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---
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category: "Key Figures"
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created: 2024-04-25
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updated: 2026-05-01
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updated: 2026-09-22
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tags:
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- Person
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- BCCI
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@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ Agha Hasan Abedi was a Pakistani financier who founded the [[Bank of Credit and
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BCCI's growth was fueled by petrodollars, particularly from [[OPEC]] nations, and Abedi was among the first to recognize the opportunity in these vast deposits.[^3] He cultivated relationships with powerful figures, including [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Sheikh Zayed]] of [[Abu Dhabi]], who became a key supporter and later owner of BCCI.[^4] Abedi's strategy involved using nominees and a complex offshore network, primarily in the [[Cayman Islands]], to conceal the bank's true ownership and illicit activities.[^5]
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He suffered a heart attack in February 1988, which ended his direct control of BCCI.[^6] He is said to have spent his later years in [[Pakistan]], living quietly in the affluent Defense Officers' Society section of [[Karachi]], entertaining occasional visitors and maintaining his innocence regarding the bank's unraveling. Despite the allegations of fraud and the bank's collapse, Abedi remained a towering figure to many Pakistanis, revered as a courageous Third World entrepreneur.[^7]
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He suffered a heart attack in February 1988, which ended his direct control of BCCI.[^6] The journalists Jonathan Beaty and S. C. Gwynne wrote that he spent his later years in [[Pakistan]], living quietly in the affluent Defense Officers' Society section of [[Karachi]], entertaining occasional visitors and maintaining his innocence regarding the bank's unraveling. Despite the allegations of fraud and the bank's collapse, Abedi remained a towering figure to many Pakistanis, revered as a courageous Third World entrepreneur.[^7]
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### Early Life and Career
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@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ In 1961, Frey discovered a radical new technology, later termed [[Synthetic Tele
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Frey criticized the "glib assumptions that government scientists had a complete understanding of the nervous system function," arguing that such assumptions were wrong and led to misunderstandings in the field[^1]. He also highlighted the issue of atrocious translations in Russian papers on this subject, which often led to their rejection as "uninterpretable"[^1].
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His research added further resonance to the mysterious links between [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]], [[Psychokinesis|PK]], and [[Electromagnetic Weapons]], which were actively studied by the [[Soviet Union|Russians]]. In the late 1960s, Frey reported that he could speed up, slow down, or stop an excised frog heart by synchronizing the pulse rate of a microwave beam with the heart itself, an experiment that echoed what [[Ninel Kulagina]] was reported to have done with her mind[^1].
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His research added further resonance to the mysterious links between [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]], [[Psychokinesis|PK]], and [[Electromagnetic Weapons]], which were actively studied by the [[Soviet Union|Russians]]. In the late 1960s, Frey reported that he could speed up, slow down, or stop an excised frog heart by synchronizing the pulse rate of a microwave beam with the heart itself, an experiment that echoed what [[Ninel Kulagina]], according to Soviet reports, had done with her mind[^1].
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
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@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Bouty was detained in 1996 in the Dutroux investigation.[^1] She was not among t
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### Allegations
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In the [[X-Dossier]], compiled under [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and [[Michel Bourlet]], [[Regina Louf]] accused Bouty of taking part in sadomasochistic events. Her practice was said to overlap with the circles of [[Jean-Paul Dumont]] and the Lippens family and to have handled matters for Nihoul's companies, including [[Achats Services Commerces|ASCO]], and her statements to have described Nihoul's specifications for victims, the filming of parties for blackmail, his connections to [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]] and the Lippens family, and links to [[CRIES]] and [[UNICEF]] through Dumont.[^1]
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In the [[X-Dossier]], compiled under [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and [[Michel Bourlet]], [[Regina Louf]] accused Bouty of taking part in sadomasochistic events. The writer S. Dovey wrote that her practice overlapped with the circles of [[Jean-Paul Dumont]] and the Lippens family and handled matters for Nihoul's companies, including [[Achats Services Commerces|ASCO]], and that her statements described Nihoul's specifications for victims, the filming of parties for blackmail, his connections to [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]] and the Lippens family, and links to [[CRIES]] and [[UNICEF]] through Dumont.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ born: 1913-11-14
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died: 1993-06-29
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location: "Naples, Italy"
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---
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[[Anthony Fratianno]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. These meetings were believed to involve financial transactions.[^1]
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[[Anthony Fratianno]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that these meetings involved financial transactions.[^1]
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---
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### Footnotes
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@ -3,7 +3,7 @@ title: Crossan Andersen
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aliases:
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- Crossan Andersen
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created: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-09-22
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category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
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tags:
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- Person
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@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ Andersen pulled the plug on the OCDETF investigation on July 17, 1987, less than
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### The Phantom Cooperation Agreement
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After the investigation was shelved, Andersen was reported to have agreed to a deal under which Norwin Meneses would plead guilty to a cocaine charge as part of a "cooperation agreement" once the Los Angeles case was done. Justice Department investigators later found no record of any such deal, and Andersen specifically denied that an agreement ever existed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson also denied it. The claim appears to have been fabricated to placate FBI agents whose racketeering case against Meneses had been rejected.[^1]
