vault backup: 2026-05-13 21:30:09
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---
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tags: ["Person", "Intelligence", "Saudi Arabia", "BCCI"]
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category: "BCCI Scandal"
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tags:
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- Person
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- BCCI
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- CIA
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summary: "Khalil was one of the nominees used by Abedi to secretly purchase shares in CCAH, the holding company that owned First American Bank."
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---
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A. R. (Abdul Raouf) Khalil is a high-level officer in [[Saudi Arabian intelligence]] and a key [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] front man.[^1] He was a prominent figure in [[Agha Hasan Abedi]]'s network of wealthy Middle Eastern individuals who were shareholders in BCCI and its associated entities.
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### Role in BCCI Operations
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Khalil was one of the nominees used by Abedi to secretly purchase shares in [[Credit and Commerce American Holdings|CCAH]], the holding company that owned [[First American Bank]].[^2] He was also a recipient of large, fictitious loans from BCCI, such as $168 million, which were used to create the illusion of capital within the bank.[^3]
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His involvement in BCCI's operations highlights the bank's strategy of using influential figures to conceal its true ownership and illicit financial activities. Khalil, along with [[Kamal Adham]] and [[Ghaith Pharaon]], held significant shares in BCCI and its subsidiaries, often acquired through these fraudulent loans.[^4]
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His involvement in BCCI's operations highlights the bank's strategy of using influential figures to conceal its true ownership and illicit financial activities. Khalil, along with [[Kamal Adham]] and [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]], held significant shares in BCCI and its subsidiaries, often acquired through these fraudulent loans.[^4]
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### Footnotes
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@ -1,16 +1,14 @@
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---
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category: Iran-Contra
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created: 2024-04-25
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updated: 2026-05-01
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tags:
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- Person
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- Intelligence
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- Arms_Dealer
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- BCCI
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- Iran-Contra
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- IranContra
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- PROMIS
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- Saudi_Arabia
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- Switzerland
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- Liechtenstein
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- CIA
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- Reagan_Administration
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- ArmsDealer
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- BCCI
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summary: Adnan Khashoggi (1935-2017) was a Saudi billionaire arms dealer and key Iran-Contra middleman who bridged financing for the Reagan administration's arms sales to Iran through BCCI, and was named alongside Manucher Ghorbanifar and Richard Armitage in the May 1985 Reynolds letter as a broker for the covert distribution of PROMIS software.
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---
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[[Adnan Khashoggi]] (25 July 1935 – 6 June 2017) was an international arms merchant and a factotum for the House of Saud. He was considered the richest man in the world in the 1980s. Khashoggi covered his financial tracks by establishing front companies in [[Switzerland]] and [[Liechtenstein]] to handle his commissions. He also developed contacts with notable figures such as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officers [[James H. Critchfield]] and [[Kim Roosevelt]], and U.S. businessman [[Bebe Rebozo]], a close associate of former U.S. President [[Richard Nixon]].[^1]
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@ -1,19 +1,12 @@
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---
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created: 2025-07-23
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updated: 2025-07-23
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title: Adolf Hitler
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category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Nazi
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- Government
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- Germany
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- World_War_II
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- Holocaust
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- Occult
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- Mysticism
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description: Adolf Hitler was the leader of the Nazi Party and the dictator of Nazi Germany from 1934 to 1945.
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- RemoteViewer
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summary: "Adolf Hitler was the leader of the Nazi Party and the dictator of Nazi Germany from 1934 to 1945."
