vault backup: 2026-09-22 23:22:19
This commit is contained in:
parent
4dd04a9dab
commit
423ba3512d
134 changed files with 806 additions and 445 deletions
|
|
@ -15,28 +15,28 @@ end: 1998
|
|||
location: "United Kingdom"
|
||||
created: 2026-05-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
summary: "Combat 18 was a British neo-Nazi paramilitary organisation founded in 1992 as a BNP stewarding group, responsible for numerous violent attacks and linked to international neo-Nazi networks and loyalist paramilitaries, banned in Germany in January 2020 but not proscribed in the United Kingdom."
|
||||
summary: "British neo-Nazi paramilitary group founded in 1992 as a BNP stewarding squad, linked to loyalist paramilitaries, banned in Germany in January 2020 but not proscribed in the United Kingdom."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Combat 18]] (C18) was a British neo-Nazi paramilitary organisation founded in early 1992 by [[Charlie Sargent]] and [[Wilf Browning]], initially as a stewarding group for the [[British National Party]] to protect its events from anti-fascist counter-demonstrators. The name is a numerical reference to the initials of [[Adolf Hitler]] (A=1, H=8). C18 quickly developed an independent identity as an organisation committed to open violence rather than electoral politics, split from the BNP in 1993, and maintained documented connections to the [[Ulster Defence Association]] and international neo-Nazi networks throughout the mid-1990s. Its core leadership was destroyed by an internal feud that resulted in the murder of [[Christopher Castle]] in 1997 and the life imprisonment of Sargent and his associate [[Martin Cross]] in January 1998. The organisation was proscribed by the UK Home Office under the [[Terrorism Act 2000]] (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2020, S.I. 2020/200, which came into force in February 2020.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Founding and BNP Split
|
||||
|
||||
The BNP formed C18 in 1992 primarily to provide muscle against [[Anti-Fascist Action]] and other left-wing counter-demonstration groups. Charlie Sargent, who had previously been the flatmate of [[Blood and Honour]] founder [[Ian Stuart Donaldson]], was a founding figure. Sargent rejected the BNP's electoral strategy as ineffective and in 1993 broke decisively from the party, transforming C18 into an autonomous paramilitary grouping. Following Donaldson's death in a car crash in September 1993, C18 took control of [[Blood and Honour]], the neo-Nazi music promotion network Donaldson had founded in 1987, along with its associated label [[ISD Records]]. The music business generated revenue that funded C18's activities.[^2]
|
||||
The BNP formed C18 in 1992 primarily to provide muscle against [[Anti-Fascist Action]] and other left-wing counter-demonstration groups. Charlie Sargent, who had previously been the flatmate of [[Blood and Honour]] founder [[Ian Stuart Donaldson]], was a founding figure. Sargent rejected the BNP's electoral strategy as ineffective and in 1993 broke decisively from the party, transforming C18 into an autonomous paramilitary grouping. Following Donaldson's death in a car crash in September 1993, C18 took control of Blood and Honour, the neo-Nazi music promotion network Donaldson had founded in 1987, along with its associated label [[ISD Records]]. The music business generated revenue that funded C18's activities.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Blood and Honour
|
||||
|
||||
[[Blood and Honour]] was founded by Ian Stuart Donaldson and [[Nicky Crane]] in July 1987 as a neo-Nazi music promotion and distribution network, emerging from a split with the [[National Front]]'s [[White Noise Club]]. Donaldson, frontman of the band [[Skrewdriver]], had co-operated with the White Noise Club until 1987, when disputes over revenue allocation led to a break. Blood and Honour launched with its first magazine issue in July 1987 and became the primary vehicle for distributing white-power music across Europe. After Donaldson's 1993 death and Crane's death from an AIDS-related illness in December 1993, C18 absorbed the network. Blood and Honour subsequently served as the economic infrastructure for C18's activities and as a transnational distribution channel linking British neo-Nazis to continental European counterparts.[^3]
|
||||
Blood and Honour was founded by Ian Stuart Donaldson and [[Nicky Crane]] in July 1987 as a neo-Nazi music promotion and distribution network, emerging from a split with the [[National Front]]'s [[White Noise Club]]. Donaldson, frontman of the band [[Skrewdriver]], had co-operated with the White Noise Club until 1987, when disputes over revenue allocation led to a break. Blood and Honour launched with its first magazine issue in July 1987 and became the primary vehicle for distributing white-power music across Europe. After Donaldson's 1993 death and Crane's death from an AIDS-related illness in December 1993, C18 absorbed the network. Blood and Honour subsequently served as the economic infrastructure for C18's activities and as a transnational distribution channel linking British neo-Nazis to continental European counterparts.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### David Myatt's Role
|
||||
|
||||
[[David Myatt]], who would later found the [[National Socialist Movement (UK, 1997)]] and is attributed by most scholars as the founder of the [[Order of Nine Angles]] under the pseudonym [[Anton Long]], was active in C18's ideological circles in the early 1990s. The [[Observer]] newspaper described him as the "ideological heavyweight" behind Combat 18. [[Searchlight Magazine]] documented his involvement, describing his return to the neo-Nazi scene in the early 1990s as a "harder and more determined man." [[Nick Lowles]] characterises him in *White Riot* as "one of Britain's foremost post-war national socialist thinkers."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Myatt's specific relationship to C18's formal structure is ambiguous in the published record. He is consistently associated with its ideological direction rather than its operational violence. After [[Charlie Sargent]]'s conviction in January 1998, one account states Myatt "took over the leadership of Combat 18," though by this point the organisation had effectively fractured. Myatt had resigned as NSM leader in March 1998 and converted to Islam in September 1998, so any such leadership role would have been brief. C18 was effectively defunct as a coherent organisation by then.[^4]
|
||||
Myatt's specific relationship to C18's formal structure is ambiguous in the published record. He is consistently associated with its ideological direction rather than its operational violence. After Charlie Sargent's conviction in January 1998, one account states Myatt "took over the leadership of Combat 18," though by this point the organisation had effectively fractured. Myatt had resigned as NSM leader in March 1998 and converted to Islam in September 1998, so any such leadership role would have been brief. C18 was effectively defunct as a coherent organisation by then.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### UDA Connection and Loyalist Links
|
||||
|
||||
C18 maintained close ties to the [[Ulster Defence Association]] on the Northern Ireland mainland. [[Johnny Adair]], the UDA's Lower Shankill Road commander, regularly attended C18 events in England. C18 and the London UDA were, according to Statewatch, "very close at one point," with C18 "supplying the manpower to counter demonstrations by Irish republican supporters." C18 also reportedly helped the UDA with weapons-related logistics from the mainland. This UDA connection was one of the specific intelligence subjects that [[Charlie Sargent]] is alleged to have been reporting to [[Special Branch]] on.[^5]
|
||||
C18 maintained close ties to the Ulster Defence Association on the Northern Ireland mainland. [[Johnny Adair]], the UDA's Lower Shankill Road commander, regularly attended C18 events in England. C18 and the London UDA were, according to Statewatch, "very close at one point," with C18 "supplying the manpower to counter demonstrations by Irish republican supporters." C18 also reportedly helped the UDA with weapons-related logistics from the mainland. This UDA connection was one of the specific intelligence subjects on which, according to *Statewatch,* Charlie Sargent was reporting to [[Special Branch]].[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Danish Letter-Bomb Campaign
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -44,9 +44,9 @@ In 1997, C18 organised a campaign in which parcel bombs were sent from Denmark t
|
|||
|
||||
### The Internal Feud and Collapse
|
||||
|
||||
The mutual suspicion between the Sargent and Browning factions escalated through 1996 and 1997 around disputes over control of Blood and Honour's music revenues and accusations of police informing. In October 1997, [[Christopher Castle]], a Blood and Honour supporter acting as an intermediary between the two factions, visited Sargent's home. [[Martin Cross]] stabbed Castle to death with a nine-inch knife. Charlie Sargent was convicted at Chelmsford Crown Court in January 1998 of Castle's murder and sentenced to life imprisonment. Cross was sentenced to life imprisonment for carrying out the stabbing.[^6]
|
||||
The mutual suspicion between the Sargent and Browning factions escalated through 1996 and 1997 around disputes over control of Blood and Honour's music revenues and accusations of police informing. In October 1997, Christopher Castle, a Blood and Honour supporter acting as an intermediary between the two factions, visited Sargent's home. Martin Cross stabbed Castle to death with a nine-inch knife. Charlie Sargent was convicted at Chelmsford Crown Court in January 1998 of Castle's murder and sentenced to life imprisonment. Cross was sentenced to life imprisonment for carrying out the stabbing.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
The conviction destroyed C18 as an operative organisation. Sargent's brother [[Steve Sargent]] and [[David Myatt]] had already split away in June 1997 to found the [[National Socialist Movement (UK, 1997)]]. The remaining C18 elements, led by Browning, continued in a diminished form through the late 1990s but had no significant public presence thereafter.
|
||||
The conviction destroyed C18 as an operative organisation. Sargent's brother [[Steve Sargent]] and David Myatt had already split away in June 1997 to found the National Socialist Movement (UK, 1997). The remaining C18 elements, led by Browning, continued in a diminished form through the late 1990s but had no significant public presence thereafter.
|
||||
|
||||
### State Monitoring and the Darren Wells Question
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
title: Ahnenerbe
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ location: "Berlin, Germany"
|
|||
|
||||
The [[Ahnenerbe]] was a [[Nazi Germany|Nazi German]] think tank that operated as a research institute for the archaeological and cultural history of the Aryan race. It was founded by [[Heinrich Himmler]], who served as its president and overlord.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Ahnenerbe's mission was to prove the superiority of the Nazi ideology by linking it to ancient Teutonic culture. To this end, it conducted a wide range of research, from archaeology and geology to more esoteric subjects like extrasensory perception, astrology, and map dowsing. The captured documents from the Ahnenerbe's research on these unusual subjects are believed to have been a catalyst for the psychic arms race between the [[Soviet Union]] and the [[United States]] after World War II.[^1]
|
||||
The Ahnenerbe's mission was to prove the superiority of the Nazi ideology by linking it to ancient Teutonic culture. To this end, it conducted a wide range of research, from archaeology and geology to more esoteric subjects like extrasensory perception, astrology, and map dowsing. The captured documents from the Ahnenerbe's research on these unusual subjects were, according to the writer Annie Jacobsen, a catalyst for the psychic arms race between the [[Soviet Union]] and the [[United States]] after World War II.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
title: French Intelligence
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ description: French Intelligence refers to the various intelligence agencies of
|
|||
category: "Foreign Government"
|
||||
summary: "French Intelligence refers to the intelligence services of France, which were indirectly linked to the early Cold War psi race through Jacques Bergier - a consulting editor with alleged French intelligence ties believed to have fabricated the USS Nautilus telepathy story."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[French Intelligence]] refers to the various intelligence agencies of [[France]]. While not directly involved in the U.S. psychic research programs, French intelligence services were indirectly linked to the early Cold War "psi race" through figures like [[Jacques Bergier]]. Bergier, a consulting editor with alleged connections to French intelligence, is believed to have been the source of the fabricated "[[The Nautilus]]" story, which inadvertently spurred Soviet psi research.[^1]
|
||||
[[French Intelligence]] refers to the various intelligence agencies of [[France]]. While not directly involved in the U.S. psychic research programs, French intelligence services were indirectly linked to the early Cold War "psi race" through figures like [[Jacques Bergier]]. Bergier, a consulting editor with alleged connections to French intelligence, was, according to the writer Jim Schnabel, the source of the fabricated "[[The Nautilus]]" story, which inadvertently spurred Soviet psi research.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
|
|
@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ In the early 1980s, LAKAM was widely known by its Hebrew acronym. [[Rafael Eitan
|
|||
|
||||
According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies* (1999), drawing on Israeli intelligence sources, LAKAM's director [[Rafael Eitan]] personally arranged to obtain a copy of the [[PROMIS]] software from the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] through back-channel contacts in the early 1980s. Eitan reportedly met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]] while posing as a representative of the Israeli Ministry of Justice interested in PROMIS as a case management tool. After obtaining the software, Eitan assembled a team of former LAKAM programmers who reconstructed PROMIS and embedded a surveillance trapdoor - described as a $5,000 microchip - that allowed covert remote monitoring of database queries made by any user of the modified software. Eitan's reported statement on receiving PROMIS was: "We can use that program...it could be the most important intelligence tool that Israel has ever had."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The modified software was then distributed internationally for use by foreign law enforcement and intelligence agencies, channeled through [[Robert Maxwell]] and his Israeli computer company [[Degem]]. Total sales through this network were alleged to exceed $500 million. The [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993) found no credible evidence to support any of these allegations, concluding that only public-domain versions of PROMIS had ever been distributed to foreign entities.[^4]
|
||||
The modified software was then distributed internationally for use by foreign law enforcement and intelligence agencies, channeled through [[Robert Maxwell]] and his Israeli computer company [[Degem]]. Total sales through this network, according to the allegations reviewed by Special Counsel Nicholas Bua, exceeded $500 million. The [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993) found no credible evidence to support any of these allegations, concluding that only public-domain versions of PROMIS had ever been distributed to foreign entities.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