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The journalist Gary Webb wrote that after the investigation was shelved, Andersen agreed to a deal under which Norwin Meneses would plead guilty to a cocaine charge as part of a "cooperation agreement" once the Los Angeles case was done. Justice Department investigators later found no record of any such deal, and Andersen specifically denied that an agreement ever existed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson also denied it. The claim appears to have been fabricated to placate FBI agents whose racketeering case against Meneses had been rejected.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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@ -26,15 +26,15 @@ relations:
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role: "vice president"
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fn: 2
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---
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Dyer Grossman, of Carmel, New York, was the product of a wealthy Long Island family and a graduate of Cornell University. He taught for ten years at an exclusive boarding school for boys in [[New Jersey]] and for two years at a private academy for boys in the fourth through ninth grades, and was alleged to have directed a boys' camp in Vermont. He applied to serve as a Big Brother in a California county while scouting sites for a boys' camp there, and sought money from wealthy contributors, including a Michigan philanthropist, to start his camp.[^3] He was vice president of [[Brother Paul's Children's Mission]], executive director of the [[Ocean Living Institute]] and youth director of [[The Church of New Revelation|the Church of the New Revelation]], of which [[Adam Starchild]] was president.[^2]
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Dyer Grossman, of Carmel, New York, was the product of a wealthy Long Island family and a graduate of Cornell University. He taught for ten years at an exclusive boarding school for boys in [[New Jersey]] and for two years at a private academy for boys in the fourth through ninth grades, and, in the words of the district attorneys' statement, "is alleged to have been director of a boys' camp in Vermont." He applied to serve as a Big Brother in a California county while scouting sites for a boys' camp there, and sought money from wealthy contributors, including a Michigan philanthropist, to start his camp.[^3] He was vice president of [[Brother Paul's Children's Mission]], executive director of the [[Ocean Living Institute]] and youth director of [[The Church of New Revelation|the Church of the New Revelation]], of which [[Adam Starchild]] was president.[^2]
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After [[Gerald Richards]] answered an advertisement in *Better Life Monthly,* in which the church offered to help readers set up child care organizations and camps, Grossman came to Port Huron from New Jersey to help set up Brother Paul's. On that trip, according to the Michigan State Police, he committed sexual acts with two Port Huron boys aged 10 and 14; the police had photographs of the 10-year-old in the motel room. He and Richards had applied to join Big Brothers and been rejected. A letter from Grossman found on Richards at his arrest in July 1976 proposed "child care" sites in nine states and the District of Columbia and described the monthly payments per boy from counties (up to 150 dollars), states (up to 400) and federal agencies (up to 700). By 1977 he was a fugitive under federal flight warrants on two counts of criminal sexual conduct and was believed to be in Washington State.[^2][^4]
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After [[Gerald Richards]] answered an advertisement in *Better Life Monthly,* in which the church offered to help readers set up child care organizations and camps, Grossman came to Port Huron from New Jersey to help set up Brother Paul's. On that trip, according to the Michigan State Police, he committed sexual acts with two Port Huron boys aged 10 and 14; the police had photographs of the 10-year-old in the motel room. He and Richards had applied to join Big Brothers and been rejected. A letter from Grossman found on Richards at his arrest in July 1976 proposed "child care" sites in nine states and the District of Columbia and described the monthly payments per boy from counties (up to 150 dollars), states (up to 400) and federal agencies (up to 700). By 1977 he was a fugitive under federal flight warrants on two counts of criminal sexual conduct and was believed by the police to be in Washington State.[^2][^4]
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On March 4, 1977, Robert F. Leonard, president-elect of the National District Attorneys Association, wrote to Benjamin Civiletti, Assistant Attorney General-designate for the Criminal Division, that there might be "a national conspiracy made up of an inter-relating network of foster homes, churches, nature camps and other similar programs," and that "someone that needs investigation is a person by the name of Dyer Grossman, who it appears, goes from state to state setting up these organizations, and in some cases, affiliating with a New Jersey church under circumstances which avoid any scrutiny by the IRS." Some of the costs, he wrote, were "unknowingly being provided by public funding," and many of the men who traveled between states to abuse children at these camps were "very wealthy individuals and some are respectable community leaders in their home towns."[^3]
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### The Big Brother Letter
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Grossman was said to have co-drafted the charter of Brother Paul's, to have been closely associated with [[Francis Shelden]], and in a letter to Richards to have described a twelve-year-old boy he had obtained through a Big Brother program. The church was said to have been created by him on paper and linked to [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] of [[Claudius Vermilye]].[^1]
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The writer S. Dovey wrote that Grossman co-drafted the charter of Brother Paul's, was closely associated with [[Francis Shelden]], and in a letter to Richards described a twelve-year-old boy he had obtained through a Big Brother program, and that he created the church on paper and linked it to [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] of [[Claudius Vermilye]].[^1] In 1977 [[Adam Starchild]], president of the church, told the *Record-Eagle* that its organizations had not been set up as fronts but might have been "used" for that purpose by Grossman.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
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---
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created: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-09-22
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title: George Blake
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aliases:
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- George Blake
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### Scale of Damage
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Blake subsequently betrayed an estimated 40 Western agents - individuals working for MI6 against Soviet bloc targets - to Soviet intelligence. Most of these agents were arrested; the majority are believed to have been executed. He also betrayed other operations and revealed information about MI6's organizational structure, personnel, and methods over approximately eight years of active service as a KGB agent after his return from Korea.[^1]
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Blake subsequently betrayed an estimated 40 Western agents - individuals working for MI6 against Soviet bloc targets - to Soviet intelligence. Most of these agents were arrested; according to Tim Weiner and to David Murphy and his co-authors, the majority were executed. He also betrayed other operations and revealed information about MI6's organizational structure, personnel, and methods over approximately eight years of active service as a KGB agent after his return from Korea.[^1]
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### Exposure and Trial
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summary: "The Gokal brothers, Abbas Gokal, Murtaza Gokal, and Mustafa Gokal, were Pakistani businessmen who ran the Gulf Group, a London-based shipping company."