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---
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Adolf Hitler was the leader of the [[Nazi Germany|Nazi Party]] and the dictator of [[Nazi Germany]] from 1934 to 1945. He was the central figure in the rise of Nazism, the Holocaust, and World War II.[^1]
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While Hitler himself was reportedly dismissive of mysticism, his regime had a complex relationship with the occult. Figures like [[Heinrich Himmler]] were deeply invested in paranormal research, and the Nazi government's use of astrology and other forms of divination for propaganda purposes is well-documented. Hitler's reaction to [[Rudolf Hess]]'s flight to Scotland, which he attributed to the influence of astrologers, led to a crackdown on occult practices in Germany.[^1]
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---
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category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Scientist
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- Israel
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- Nuclear
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- Weizmann_Institute
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- Robotics
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- Dimona
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- Air_Force
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- Chemistry
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- Israel
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summary: "Aharon Katchalsky, later known as Aharon Katzir, was a specialist in the electrolytic properties of chain molecules and a pioneer researcher in the related field of muscle-powered robotics."
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---
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Aharon Katchalsky, later known as Aharon Katzir, was a specialist in the electrolytic properties of chain molecules and a pioneer researcher in the related field of muscle-powered robotics. He directed the inorganic chemistry department at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]]. Like [[Ernst David Bergmann]], Katzir had a secret life and was one of the driving forces in the flourishing Israeli nuclear weapons program until his death in 1972.[^1]
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Katzir was world-renowned for his research into robotics at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]], and his work was featured on the cover of the December 3, 1966, issue of the *Saturday Review*. His team at the Weizmann Institute also concentrated on the development of artificial muscle tissue for use in robots. His research was heavily funded by the U.S. Air Force's Office of Scientific Research, which was primarily interested in utilizing robotics in outer-space research. The Air Force was unaware that it was also helping to underwrite research for the Israeli nuclear arsenal, and that Katzir's main work was being done at [[Dimona]], not the Weizmann Institute.[^2]
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---
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category: "Other"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Military
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- Politics
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- Iran
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summary: "Admiral Ahmad Madani was a significant figure in the Iranian military and politics."
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---
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Admiral [[Ahmad Madani]] was a significant figure in the [[Iran|Iranian]] military and politics. In the 1960s, he was the youngest admiral in the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah's]] navy. He was forced to resign in 1970 due to alleged corruption, though in fact, it was because he was becoming too outspoken in his criticism of the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah's]] regime.[^1]
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After the [[Iranian Revolution]] in February 1979, [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] restored him to commander of the navy and appointed him defense minister. In April 1979, he left the post of defense minister to become the governor of the strategic [[Khuzistan]] province on the [[Iraq|Iraqi]] border. He remained a close adviser to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] on all defense-related matters.[^1]
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@ -12,4 +12,4 @@ After the [[Iranian Revolution]] in February 1979, [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini
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[[Ahmad Madani|Madani]] was defeated by [[Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr]] in the election for the first president of [[Iran]] after the revolution.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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---
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category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Nixon_Campaign
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- Republican_Party
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- Iran_Hostages
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- Reagan_Administration
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- Assassination
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- PROMIS
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- California
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- Lawyer
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- LawEnforcement
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summary: "Former Northern California field director for Nixon's presidential campaign found dead in 1991 after being linked to an alleged Republican plot to bribe Iranian officials to delay hostage release."
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---
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[[Alan Michael May]] was a former Northern California field director in [[Richard Nixon]]'s presidential campaign and an attorney for Nixon's brothers, Donald and Edward. He was found dead in his San Francisco home on June 19, 1991, four days after a newspaper story in the *Napa Sentinel* outlined his alleged role in a plot by Republican Party officials to bribe Iranian officials to delay the release of U.S. hostages until after President [[Ronald Reagan]]'s inauguration.[^1]
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[[Raymond Lavas]], a former associate of [[Ted Gunderson]] and a former protégé of [[Robert Maheu]], expressed his professional opinion about May's death in a letter. He suggested that certain chemical assassination methods could have been used, which would evaporate from the body, making the cause of death appear natural. He noted that unless the body is immediately refrigerated, toxins quickly evaporate, leaving minimal traces that a trained forensic expert might not detect unless suspicious circumstances are already present.[^1]
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---
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aliases:
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- Aldous Huxley
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- Aldous Huxley
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category: "Belgium Scandals"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Author
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- Philosopher
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- Psychedelics
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- Consciousness
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- Parapsychology
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- Round_Table_Foundation
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- UK
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- Mescaline
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- Counterculture
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- Belgium
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summary: "Aldous Huxley (1894–1963) was a renowned English writer and philosopher, best known for his dystopian novel *Brave New World*."