LAKAM was formally dissolved following the 1985 exposure of the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage case, after which its functions were redistributed to other Israeli intelligence services. Eitan, who had also run Pollard as an asset, left Israeli government service.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -19,18 +19,18 @@ relations:
|
|||
with: "[[George Blake]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
end: 1961
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
fn: 5
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), known popularly as MI6, is the [[United Kingdom]]'s foreign intelligence service, responsible for collecting intelligence from overseas sources. It operates under the authority of the [[Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office]] and reports to the Foreign Secretary, with parliamentary oversight through the Intelligence and Security Committee. The Intelligence Services Act 1994 provides that "there shall continue to be a Secret Intelligence Service" under the authority of the Secretary of State, with the functions of obtaining and providing information "relating to the actions or intentions of persons outside the British Islands" and performing "other tasks" relating to them, in the interests of national security, of "the economic well-being of the United Kingdom," or of the prevention or detection of serious crime.[^1] Its current headquarters, known as Vauxhall Cross, opened on the south bank of the Thames in [[London]] in 1994; the building's distinctive architecture made it a publicly known landmark, ending decades of official non-acknowledgment of SIS's existence.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Origins and World War II
|
||||
|
||||
SIS traces its origins to the Secret Service Bureau established in 1909, which split in 1910 into domestic (later [[MI5]]) and foreign intelligence (later SIS) sections. During [[World War II]], SIS worked alongside the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and the American [[Office of Strategic Services]], forming the intelligence relationships - particularly with the United States - that became the post-war [[Five Eyes]] intelligence alliance. The [[UKUSA Agreement]] of 1946 formalized intelligence sharing between SIS's signals partner [[GCHQ]] and the American [[NSA|National Security Agency]].[^2]
|
||||
In July 1909, amid public alarm over German espionage, the Committee of Imperial Defence under Prime Minister Herbert Asquith established a Secret Service Bureau, which was split into Home and Foreign Sections, the forerunners of [[MI5]] and SIS; the Foreign Section was given to Mansfield Cumming, a 50-year-old Royal Navy officer with neither intelligence experience nor languages, the original "C." Cumming set up in Ashley Mansions, Vauxhall Bridge Road, and early in 1910 registered a cover address with the Post Office as "Messrs Rasen, Falcon Limited," shippers and exporters. [[Dick White]], Director General of MI5 from 1953, was moved by Prime Minister [[Anthony Eden]] to head SIS in 1956, the only man to have led both services, and remained until 1968; in 1964 he oversaw the Service's move from Broadway Buildings to Century House in Lambeth.[^3] During [[World War II]], SIS worked alongside the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and the American [[Office of Strategic Services]], forming the intelligence relationships - particularly with the United States - that became the post-war [[Five Eyes]] intelligence alliance. The [[UKUSA Agreement]] of 1946 formalized intelligence sharing between SIS's signals partner [[GCHQ]] and the American [[NSA|National Security Agency]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Operation Boot: The Iran Coup
|
||||
|
||||
SIS's most historically significant joint operation with the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] was Operation Boot (the American component was called Operation Ajax) in August 1953. British and American intelligence officers, including SIS officer Norman Darbyshire and CIA officer [[Kermit Roosevelt Jr.]], organized a coup in [[Iran]] that removed elected Prime Minister [[Mohammad Mosaddegh]] and restored [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi]] to full power. The British motivation was primarily the recovery of nationalized [[Anglo-Persian Oil Company|Anglo-Iranian Oil Company]] assets; the American motivation was preventing a communist takeover. The operation established the template for Cold War covert regime change and the long-term relationship between the CIA and [[SAVAK]], the Shah's intelligence service.[^3]
|
||||
SIS's most historically significant joint operation with the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] was Operation Boot (the American component was called Operation Ajax) in August 1953. British and American intelligence officers, including SIS officer Norman Darbyshire and CIA officer [[Kermit Roosevelt Jr.]], organized a coup in [[Iran]] that removed elected Prime Minister [[Mohammad Mosaddegh]] and restored [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi]] to full power. The British motivation was primarily the recovery of nationalized [[Anglo-Persian Oil Company|Anglo-Iranian Oil Company]] assets; the American motivation was preventing a communist takeover. The operation established the template for Cold War covert regime change and the long-term relationship between the CIA and [[SAVAK]], the Shah's intelligence service.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cold War Operations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -38,15 +38,16 @@ SIS maintained liaison relationships with intelligence services across the [[Mid
|
|||
|
||||
In [[Afghanistan]], SIS coordinated with the CIA's [[Operation Cyclone]] through SAS training programs for mujahideen fighters during the Soviet occupation (1979-1989). The relationship between SIS and Pakistan's [[ISI]] during this period was close and operationally significant.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
[[George Blake]], an SIS officer who had worked for the KGB, was exposed in 1961 on information from the Polish defector Michał Goleniewski, confessed when confronted in April 1961, and was tried at the [[Old Bailey]] and sentenced to 42 years.[^4]
|
||||
[[George Blake]], an SIS officer who had worked for the KGB, was exposed in 1961 on information from the Polish defector Michał Goleniewski, confessed when confronted in April 1961, and was tried at the [[Old Bailey]] and sentenced to 42 years.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Robert Maxwell
|
||||
|
||||
Multiple former intelligence officers, including [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and [[Victor Ostrovsky]], asserted that press baron [[Robert Maxwell]] worked simultaneously for [[Mossad]] and had relationships with multiple Western intelligence services including SIS. Maxwell's access to senior British politicians, his publishing empire (which included scientific journals widely distributed in the Soviet bloc), and his Central European connections made him valuable to intelligence services. [[Nicholas Davies]], his [[Daily Mirror]] foreign editor, was accused of operating as a Mossad asset. SIS's relationship with Maxwell was not officially confirmed.[^3]
|
||||
Multiple former intelligence officers, including [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and [[Victor Ostrovsky]], asserted that press baron [[Robert Maxwell]] worked simultaneously for [[Mossad]] and had relationships with multiple Western intelligence services including SIS. Maxwell's access to senior British politicians, his publishing empire (which included scientific journals widely distributed in the Soviet bloc), and his Central European connections made him valuable to intelligence services. [[Nicholas Davies]], his [[Daily Mirror]] foreign editor, was accused of operating as a Mossad asset. SIS's relationship with Maxwell was not officially confirmed.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Intelligence Services Act 1994, c. 13, s. 1. https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1994/13/section/1
|
||||
[^2]: "Secret Intelligence Service (SIS/MI6)," UK Government. https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/secret-intelligence-service
|
||||
[^3]: Dorril, Stephen. *MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service.* Free Press, 2000.
|
||||
[^4]: Weiner, Tim. *Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA.* Doubleday, 2007; Murphy, David E., Sergei A. Kondrashev, and George Bailey. *Battleground Berlin: CIA vs. KGB in the Cold War.* Yale University Press, 1997.
|
||||
[^3]: Secret Intelligence Service, "Our History," archived January 23, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20230123001042/https://www.sis.gov.uk/our-history.html
|
||||
[^4]: Dorril, Stephen. *MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service.* Free Press, 2000.
|
||||
[^5]: Weiner, Tim. *Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA.* Doubleday, 2007; Murphy, David E., Sergei A. Kondrashev, and George Bailey. *Battleground Berlin: CIA vs. KGB in the Cold War.* Yale University Press, 1997.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ Elizondo recounts a direct encounter with a senior intelligence official who was
|
|||
|
||||
### Influence and Impact
|
||||
|
||||
The Collins Elite is said to be composed of high-ranking, single-minded Pentagon and intelligence community lifers who have the power to shape policy and kill programs through their influence and anonymity. Their opposition was a significant factor in the internal resistance that AATIP faced, and it contributed to the program ultimately losing its official support and funding.[^1]
|
||||
[[Luis Elizondo]] described the Collins Elite as composed of high-ranking, single-minded Pentagon and intelligence community lifers who have the power to shape policy and kill programs through their influence and anonymity. Their opposition was a significant factor in the internal resistance that AATIP faced, and it contributed to the program ultimately losing its official support and funding.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The existence of a group like the Collins Elite highlights the complex and often unexpected challenges that have faced the UAP disclosure movement. The intersection of national security, science, and deeply held religious beliefs has created a volatile and often hostile environment for those seeking to bring the truth about UAP to light.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ The Department of Justice, established in 1870 under the Attorney General, conta
|
|||
|
||||
### INSLAW and PROMIS
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1982 the Executive Office for United States Attorneys contracted with [[INSLAW]], the company of [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], to install PROMIS in the largest U.S. Attorneys' offices; within a month the department's project manager [[C. Madison Brewer]] and contracting officer [[Peter Videnieks]] were disputing INSLAW's proprietary claims, payments were withheld, and in 1985 the company entered Chapter 11. Deputy Attorney General [[Arnold Burns]] told the Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court," yet the litigation continued. On September 28, 1987, Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]] found that the department had "taken, converted, stole, INSLAW's enhanced PROMIS by trickery, fraud, and deceit"; the district court affirmed in 1988 and the D.C. Circuit reversed on jurisdiction in 1991. Bason was not reappointed, the transcript of his ruling having reached the selection panel's chair, Judge [[Norma H. Johnson]], from the U.S. Attorney's civil chief [[Royce Lamberth]]. [[Elliot Richardson]], retained by INSLAW, called the affair "a high-tech Watergate." The [[House Committee on the Judiciary]] under [[Jack Brooks]] opened its investigation in 1989 and reported in September 1992 "strong evidence" that the department "acted willfully and fraudulently"; INSLAW alleged that [[Earl Brian]], a friend of Attorney General [[Edwin Meese]], had been given the software to sell to foreign intelligence services, and a document on department letterhead dated May 14, 1985, and signed by [[William Bradford Reynolds]] was later produced as a plan to distribute a modified PROMIS in the [[Middle East]]. [[Ronald LeGrand]] of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]] relayed a career department source's judgment that INSLAW "is a lot dirtier for the Department of Justice, in its breadth and depth, than Watergate." Attorney General [[William Barr]] appointed [[Nicholas J. Bua]] special counsel in 1991; his report of March 1993 found no credible evidence of wrongdoing, and Attorney General [[Janet Reno]]'s review of September 1994 concurred, after Associate Attorney General [[Webster Hubbell]] had announced a nationwide investigation of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s death. The Senate referred INSLAW's claims to the [[United States Court of Federal Claims]], where Judge [[Christine Odell Cook Miller]] ruled in July 1997 that every version of PROMIS was in the public domain. [[Rafael Eitan]] of [[LAKAM]] is said to have acquired a copy through back-channel contacts with the department in the early 1980s, and the department's own successor system, the Integrated Case Management System, employed one of PROMIS's original designers, [[Dennis W. Wright]].[^2]
|
||||
In March 1982 the Executive Office for United States Attorneys contracted with [[INSLAW]], the company of [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], to install PROMIS in the largest U.S. Attorneys' offices; within a month the department's project manager [[C. Madison Brewer]] and contracting officer [[Peter Videnieks]] were disputing INSLAW's proprietary claims, payments were withheld, and in 1985 the company entered Chapter 11. Deputy Attorney General [[Arnold Burns]] told the Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court," yet the litigation continued. On September 28, 1987, Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason, Jr.|George Bason]] found that the department had "taken, converted, stole, INSLAW's enhanced PROMIS by trickery, fraud, and deceit"; the district court affirmed in 1988 and the D.C. Circuit reversed on jurisdiction in 1991. Bason was not reappointed, the transcript of his ruling having reached the selection panel's chair, Judge [[Norma H. Johnson]], from the U.S. Attorney's civil chief [[Royce Lamberth]]. [[Elliot Richardson]], retained by INSLAW, called the affair "a high-tech Watergate." The [[House Committee on the Judiciary]] under [[Jack Brooks]] opened its investigation in 1989 and reported in September 1992 "strong evidence" that the department "acted willfully and fraudulently"; INSLAW alleged that [[Earl Brian]], a friend of Attorney General [[Edwin Meese]], had been given the software to sell to foreign intelligence services, and a document on department letterhead dated May 14, 1985, and signed by [[William Bradford Reynolds]] was later produced as a plan to distribute a modified PROMIS in the [[Middle East]]. [[Ronald LeGrand]] of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]] relayed a career department source's judgment that INSLAW "is a lot dirtier for the Department of Justice, in its breadth and depth, than Watergate." Attorney General [[William Barr]] appointed [[Nicholas J. Bua]] special counsel in 1991; his report of March 1993 found no credible evidence of wrongdoing, and Attorney General [[Janet Reno]]'s review of September 1994 concurred, after Associate Attorney General [[Webster Hubbell]] had announced a nationwide investigation of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s death. The Senate referred INSLAW's claims to the [[United States Court of Federal Claims]], where Judge [[Christine Odell Cook Miller]] ruled in July 1997 that every version of PROMIS was in the public domain. The writer Gordon Thomas and [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] said that [[Rafael Eitan]] of [[LAKAM]] acquired a copy through back-channel contacts with the department in the early 1980s, and the department's own successor system, the Integrated Case Management System, employed one of PROMIS's original designers, [[Dennis W. Wright]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The CIA and Prosecution