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---
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The Gokal brothers, [[Abbas Gokal]], [[Murtaza Gokal]], and [[Mustafa Gokal]], were [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] businessmen who ran the [[Gulf Group]], a [[London]]-based shipping company.[^1] They were closely associated with [[Agha Hasan Abedi]] and the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]], and were believed to be BCCI's largest debtor.[^1]
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The Gokal brothers, [[Abbas Gokal]], [[Murtaza Gokal]], and [[Mustafa Gokal]], were [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] businessmen who ran the [[Gulf Group]], a [[London]]-based shipping company.[^1] They were closely associated with [[Agha Hasan Abedi]] and the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]], and, according to the journalists Jonathan Beaty and S. C. Gwynne, were BCCI's largest debtor.[^1]
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### Business Operations and BCCI Connections
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@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ summary: "Iraqi-born London architect who designed Libya's chemical weapons plan
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died: 1990-07
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location: "London, England"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-22
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---
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@ -30,7 +30,7 @@ In 1987 Barbouti sought an interest in [[TK-7 Corporation]], a maker of fuel add
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### Houston
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The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[Houston Chronicle]] reported that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] was examining a letter dated October 27, 1990, from [[Iraq]]'s State Establishment for Textile to [[IBI Services]] in London, addressed to Haidar Barbouti and the lawyer [[Arie David]] and signed for [[Raja Hassan Ali]]: "We expect the assistance that you promised to the Enterprise For Pesticide Production. Additional supplies of the raw materials will insure future funding by the foreign minister. Abudul Senoussi knows our requirements." Raja Hassan Ali, director general of the economic department of Iraq's [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], was a defendant in the [[Atlanta]] indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro case]]. [[Abdullah al-Senussi|Abdullah al-Senoussi]], a brother-in-law of [[Muammar Gaddafi]], had been named by French investigators in the bombing of a UTA airliner in September 1989. The pesticide enterprise was reported to be a front for the chemical weapons complex at [[Samarra]]. The newspaper added that the family was the subject of a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] investigation into exports of dual-use technology to Libya and Iraq, and that Ihsan Barbouti "allegedly died on his 63rd birthday in July 1990, but some former business associates believe he feigned his death to avoid prosecution or even death by Israeli intelligence."[^2]
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The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[Houston Chronicle]] reported that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] was examining a letter dated October 27, 1990, from [[Iraq]]'s State Establishment for Textile to [[IBI Services]] in London, addressed to Haidar Barbouti and the lawyer [[Arie David]] and signed for [[Raja Hassan Ali]]: "We expect the assistance that you promised to the Enterprise For Pesticide Production. Additional supplies of the raw materials will insure future funding by the foreign minister. Abudul Senoussi knows our requirements." Raja Hassan Ali, director general of the economic department of Iraq's [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], was a defendant in the [[Atlanta]] indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro case]]. [[Abdullah al-Senussi|Abdullah al-Senoussi]], a brother-in-law of [[Muammar Gaddafi]], had been named by French investigators in the bombing of a UTA airliner in September 1989. The *Houston Chronicle* reported that the pesticide enterprise was a front for the chemical weapons complex at [[Samarra]]. The newspaper added that the family was the subject of a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] investigation into exports of dual-use technology to Libya and Iraq, and that Ihsan Barbouti "allegedly died on his 63rd birthday in July 1990, but some former business associates believe he feigned his death to avoid prosecution or even death by Israeli intelligence."[^2]
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On March 6, 1992, the paper reported that a Houston jury had found Haidar Barbouti and three family companies liable for more than 12 million dollars to Munden, whose pipe-coating technology, with "military and nuclear as well as industrial uses," had been taken and exported. Judge [[Scott Brister]] did not allow the jury to be told that the destinations were Libya and Iraq. Munden was described as a grand jury witness in a federal investigation of father and son. Haidar Barbouti, then 24, sued the newspaper for libel, swearing that he had promised no assistance to the pesticide enterprise. The Texas court of appeals, sitting en banc in 1996, held both articles substantially true.[^2]
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### The CCL and the X-Dossier
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The CCL was described as a support group for pedophiles in the 1980s and 1990s whose counseling sessions served for the exchange of child pornography. The [[X-Dossier]], compiled under Judge [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and Prosecutor [[Michel Bourlet]], was said to have linked the CCL to [[CRIES]], whose members used the premises of [[UNICEF]] for filming, and to other networks investigated in Belgium, though no direct tie to [[Marc Dutroux]] was established.[^1]