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---
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Aldous Huxley (1894–1963) was a renowned English writer and philosopher, best known for his dystopian novel *Brave New World*. He had a keen interest in the [[Consciousness|trance state]] and its potential as a means of gathering unseen information about the natural world, a fascination that led him to experiment with psychedelic substances and observe the work of [[Andrija Puharich]][^1].
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Huxley's personal experiences with mescaline, the principal hallucinogenic agent in peyote, were documented in his 1954 book, *The Doors of Perception*. This work explored the expansion of consciousness through drug use and met with both controversy and widespread readership, influencing counterculture movements[^1].
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---
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category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Government
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- Secretary_of_State
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- Reagan_Administration
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- State_Department
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- Israel
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- Iraq
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- Osirak
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- Nuclear
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- Israel
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summary: "Secretary of State under President Reagan who was present at high-command meetings following Israel's 1981 bombing of the Iraqi Osirak nuclear reactor."
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---
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Alexander M. Haig, Jr. served as the Secretary of State under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. He was present at a meeting of Reagan's high command following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak]] in June 1981. While the [[State Department]] formally condemned the bombing, Haig was privately forbearing.[^1]
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Alexander M. Haig, Jr. served as the Secretary of State under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. He was present at a meeting of Reagan's high command following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981. While the [[State Department]] formally condemned the bombing, Haig was privately forbearing.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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---
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category: "Other"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Politics
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- Soviet Union
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- Premier
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- Diplomat
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- Cold War
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- Nuclear Policy
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- Middle East
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summary: "Premier of the Soviet Union who flew to Cairo during the 1973 Yom Kippur War to persuade Sadat to accept a cease-fire, defusing a crisis that had triggered a U.S. nuclear alert."
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---
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Alexei N. Kosygin was the Premier of the [[Soviet Union]] from 1964 to 1980. In mid-October 1973, during the [[Yom Kippur War]], Kosygin flew to [[Cairo]] and persuaded [[Anwar Sadat]] to call for a cease-fire. This occurred after the Israeli military had successfully counterattacked in the [[Golan Heights]] and the [[Sinai]], ending any immediate threat and the necessity for the nuclear alert.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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---
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category: "Military"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Military
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- Israel
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- Air_Force
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- Intelligence
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- Jonathan_Pollard
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- Spy_Ring
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summary: "Amos Lapidot was the chief of staff of the Israeli Air Force."
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---
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Amos Lapidot was the chief of staff of the Israeli Air Force. He assured [[Aviem Sella]] that [[Jonathan Pollard]] was not a rogue and that clearance for Sella's new assignment as Pollard's handler had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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---
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category: "Other"
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tags:
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- Person
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- USA
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- Real_Estate
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- Intelligence
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- Ari_Ben-Menashe
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- Orthodox
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summary: "After Ben-Menashe's arrest, Magori was contacted by Leon Siff and traveled to Los Angeles to see Ben-Menashe in jail."
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---
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[[Ann Magori]] was an [[USA|American]]-born Orthodox woman and a real estate agent. She developed a close relationship with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and his wife [[Ora Ben-Shalom|Ora]].[^1]
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After [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] arrest, [[Ann Magori|Magori]] was contacted by [[Leon Siff]] and traveled to [[Los Angeles]] to see [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] in jail. She expressed suspicion about [[Leon Siff|Siff]] and his friends' involvement with the [[USA|American]] government, warning [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] to be careful.[^1]
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[[Ann Magori]] was an [[United States|American]]-born Orthodox woman and a real estate agent. She developed a close relationship with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and his wife [[Ora Ben-Shalom|Ora]].[^1]
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After [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] arrest, [[Ann Magori|Magori]] was contacted by [[Leon Siff]] and traveled to [[Los Angeles]] to see [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] in jail. She expressed suspicion about [[Leon Siff|Siff]] and his friends' involvement with the [[United States|American]] government, warning [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] to be careful.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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---
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category: "Other"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Victim
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- Ireland
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- Israel
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- Terrorism
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- El_Al
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- Bombing_Plot
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- Nezar_Hindawi
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- Black_Operation
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summary: "Ann-Marie Murphy was the Irish girlfriend of Nezar Hindawi."