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,59 +14,60 @@ relations:
|
|||
with: "[[Castle Bank and Trust]]"
|
||||
start: 1972
|
||||
end: 1976
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: informant_for
|
||||
with: "[[Norman Casper]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
role: "informant TW-24, Operation Tradewinds"
|
||||
start: 1972
|
||||
end: 1973
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[William Kolar]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
role: "chief of IRS intelligence"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Robert Garder Terrell]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
role: "appeals officer"
|
||||
fn: 11
|
||||
fn: 12
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Peter Videnieks]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
fn: 12
|
||||
fn: 13
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Internal Revenue Service is the agency through which the [[Treasury Department|Secretary of the Treasury]] administers the federal tax laws. Section 7801 of the Internal Revenue Code gives the secretary "full authority to administer and enforce the internal revenue laws" and "the power to create an agency to enforce these laws"; in the service's own words, "the IRS was created based on this legislative grant." Section 7803 provides for a Commissioner of Internal Revenue "to administer and supervise the execution and application of the internal revenue laws." Its main office is at 1111 Constitution Avenue NW in [[Washington, D.C.]][^1]
|
||||
The Internal Revenue Service is the agency through which the [[Treasury Department|Secretary of the Treasury]] administers the federal tax laws. Section 7801 of the Internal Revenue Code gives the secretary "full authority to administer and enforce the internal revenue laws" and "the power to create an agency to enforce these laws"; in the service's own words, "the IRS was created based on this legislative grant." Section 7803 provides for a Commissioner of Internal Revenue "to administer and supervise the execution and application of the internal revenue laws." Its main office is at 1111 Constitution Avenue NW in [[Washington, D.C.]][^1] The office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue was created in 1862, with an income tax to pay for the Civil War; in the 1950s the agency was reorganized to replace patronage appointments with career staff, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue was renamed the Internal Revenue Service. Only the commissioner and the chief counsel are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Operation Tradewinds
|
||||
|
||||
"In 1965, the Internal Revenue Service launched an investigation into the financial activities of American citizens in the Bahamas," the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]] recorded in 1980; the project, [[Operation Tradewinds|Operation Trade Winds]], was run from [[Jacksonville, Florida|Jacksonville]].[^2] In 1966 senior officers of IRS intelligence met [[Henry Petersen]] of the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s organized crime section to arrange "special handling" of evidence obtained in ways that "violated Bahamian laws." The intelligence chief, [[William Kolar]], later went to work with the Justice Department lawyers [[Robert Peloquin]] and [[William Hundley]] at [[Intertel]], a subsidiary of the company that owned the casino on [[Paradise Island]].[^3]
|
||||
"In 1965, the Internal Revenue Service launched an investigation into the financial activities of American citizens in the Bahamas," the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]] recorded in 1980; the project, [[Operation Tradewinds|Operation Trade Winds]], was run from [[Jacksonville, Florida|Jacksonville]].[^3] In 1966 senior officers of IRS intelligence met [[Henry Petersen]] of the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s organized crime section to arrange "special handling" of evidence obtained in ways that "violated Bahamian laws." The intelligence chief, [[William Kolar]], later went to work with the Justice Department lawyers [[Robert Peloquin]] and [[William Hundley]] at [[Intertel]], a subsidiary of the company that owned the casino on [[Paradise Island]].[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1972 the operation turned to the [[Castle Bank and Trust]]. On January 15, 1973, [[Norman Casper]], a former [[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]] agent paid as informant TW-24 and working for Special Agent [[Richard Jaffe]], took a bank officer's briefcase from a [[Miami]] apartment and had some 400 documents photographed at an IRS agent's house before returning it; the IRS paid him 8,000 dollars in cash. A federal judge called the conduct "outrageous" in 1977. Chief Justice [[Warren Burger]], concurring in the decision that reversed the suppression of the evidence, wrote that it "should not be read as condoning the conduct of the IRS 'private investigators,'" and the Court noted that after a congressional inquiry in 1976 "the Commissioner of Internal Revenue 'called off' Operation Trade Winds."[^2] [[The Wall Street Journal]] reported in 1980 that the tax cases had been dropped at the request of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], for which the bank's founder, [[Paul Helliwell]], had moved money.[^4]
|
||||
In 1972 the operation turned to the [[Castle Bank and Trust]]. On January 15, 1973, [[Norman Casper]], a former [[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]] agent paid as informant TW-24 and working for Special Agent [[Richard Jaffe]], took a bank officer's briefcase from a [[Miami]] apartment and had some 400 documents photographed at an IRS agent's house before returning it; the IRS paid him 8,000 dollars in cash. A federal judge called the conduct "outrageous" in 1977. Chief Justice [[Warren Burger]], concurring in the decision that reversed the suppression of the evidence, wrote that it "should not be read as condoning the conduct of the IRS 'private investigators,'" and the Court noted that after a congressional inquiry in 1976 "the Commissioner of Internal Revenue 'called off' Operation Trade Winds."[^3] [[The Wall Street Journal]] reported in 1980 that the tax cases had been dropped at the request of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], for which the bank's founder, [[Paul Helliwell]], had moved money.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Exempt Organizations
|
||||
|
||||
After Representative [[Wayne Hays]] demanded in 1954 that the exemption of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s [[Facts Forum]] be lifted, the IRS gave it what the trade weekly *Broadcasting-Telecasting* called "a clean bill of health."[^5] It later revoked the exemption of the Coalition for Freedom, run by [[Thomas F. Ellis]], for political activity and private benefit to insiders.[^6] The Forms 990 that exempt bodies file with the service are the record from which [[Barry Mehler]] compiled the grants of the [[Pioneer Fund]] from 1971 to 1996, and from which the paid trustees of [[In-Q-Tel]], among them [[George Tenet]] and Admiral [[Mike Mullen]], are known.[^7][^8]
|
||||
After Representative [[Wayne Hays]] demanded in 1954 that the exemption of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s [[Facts Forum]] be lifted, the IRS gave it what the trade weekly *Broadcasting-Telecasting* called "a clean bill of health."[^6] It later revoked the exemption of the Coalition for Freedom, run by [[Thomas F. Ellis]], for political activity and private benefit to insiders.[^7] The Forms 990 that exempt bodies file with the service are the record from which [[Barry Mehler]] compiled the grants of the [[Pioneer Fund]] from 1971 to 1996, and from which the paid trustees of [[In-Q-Tel]], among them [[George Tenet]] and Admiral [[Mike Mullen]], are known.[^8][^9]
|
||||
|
||||
### Other Cases
|
||||
|
||||
In 1994 [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] and [[William Herbert Hunt]] paid about 160 million dollars, most of it to the IRS.[^9] In July 2023 Senator [[Ron Wyden]], chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, opened an inquiry into the roughly 158 million dollars that [[Leon Black]] had paid [[Jeffrey Epstein]] between 2012 and 2017 for tax, trust and estate-planning advice, and in July 2025 said the work deserved an IRS examination.[^10] Among former employees, [[Robert Garder Terrell]], spokesman and financial manager of [[The Finders]], had been an IRS appeals officer, and [[Peter Videnieks]], the Justice Department contracting officer on the [[PROMIS]] contract with [[Inslaw]], had worked for the service.[^11][^12]
|
||||
In 1994 [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] and [[William Herbert Hunt]] paid about 160 million dollars, most of it to the IRS.[^10] In July 2023 Senator [[Ron Wyden]], chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, opened an inquiry into the roughly 158 million dollars that [[Leon Black]] had paid [[Jeffrey Epstein]] between 2012 and 2017 for tax, trust and estate-planning advice, and in July 2025 said the work deserved an IRS examination.[^11] Among former employees, [[Robert Garder Terrell]], spokesman and financial manager of [[The Finders]], had been an IRS appeals officer, and [[Peter Videnieks]], the Justice Department contracting officer on the [[PROMIS]] contract with [[Inslaw]], had worked for the service.[^12][^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Internal Revenue Service, "The Agency, its Mission and Statutory Authority." https://www.irs.gov/about-irs/the-agency-its-mission-and-statutory-authority
|
||||
[^2]: United States v. Payner, 447 U.S. 727 (1980), including the dissent of Marshall, J.; United States v. Payner, 434 F. Supp. 113 (N.D. Ohio 1977); House Committee on Government Operations, *Oversight Hearings into the Operations of the IRS (Operation Tradewinds, Project Haven, and Narcotics Traffickers Tax Program),* 94th Cong., 1st Sess., 1975.
|
||||
[^3]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 382-383.
|
||||
[^4]: Drinkhall, Jim. "IRS vs. CIA: Big Tax Investigation Was Quietly Scuttled by Intelligence Agency," *The Wall Street Journal,* April 18, 1980, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-01208R000100100061-5.
|
||||
[^5]: Facts Forum, pamphlet in reply to Representative Wayne Hays, c. 1954, reproduced in the FBI headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1, https://archive.org/details/H.L.Hunt; Sherrill, Robert G. "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," *The Nation,* February 24, 1964.
|
||||
[^6]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
|
||||
[^7]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990.
|
||||
[^8]: In-Q-Tel, Inc., Internal Revenue Service Form 990, fiscal years 2011 to 2025, via ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer.
|
||||
[^9]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
|
||||
[^10]: U.S. Senate Committee on Finance, "Wyden Unveils Ongoing Investigation into Private Equity Billionaire Leon Black's Tax Planning and Financial Ties with Jeffrey Epstein," July 25, 2023, https://www.finance.senate.gov/chairmans-news/wyden-unveils-ongoing-investigation-into-private-equity-billionaire-leon-blacks-tax-planning-and-financial-ties-with-jeffrey-epstein ; "Leon Black's $158 Million Sent to Epstein Draws Senate Probe." *Bloomberg,* July 25, 2023.
|
||||
[^11]: Witkin, Gordon, Peter Cary, and Angel Martinez. "Through a glass, very darkly: Cops, spies and a very odd investigation." *U.S. News & World Report,* December 27, 1993 / January 3, 1994; Dean, Eddie. "Finders' Keeper." *Washington City Paper*, May 24, 1996. https://washingtoncitypaper.com/article/287890/finders-keeper/
|
||||
[^12]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the passages so cited.
|
||||
[^2]: Internal Revenue Service, "Brief History of IRS," archived January 9, 2019. http://web.archive.org/web/20190109002025/https://www.irs.gov/about-irs/brief-history-of-irs
|
||||
[^3]: United States v. Payner, 447 U.S. 727 (1980), including the dissent of Marshall, J.; United States v. Payner, 434 F. Supp. 113 (N.D. Ohio 1977); House Committee on Government Operations, *Oversight Hearings into the Operations of the IRS (Operation Tradewinds, Project Haven, and Narcotics Traffickers Tax Program),* 94th Cong., 1st Sess., 1975.
|
||||
[^4]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 382-383.
|
||||
[^5]: Drinkhall, Jim. "IRS vs. CIA: Big Tax Investigation Was Quietly Scuttled by Intelligence Agency," *The Wall Street Journal,* April 18, 1980, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-01208R000100100061-5.
|
||||
[^6]: Facts Forum, pamphlet in reply to Representative Wayne Hays, c. 1954, reproduced in the FBI headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1, https://archive.org/details/H.L.Hunt; Sherrill, Robert G. "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," *The Nation,* February 24, 1964.
|
||||
[^7]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
|
||||
[^8]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990.
|
||||
[^9]: In-Q-Tel, Inc., Internal Revenue Service Form 990, fiscal years 2011 to 2025, via ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer.
|
||||
[^10]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
|
||||
[^11]: U.S. Senate Committee on Finance, "Wyden Unveils Ongoing Investigation into Private Equity Billionaire Leon Black's Tax Planning and Financial Ties with Jeffrey Epstein," July 25, 2023, https://www.finance.senate.gov/chairmans-news/wyden-unveils-ongoing-investigation-into-private-equity-billionaire-leon-blacks-tax-planning-and-financial-ties-with-jeffrey-epstein ; "Leon Black's $158 Million Sent to Epstein Draws Senate Probe." *Bloomberg,* July 25, 2023.
|
||||
[^12]: Witkin, Gordon, Peter Cary, and Angel Martinez. "Through a glass, very darkly: Cops, spies and a very odd investigation." *U.S. News & World Report,* December 27, 1993 / January 3, 1994; Dean, Eddie. "Finders' Keeper." *Washington City Paper*, May 24, 1996. https://washingtoncitypaper.com/article/287890/finders-keeper/
|
||||
[^13]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the passages so cited.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,7 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- "Special Group"
|
||||
- "5412 Group"
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -8,17 +11,17 @@ tags:
|
|||
- CovertOperations
|
||||
- Rockefeller
|
||||
- Eisenhower
|
||||
summary: "The NSC Special Group was the Eisenhower administration's supersecret interagency committee that provided formal oversight and approval for all CIA covert operations, chaired by Nelson Rockefeller from 1953 to 1956, making him the institutional apex of the US covert action apparatus."
|
||||
summary: "Interagency committee created by NSC 5412/2 in December 1955 to approve CIA covert operations; its predecessor, the Planning Coordination Group of 1955, was chaired by Nelson Rockefeller."
|
||||
location: Washington, DC
|
||||
created: 2026-06-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The NSC Special Group (formally the Operations Coordinating Board's 5412/2 Special Group, later called simply the Special Group) was the Eisenhower administration's mechanism for authorizing and supervising CIA covert operations, providing the president with plausible deniability while maintaining formal interagency oversight of the most sensitive intelligence activities. [[Nelson Rockefeller]], as Eisenhower's special assistant for cold war strategy and psychological warfare from December 1954 to December 1955, chaired this group during its formative period as the Planning Coordination Group, placing him at the apex of the US covert action apparatus and giving him formal oversight of [[MKULTRA]], coup operations in Iran and Guatemala, assassination planning, and the full range of [[CIA]] clandestine programs.
