Shea and Gould whom Bill Hamilton's affidavit named as Earl Brian's and Hadron's merger lawyer and as a relative of INSLAW's investor Daniel Tessler, who denied any relation; later a merchant banker, L Brands director and Hudson Institute chairman."
location: "Jackson, Wyoming"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Allan R. Tessler, a Cornell graduate and editor of the Cornell Law Quarterly who served as a Navy lieutenant, began at Cleary, Gottlieb, Steen and Hamilton, was counsel to Spengler, Carlson, Gubar and Churchill, and became senior managing partner of [[Shea & Gould]], sitting on the New York firm's executive committee from 1976 to 1988. After the firm dissolved in 1994 he was chairman and chief executive of International Financial Group, a merchant bank, from 1987; co-chief executive and chairman of Data Broadcasting Corporation, later Interactive Data; chairman of Enhance Financial Services Group, an insurance holding company he co-founded that merged into Radian; and chairman and principal shareholder of Great Dane Holdings. He had earlier held senior posts at Ladenburg Thalmann, Devon Securities and Loeb Rhoades and been president of Slater Walker of America, Ameriscribe and Fifth Avenue Coach Lines. He was lead director and finance committee chairman of L Brands, a director of TD Ameritrade and of Interactive Data until November 2006, and chairman emeritus of the [[Hudson Institute]].[^1]
### The INSLAW Affidavit
[[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit in the [[INSLAW]] litigation alleged that [[Daniel Tessler]], the investment manager who with his wife [[Patricia Cloherty]] took over the [[53rd Street Ventures]] fund holding INSLAW stock in 1984, "is a relative of Alan Tessler, the senior partner in the New York City law firm of Shea and Gould responsible for [[Earl Brian|Brian]]'s and [[Hadron]]'s mergers and acquisitions work." Daniel Tessler told the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]]'s investigators that he "is not a relative of, and does not even know, Alan Tessler." Bua's report does not record an interview of Allan Tessler, and the statement that Shea and Gould handled Brian's and Hadron's merger work rests on the Hamilton affidavit alone; Tessler's tenure on the firm's executive committee does place him at Shea and Gould through the years in question.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hudson Institute, "Allan R. Tessler, Chairman Emeritus," institutional biography, archived at http://web.archive.org/web/20211204105456/https://www.hudson.org/experts/679-allan-r-tessler-mdash-i-chairman-emeritus--i ; the executive committee dates are from a Cornell University Library finding aid for the Shea and Gould records, not examined.
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, pp. 90-94 and addendum. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ Daniel Tessler managed a venture capital fund called [[53rd Street Ventures]], I
[[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit claimed that in December 1984, shortly before Inslaw's Chapter 11 filing, Tessler came to Inslaw and attempted to induce the Hamiltons to turn over the voting rights of their controlling interest in Inslaw common stock. Hamilton alleged that Tessler stated neither 53rd Street Ventures nor [[Hambro Venture Capital]] would help Inslaw raise capital unless the Hamiltons surrendered their voting rights by the end of the business day. Hamilton's affidavit also suggested a relationship between [[Daniel Tessler]] and [[Alan Tessler]], a partner in a law firm representing [[Earl Brian]] and [[Hadron]], and that Daniel Tessler helped organize Hadron's efforts to "get" Inslaw.[^1]
Daniel Tessler denied these allegations. He stated that he and Cloherty looked into the Inslaw investment after taking over management and determined that Inslaw had serious operating difficulties, was heavily in debt, and could not meet its production obligations. He met with Hamilton in late 1984, and while Hamilton asked about additional investment, Tessler denied ever trying to induce the Hamiltons to turn over their voting rights or giving them an ultimatum. He maintained that he only discussed control in the context of future investments, explaining that investors were unlikely to invest if the company continued to be managed by the same people who led it into financial difficulties. Tessler stated he does not know Earl Brian, [[Edwin Meese]], [[Dominic Laiti]], or [[Lowell Jensen]], and denied any discussions or communications with them or any DOJ officials regarding Inslaw's investment or his conversations with Hamilton. He also denied any dealings with Hadron, Simeon, or Biotech, and denied being related to Alan Tessler or having dealings with Shea and Gould. Tessler stated that to his knowledge, his wife, [[Patricia Cloherty]], had no knowledge of Earl Brian or any connection between Brian and Inslaw, and never claimed to "know all about" Brian's role in the Inslaw matter.[^1]
Daniel Tessler denied these allegations. He stated that he and Cloherty looked into the Inslaw investment after taking over management and determined that Inslaw had serious operating difficulties, was heavily in debt, and could not meet its production obligations. He met with Hamilton in late 1984, and while Hamilton asked about additional investment, Tessler denied ever trying to induce the Hamiltons to turn over their voting rights or giving them an ultimatum. He maintained that he only discussed control in the context of future investments, explaining that investors were unlikely to invest if the company continued to be managed by the same people who led it into financial difficulties. Tessler stated he does not know Earl Brian, [[Edwin Meese]], [[Dominic Laiti]], or [[Lowell Jensen]], and denied any discussions or communications with them or any DOJ officials regarding Inslaw's investment or his conversations with Hamilton. He also denied any dealings with Hadron, Simeon, or Biotech, and denied being related to [[Allan R. Tessler|Alan Tessler]] or having dealings with Shea and Gould. Tessler stated that to his knowledge, his wife, [[Patricia Cloherty]], had no knowledge of Earl Brian or any connection between Brian and Inslaw, and never claimed to "know all about" Brian's role in the Inslaw matter.[^1]
### Footnotes