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The writer S. Dovey described the CCL as a support group for pedophiles in the 1980s and 1990s whose counseling sessions served for the exchange of child pornography, and wrote that the [[X-Dossier]], compiled under Judge [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and Prosecutor [[Michel Bourlet]], linked the CCL to [[CRIES]], whose members used the premises of [[UNICEF]] for filming, and to other networks investigated in Belgium, though no direct tie to [[Marc Dutroux]] was established.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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### The Abduction and the Captivity
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She was said to have been taken while waiting at a bus stop after visiting a local festival, by Dutroux with Lelièvre's help, and subdued with chloroform in a white van; the witness was said to have seen the van circle twice and to have noted the plate as PBX 688, a vehicle linked to Nihoul's company [[Achats Services Commerces|ASCO]]. She and Sabine were described as having been conditioned with drugs and hypnosis to regard Dutroux as a protector, and as having kissed him when they came out of the cellar. The cellar, built in 1993 with the help of [[Claude Thirault]], was the one in which [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]] had been held. More than twenty calls between Dutroux and Nihoul were reported around her abduction. At the trial she was said to have testified to the roles of Martin and Lelièvre, and Lelièvre to have spoken of orders from Nihoul and of Dutroux's boasts of obtaining girls in [[Slovakia]].[^1]
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The writer S. Dovey wrote that she was taken while waiting at a bus stop after visiting a local festival, by Dutroux with Lelièvre's help, and subdued with chloroform in a white van; that the witness saw the van circle twice and noted the plate as PBX 688, a vehicle linked to Nihoul's company [[Achats Services Commerces|ASCO]]; that she and Sabine had been conditioned with drugs and hypnosis to regard Dutroux as a protector and kissed him when they came out of the cellar; that the cellar had been built in 1993 with the help of [[Claude Thirault]]; that more than twenty calls passed between Dutroux and Nihoul around her abduction; and that at the trial she testified to the roles of Martin and Lelièvre, while Lelièvre spoke of orders from Nihoul and of Dutroux's boasts of obtaining girls in [[Slovakia]].[^1] The cellar was the one in which [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]] had been held.
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### Footnotes
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@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ born: 1946-10-16
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died: 2019-09-01
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location: San Francisco, California
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created: 2026-06-03
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updated: 2026-06-03
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updated: 2026-09-22
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---
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Michael A. Aquino was a Lieutenant Colonel in the [[U.S. Army]] Reserve, serving in Military Intelligence and psychological operations. He was attached to the 7th Psychological Operations Group at the [[Presidio of San Francisco|Presidio]] and held Top Secret security clearance. Born October 16, 1946, he earned bachelor's and master's degrees in political science from the [[University of California Santa Barbara]] before launching concurrent careers in military intelligence and the occult.[^1][^2]
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### Project Monarch Allegations
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Aquino was alleged to have participated in [[Project Monarch]] conditioning of subjects at [[NASA]] bases, serving as a handler for programming operations. [[Cathy O'Brien]] identified Aquino as one of her handlers during her alleged Monarch programming. The allegations placed Aquino at the intersection of military psychological warfare expertise and the claimed Monarch programming operations. [[Marion David Pettie|Pettie]]'s network also intersected with Aquino's circle through Christopher Bird, a former CIA officer who served in [[Japan]] as an Army psych warfare specialist and who was associated with Pettie.[^3]
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A.B.H. Alexander, writing in *PROBE* around 1996, alleged that Aquino took part in [[Project Monarch]] conditioning of subjects at [[NASA]] bases as a handler for programming operations. [[Cathy O'Brien]] identified Aquino as one of her handlers during her alleged Monarch programming. The allegations placed Aquino at the intersection of military psychological warfare expertise and the claimed Monarch programming operations. [[Marion David Pettie|Pettie]]'s network also intersected with Aquino's circle through Christopher Bird, a former CIA officer who served in [[Japan]] as an Army psych warfare specialist and who was associated with Pettie.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Michel Caignet, a Belgian neo-Nazi, published the Gaie France magazine