|
||||
|
||||
### Structure and Authority
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Special Group]]'s legal foundation was laid in successive NSC directives. President Eisenhower approved NSC 5412 on March 15, 1954, reaffirming the CIA's authority to conduct covert operations abroad and establishing the first formal interagency coordination requirement: the DCI was made responsible for coordinating with designated representatives of the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense to ensure that covert operations were planned and conducted consistently with U.S. foreign and military policies, with the [[Operations Coordinating Board]] designated as the normal coordination channel.[^1]
|
||||
The Special Group's legal foundation was laid in successive NSC directives. President Eisenhower approved NSC 5412 on March 15, 1954, reaffirming the CIA's authority to conduct covert operations abroad and establishing the first formal interagency coordination requirement: the DCI was made responsible for coordinating with designated representatives of the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense to ensure that covert operations were planned and conducted consistently with U.S. foreign and military policies, with the [[Operations Coordinating Board]] designated as the normal coordination channel.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On March 12, 1955, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412/1, which was identical to NSC 5412 except for a critical substitution: it designated a newly created Planning Coordination Group, chaired by Rockefeller, as the body responsible for covert operations oversight in place of the full OCB. Rockefeller had proposed this arrangement himself on March 3, 1955; Eisenhower approved it on March 4 and the NSC formally ratified it on March 10.[^2] The Planning Coordination Group was intended to restrict knowledge of covert programs "so far as possible to those who have a need to know," limiting the oversight circle to the Under Secretary of State, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence [[Allen Dulles]], and Rockefeller as chairman.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -36,27 +39,27 @@ In 1955, Dulles gave Rockefeller and other Operations Coordinating Board members
|
|||
|
||||
The Special Group's oversight of CIA programs extended to the most legally sensitive, including MKULTRA Subproject 35. On November 15, 1954, a memorandum was submitted to the Director of Central Intelligence seeking authorization for a CIA research facility at [[Georgetown University]] Hospital, to be constructed through the Geschickter Fund for Medical Research, a cut-out named for Dr. Charles Geschickter, a Georgetown pathology professor who had been secretly working with the CIA since 1951. The arrangement called for the CIA to contribute $125,000 in FY 1955 through the Geschickter Fund, which would match the amount and donate a total of $250,000 to the university; additional funding through Public Law 221 matching grants and other mechanisms brought the total project budget to approximately $3,000,000. The CIA would receive one-sixth of the floor space in the resulting Gorman Annex to conduct classified biological and chemical warfare research on "human patients and volunteers," while the hospital administration would remain "completely unaware" of CIA sponsorship. DCI approval was granted on January 15, 1955, with an amendment authorizing an additional $250,000 approved May 16, 1955.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
When Dulles sought approval for the Georgetown hospital arrangement from Eisenhower's special committee on covert operations, he brought the proposal to Rockefeller as chairman. Rockefeller approved the Georgetown MKULTRA hospital after asking only whether the CIA scientist could offer "a reasonable expectation" of delivering the promised research space, without examining the legality of the funding mechanism or the nature of the experiments.[^8]
|
||||
The journalist John Marks, working from CIA documents, wrote that Dulles took the Georgetown contribution to "President Eisenhower's special committee to review covert operations," which assented on the understanding that Geschickter could provide "a reasonable expectation" of the promised space, and that this was the only time in a quarter-century of behavior-control work that the documents show CIA officials seeking outside approval.[^8] The historians Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett wrote that the proposal went to Rockefeller as chairman and that he approved it without examining the funding mechanism or the experiments.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
### Operational Scale and Limits of Review
|
||||
|
||||
The Church Committee's 1976 Final Report documented the extent to which the Special Group mechanism functioned as selective rather than comprehensive oversight. Of several thousand CIA projects undertaken since 1961, only approximately 14 percent were considered on a case-by-case basis by the Special Group and its successors. Until 1963, the DCI determined unilaterally whether a CIA-originated project would be submitted to the Special Group for review at all, meaning the body's knowledge of CIA programs depended entirely on what Dulles and his successors chose to disclose.[^9] Notwithstanding this limitation, the Kennedy-era Special Group approved approximately 550 covert operations between January 1961 and fall 1962, and 163 covert actions over the full Kennedy administration.[^10]
|
||||
The Church Committee's 1976 Final Report documented the extent to which the Special Group mechanism functioned as selective rather than comprehensive oversight. Of several thousand CIA projects undertaken since 1961, only approximately 14 percent were considered on a case-by-case basis by the Special Group and its successors. Until 1963, the DCI determined unilaterally whether a CIA-originated project would be submitted to the Special Group for review at all, meaning the body's knowledge of CIA programs depended entirely on what Dulles and his successors chose to disclose.[^10] Notwithstanding this limitation, the Kennedy-era Special Group approved approximately 550 covert operations between January 1961 and fall 1962, and 163 covert actions over the full Kennedy administration.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Successor Committees
|
||||
|
||||
The Special Group mechanism persisted through subsequent administrations under varying names, each change reflecting shifts in political exposure or administrative reorganization.
|
||||
|
||||
The Kennedy administration retained the NSC 5412/2 Special Group structure but significantly expanded its operational scope. Following the Bay of Pigs failure in April 1961, General [[Maxwell Taylor]] submitted a review recommending stronger oversight, and in November 1961, President Kennedy authorized [[Operation Mongoose]], a major covert program aimed at overthrowing [[Fidel Castro|Castro]]. Operational control was entrusted to a Special Group (Augmented), which consisted of the standard Special Group membership plus [[Attorney General]] [[Robert Kennedy]] and General Taylor as chairman. The Special Group (Augmented) functioned from November 1961 to October 1962, with Robert Kennedy serving as the "principal motive force" and informal link between the group and the President.[^11] The formal Kennedy-era Special Group was chaired by McGeorge Bundy as the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, with members including Deputy Under Secretary of State U. Alexis Johnson, Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric, DCI Allen Dulles, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Lyman Lemnitzer.
|
||||
The Kennedy administration retained the NSC 5412/2 Special Group structure but significantly expanded its operational scope. Following the Bay of Pigs failure in April 1961, General [[Maxwell Taylor]] submitted a review recommending stronger oversight, and in November 1961, President Kennedy authorized [[Operation Mongoose]], a major covert program aimed at overthrowing [[Fidel Castro|Castro]]. Operational control was entrusted to a Special Group (Augmented), which consisted of the standard Special Group membership plus [[Attorney General]] [[Robert Kennedy]] and General Taylor as chairman. The Special Group (Augmented) functioned from November 1961 to October 1962, with Robert Kennedy serving as the "principal motive force" and informal link between the group and the President.[^12] The formal Kennedy-era Special Group was chaired by McGeorge Bundy as the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, with members including Deputy Under Secretary of State U. Alexis Johnson, Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric, DCI Allen Dulles, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Lyman Lemnitzer.
|
||||
|
||||
President Kennedy also established a separate Special Group (Counterinsurgency) by NSAM No. 124 on January 18, 1962, to coordinate military and police aid, anti-guerrilla operations, and security programs distinct from the NSC 5412/2 covert operations mechanism. This body included Agency for International Development officials, [[United States Information Agency]] representatives, and Robert Kennedy; when Taylor moved to the Joint Chiefs of Staff chairmanship on October 1, 1962, Robert Kennedy sought to assume the chairmanship of the Special Group (CI) but was instead succeeded in the chair by U. Alexis Johnson, with Michael Forrestal taking over as White House representative. The Special Group (CI) was abolished by President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] in 1965.[^12]
|
||||
President Kennedy also established a separate Special Group (Counterinsurgency) by NSAM No. 124 on January 18, 1962, to coordinate military and police aid, anti-guerrilla operations, and security programs distinct from the NSC 5412/2 covert operations mechanism. This body included Agency for International Development officials, [[United States Information Agency]] representatives, and Robert Kennedy; when Taylor moved to the Joint Chiefs of Staff chairmanship on October 1, 1962, Robert Kennedy sought to assume the chairmanship of the Special Group (CI) but was instead succeeded in the chair by U. Alexis Johnson, with Michael Forrestal taking over as White House representative. The Special Group (CI) was abolished by President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] in 1965.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
The NSC 5412/2 Special Group was renamed the [[303 Committee]] by NSAM No. 303, issued June 2, 1964. The name change was initiated after the publication of David Wise and Thomas B. Ross's book "The Invisible Government" made the "Special Group" designation public; an NSC staffer recommended the replacement name be "something utterly drab and innocuous" to deflect attention. The NSAM 303 change in name did not alter the committee's composition, functions, or responsibilities. Between January 1967 and June 1968, the 303 Committee considered 23 projects for Africa, 33 for [[Latin America]], 15 for Europe, 14 for Asia, and 2 for the [[Middle East]].[^13]
|
||||
The NSC 5412/2 Special Group was renamed the [[303 Committee]] by NSAM No. 303, issued June 2, 1964. The name change was initiated after the publication of David Wise and Thomas B. Ross's book "The Invisible Government" made the "Special Group" designation public; an NSC staffer recommended the replacement name be "something utterly drab and innocuous" to deflect attention. The NSAM 303 change in name did not alter the committee's composition, functions, or responsibilities. Between January 1967 and June 1968, the 303 Committee considered 23 projects for Africa, 33 for [[Latin America]], 15 for Europe, 14 for Asia, and 2 for the [[Middle East]].[^14]
|
||||
|
||||
The 303 Committee was replaced by the [[40 Committee]] under the Nixon administration, named after National Security Decision Memorandum 40.
|
||||
|
||||
### The Rockefeller Commission Conflict of Interest
|
||||
|
||||
In 1975, President [[Gerald Ford]] appointed Rockefeller to chair the [[Rockefeller Commission 1975|Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States]], which was tasked with investigating CIA domestic abuses including MKULTRA. Rockefeller's chairing of a commission to investigate the CIA programs he had personally authorized as Planning Coordination Group chairman was identified by contemporary critics as a direct and disqualifying conflict of interest.[^14]
|
||||
In 1975, President [[Gerald Ford]] appointed Rockefeller to chair the [[Rockefeller Commission 1975|Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States]], which was tasked with investigating CIA domestic abuses including MKULTRA. Rockefeller's chairing of a commission to investigate the CIA programs he had personally authorized as Planning Coordination Group chairman was identified by contemporary critics as a direct and disqualifying conflict of interest.[^15]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -67,10 +70,11 @@ In 1975, President [[Gerald Ford]] appointed Rockefeller to chair the [[Rockefel
|
|||
[^5]: Letter, Eisenhower to Rockefeller, December 15, 1954, released December 16, 1954; presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/letter-nelson-rockefeller-appointing-him-special-assistant-the-president.
|
||||
[^6]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 18 ("Ike's Cold War General").
|
||||
[^7]: Memorandum for Director of Central Intelligence, "Project MKULTRA, Subproject 35," November 15, 1954; DCI approval January 15, 1955; Amendment #1 approved May 16, 1955. National Security Archive, Document 11: nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/32726-document-11-memorandum-director-central-intelligence-project-mkultra-subproject-35. Full subproject documents at cryptome.org/mkultra-0005.htm.
|
||||
[^8]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 18.
|
||||
[^9]: Church Committee, Final Report, 1976. Cited in Note on U.S. Covert Actions, history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v12/actionsstatement ("Until 1963 the DCI determined whether a CIA-originated project was submitted to the Special Group").
|
||||
[^10]: National Security Archive Briefing Book, "Understanding the CIA: How Covert (and Overt) Operations Were Proposed and Approved during the Cold War," March 4, 2019; nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/intelligence/2019-03-04/understanding-cia-how-covert-overt-operations-proposed-approved-during-cold-war.
|
||||
[^11]: Operation Mongoose authorized November 30, 1961; name agreed November 4, 1961. FRUS, 1961-1963, Volume X; history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/in5. Special Group (Augmented) membership: NSC 5412/2 group plus RFK and Taylor as chair; duration November 1961 to October 1962.
|
||||
[^12]: NSAM No. 124, January 18, 1962 (establishing Special Group (CI)); Maxwell Taylor appointed Chairman, Joint Chiefs, October 1, 1962; Special Group (CI) abolished 1965. esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/FOID/Reading%20Room/MDR_Releases/FY12/12-M-3087 (DoD MDR release: "The Special Group (Counterinsurgency) from January 18, 1962, to November 21, 1963").
|
||||
[^13]: NSAM No. 303, June 2, 1964; discoverlbj.org/item/nsf-nsam303. Renamed to deflect attention following publication of Wise and Ross, *The Invisible Government* (1964). 303 Committee operational statistics: NSA Briefing Book (2019), note 10 above.
|
||||
[^14]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 44; Appendix B.
|
||||
[^8]: Marks, John. *The Search for the "Manchurian Candidate": The CIA and Mind Control.* Times Books, 1979, ch. 12, n. 6, as transcribed at https://cryptome.org/mkultra-0005.htm. The Subproject 35 memorandum of November 15, 1954, does not mention the committee: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/32726-document-11-memorandum-director-central-intelligence-project-mkultra-subproject-35
|
||||
[^9]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 18.
|
||||
[^10]: Church Committee, Final Report, 1976. Cited in Note on U.S. Covert Actions, history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v12/actionsstatement ("Until 1963 the DCI determined whether a CIA-originated project was submitted to the Special Group").