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@ -1,8 +1,7 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
category: "Historical Figure"
tags:
- Person
- PROMIS
summary: "Princess of Wales whose 1997 death alongside Dodi Fayed is referenced in research tied to the PROMIS scandal and its web of interconnected intelligence figures."
born: 1961-07-01
died: 1997-08-31

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@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
---
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- HassanYassin
- SaudiArabia
- Khashoggi
- Washington
alias:
- Hassan Youssef Yassin
summary: "Son of King Abdulaziz's adviser Youssef Yassin, cousin of Adnan Khashoggi and associate of Kamal Adham, who headed the Saudi Information Office in Washington from 1972 to 1981 and died in May 2026."
died: 2026-05-17
location: "Mecca, Saudi Arabia"
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Hassan Yassin (Mecca, to May 17, 2026) was the son of Sheikh Youssef Yassin, political adviser to King Abdulaziz, the founder of [[Saudi Arabia]], and grew up, in the words of his obituary, "immersed in the details and inner workings of Saudi politics from an early age." Educated in Mecca and Taif and at Victoria College in Alexandria, he studied in the United States in the 1950s and worked under the oil ministers Abdullah Tariki and [[Ahmed Zaki Yamani]] from 1959 to 1967. From 1972 to 1981 he headed the Saudi Information Office in [[Washington, D.C.]], the kingdom's public diplomacy post in the capital during the oil embargo, the Yamani years and the first arms sales fights in Congress; he then served with the Arab League's observer delegation at the United Nations from 1981 to 1983, later advised a Saudi ambassador in Washington, and wrote a column for Arab News. Saudi officials mourning him called him "a national memory and a cultural treasure trove that accompanied our kings."[^1]
He was a cousin of the arms dealer [[Adnan Khashoggi]] and was described, in the account of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] affair by Beaty and Gwynne, as a close business associate of [[Kamal Adham]], the head of Saudi intelligence and the bank's front man. No documented transaction connects him to [[Earl Brian]]'s [[Hadron]] or United Press International ventures; he does not appear in the House Judiciary Committee's report, the Bua report or [[Ari Ben-Menashe]]'s book.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hassan, Rashid. "Testament to Saudi Arabia's modern history, Hassan Yassin dies," *Arab News,* May 18, 2026. https://www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/testament-to-saudi-arabias-modern-history-hassan-yassin-dies-2644043 Victoria College is from an earlier Arab News profile not examined.
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank,* Random House, 1993, p. 352, as cited on [[Adnan Khashoggi]]; House Report 102-857 and the Bua report, searched in full, contain no reference to him.