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---
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Ann-Marie Murphy was the Irish girlfriend of [[Nezar Hindawi]]. She was unwittingly used in a 1986 plot to bomb an [[El Al]] plane. Hindawi, acting on instructions from [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] as part of an [[Rafi Eitan|Israeli]] "black" operation, intended for her to board the plane with explosives in her bag, leading to her death and the deaths of all other passengers.
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Ann-Marie Murphy was the Irish girlfriend of [[Nezar Hindawi]]. She was unwittingly used in a 1986 plot to bomb an [[El Al]] plane. Hindawi, acting on instructions from [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] as part of an [[Rafi|Israeli]] "black" operation, intended for her to board the plane with explosives in her bag, leading to her death and the deaths of all other passengers.
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The plot was foiled by [[Israel|Israeli]] security. Ann-Marie Murphy was interrogated by British security, where she revealed Hindawi's involvement. She later gave birth to their daughter in [[Ireland]].[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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---
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category: "Other"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Spy
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- USA
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- Israel
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- Navy
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- Intelligence
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- Jonathan_Pollard
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- Espionage
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summary: "Wife of Jonathan Pollard who was directly involved in her husband's espionage activities, helping photocopy and transfer classified intelligence documents to Israeli handlers."
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---
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[[Anne Henderson-Pollard]] was the wife of [[Jonathan Pollard]], a junior civilian analyst with the [[USA|U.S.]] Navy who was a paid spy for [[Tel Aviv]]. She was also involved in her husband's espionage activities.[^1]
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[[Anne Henderson-Pollard]] was the wife of [[Jonathan Pollard]], a junior civilian analyst with the [[United States|U.S.]] Navy who was a paid spy for [[Tel Aviv]]. She was also involved in her husband's espionage activities.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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---
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aliases:
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- Anne Khale
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- Anne Khale
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category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Scientist
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- NASA
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- Remote_Viewing
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- Project_Deep_Quest
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- Air_Force
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- Satellite_Imagery
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- Parapsychology
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- RemoteViewer
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summary: "Anne Khale was a NASA satellite imagery specialist who was hired by Stephan Schwartz to serve as an unbiased third-party observer for Project Deep Quest."
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---
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Anne Khale was a [[NASA]] satellite imagery specialist who was hired by [[Stephan Schwartz]] to serve as an unbiased third-party observer for [[Project Deep Quest]]. Her role was to accompany the team and monitor all control elements for fraud during the psychic functioning experiments[^1].
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Khale's involvement as an independent observer was crucial for ensuring the credibility of the project, which aimed to use [[Remote Viewing]] to locate a previously unknown shipwreck and to test long-distance remote viewing for the [[U.S. Air Force]][^1].
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---
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aliases:
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- Annie M. Jacobsen
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- Annie M. Jacobsen
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category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Author
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- Journalist
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- Government_Secrecy
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- National_Security
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- Parapsychology
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- Princeton_University
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- USA
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- Pentagon
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- CIA
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- Remote_Viewing
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- RemoteViewer
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summary: "Annie Jacobsen is an American investigative journalist and author, known for her non-fiction books focusing on government secrecy, national security, and warfare."
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---
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Annie Jacobsen is an American investigative journalist and author, known for her non-fiction books focusing on government secrecy, national security, and warfare. She is a graduate of Princeton University.
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## Bibliography
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27
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Aparicio Moreno.md
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27
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---
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category: "Organized Crime"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Person/Drug_Trafficker
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- Colombia
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- Nicaragua
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- United_States
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- 1980s
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- Contra_War
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summary: Colombian cocaine supplier and money launderer connected to both the Blandon and Meneses organizations, the FDN, and a Guatemalan CIA agent.