|
||||
[^11]: National Security Archive Briefing Book, "Understanding the CIA: How Covert (and Overt) Operations Were Proposed and Approved during the Cold War," March 4, 2019; nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/intelligence/2019-03-04/understanding-cia-how-covert-overt-operations-proposed-approved-during-cold-war.
|
||||
[^12]: Operation Mongoose authorized November 30, 1961; name agreed November 4, 1961. FRUS, 1961-1963, Volume X; history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/in5. Special Group (Augmented) membership: NSC 5412/2 group plus RFK and Taylor as chair; duration November 1961 to October 1962.
|
||||
[^13]: NSAM No. 124, January 18, 1962 (establishing Special Group (CI)); Maxwell Taylor appointed Chairman, Joint Chiefs, October 1, 1962; Special Group (CI) abolished 1965. esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/FOID/Reading%20Room/MDR_Releases/FY12/12-M-3087 (DoD MDR release: "The Special Group (Counterinsurgency) from January 18, 1962, to November 21, 1963").
|
||||
[^14]: NSAM No. 303, June 2, 1964; discoverlbj.org/item/nsf-nsam303. Renamed to deflect attention following publication of Wise and Ross, *The Invisible Government* (1964). 303 Committee operational statistics: NSA Briefing Book (2019), note 10 above.
|
||||
[^15]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 44; Appendix B.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- "United States Navy"
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: U.S. Navy
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- BritishIntelligence
|
||||
created: 2026-05-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
summary: "The Order of Nine Angles is a British neo-Nazi occultist organization whose Insight Roles doctrine of committing crimes as spiritual initiation made it a foundational influence on Atomwaffen Division, Tempel ov Blood, and the broader accelerationist ecosystem, and which has never been proscribed in the UK despite eight terrorism convictions linked to it in two years."
|
||||
summary: "British neo-Nazi occultist network whose Insight Roles doctrine of crime as initiation shaped Atomwaffen Division and Tempel ov Blood; not proscribed in the United Kingdom as of 2026."
|
||||
start: 1980
|
||||
location: "United Kingdom"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -3,8 +3,8 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Organization
|
||||
- Belgium
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Dutroux_Affair
|
||||
- Michel_Nihoul
|
||||
- DutrouxAffair
|
||||
- MichelNihoul
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
summary: "ASCO redirects to Achats Services Commerces."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ ASCO redirects to [[Achats Services Commerces]].
|
|||
|
||||
For the aerospace company, see [[ASCO Industries NV]].
|
||||
|
||||
Both entities featured in the [[X-Dossier]] investigation into the [[Marc Dutroux]] network. Achats Services Commerces was the secondhand car business owned by [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]] that provided white Mercedes vehicles used in child abductions. ASCO Industries NV was the aerospace factory owned by [[Roger Boas]] where X1 described snuff film production.[^1]
|
||||
Both entities featured in the [[X-Dossier]] investigation into the [[Marc Dutroux]] network. Achats Services Commerces was the secondhand car business of [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]]; the writer S. Dovey wrote that it provided white Mercedes vehicles used in child abductions. ASCO Industries NV was an aerospace factory owned by [[Roger Boas]], where, Dovey wrote, the witness X1 described the production of snuff films.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). *Eye of the Chickenhawk*. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023. Sole source for the passages so cited.
|
||||
53
20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Alameda Research.md
Normal file
53
20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Alameda Research.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- "Alameda Research LLC"
|
||||
- "Alameda"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
- Cryptocurrency
|
||||
- Fraud
|
||||
- SamBankmanFried
|
||||
- EffectiveAltruism
|
||||
summary: "Sam Bankman-Fried's trading firm, which drew FTX customer deposits through an undisclosed line of credit and put about 500 million dollars into Anthropic, a stake later sold chiefly to a UAE-aligned group."
|
||||
start: 2017
|
||||
end: 2022-11
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: founded
|
||||
with: "[[Sam Bankman-Fried]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 2017
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Caroline Ellison]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
role: "chief executive"
|
||||
end: 2022
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Anthropic]]"
|
||||
start: 2022
|
||||
role: "about 500 million dollars"
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Alameda Research LLC was a digital-asset trading firm founded by [[Sam Bankman-Fried]] in 2017, two years before he founded the exchange [[FTX]]. According to the [[Commodity Futures Trading Commission]], Bankman-Fried controlled both from at least May 2019 until November 11, 2022, and Alameda "operated as a primary market maker on FTX."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Line of Credit
|
||||
|
||||
The CFTC's complaint of December 13, 2022, alleged that FTX customer assets "were routinely accepted and held by Alameda and commingled with Alameda's funds," and that Alameda, Bankman-Fried and others used them for "luxury real estate purchases, political contributions, and high-risk, illiquid digital asset industry investments." At Bankman-Fried's direction, FTX employees built into the exchange's code an "allow negative flag" and an "effectively limitless line of credit" that let Alameda withdraw billions of dollars in customer assets, features not disclosed to the public; the commission put customer losses at more than 8 billion dollars.[^1] On December 21, 2022, the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] charged Alameda's chief executive, [[Caroline Ellison]], and FTX's co-founder and chief technology officer, [[Gary Wang]], alleging that from 2019 to 2022, at Bankman-Fried's direction, Ellison had bought up FTX's exchange token, FTT, to prop up its price because FTT served as collateral for undisclosed loans of customer assets from FTX to Alameda, and that Wang had written the software that allowed the diversion. Both agreed to settle, and both pleaded guilty and testified against Bankman-Fried, who was convicted on seven counts on November 2, 2023, and sentenced on March 28, 2024, to twenty-five years.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Effective Altruism and Anthropic
|
||||
|
||||
Bankman-Fried had founded Alameda after [[William MacAskill]] recruited him to the "earning to give" wing of [[Effective Altruism|effective altruism]]; in 2018 colleagues including Tara Mac Aulay raised concerns with MacAskill about his honesty and management.[^4] In 2022 Bankman-Fried put about 500 million dollars, through Alameda, into the AI company [[Anthropic]].[^5] In March 2024 the FTX bankruptcy estate agreed to sell most of that stake for 884 million dollars. The largest buyer was a group aligned with [[Mubadala]], the sovereign wealth fund of the [[United Arab Emirates]]; Saudi Arabia, CNBC's sources said, had been ruled out on national-security grounds. The second largest was [[Jane Street Capital|Jane Street]], where both Bankman-Fried and Ellison had worked, buying almost 100 million dollars of shares, with its head of quantitative research, Craig Falls, proposing to buy about 20 million dollars personally; HOF Capital, the [[Ford Foundation]] and funds managed by Fidelity also bought.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Commodity Futures Trading Commission. "CFTC Charges Sam Bankman-Fried, FTX Trading and Alameda with Fraud and Material Misrepresentations." Release 8638-22, December 13, 2022. https://www.cftc.gov/PressRoom/PressReleases/8638-22
|
||||
[^2]: Securities and Exchange Commission. "SEC Charges Caroline Ellison and Gary Wang with Defrauding Investors in Crypto Asset Trading Platform FTX." Press release 2022-234, December 21, 2022. https://www.sec.gov/news/press-release/2022-234
|
||||
[^3]: "Sam Bankman-Fried sentenced to 25 years in federal prison." *CNN,* March 28, 2024. https://www.cnn.com/2024/03/28/business/ftx-sam-bankman-fried-sentencing
|
||||
[^4]: "Exclusive: Effective Altruist Leaders Were Warned About Sam Bankman-Fried Years Before FTX Collapsed." *TIME,* March 2023. https://time.com/6262810/sam-bankman-fried-effective-altruism-alameda-ftx/
|
||||
[^5]: "Effective Altruism After Sam Bankman-Fried." Seven Pillars Institute, 2023. https://www.sevenpillarsinstitute.org/effective-altruism-after-sam-bankman-fried/
|
||||
[^6]: Sigalos, MacKenzie. "FTX estate selling majority stake in AI startup Anthropic for $884 million, with bulk going to UAE." *CNBC,* March 25, 2024, updated March 28, 2024. https://www.cnbc.com/2024/03/25/ftx-estate-sells-majority-stake-in-startup-anthropic-for-884-million.html
|
||||
61
20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Andreessen Horowitz.md
Normal file
61
20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Andreessen Horowitz.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- "a16z"
|
||||
- "AH Capital Management"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
- VentureCapital
|
||||
- SiliconValley
|
||||
- EffectiveAccelerationism
|
||||
- Defense
|
||||
summary: "Venture firm founded in 2009 by Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz, a registered investment adviser from 2019, whose American Dynamism fund invests in defense and whose partner Scott Kupor was named to head OPM."
|
||||
start: 2009
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: founded
|
||||
with: "[[Marc Andreessen]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 2009
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: founded
|
||||
with: "[[Ben Horowitz]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 2009
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Thinking Machines Lab]]"
|
||||
start: 2025-07
|
||||
role: "led the seed round"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Safe Superintelligence]]"
|
||||
start: 2024-09
|
||||
fn: 5
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Worldcoin]]"
|
||||
start: 2023-05
|
||||
role: "co-investor, Series C; co-lead, 2025 token sale"
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Andreessen Horowitz, known as a16z, is a venture capital firm founded in 2009 by [[Marc Andreessen]], co-founder of [[Netscape]], and [[Ben Horowitz]]. It invests in consumer software, cryptocurrency, biotechnology and, through its "American Dynamism" practice, defense and national-security technology, the category that also anchors [[Founders Fund]] and [[Palantir Technologies]]. In March 2019 the firm gave up its venture-capital registration and registered with the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] as an investment adviser, freeing it from the rule that limits venture funds to about twenty percent of holdings in liquid securities and allowing it to buy crypto tokens, public stocks and secondary shares. In April 2024 it raised 7.2 billion dollars across five funds, including a 3.75 billion dollar growth fund and a 600 million dollar American Dynamism fund, and by January 2026 it had raised more than 15 billion dollars in a single round, taking its assets under management above 90 billion dollars.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Government
|
||||
|
||||
Andreessen and Horowitz endorsed [[Donald Trump]] in July 2024 on their podcast, presenting a "Little Tech" agenda. After the election Andreessen advised on personnel for the [[Department of Government Efficiency]], and the a16z partner Scott Kupor was named to lead the Office of Personnel Management.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Artificial Intelligence
|
||||
|
||||
The firm led the seed round of about 2 billion dollars, at a 12 billion dollar valuation, of [[Mira Murati]]'s [[Thinking Machines Lab]] in July 2025, alongside Nvidia, Accel, ServiceNow, Cisco, AMD and [[Jane Street Capital|Jane Street]].[^4] It invested in [[Ilya Sutskever]]'s [[Safe Superintelligence]] in its round of September 2024 at a 5 billion dollar valuation and in April 2025 at 32 billion.[^5] Its crypto fund joined the 115 million dollar Series C of [[Sam Altman]]'s [[Worldcoin]] in May 2023 and co-led its 135 million dollar token sale in May 2025.[^6] Andreessen's "Techno-Optimist Manifesto," published by the firm on October 16, 2023, listed "existential risk," "trust and safety" and "tech ethics" among its enemies and named the neoreactionary [[Nick Land]] among its "patron saints."[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Andreessen Horowitz, firm history. https://a16z.com/
|
||||
[^2]: "Andreessen Horowitz says it will no longer be a venture capital firm." *CNBC,* April 2, 2019, https://www.cnbc.com/2019/04/02/andreessen-horowitz-goes-against-the-grain-and-becomes-financial-advisor.html ; "Andreessen Horowitz raises $7.2 billion across five funds." *CNBC,* April 16, 2024.
|
||||
[^3]: "Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz endorse Trump." *Axios* and *TechCrunch,* July 16-17, 2024; "Marc Andreessen advising the Trump transition and DOGE." *Fortune,* January 16, 2025.
|
||||
[^4]: "Mira Murati's Thinking Machines Lab is worth $12B in seed round." *TechCrunch,* July 15, 2025.
|
||||
[^5]: "AI's Big Day: Startup Safe Superintelligence Raises $1B At Reported $5B Valuation." *Crunchbase News,* September 4, 2024, https://news.crunchbase.com/ai/startup-safe-superintelligence-unicorn-raise/ ; "OpenAI co-founder Ilya Sutskever's Safe Superintelligence reportedly valued at $32B." *TechCrunch,* April 12, 2025.
|
||||
[^6]: "Sam Altman's crypto project Worldcoin raises $115M led by Blockchain Capital." *CoinDesk,* May 25, 2023; "World raises $135M." World blog, May 21, 2025.