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Michel Caignet, a Belgian neo-Nazi, published the Gaie France magazine in the 1980s and 1990s, a pedophile publication that served as a front for distributing child abuse materials. Caignet, associated with far-right groups, used the magazine to connect pedophiles and share child pornography among subscribers. The publication, known for its explicit content, was investigated in the broader child abuse networks connected to the [[Marc Dutroux]] case. Caignet's activities included coordinating with other pedophile groups, with Gaie France linked to the [[CRIES]] organization, which used [[UNICEF]] basements for filming. Police raids in the 1990s uncovered Caignet's role in producing and distributing child abuse images, leading to his arrest. Caignet was convicted for possession and distribution of child pornography, with the magazine serving as a key outlet for the network. His neo-Nazi background aligned with extreme right-wing circles, overlapping with the networks documented in the [[X-Dossier]]. Caignet denied allegations of direct abuse but was found with extensive collections of materials.[^1]
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Caignet's Gaie France magazine was one of the main publications for the pedophile community in Belgium, with subscribers exchanging materials through the magazine's contacts. The publication featured advertisements and addresses for child prostitution, tying it to the broader ring investigated during the Dutroux affair. Caignet's role as publisher made him a central figure in distributing child abuse images, with police seizing copies and subscriber lists during raids. The magazine's connection to CRIES was highlighted in the X-Dossier, where it was alleged to have facilitated the exchange of materials among members. Caignet's conviction stemmed from evidence of his involvement in this network, with the magazine serving as a key outlet for the distribution.[^1]
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Caignet's Gaie France magazine was one of the main publications for the pedophile community in Belgium, with subscribers exchanging materials through the magazine's contacts. The publication featured advertisements and addresses for child prostitution, tying it to the broader ring investigated during the Dutroux affair. Caignet's role as publisher made him a central figure in distributing child abuse images, with police seizing copies and subscriber lists during raids. The magazine's connection to CRIES was highlighted in the X-Dossier, where, according to the writer S. Dovey, it was said to have facilitated the exchange of materials among members. Caignet's conviction stemmed from evidence of his involvement in this network, with the magazine serving as a key outlet for the distribution.[^1]
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Caignet's neo-Nazi affiliations placed him in extreme right-wing groups, with the Gaie France magazine promoting racist and pedophilic content. The publication was raided as part of the investigation, uncovering links to international pedophile rings. Caignet's activities included hosting meetings where materials were shared, with the magazine providing a cover for these exchanges. His role in the network was exposed during the 1990s probes, leading to his conviction for child pornography offenses. The X-Dossier noted Caignet's involvement in the broader web of abuse, with Gaie France tied to other groups like [[Spartacus International]]. No direct ties to Dutroux were proven, but the timing aligned with the 1996 investigation.[^1]
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summary: "Cuban exile pediatrician trained by the CIA in 1960 who turned to bombing, lived under the protection of Pinochet's Chile, founded CORU in 1976, and was named that October in the Cubana airliner bombing."
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location: "Miami, Florida"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-22
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---
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Orlando Bosch was a Cuban pediatrician, trained in [[Toledo, Ohio]], who fought briefly against [[Fulgencio Batista]] in the Escambray and then left [[Cuba]]. "In 1960 the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had placed him and his followers in the [[Everglades]] for training." After the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] he denounced the agency. "We have a right to work for Cuba here or anywhere in the world," he said in 1966. "If the CIA breaks the laws, and Kennedy broke the laws, why can't we do the same?"[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -23,7 +23,7 @@ In the summer of 1967 federal officers caught Bosch and his men firing a bazooka
|
|||
|
||||
### Chile
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and was reported to have met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
|
||||
In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and, according to John Dinges and Saul Landau, met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Caracas
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ summary: "Prince Andrew is the second son of Queen Elizabeth II who befriended J
|
|||
born: 1960-02-19
|
||||
location: "London, United Kingdom"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-20
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-20
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor (born February 19, 1960) is the second son of [[Elizabeth II|Queen Elizabeth II]] and [[Prince Philip|Prince Philip]]. He served in the Royal Navy, including during the 1982 Falklands War, and held the title Duke of York from his 1986 marriage to [[Sarah Ferguson|Sarah Ferguson]]. His association with [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]] and [[Ghislaine Maxwell|Ghislaine Maxwell]] became the subject of sustained press coverage, a 2019 [[BBC|BBC]] interview, a 2021 civil lawsuit brought by [[Virginia Giuffre|Virginia Giuffre]], and a 2022 settlement. In late 2025 King [[Charles III|Charles III]] initiated the removal of Andrew's royal style and titles, after which he is known as Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor. Andrew has consistently denied Giuffre's allegations.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
|
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ Andrew served as a United Kingdom trade envoy, a Special Representative for Inte