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@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Paul Wormeli was the Vice President in charge of Product Development f
Paul Wormeli was the Vice President in charge of Product Development for [[Simeon]], Inc., a company that was purchased by Hadron in 1982. He remained with Simeon for two years after the acquisition.
Wormeli accompanied [[Dominic Laiti]] on a business trip to New York City in late 1983, which [[Bill Hamilton]] alleged was to raise capital to buy [[PROMIS]]. Wormeli confirmed that the trip was to raise money for Simeon and that he and Laiti met with [[Earl Brian]] and executives from Allen and Company, including [[Mark Kesselman]], to discuss funding. However, Wormeli stated that neither Laiti nor Brian ever discussed the acquisition of PROMIS or [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] with him, and that Laiti never mentioned PROMIS or Inslaw to him or at any of the New York meetings. Wormeli first became aware of Inslaw's problems with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]] from reading newspaper articles. While sympathetic to Hamilton's view, Wormeli maintained he had no knowledge of a connection between Hadron and Inslaw.[^1]
Wormeli accompanied [[Dominic Laiti]] on a business trip to New York City in late 1983, which [[Bill Hamilton]] alleged was to raise capital to buy [[PROMIS]]. Wormeli confirmed that the trip was to raise money for Simeon and that he and Laiti met with [[Earl Brian]] and executives from [[Allen and Company]], including [[Mark Kesselman]], to discuss funding. However, Wormeli stated that neither Laiti nor Brian ever discussed the acquisition of PROMIS or [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] with him, and that Laiti never mentioned PROMIS or Inslaw to him or at any of the New York meetings. Wormeli first became aware of Inslaw's problems with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]] from reading newspaper articles. While sympathetic to Hamilton's view, Wormeli maintained he had no knowledge of a connection between Hadron and Inslaw.[^1]
The Special Counsel's investigation found that Wormeli's testimony did not support Hamilton's thesis that the New York trip was to raise money to buy PROMIS. The investigation concluded that there was no evidence from Wormeli or other interviewed individuals that Hadron or Simeon ever had any interest in obtaining Inslaw's software.[^1]

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@ -1,18 +1,15 @@
---
category: "Belgium Scandals"
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- Belgium
- PROMIS
- DOJ
summary: "Philip White was the Director of International Affairs for the Criminal Division of the DOJ."
---
Philip White was the Director of International Affairs for the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He was implicated in allegations surrounding the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] and the attempted conversion of [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s bankruptcy case.
Philip White was the Director of International Affairs for the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He was named in allegations surrounding the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]]; the United States Trustee on the [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] bankruptcy, [[William White]], is a different official.
According to a source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], White, along with [[John Keeney]] and [[Mark Richards]], knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s alleged malfeasance in the Inslaw matter. The source believed that while Richards and White were "pretty upset" about it, they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath, and that they would not commit perjury.[^1]
White was also the U.S. Trustee assigned to the [[INSLAW]] bankruptcy case. [[Anthony Pasciuto]] alleged that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), pressured White to convert Inslaw's Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation. [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure. White, however, denied that Stanton had tried to exert any pressure on him to convert Inslaw. He explained that he asked for specific language to be added to a confidentiality order to protect himself from criticism, such as that made by Inslaw's counsel following the [[Jack Rugh]]-[[Gregory McKain]] conversation, by ensuring only personnel in his office would be involved in the case. White's recollection was that Blackshear was mistaken and had confused Inslaw with the UPI case, about which White had told Blackshear that the IRS had pressured him to join a motion to convert.[^1]
The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support the allegations against White. When interviewed, White denied any wrongdoing or pressure from Stanton to convert the Inslaw case. The investigation concluded that White's testimony was consistent with that of most other witnesses, and that his explanation for the confidentiality order language was credible. The report also noted that White, being no longer in government, was less susceptible to pressure to tailor his testimony to suit the DOJ's position. The investigation found insufficient evidence to support a finding that the DOJ pressured the U.S. Trustee to convert the U.S. Trustee to convert the Inslaw Bankruptcy case or otherwise improperly interfere with it, or that the DOJ attempted a cover-up.[^1]
According to a source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], White, along with [[John Keeney]] and [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]], knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s alleged malfeasance in the Inslaw matter. The source believed that while Richard and White were "pretty upset" about it, they would not disclose what they knew except under subpoena and oath, and that they would not commit perjury.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.