|
||||
[^7]: Andreessen, Marc. "The Techno-Optimist Manifesto." Andreessen Horowitz, October 16, 2023. https://a16z.com/the-techno-optimist-manifesto/
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-06-13
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-13
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
title: Anti-Defamation League
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- ADL
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) is an organization founded in 1913, originally
|
|||
|
||||
### The 1993 Spying Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1993 the [[San Francisco]] Police Department and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] searched ADL offices and exposed a private intelligence operation in which the organization, through the operative Roy Bullock, had compiled files on roughly ten thousand individuals and more than nine hundred organizations, ranging from white-supremacist groups to anti-apartheid and Arab-American organizations. Some of the information had been obtained from a serving police officer, Tom Gerard, a former [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] employee, and was alleged to have been passed to the governments of [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]]. The matter was settled through civil agreements without criminal charges against the organization.[^1][^2]
|
||||
In 1993 the [[San Francisco]] Police Department and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] searched ADL offices and exposed a private intelligence operation in which the organization, through the operative Roy Bullock, had compiled files on roughly ten thousand individuals and more than nine hundred organizations, ranging from white-supremacist groups to anti-apartheid and Arab-American organizations. Some of the information had been obtained from a serving police officer, Tom Gerard, a former [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] employee, and, according to Robert I. Friedman of *The Village Voice,* was passed to the governments of [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]]. The matter was settled through civil agreements without criminal charges against the organization.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "Amsterdam, Netherlands"
|
|||
---
|
||||
The Blue Boy was a nightclub in the Spuistraat district of [[Amsterdam]] that operated as a boy brothel. In August 1993 a distressed British boy showed up at the UK Embassy in [[Amsterdam]] after escaping through the bathroom window of the Blue Boy and told embassy officials he had been sold into prostitution by [[Warwick Spinks]]. The boy's escape and report to embassy authorities directly implicated Spinks in the trafficking of children through the club.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Blue Boy was also linked to allegations of snuff film production. An MP was said to have been present when a boy died during an orgy being filmed at the Blue Boy. [[Warwick Spinks|Spinks]] knew the MP and arranged a tour to [[Amsterdam]]; while there the MP went to the Blue Boy bar, where [[Warwick Spinks|Spinks]] was running a brothel. The information was not confirmed and the MP's identity never surfaced. Clear evidence that boys were tortured was discovered during investigations. Right across the street from the Blue Boy was another boy brothel investigated in [[Operation Framework]] for trafficking in snuff films, called [[Boys Club 21]]. Its manager was a close associate of [[Warwick Spinks]] named [[Alan Williams]]. The proximity of the two establishments in the Spuistraat district concentrated the boy brothel trade in a single area of [[Amsterdam]].[^1]
|
||||
The Blue Boy was also linked to allegations of snuff film production. The writer S. Dovey wrote that an MP was present when a boy died during an orgy being filmed at the Blue Boy. [[Warwick Spinks|Spinks]] knew the MP and arranged a tour to [[Amsterdam]]; while there the MP went to the Blue Boy bar, where [[Warwick Spinks|Spinks]] was running a brothel. The information was not confirmed and the MP's identity never surfaced. Clear evidence that boys were tortured was discovered during investigations. Right across the street from the Blue Boy was another boy brothel investigated in [[Operation Framework]] for trafficking in snuff films, called [[Boys Club 21]]. Its manager was a close associate of [[Warwick Spinks]] named [[Alan Williams]]. The proximity of the two establishments in the Spuistraat district concentrated the boy brothel trade in a single area of [[Amsterdam]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). *Eye of the Chickenhawk*. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Cali Drug Cartel
|
||||
- Cali Cartel
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ summary: "Powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization based in Cali, descri
|
|||
location: "Cali, Colombia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Cali Drug Cartel was a powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization based in [[Cali, Colombia|Cali]], described in a 1994 *Time* magazine article as controlling 80% of the world's cocaine trade. Its key leaders included [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodriguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|Jose Londono]].[[Norwin Meneses]] is believed to have been the cartel's representative in [[Nicaragua]].[^1][^3][^5]
|
||||
The Cali Drug Cartel was a powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization based in [[Cali, Colombia|Cali]], described in a 1994 *Time* magazine article as controlling 80% of the world's cocaine trade. Its key leaders included [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodriguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|Jose Londono]]. The journalist Gary Webb described [[Norwin Meneses]] as the cartel's representative in [[Nicaragua]].[^1][^3][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking and Political Influence
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -30,7 +30,7 @@ The cartel's connection to the Contra drug network ran through Meneses's organiz
|
|||
|
||||
### Connection to the Dark Alliance Network
|
||||
|
||||
[[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s supplier [[Aparicio Moreno]] was a Colombian with reported ties to both the [[FDN]] and the CIA.[^3] [[Rafael Cornejo]] was alleged to be involved in a major cocaine pipeline running from Cali to several West Coast cities. The Meneses organization's supply chain originated with the Colombian cartels.[^4]
|
||||
[[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s supplier [[Aparicio Moreno]] was a Colombian with reported ties to both the [[FDN]] and the CIA.[^3] Webb wrote that [[Rafael Cornejo]] was involved in a major cocaine pipeline running from Cali to several West Coast cities. The Meneses organization's supply chain originated with the Colombian cartels.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Intelligence Connections
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,6 +12,10 @@ summary: "London daily founded by Alfred Harmsworth in 1903 and owned by Robert
|
|||
location: "London, United Kingdom"
|
||||
start: 1903-11-02
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: owned
|
||||
with: "[[Reach plc]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
fn: 7
|
||||
- type: owned
|
||||
with: "[[Robert Maxwell]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
|
|
@ -37,9 +41,11 @@ In July 1984 [[Robert Maxwell]] bought Mirror Group Newspapers, publisher of the
|
|||
|
||||
[[Seymour Hersh]]'s *The Samson Option* went on sale in Britain on October 20, 1991, alleging that Maxwell and Davies had links to Israeli intelligence and that Davies had taken part in Israeli arms sales. Under parliamentary privilege, [[George Galloway]] put down a motion stating that Davies was "a longstanding and highly-paid Israeli Intelligence asset" who had betrayed Vanunu's whereabouts to [[Mossad]], and calling on Maxwell to establish "the extent of foreign intelligence penetration of Mirror Group newspapers"; [[Rupert Allason]] put down one stating that the *Daily Mirror* and its proprietor "have maintained a close relationship with the Israeli Intelligence Service" and that Davies had formed [[Ora Limited]] with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] in 1983.[^5] The paper's front page said the two members had "as much honor as a pair of jackals scavenging in a rubbish heap."[^6] The *Mirror* dismissed Davies on October 28, 1991, for denying that he had been at the Ohio home of an arms dealer in 1985 after a rival paper printed a photograph of him there.[^3] Maxwell was found dead in the sea off his yacht near the Canary Islands on November 5, 1991.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The paper's publisher is now a subsidiary of [[Reach plc]], a company incorporated in 1904 as the Liverpool Daily Post, the Liverpool Mercury and the Liverpool Echo Limited, renamed Trinity Mirror plc on September 6, 1999, and Reach plc on May 3, 2018, with its registered office at One Canada Square, Canary Wharf.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Pension Funds
|
||||
|
||||
The pension schemes of the Maxwell companies, with more than 32,000 members, were pooled in a Common Investment Fund managed by Bishopsgate Investment Management, a Maxwell-controlled subsidiary, whose assets Maxwell pledged as collateral for loans to his private companies. Administrators and the [[Serious Fraud Office]] concluded that roughly 450 to 460 million pounds had been taken; [[Goldman Sachs]], on Maxwell's instructions, had sold blocks of Mirror Group shares marked as pension-fund property.[^7] His sons [[Kevin Maxwell]] and [[Ian Maxwell]] were acquitted at the [[Old Bailey]] in January 1996.[^8] In August 1994 Mirror Group Newspapers apologized "unreservedly" in a London court for its articles of October 1991 about Hersh and agreed to pay him and his publisher, [[Faber and Faber]], "substantial damages."[^9]
|
||||
The pension schemes of the Maxwell companies, with more than 32,000 members, were pooled in a Common Investment Fund managed by Bishopsgate Investment Management, a Maxwell-controlled subsidiary, whose assets Maxwell pledged as collateral for loans to his private companies. Administrators and the [[Serious Fraud Office]] concluded that roughly 450 to 460 million pounds had been taken; [[Goldman Sachs]], on Maxwell's instructions, had sold blocks of Mirror Group shares marked as pension-fund property.[^8] His sons [[Kevin Maxwell]] and [[Ian Maxwell]] were acquitted at the [[Old Bailey]] in January 1996.[^9] In August 1994 Mirror Group Newspapers apologized "unreservedly" in a London court for its articles of October 1991 about Hersh and agreed to pay him and his publisher, [[Faber and Faber]], "substantial damages."[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -49,6 +55,7 @@ The pension schemes of the Maxwell companies, with more than 32,000 members, wer
|
|||
[^4]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Faber and Faber, 1991.
|
||||
[^5]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 2134, "Mirror Group Newspapers and Israeli Intelligence," and Early Day Motion 2136, "Arms Sales," October 1991. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/2134/mirror-group-newspapers-and-israeli-intelligence
|
||||
[^6]: United Press International, "Maxwell to seek injunction against book," London, October 23, 1991.
|
||||
[^7]: "Unravelling the Web," *Pensions Archive Trust,* November 3, 2021. https://pensionsarchive.org.uk/2021/11/03/unravelling-the-web/
|
||||
[^8]: "Media Magnate Maxwell's Sons Acquitted of Charges They Raided Pension Fund," *The Washington Post,* January 20, 1996. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1996/01/20/media-magnate-maxwells-sons-acquitted-of-charges-they-raided-pension-fund/1841c6cf-8340-4e9e-876c-9f862b4685b5/
|
||||
[^9]: "Hersh Wins Apology From British Papers," *The Washington Post,* August 19, 1994; "Writer wins damages, apology in libel suit," *Deseret News,* August 20, 1994.
|
||||
[^7]: Companies House, Reach plc, company number 00082548, profile and previous names, accessed September 22, 2026, https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/00082548 ; mirror.co.uk site footer, "a Reach plc subsidiary," accessed September 22, 2026.
|
||||
[^8]: "Unravelling the Web," *Pensions Archive Trust,* November 3, 2021. https://pensionsarchive.org.uk/2021/11/03/unravelling-the-web/
|
||||
[^9]: "Media Magnate Maxwell's Sons Acquitted of Charges They Raided Pension Fund," *The Washington Post,* January 20, 1996. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1996/01/20/media-magnate-maxwells-sons-acquitted-of-charges-they-raided-pension-fund/1841c6cf-8340-4e9e-876c-9f862b4685b5/
|
||||
[^10]: "Hersh Wins Apology From British Papers," *The Washington Post,* August 19, 1994; "Writer wins damages, apology in libel suit," *Deseret News,* August 20, 1994.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- PROMIS
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Degem Computers
|
||||
- Degem Systems
|
||||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Maxwell acquired Degem after its previous owner, [[Yaacov Meridor]], faced a sca
|
|||
|
||||
Through Degem, Maxwell sold PROMIS-derived software to agencies in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, South Korea, Poland, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Nicaragua. In 1985, an abridged version was sold to [[Credit Suisse]], providing intelligence access to Israeli accounts held there. In the late 1980s, Degem technicians installed the trapdoor-equipped software on IBM computers delivered to the Soviet Union, an arrangement facilitated by the lifting of IBM export restrictions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In Guatemala, Degem worked through [[Manfred Herrmann]]'s Sedra company to deploy PROMIS terminals at offices, railway stations, airports, and remote roadblocks, contributing to a surveillance system tracking suspected dissidents. In Transkei, Degem's implementation of PROMIS was alleged to have been used as a tool against black revolutionary groups including the [[African National Congress]], providing information that led to the detention, disappearance, or death of activists.[^1]
|
||||
In Guatemala, Degem worked through [[Manfred Herrmann]]'s Sedra company to deploy PROMIS terminals at offices, railway stations, airports, and remote roadblocks, contributing to a surveillance system tracking suspected dissidents. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] alleged that in Transkei Degem's implementation of PROMIS was used as a tool against black revolutionary groups including the [[African National Congress]], providing information that led to the detention, disappearance, or death of activists.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Official Findings
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ location: "London, United Kingdom"
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Elm Guest House was a suburban brothel operating near central London in the early 1980s that served as a front for an international child trafficking network connected to powerful political and business figures. The establishment, run by German couple [[Haroon Kasir]] and [[Carole Kasir]], displayed a sign reading "Spartacus, Club - Welcome" and was part of the broader [[Spartacus International]] network operated by [[John Stamford]].[^1]
|
||||
The Elm Guest House was a guest house at Rocks Lane, Barnes, in south-west London, run in the early 1980s by [[Haroon Kasir]] and [[Carole Kasir]]. The writer S. Dovey wrote that it displayed a sign reading "Spartacus, Club - Welcome" and belonged to the [[Spartacus International]] network of [[John Stamford]], and described it as a front for an international child-trafficking network serving political and business figures.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Raid and the Inquiry Findings
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,32 +26,20 @@ Carole Kasir was found dead in June 1990; the inquest ruled her death a suicide.