|
|||
|
||||
A photograph dated to March 2001 shows Andrew with his arm around the waist of Giuffre, then 17, with Maxwell standing behind them in a doorway. According to the account associated with the image and with Giuffre's later filings, the photograph was taken at Maxwell's home in the Belgravia district of London. The Mail on Sunday published a cropped version of the photograph in 2011 and the full image circulated in 2019.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Giuffre said she had been flown to London by Epstein, had gone to the [[Tramp (nightclub)|Tramp]] nightclub with Andrew and others on the evening of March 10, 2001, and was then directed to have sex with Andrew at Maxwell's Belgravia house, an account Andrew has denied. Andrew questioned the photograph in public statements, saying in 2019 he had "no recollection" of the image being taken and could not confirm whether it had been doctored, while noting he was not in the habit of wearing the clothes shown. Maxwell, in her own statements, has at points cast doubt on the surrounding account. The original photograph was reported to be held by Giuffre's lawyers, and questions about the absence of the negative recurred in commentary.[^3]
|
||||
Giuffre said she had been flown to London by Epstein, had gone to the [[Tramp (nightclub)|Tramp]] nightclub with Andrew and others on the evening of March 10, 2001, and was then directed to have sex with Andrew at Maxwell's Belgravia house, an account Andrew has denied. Andrew questioned the photograph in public statements, saying in 2019 he had "no recollection" of the image being taken and could not confirm whether it had been doctored, while noting he was not in the habit of wearing the clothes shown. Maxwell, in her own statements, has at points cast doubt on the surrounding account. The *Mirror* reported that Giuffre's lawyers held the original photograph, and questions about the absence of the negative recurred in commentary.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Andrew also addressed the photograph in the 2019 interview by saying the clothing and the setting did not match his recollection and by raising what he described as inconsistencies, while Maitlis pressed him on why he could not simply confirm or deny that he had been at the locations Giuffre described. He maintained that he had no memory of ever meeting Giuffre.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Rafi Eitan
|
||||
- Rafi the Stinker
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ After the [[Sabra and Shatila massacres]], Eitan remained in [[Menachem Begin]]'
|
|||
|
||||
### PROMIS and LAKAM Intelligence Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan is alleged to have played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the [[United States]] posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^2] Eitan then assembled a team of former [[LAKAM]] programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^2]
|
||||
The writer Gordon Thomas wrote that Eitan played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the [[United States]] posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^2] Eitan then assembled a team of former [[LAKAM]] programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone. But not only that, we can find out what our enemies know too."[^3] He reportedly admitted collaborating with CIA officials in selling "more than half a billion dollars worth of INSLAW's PROMIS to foreign intelligence and law enforcement agencies" as part of joint covert operations to steal intelligence from foreign governments.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Arms
|
||||
summary: "Richard Babayan was a CIA contract operative and arms broker who received a reported $6 million from Earl Brian on behalf of Hadron, Inc. and who appeared in overlapping accounts of the PROMIS software scandal, October Surprise allegations, and Robert Maxwell's Australian operations."
|
||||
created: 2026-05-14
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-14
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
Richard Babayan was a former arms broker and [[Central Intelligence Agency]] contract operative whose name appears across several of the major scandals investigated in the 1980s and early 1990s.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ Babayan later stated that Brian played a central role in marketing PROMIS to the
|
|||
|
||||
### Maxwell and Australian Connection
|
||||
|
||||
In 1987, the flow of funds associated with PROMIS commercialization was alleged to extend to [[Robert Maxwell]]'s Australian business operations. According to Ari Ben-Menashe's account, a contribution to the West Australian Labor Party passed through one of Maxwell's Australian companies and was deposited by the Pergamon Press Trust Fund in Moscow, with Babayan and [[Earl Brian]] acting on behalf of Hadron in facilitating the transaction.[^2]
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] alleged that in 1987 the flow of funds from PROMIS sales extended to [[Robert Maxwell]]'s Australian business operations. According to Ari Ben-Menashe's account, a contribution to the West Australian Labor Party passed through one of Maxwell's Australian companies and was deposited by the Pergamon Press Trust Fund in Moscow, with Babayan and [[Earl Brian]] acting on behalf of Hadron in facilitating the transaction.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### October Surprise Context
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Charles Richard D'Amato was born in Hackensack, [[New Jersey]], on September 28,
|
|||
|
||||
### Star Gate
|
||||
|
||||