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@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ Roger Whelan was the bankruptcy judge who preceded [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|J
Whelan became involved in the controversy surrounding Judge Bason's non-reappointment. He was a practicing bankruptcy attorney and reportedly received complaints about Bason from several of his colleagues. These attorneys, according to Whelan, shared his view that Bason was pro-debtor and too slow in making decisions. Whelan reported these views to the Merit Selection Panel by telephone. The Special Counsel's investigation noted that Whelan's opposition to Bason's reappointment was significant, as it contributed to the perception that Judge Bason was a poor administrator. This perception, whether accurate or not, was made known to the Panel at least by Whelan and almost certainly by others.[^1]
[[Charles Deeter]], an attorney for [[INSLAW|Inslaw]], reported to the House Committee on the Judiciary that in July 1987, Whelan had threatened to oppose Bason's reappointment because Bason had not ruled on a fee petition filed by Whelan. Deeter alleged that Whelan told him that Senior District Court Judge Irwin Gasch would organize the opposition to Bason's reappointment. Whelan acknowledged that he represented a party in the UPI case and was frustrated by Judge Bason's delay in ruling on an application he had filed. He also acknowledged being a friend of Senior Judge Gasch. However, he denied ever speaking with Charles Deeter about the UPI case or trying indirectly to pressure Judge Bason to rule on his application for compensation in that case. The Special Counsel's investigation did not attempt to resolve this disagreement but noted that the possibility of concerted opposition to Bason by district court judges or others might explain why he was not reappointed.[^1]
[[Charles Docter]], an attorney for [[INSLAW|Inslaw]], reported to the House Committee on the Judiciary that in July 1987, Whelan had threatened to oppose Bason's reappointment because Bason had not ruled on a fee petition filed by Whelan. Docter alleged that Whelan told him that Senior District Court Judge Irwin Gasch would organize the opposition to Bason's reappointment. Whelan acknowledged that he represented a party in the UPI case and was frustrated by Judge Bason's delay in ruling on an application he had filed. He also acknowledged being a friend of Senior Judge Gasch. However, he denied ever speaking with Charles Docter about the UPI case or trying indirectly to pressure Judge Bason to rule on his application for compensation in that case. The Special Counsel's investigation did not attempt to resolve this disagreement but noted that the possibility of concerted opposition to Bason by district court judges or others might explain why he was not reappointed.[^1]
### Footnotes

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@ -36,7 +36,7 @@ In early 1986, Weekly and Gritz were recruited to train Afghan Mujahedeen fighte
### The Tapes and Bush Connection
Justice Department official Mark Richard's handwritten notes of a briefing on Weekly's case recorded: "Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to Bush." The tapes of Weekly's intercontinental telephone conversations were obtained by the Justice Department but do not appear to have been turned over to Iran-Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh. Weekly was convicted of transporting explosives and sentenced to five years. After fourteen months, a hearing revealed he had been working for the U.S. government. His probation required him to report any future contact with the State Department, Defense Department, CIA, or any intelligence agency.[^1]
Justice Department official [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]]'s handwritten notes of a briefing on Weekly's case recorded: "Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to Bush." The tapes of Weekly's intercontinental telephone conversations were obtained by the Justice Department but do not appear to have been turned over to Iran-Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh. Weekly was convicted of transporting explosives and sentenced to five years. After fourteen months, a hearing revealed he had been working for the U.S. government. His probation required him to report any future contact with the State Department, Defense Department, CIA, or any intelligence agency.[^1]
### Footnotes