|
|||
|
||||
### Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
In June 1982, Metropolitan Police raided the Elm Guest House following an investigation into illegal brothel operations. The raid revealed that visitors were provided with a price-listed menu of sex to indulge in with boys as young as ten. Twenty-three men were said to have been detained on the premises, which contained bedroom suites festooned with whips, chains, and ropes, along with communal areas including a lounge bar, spa and sauna facility, and a screening room for pornography. According to police sources, three of the guests were parliamentary ministers, while a fourth was a member of the Queen's royal staff. Metropolitan Police had been expected to reopen files on the murder of one boy and the disappearance of another in their investigation into a VIP homosexual vice network in London.[^1]
|
||||
The writer S. Dovey wrote that the raid of June 1982 revealed a price list of sex with boys as young as ten; that twenty-three men were detained in a house with bedroom suites hung with whips, chains and ropes, a lounge bar, a sauna and a screening room for pornography; that police sources said three of the guests were ministers and a fourth a member of the Queen's household; and that the police had been expected to reopen files on the murder of one boy and the disappearance of another. Dovey wrote that Scotland Yard called it a routine brothel investigation while sources close to the inquiry said senior officers had ordered it played down, that *[[The Sunday Times]]* reported Scotland Yard's denial of any security risk or Special Branch role, that the men were released without charge, and suggested that the Attorney General, [[Michael Havers]], had intervened. According to Dovey, the Kasirs were also charged with possessing child pornography, a charge dropped in 1983 after seven hours of seized video were ruled inadmissible.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
All reporting on the matter was subsequently denied in official statements. While a Scotland Yard official initially described it as just a routine investigation into a brothel, sources close to the investigation claimed the top brass had ordered everything to be played down and that every attempt was being made to ensure the names of VIPs using the place did not leak out. The [[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]] reported that Scotland Yard denied claims of a security risk, stating that Special Branch was not taking part in inquiries. The men detained were released without charge, and reporting on the matter soon ceased, possibly upon intervention by Attorney General [[Michael Havers]].[^1]
|
||||
In 1983 the Conservative MP [[Geoffrey Dickens]] gave the Home Secretary, [[Leon Brittan]], a dossier on members of Parliament and of the royal household whom he alleged belonged to a pedophile ring with ties to the [[Pedophile Information Exchange]], and said he would name them in Parliament. Dovey wrote that Dickens then received death threats, that his home was burgled, and that his name was found in a notebook of the fugitive [[Arthur Hutchinson]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The owners, Haroon and Carole Kasir, were charged for keeping a disorderly house and possession of child pornography. However, the child pornography charge was dropped in 1983 after seven hours of video footage seized from the premises was ruled inadmissible. By agreement with defense lawyers, the prosecution slashed eight hours of videos to just 45 minutes, and the judge made an order forbidding the press to identify the child in the case.[^1]
|
||||
At the 1990 inquest into Carole Kasir's death, according to Dovey, the social worker [[Mary Moss]] said Kasir had come to her in 1989 with evidence that boys under fourteen from [[Grafton Close Children's Home]], run by Richmond Council, were supplied to guests of the house, and Moss and [[Christopher Fay]] said Kasir had been killed over evidence of its clientele. Fay said Kasir had shown him a photograph of a former Conservative Cabinet minister in a sauna with naked boys, and that a bishop, a High Court judge, a social services director and a businessman appeared on videos made there; Dovey identified the minister as Leon Brittan and named [[Cyril Smith]], exposed after his death as an abuser of boys, as a frequent visitor. The inquiry found that no politician or VIP was ever identified as involved.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### VIP Network and Political Connections
|
||||
### Later Investigations
|
||||
|
||||
In 1983, Tory MP [[Geoffrey Dickens]] handed Home Secretary [[Leon Brittan]] a dossier on members of parliament and the Queen's royal staff alleged to have been part of a VIP pedophile ring with ties to the [[Pedophile Information Exchange]] (PIE). Dickens compiled a list of names and planned to disclose them in Parliament, stating that the Scotland Yard report contained names of top people in public life and show business. Shortly after handing over the dossier, Dickens began receiving death threats and his home was burglarized multiple times. His name and personal details were found in a notebook belonging to fugitive [[Arthur Hutchinson]], wanted for triple homicide, leading to a security detail being placed on Dickens.[^1]
|
||||
[[Peter Righton]], who held a senior post at the [[National Children's Bureau]] and whom Dovey described as the government's leading adviser on child protection, was arrested in 1992 after customs officers intercepted child pornography sent to him from Amsterdam; Dovey wrote that he was a member of the Pedophile Information Exchange named in Dickens's dossier. Dovey also wrote that Moss said in 2013 that Kasir had told her two men, [[Terry Dwyer]] and [[John Rowe]], persuaded her in 1979 to turn her house into a sauna for members of Club Spartacus and put her in touch with Stamford's agent [[Peter Glencross]], and that correspondence from Spartacus International addressed to the house in 1981 survives. In an ITV interview Moss described the house as a money-making child pornography operation that filmed boys procured from Grafton Close.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The circumstances surrounding the Elm Guest House resurfaced in 1990 during an inquest into the death of former owner Carole Kasir, who died from an insulin overdose. Social worker [[Mary Moss]] testified that Kasir had approached her in 1989 with evidence that boys from [[Grafton Close Children's Home]] were supplied as prostitutes to VIP guests of the Elm Guest House in the early 1980s. According to Moss, the home, run by Richmond Council, supplied boys under age 14 to the gay guest house frequented by top MPs and judges. Kasir had been involved with a group of child pornographers linked to the foster home's management and was in fear for her life before her death.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
During the 1990 inquest, Mary Moss and [[Christopher Fay]] claimed Kasir was murdered over evidence she kept on the Elm Guest House's VIP clientele. Fay testified Kasir had shown him a photograph of a former Tory Cabinet minister in a sauna with naked boys, and that a bishop, high court judge, social services director, and top businessman were among those captured on video at the hotel. The cabinet minister was identified as Leon Brittan, the same Home Secretary who received Geoffrey Dickens' dossier. Another parliamentary minister named was [[Cyril Smith]], who was posthumously exposed as a serial violent sexual abuser of boys in 2013 and was said to have been a frequent visitor to the Elm Guest House.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Government Connections and Later Investigations
|
||||
|
||||
In 1992, social services director [[Peter Righton]], the top UK government adviser on child protection services, was arrested after customs officials intercepted child pornography addressed to him from Amsterdam. Righton was a member of the Pedophile Information Exchange named in the VIP pedophile dossier from 1983. He was questioned in connection with indecent assaults on children in the London area as part of a nationwide inquiry following the closure of New Barns, a school for emotionally disturbed children in Gloucestershire. Righton held a senior post with the [[National Children's Bureau]] and was a respected figure in the child care field.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
According to information leaked by Mary Moss in 2013, Carole Kasir had stated that two men named [[Terry Dwyer]] and [[John Rowe]] persuaded her to renovate her townhouse into a spa and sauna facility for members of Club Spartacus in 1979. She was put in touch with [[Peter Glencross]], a close associate of John Stamford who acted as the commercial agent for Spartacus International. The Elm Guest House displayed a Club Spartacus sign, and letter correspondence from Spartacus International addressed to the Elm Guest House from 1981 exists as evidence of this connection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In October 2012, Labour MP [[Tom Watson]] asked Prime Minister [[David Cameron]] to investigate evidence of a powerful pedophile network linked to parliament and No. 10. This was followed in November by accusations against Cyril Smith by MP [[Simon Danczuk]]. These statements, made in the wake of the [[Jimmy Savile]] scandal, led to a Metropolitan police investigation into historical allegations of child abuse by a VIP pedophile ring allegedly made up of high-ranking government officials who frequented the Elm Guest House in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In an ITV interview, Mary Moss stated that the Elm Guest House had been used to make child pornography, describing it as a child porn racket and a money-making business. She recounted cases of boys who were abused at Grafton Close children's home and procured for the Elm Guest House where they were filmed to make child porn that was then distributed. This testimony aligned with the extensive video equipment and screening room discovered during the 1982 police raid.[^1]
|
||||
In October 2012 the Labour MP [[Tom Watson]] asked Prime Minister [[David Cameron]] to investigate evidence of a pedophile network linked to Parliament and No. 10, and in November the MP [[Simon Danczuk]] made accusations against Cyril Smith; the Metropolitan Police then opened investigations into historical allegations concerning the house.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023. Sole source for the passages so cited. It gives twenty-three men detained where the inquiry gives twenty people arrested including the Kasirs, and describes Cyril Smith as confirmed as a visitor, where the inquiry found no politician or VIP identified.
|
||||
[^2]: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse. *Allegations of Child Sexual Abuse Linked to Westminster: Investigation Report,* February 2020, Part B.3, "The 1980s," paras. 9-12. https://web.archive.org/web/2021/https://www.iicsa.org.uk/reports-recommendations/publications/investigation/westminster/part-b-allegations-child-sexual-abuse-linked-westminster/b3-1980s.html
|
||||
[^3]: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse. *Allegations of Child Sexual Abuse Linked to Westminster,* February 2020, Part D.7, "Allegations connected to Elm Guest House," paras. 70-74. https://web.archive.org/web/2021/https://www.iicsa.org.uk/reports-recommendations/publications/investigation/westminster/part-d-police-responses-allegations-westminster-child-sexual-abuse/d7-allegations-connected-elm-guest-house.html
|
||||
[^3]: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse. *Allegations of Child Sexual Abuse Linked to Westminster,* February 2020, Part D.7, "Allegations connected to Elm Guest House," paras. 70-74. https://web.archive.org/web/2021/https://www.iicsa.org.uk/reports-recommendations/publications/investigation/westminster/part-d-police-responses-allegations-westminster-child-sexual-abuse/d7-allegations-connected-elm-guest-house.html
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ Films found on the Michigan photographer [[Gerald Richards]] at his arrest in Ju
|
|||
|
||||
### The Distribution Network
|
||||
|
||||
Film was said to have been mailed from the farm to Richards for development and distribution through MAIL-O-MATIC in [[North Carolina]] and F&S Distributors in California. The farm was said to have been raided on November 10, 1976, and reported the next day by the *Detroit Free Press* as a national pornography hub, and to have been incorporated under the Church of the New Revelation, through which it was linked to [[Dyer Grossman]] and [[Adam Starchild]], and connected through a letter from Vermilye to Halvorsen with Troop 137 and with the Chicago network of [[John David Norman]], the [[Delta Project]] and the [[Odyssey Network]].[^1]
|
||||
The writer S. Dovey wrote that film was mailed from the farm to Richards for development and distribution through MAIL-O-MATIC in [[North Carolina]] and F&S Distributors in California. Dovey also wrote that the farm was raided on November 10, 1976, and reported the next day by the *Detroit Free Press* as a national pornography hub, and that it was incorporated under the Church of the New Revelation, through which it was linked to [[Dyer Grossman]] and [[Adam Starchild]], and connected through a letter from Vermilye to Halvorsen with Troop 137 and with the Chicago network of [[John David Norman]], the [[Delta Project]] and the [[Odyssey Network]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -25,7 +25,7 @@ In Central America, President Ronald Reagan supported [[General Rios Montt]], a
|
|||
|
||||
[[Jimmy Hughes]] joined FGBMFI in 1987 and subsequently founded Jimmy Hughes Ministries – Free the Oppressed in Honduras. He openly admitted his past as a "Mafia hit-man" on the FGBMFI website. John Carrette "god-fathered" Hughes into the Fellowship and helped set him up in Honduras.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Hughes was a high-standing member of FGBMFI and a keynote speaker at a dinner event in Fresno, [[California]], in February 2008, alongside [[General Daniel Lopez Carballo]] of Honduras. Hughes, General Daniel Lopez Carballo, and [[Romeo Vasquez Velasquez]] were all members of FGBMFI. Hughes was allegedly involved in the planning of the [[Honduras coup]] of June 2009, and Lopez Carballo and Vásquez Velásquez were described as his friends.[^1] On June 28, 2009, the Honduran military detained President [[Manuel Zelaya]] and flew him to [[Costa Rica]]; Zelaya had ordered the removal of Vásquez Velásquez as chairman of the joint chiefs days earlier, and the Supreme Court had ordered him restored. The National Congress then replaced Zelaya with its president, [[Roberto Micheletti]], who called it a "constitutional succession."[^3] On September 26, 2009, Hughes was arrested at Miami International Airport on his way to Honduras and charged in the 1981 murders of the Cabazon tribal leader [[Fred Alvarez]] and two others; the charges were dismissed in July 2010.[^4]
|
||||
Hughes was a high-standing member of FGBMFI and a keynote speaker at a dinner event in Fresno, [[California]], in February 2008, alongside [[General Daniel Lopez Carballo]] of Honduras. Hughes, General Daniel Lopez Carballo, and [[Romeo Vasquez Velasquez]] were all members of FGBMFI. The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that Hughes was involved in planning the [[Honduras coup]] of June 2009 and described Lopez Carballo and Vásquez Velásquez as his friends.[^1] On June 28, 2009, the Honduran military detained President [[Manuel Zelaya]] and flew him to [[Costa Rica]]; Zelaya had ordered the removal of Vásquez Velásquez as chairman of the joint chiefs days earlier, and the Supreme Court had ordered him restored. The National Congress then replaced Zelaya with its president, [[Roberto Micheletti]], who called it a "constitutional succession."[^3] On September 26, 2009, Hughes was arrested at Miami International Airport on his way to Honduras and charged in the 1981 murders of the Cabazon tribal leader [[Fred Alvarez]] and two others; the charges were dismissed in July 2010.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,14 +14,14 @@ alias:
|
|||
summary: "Indonesian banking and property conglomerate of the Riady family, partner of the Stephens family of Arkansas from 1978, employer of John Huang and Webster Hubbell, whose California bank pleaded guilty to 86 campaign finance counts in 2001."