The CIA's papers on the transfer of the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program in 1995 ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]) record that the Director of Congressional Affairs "described our approach to Mr. Richard D'Amato, the congressional staffer responsible for the language effecting the transfer, and Mr. D'Amato expressed concern about the DIA people, in particular the three remote viewers, during the period that the panel is conducting our review"; that on March 27, 1995, the CIA "briefed Richard D'Amato at Hart Senate Office bldg, on status of transfer; obtained agreement on previously submitted Terms of Reference"; and, in slides for the committee, that "CIA terms of reference requested that no resources be transferred until Blue Ribbon Panel completes directed review, SAC staffer agreed." His support for the program in the Senate is said to have been vital. [[Edwin May]] wrote to him in 1993 to complain that research reports sent to Fort Meade had never been read, and in 1995, dissatisfied with DIA's treatment of the project, he pressed for the transfer.[^4][^5]
|
||||
The CIA's papers on the transfer of the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program in 1995 ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]) record that the Director of Congressional Affairs "described our approach to Mr. Richard D'Amato, the congressional staffer responsible for the language effecting the transfer, and Mr. D'Amato expressed concern about the DIA people, in particular the three remote viewers, during the period that the panel is conducting our review"; that on March 27, 1995, the CIA "briefed Richard D'Amato at Hart Senate Office bldg, on status of transfer; obtained agreement on previously submitted Terms of Reference"; and, in slides for the committee, that "CIA terms of reference requested that no resources be transferred until Blue Ribbon Panel completes directed review, SAC staffer agreed." Nemo Mörck described his support for the program in the Senate as vital. [[Edwin May]] wrote to him in 1993 to complain that research reports sent to Fort Meade had never been read, and in 1995, dissatisfied with DIA's treatment of the project, he pressed for the transfer.[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
A statement he posted on his own website, headed "1980's Inquiry into Unidentified Aerial Crash in [[New Mexico]]," reads: "In the 1980's and 1990's, I served on the staff of the Senate Democratic Leader, Senator Robert C. Byrd, and my responsibilities involved helping manage the budgets of the Department of Defense and the National Foreign Intelligence Program... In this context, a senior Senate Committee chairman asked me to conduct a preliminary inquiry into allegations that came to his attention regarding unidentified aerial crashes in the 1940's in New Mexico. I met with a number of people who had made public statements on the matter. I reported my conclusion to the Senator that the basis for such allegations did not appear to merit any further Senate investigation. Beyond this inquiry on behalf of the Senator, I have no personal opinion on the matter and consider the inquiry to have been closed for over 20 years."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "BCCI Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- BCCI
|
||||
|
|
@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ Altman's personal life was marked by a desire for material possessions, contrast
|
|||
|
||||
### Involvement in BCCI Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
Altman and Clifford orchestrated the $20-million defense of BCCI in Tampa against money-laundering charges.[^6] When Senator [[John Kerry]]'s subcommittee began investigating BCCI, Altman was alleged to have advised [[Amjad Awan]], a BCCI banker, to flee the country.[^7] He and Clifford were accused of lying to U.S. banking regulators about BCCI's secret ownership of First American.[^8]
|
||||
Altman and Clifford orchestrated the $20-million defense of BCCI in Tampa against money-laundering charges.[^6] When Senator [[John Kerry]]'s subcommittee began investigating BCCI, the journalists Jonathan Beaty and S. C. Gwynne wrote, Altman advised [[Amjad Awan]], a BCCI banker, to flee the country.[^7] He and Clifford were accused of lying to U.S. banking regulators about BCCI's secret ownership of First American.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1988, Altman and Clifford sold a large portion of their stock in First American to a BCCI front man, making significant profits.[^9] This sale occurred around the time of [[Jose Blandon]]'s testimony linking BCCI to [[Manuel Noriega]]'s drug money and Abedi's heart attack, which ended his direct control of the bank.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ Bigelow has had a lifelong obsession with UAP and paranormal occurrences, and he
|
|||
|
||||
Through his friendship with Senator [[Harry Reid]], Bigelow became a central figure in the establishment of AAWSAP. His company, BAASS, was awarded the $22 million contract to conduct research for the program. BAASS was responsible for investigating UAP incidents, including the [[Colares Incidents]] in Brazil, and for compiling a massive database of UAP encounters. The company also continued the investigation of [[Skinwalker Ranch]] under the auspices of the AATIP program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bigelow's involvement was crucial to the operation of AATIP, and he is said to have spent his own money to front some of the costs for the program. However, his role as a private contractor also drew scrutiny from within the [[Pentagon]] and was used by detractors to create a false impression that the program had gone rogue.[^1]
|
||||
Bigelow's involvement was crucial to the operation of AATIP, and [[Luis Elizondo]] wrote that he spent his own money to front some of the program's costs. However, his role as a private contractor also drew scrutiny from within the [[Pentagon]] and was used by detractors to create a false impression that the program had gone rogue.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -2,11 +2,11 @@
|
|||
category: "Iran-Contra"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
summary: "Corson was reported to have carried money to South America in a deal to deliver covert weapons."