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@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
---
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- WilliamWhite
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
- USTrustee
alias:
- Edward White
summary: "United States Trustee for the District of Columbia on the INSLAW bankruptcy whom Anthony Pasciuto said Thomas Stanton pressured to convert the case to liquidation, a claim White denied and Bua found unsupported; distinct from the Criminal Division's Philip White."
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
William White was the United States Trustee for the District of Columbia assigned to the [[INSLAW]] bankruptcy case, filed under Chapter 11 in February 1985. [[Anthony Pasciuto]] alleged that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), pressured White to convert Inslaw's Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation. [[Cornelius Blackshear]], then a U.S. Bankruptcy Judge, initially testified that White had told him of Stanton's pressure. White, however, denied that Stanton had tried to exert any pressure on him to convert Inslaw. He explained that he asked for specific language to be added to a confidentiality order to protect himself from criticism, such as that made by Inslaw's counsel following the [[Jack Rugh]]-[[Gregory McKain]] conversation of February 1985, by ensuring only personnel in his office would be involved in the case. White's recollection was that Blackshear was mistaken and had confused Inslaw with the UPI case, about which White had told Blackshear that the IRS had pressured him to join a motion to convert.[^1] Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]] found in June 1987, on [[Anthony Pasciuto]]'s account as relayed by [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], that the [[Department of Justice]] had "unlawfully, intentionally and willfully" tried to convert the case, and that Stanton had also sought to detail the New York trustee's attorney [[Harry Jones]] to White's office for the purpose. Some later accounts call him Edward White; the special counsel's report names him William White, and the LeGrand source's "Philip White" is a different official, the Criminal Division's [[Philip White]].[^1]
The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support the allegations against White. When interviewed, White denied any wrongdoing or pressure from Stanton to convert the Inslaw case. The investigation concluded that White's testimony was consistent with that of most other witnesses, and that his explanation for the confidentiality order language was credible. The report also noted that White, being no longer in government, was less susceptible to pressure to tailor his testimony to suit the DOJ's position. The investigation found insufficient evidence to support a finding that the DOJ pressured the U.S. Trustee to convert the U.S. Trustee to convert the Inslaw Bankruptcy case or otherwise improperly interfere with it, or that the DOJ attempted a cover-up.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, sections on the alleged conversion of the bankruptcy. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport

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@ -925,7 +925,7 @@ Master index of the people pages, generated from each page's `category` and `sum
| [[Marilyn Jacobs]] | Marilyn Jacobs was the secretary to Lowell Jensen at the DOJ. |
| [[Marilyn Titus]] | Marilyn Titus worked for Simeon from September 1982 until January 1984, and then for Hadron for four years after leaving Simeon. |
| [[Mark Nichols]] | Administrator of the Cabazon Tribal Council who inherited the position from his brother John Paul Nichols in 1989. |
| [[Mark Richards]] | Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the DOJ. |
| [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]] | Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the DOJ. |
| [[Marshall Riconosciuto]] | In 1981, Hercules Research Corporation developed a small electronic power supply designed to feed 30,000 volts of electricity to a METC (Modular Energy Transfer Catalyzer) unit, which could significantly reduce heating and cooling times in |
| [[Mason O. Lidell Jr.]] | After entering the apartment and getting a brief glance at the body and the apartment, Lidell was ordered to leave. |
| [[Matthew Kevin Gannon]] | Senior MC-10 intelligence cell member killed on Pan Am Flight 103 over Scotland after returning from a Beirut mission. |

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@ -96,7 +96,7 @@ Central figures in the PROMIS/INSLAW software scandal and related investigations
| [[Marilyn Jacobs]] | Marilyn Jacobs was the secretary to Lowell Jensen at the DOJ. |
| [[Marilyn Titus]] | Marilyn Titus worked for Simeon from September 1982 until January 1984, and then for Hadron for four years after leaving Simeon. |
| [[Mark Nichols]] | Administrator of the Cabazon Tribal Council who inherited the position from his brother John Paul Nichols in 1989. |
| [[Mark Richards]] | Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the DOJ. |
| [[Mark M. Richard|Mark Richard]] | Mark Richards was a career Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Criminal Division of the DOJ. |
| [[Matthew Kevin Gannon]] | Senior MC-10 intelligence cell member killed on Pan Am Flight 103 over Scotland after returning from a Beirut mission. |
| [[Meyer Lansky]] | Prominent Florida mobster whose Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was financed through Jimmy Hoffa loans and linked to Bobby Baker networks. |
| [[Michael Riconosciuto]] | From 1981 to 1984, Riconosciuto served as the Director of Research for a joint venture between Wackenhut Corporation and the Cabazon Indian tribe near Indio, California. |