|
||||
location: "Jakarta, Indonesia"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Lippo Group is the banking, insurance, and property conglomerate of [[Mochtar Riady]] of [[Indonesia]] and his son [[James Riady]]. A Senate committee dated its business relationship with [[Stephens Inc.]] of [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] to 1977, and a House committee to a meeting between Mochtar Riady, [[Jackson Stephens]], and [[Witt Stephens]] in 1976.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arkansas
|
||||
|
||||
The two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978 and both bought into [[Worthen Bank]] in 1983. About 1987 the Riadys exchanged their Worthen shares for the Stephens interest in the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]] and turned to [[California]], where they had bought the [[Bank of Trade (Los Angeles)|Bank of Trade]] and renamed it [[LippoBank]]. [[John Huang]] was the group's chief representative in the [[United States]]. In April 1993 [[C. Joseph Giroir]], former managing partner of the [[Rose Law Firm]], incorporated the [[Arkansas International Development Corporation]] with Lippo capital to develop joint ventures, and a second company of the same name followed in 1995. The Riadys were reported to pay Giroir between 350,000 and 600,000 dollars a year. [[Mark Middleton]], a former aide to President [[Bill Clinton]], also went to work for the group. Giroir helped draw up the list of those invited to the [[Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation]] meeting in [[Jakarta]] in 1994, among them [[Webster Hubbell]], to whom the Lippo company [[Hong Kong China Limited]] had paid 100,000 dollars that June. The House committee also found that the head of the group paid the college tuition of Hubbell's daughter.[^1]
|
||||
The two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978 and both bought into [[Worthen Bank]] in 1983. About 1987 the Riadys exchanged their Worthen shares for the Stephens interest in the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]] and turned to [[California]], where they had bought the [[Bank of Trade (Los Angeles)|Bank of Trade]] and renamed it [[LippoBank]]. [[John Huang]] was the group's chief representative in the [[United States]]. In April 1993 [[C. Joseph Giroir]], former managing partner of the [[Rose Law Firm]], incorporated the [[Arkansas International Development Corporation]] with Lippo capital to develop joint ventures, and a second company of the same name followed in 1995. According to the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, the Riadys paid Giroir between 350,000 and 600,000 dollars a year. [[Mark Middleton]], a former aide to President [[Bill Clinton]], also went to work for the group. Giroir helped draw up the list of those invited to the [[Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation]] meeting in [[Jakarta]] in 1994, among them [[Webster Hubbell]], to whom the Lippo company [[Hong Kong China Limited]] had paid 100,000 dollars that June. The House committee also found that the head of the group paid the college tuition of Hubbell's daughter.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### BCCI Hong Kong
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Medellin Cartel
|
||||
- Medellín Cartel
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
start: 1976-01-01
|
||||
end: 1993-12-31
|
||||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ As the cartel's massive loads got through, wholesale cocaine prices in the U.S.
|
|||
|
||||
### Connection to the Contra Network
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barry Seal]] was one of the biggest cocaine and marijuana importers in the southern United States, flying loads directly for the Medellín cartel while simultaneously working as a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and DEA contract agent. Seal moved to [[Mena, Arkansas]] in 1982 and ran drugs and weapons through Intermountain Regional Airport.[^2] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] told CIA inspectors that he had been to Colombia with [[Ronald Lister]] and observed Lister negotiating drug deals with the Colombians.[^3] [[Norwin Meneses]] was believed to be the [[Cali Drug Cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]], and his organization operated in parallel to the Medellín cartel's distribution networks.[^4]
|
||||
[[Barry Seal]] was one of the biggest cocaine and marijuana importers in the southern United States, flying loads directly for the Medellín cartel while simultaneously working as a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and DEA contract agent. Seal moved to [[Mena, Arkansas]] in 1982 and ran drugs and weapons through Intermountain Regional Airport.[^2] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] told CIA inspectors that he had been to Colombia with [[Ronald Lister]] and observed Lister negotiating drug deals with the Colombians.[^3] The journalist Gary Webb described [[Norwin Meneses]] as the [[Cali Drug Cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]], and his organization operated in parallel to the Medellín cartel's distribution networks.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arms-for-Drugs Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Nugan Hand Bank
|
||||
- Nugan Hand Ltd
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ Australian government investigators and Kwitny’s reporting identified several
|
|||
|
||||
The bank operated branches in thirteen countries including Australia, [[Hong Kong]], Taiwan, the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, the United States (Hawaii and Washington), Saudi Arabia, the Cayman Islands, and Bermuda. Its offshore structure was designed to obscure the origins and movement of funds across jurisdictions with limited regulatory cooperation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The bank was alleged to have laundered proceeds from [[Golden Triangle]] opium and heroin trafficking through its Southeast Asian branches, particularly in Thailand and Hong Kong. The connection between CIA-linked operations in the Golden Triangle region, Air America’s acknowledged transport activities, and the bank’s financial flows was documented but not legally established in terms of criminal liability.[^1]
|
||||
The journalist Jonathan Kwitny wrote that the bank laundered proceeds from [[Golden Triangle]] opium and heroin trafficking through its Southeast Asian branches, particularly in Thailand and Hong Kong. The connection between CIA-linked operations in the Golden Triangle region, Air America’s acknowledged transport activities, and the bank’s financial flows was documented but not legally established in terms of criminal liability.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The bank also handled financial transfers for covert operations. Kwitny documented that Nugan Hand managed accounts for clients in multiple countries who appeared to be receiving or disbursing funds for intelligence-related purposes. The specific operations are difficult to fully document because the bank’s records were largely destroyed or disappeared after its collapse.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ At Richards's arrest in July 1976 police found a letter from Grossman proposing
|
|||
|
||||
### The Grossman Letter
|
||||
|
||||
Richards was said to have handed over the letter in August 1976, postmarked July 19, 1976, with the institute's return address, and it was said to have mentioned a twelve-year-old boy Grossman had obtained through a Big Brother program. The institute was described as a sea-steading project. Starchild was said to have been Malcolm Willis McConahy, an offshore tax attorney who faked his death in 1975, and a scoutmaster in Minneapolis expelled in 1965.[^1]
|
||||
The writer S. Dovey wrote that Richards handed over the letter in August 1976, postmarked July 19, 1976, with the institute's return address, and that it mentioned a twelve-year-old boy Grossman had obtained through a Big Brother program. The writer S. Dovey described the institute as a sea-steading project. Dovey also wrote that Starchild was Malcolm Willis McConahy, an offshore tax attorney who faked his death in 1975, and a scoutmaster in Minneapolis expelled in 1965.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "OpenAI is an artificial-intelligence company founded as a nonprofit in 2015 with a billion-dollar pledge from backers including Elon Musk, Sam Altman, Reid Hoffman, and Peter Thiel, whose 2023 firing and reinstatement of CEO Sam Altman exposed the conflict between its effective-altruism-aligned safety board and its commercial expansion."
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-19
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-19
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
OpenAI is an artificial-intelligence research company founded in [[San Francisco]] on December 11, 2015 as a nonprofit laboratory whose stated mission was to ensure that artificial general intelligence benefits humanity. Its founding was announced with a one-billion-dollar funding pledge from [[Elon Musk]], [[Sam Altman]], [[Greg Brockman]], [[Reid Hoffman]], [[Jessica Livingston]], [[Peter Thiel]], [[Amazon Web Services]], and [[Infosys]], though tax filings later showed that only about 133 million dollars had actually been received by 2021. The organization grew out of the same AI-existential-risk concern that animates the [[Rationalist Community]] and [[Effective Altruism]] movements, and its 2023 governance crisis exposed the fault line between that safety-focused mission and its commercial trajectory.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
|
@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ The 2019 capped-profit entity, OpenAI LP, limited early investors to a return of
|
|||
|
||||
### The November 2023 Board Crisis
|
||||
|
||||
On November 17, 2023, the nonprofit board removed Altman as chief executive, stating that he had not been "consistently candid." The voting directors were Sutskever, [[Adam D'Angelo]], the entrepreneur [[Tasha McCauley]], and [[Helen Toner]] of the Georgetown Center for Security and Emerging Technology; McCauley and Toner had ties to the effective-altruism movement, and the board's concern centered on the pace of AI commercialization relative to safety. Brockman quit in protest, roughly 700 employees threatened to resign, and within 48 hours directors discussed merging OpenAI with [[Anthropic]], a step Toner was reported to have supported and that would have ended OpenAI as an independent entity. Altman was reinstated within days under a reconstituted board chaired by [[Bret Taylor]] and including [[Larry Summers]], and Sutskever, McCauley, and Toner left.[^4][^5]
|
||||
On November 17, 2023, the nonprofit board removed Altman as chief executive, stating that he had not been "consistently candid." The voting directors were Sutskever, [[Adam D'Angelo]], the entrepreneur [[Tasha McCauley]], and [[Helen Toner]] of the Georgetown Center for Security and Emerging Technology; McCauley and Toner had ties to the effective-altruism movement, and the board's concern centered on the pace of AI commercialization relative to safety. Brockman quit in protest, roughly 700 employees threatened to resign, and within 48 hours directors discussed merging OpenAI with [[Anthropic]], a step *Bloomberg* reported Toner had supported and that would have ended OpenAI as an independent entity. Altman was reinstated within days under a reconstituted board chaired by [[Bret Taylor]] and including [[Larry Summers]], and Sutskever, McCauley, and Toner left.[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
The crisis was widely read as a defeat for the effective-altruism and AI-safety wing of the company by the commercial and accelerationist wing aligned with Altman and Microsoft. Sutskever left OpenAI in 2024, and Musk sued the company and Altman the same year, alleging a betrayal of the original nonprofit mission.[^4][^6]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ location: "France"
|
|||
---
|
||||
Saint-Gobain Techniques Nouvelles (SGN) is a large French chemical company. It was granted a contract to build a chemical reprocessing plant on the grounds at Marcoule, [[France]]. This plant was a critical element in the making of a nuclear bomb, as it separated weapons-grade plutonium from irradiated uranium fuel.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ernst David Bergmann]]'s men were able to contribute to the development of this technology. Israeli scientists were the only foreigners allowed access throughout the secret French nuclear complex at Marcoule, and were said to be able to roam "at will." One reason for this carte blanche was the brilliance of the Israeli scientists and their expertise in computer technology, on which the French would remain dependent for the next decade.[^1]
|
||||
[[Ernst David Bergmann]]'s men were able to contribute to the development of this technology. Israeli scientists were the only foreigners allowed access throughout the secret French nuclear complex at Marcoule, and, according to Seymour Hersh, could roam "at will." One reason for this carte blanche was the brilliance of the Israeli scientists and their expertise in computer technology, on which the French would remain dependent for the next decade.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ The Church of the New Revelation was incorporated in Delaware in 1974, listing i
|
|||
|
||||
### Father Bud's Boys Farm
|
||||
|
||||
[[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] in Tennessee was said to have been incorporated under the church, and the church to have been created on paper by Grossman; [[Francis Shelden]] and Starchild were connected to it through the incorporation of the North Fox Island mission.[^1]
|
||||
The writer S. Dovey wrote that [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] in Tennessee was incorporated under the church and that Grossman created the church on paper; [[Francis Shelden]] and Starchild were connected to it through the incorporation of the North Fox Island mission.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -41,7 +41,7 @@ Among those charged were [[Richard C. Jacobs]], millionaire president of the Jet
|
|||
|
||||
### The Sialle Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
The case was said to have broken when film found in a broken-down commercial processing machine in Dallas was traced to Cramer, and [[Robert Lang]] was said to have been a third founder, arrested with the others, and the only principal to avoid prison, after the state Department of Corrections recommended probation for his "minimal involvement" and "high moral character." Halvorsen and Woodall were said to have used their positions as juvenile probation officers to reactivate case files and leverage families. An associate of Woodall, [[Lewis Sialle]], given immunity to testify, said that District Attorney Connick had been the lover of the boy pornographer [[John Reed Campbell]], a fugitive in the case, and that "there was a cover-up"; victims said they had met the troop leaders at Campbell's home after posing for his "Huck Finn and Tom Sawyer" portraits. Sialle testified that Woodall ran an escort service that turned to the boys of the troop: "They'll get $50, a good meal and all that jazz." Halvorsen, Woodall and Cramer were said to have received long prison terms. An [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] memo of February 1977 was said to have confirmed the link to Norman's [[Delta Project]], then run by [[Phillip Paske]]; Vermilye was said to have written to Halvorsen inviting him to the farm; and [[Don Berlage]], a district attorney in Charlevoix County, Michigan, was connected to the case.[^1]
|
||||
The writer S. Dovey wrote that the case broke when film found in a broken-down commercial processing machine in Dallas was traced to Cramer, and that [[Robert Lang]] was a third founder, arrested with the others, and the only principal to avoid prison, after the state Department of Corrections recommended probation for his "minimal involvement" and "high moral character." Dovey wrote that Halvorsen and Woodall used their positions as juvenile probation officers to reactivate case files and leverage families. An associate of Woodall, [[Lewis Sialle]], given immunity to testify, said that District Attorney Connick had been the lover of the boy pornographer [[John Reed Campbell]], a fugitive in the case, and that "there was a cover-up"; victims said they had met the troop leaders at Campbell's home after posing for his "Huck Finn and Tom Sawyer" portraits. Sialle testified that Woodall ran an escort service that turned to the boys of the troop: "They'll get $50, a good meal and all that jazz." According to Dovey, Halvorsen, Woodall and Cramer received long prison terms. Dovey also wrote that an [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] memo of February 1977 confirmed the link to Norman's [[Delta Project]], then run by [[Phillip Paske]], and that Vermilye wrote to Halvorsen inviting him to the farm; and [[Don Berlage]], a district attorney in Charlevoix County, Michigan, was connected to the case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- "The Washington Post"
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
Loading…
Add table
Add a link
Reference in a new issue