|
||||
summary: "Man who, the writer Cheri Seymour wrote, carried money to South America in a deal to deliver covert weapons and associated with Wayne Reeder."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Robert Corson]] was a business associate of [[Ian Stuart Spiro]] and was indicted in a savings and loan scam. He was found dead in an El Paso, Texas, motel room the week of the Spiro family's death. Officials stated he died of a heart attack. Corson was reportedly a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] operative.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Corson was reported to have carried money to South America in a deal to deliver covert weapons. He was also alleged to have associated with California investor [[Wayne Reeder]], who was seen at a [[Wackenhut Corporation]]/[[Contras|Contra]] meeting in Riverside County.[^1]
|
||||
The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that Corson carried money to South America in a deal to deliver covert weapons and that he associated with California investor [[Wayne Reeder]], who was seen at a [[Wackenhut Corporation]]/[[Contras|Contra]] meeting in Riverside County.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ On June 17, 2004, the jury at Arlon convicted Dutroux of her abduction, sequestr
|
|||
|
||||
### The Abduction and the Cellar
|
||||
|
||||
Lelièvre was said to have blocked her path on her bicycle near a factory while Dutroux seized her and forced her into a van, using chloroform. The cell, built in 1993 with the labor of [[Claude Thirault]] and hidden behind shelving, was the one in which [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]] had been held. She was described as having been conditioned by Dutroux with drugs and hypnosis into dependence on him, and as having embraced him when they were found. Dutroux was said to have told her she was being held for ransom. More than twenty calls between Dutroux and Nihoul were reported around the abductions. At the trial she testified to the manipulation she had undergone and to the roles of Martin and Lelièvre.[^1]
|
||||
The cell in which she was held was the one in which [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]] had been held. The writer S. Dovey wrote that Lelièvre blocked her path on her bicycle near a factory while Dutroux seized her and forced her into a van, using chloroform; that the cell had been built in 1993 with the labor of [[Claude Thirault]] and hidden behind shelving; that Dutroux conditioned her with drugs and hypnosis into dependence on him, told her she was being held for ransom, and was embraced by her when they were found; that more than twenty calls passed between Dutroux and Nihoul around the abductions; and that at the trial she testified to the manipulation she had undergone and to the roles of Martin and Lelièvre.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
43
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Timnit Gebru.md
Normal file
43
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Timnit Gebru.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Skeptics & Critics"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- ArtificialIntelligence
|
||||
- Google
|
||||
- TESCREAL
|
||||
summary: "Computer scientist who left Google's Ethical AI team in December 2020 in a dispute over a paper on large language models, founded DAIR in 2021, and developed the TESCREAL critique with Émile P. Torres."
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Google]]"
|
||||
role: "manager, Ethical AI team"
|
||||
end: 2020-12
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: founded
|
||||
with: "[[Distributed AI Research Institute]]"
|
||||
start: 2021-12-02
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: participant_in
|
||||
with: "[[TESCREAL]]"
|
||||
role: "co-developer with Émile P. Torres"
|
||||
start: 2023
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Timnit Gebru was a manager of [[Google]]'s Ethical AI team until December 2020. After a dispute over a paper she had co-written on large language models, she emailed a list of women and allies in Google Brain about the company's treatment of the paper and of diversity work; Google cut off her corporate account. The head of Google Research, [[Jeff Dean]], told employees that the paper had been submitted before internal review was complete, that a cross-functional team had found it "didn't meet our bar for publication," because it "ignored too much relevant research" on the efficiency of large models and on mitigating bias, and that Gebru had written that she would leave unless certain conditions were met: "We accept and respect her decision to resign from Google." *Platformer,* which published both emails, reported that Google had terminated her.[^1] The paper, "On the Dangers of Stochastic Parrots: Can Language Models Be Too Big?," written with the linguist Emily Bender and others, appeared at the ACM Conference on Fairness, Accountability, and Transparency in 2021.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### DAIR
|
||||
|
||||
On December 2, 2021, Gebru launched the Distributed AI Research Institute (DAIR), described as an independent, community-rooted institute "set to counter Big Tech's pervasive influence on the research, development and deployment of AI," with funding from the [[Ford Foundation]], the [[MacArthur Foundation|John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation]], the Kapor Center and the [[Open Society Foundations|Open Society Foundation]]. "AI needs to be brought back down to earth," she said.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### TESCREAL
|
||||
|
||||
With the philosopher [[Émile P. Torres]], who coined the acronym, Gebru developed [[TESCREAL]], a name for the bundle of transhumanism, extropianism, singularitarianism, cosmism, rationalism, effective altruism and longtermism that they argued descends from Anglo-American [[Eugenics|eugenics]]. Their paper in *First Monday* in April 2024 placed [[Julian Huxley]] with Francis Galton among its progenitors and applied the label "TESCREALists" to [[Sam Altman]], [[Elon Musk]], [[Marc Andreessen]] and [[Sam Bankman-Fried]].[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Newton, Casey. "The withering email that got an ethical AI researcher fired at Google." *Platformer,* December 2020, publishing Gebru's email and Jeff Dean's email to employees in full. https://www.platformer.news/the-withering-email-that-got-an-ethical/
|
||||
[^2]: Bender, Emily M., Timnit Gebru, Angelina McMillan-Major, and Shmargaret Shmitchell. "On the Dangers of Stochastic Parrots: Can Language Models Be Too Big?" *Proceedings of the 2021 ACM Conference on Fairness, Accountability, and Transparency,* 2021, pp. 610-623. https://doi.org/10.1145/3442188.3445922 (text not examined).
|
||||
[^3]: Distributed AI Research Institute. Press release, December 2, 2021. https://dair-institute.org/press-release/
|
||||
[^4]: Gebru, Timnit, and Émile P. Torres. "The TESCREAL bundle: Eugenics and the promise of utopia through artificial general intelligence." *First Monday* 29, no. 4, April 2024. https://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/13636
|
||||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Alleged mobster observed by Indio Police meeting with Dr. John Philip Nichols and La Cosa Nostra figures at Cabazon."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Vincent Caci Bologna]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. These meetings were believed to involve financial transactions.[^1]
|
||||
[[Vincent Caci Bologna]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that these meetings involved financial transactions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
Loading…
Add table
Add a link
Reference in a new issue