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---
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Aparicio Moreno was a [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine supplier and money launderer who worked with both [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses]], had connections to the [[FDN]], and was later linked to a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent in [[Guatemala]].[^1]
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### Role in the Blandón Network
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Moreno was introduced to Blandón by Norwin Meneses and supplied Blandón with "so many" thousands of kilos of cocaine in 1984 and 1985 that Blandón could not put an exact number on them. Blandón worked with Moreno until 1987. [[Ronald Lister]] told police in 1996 that Moreno was "affiliated with [the] FDN," and Blandón strongly suggested the same during interviews with the CIA Inspector General. Moreno arranged "at least one 1-ton delivery that was delivered by air via Oklahoma," Blandón told the CIA. Blandón said "he and his associates thought the plane might be connected with the CIA because someone had placed a small FDN sticker somewhere on the airplane."[^1]
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|
||||
A DEA informant described Moreno as a cocaine supplier and money launderer for both Meneses's [[San Francisco]]-based branch and Blandón's [[Los Angeles]] network. Moreno, his wife Aura, and his family hauled millions in drug profits to [[Miami]] hidden in a motor home. Moreno was also living in Ronald Lister's former Mission Viejo residence when the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided it in October 1986. In Lister's handwritten notes, next to the name "Aparicio," he had written "FDN coordinator."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Guatemala Connections
|
||||
|
||||
[[DEA]] agent [[Celerino Castillo]] encountered Moreno's trail in Guatemala in 1988 while investigating drug trafficking by Guatemalan CIA agent Colonel Julio Roberto Alpirez, a high-ranking military officer on the CIA payroll. Castillo discovered Moreno was both supplying Alpirez with cocaine and selling drugs for Alpirez that had been seized by the Guatemalan military. DEA files confirmed Castillo reported Moreno's activities, but the agency censored all information in his reports. Records appeared to show Moreno was also working as a DEA informant. The CIA Inspector General's report contained no further mention of Moreno.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 18: "We bust our ass and the government's involved"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- U-2_Spy_Plane
|
||||
- Photographic_Intelligence
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Dimona
|
||||
- Soviet_Union
|
||||
- Eisenhower_Administration
|
||||
summary: "Lundahl played a crucial role in the U-2 Spy Plane program, becoming the American government's most listened-to briefing officer."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Arthur C. Lundahl was a key figure in U.S. aerial reconnaissance, directing the Photographic Intelligence Division of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. He had analyzed reconnaissance photos for the Navy during World War II and was tasked by President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] to address the lack of aerial intelligence on the [[Soviet Union]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lundahl played a crucial role in the [[U-2 Spy Plane]] program, becoming the American government's most listened-to briefing officer. He was responsible for presenting intelligence gathered from U-2 flights, including early signs of what would become the Israeli nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]].[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,20 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Arthur Hebard
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Physicist
|
||||
- Researcher
|
||||
- Stanford_University
|
||||
- Parapsychology
|
||||
- Magnetometer
|
||||
- Naval_Research
|
||||
- Ingo_Swann
|
||||
- Psi_Experiments
|
||||
description: Arthur Hebard is a physicist known for building an experimental magnetometer at Stanford University, which was used in early psi experiments with Ingo Swann.
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "In June 1972, Hal Puthoff brought Ingo Swann to Hebard's lab to test Swann's abilities."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Arthur Hebard]] is a physicist who, as a Stanford postdoctoral physics student, built a special experimental magnetometer in the basement of Varian Hall at [[Stanford University]]. This magnetometer, funded by the Office of Naval Research, was designed to measure extremely small magnetic field perturbations from passing quarks. Its high sensitivity and heavy shielding made it an ideal challenge for psychic experiments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In June 1972, [[Hal Puthoff]] brought [[Ingo Swann]] to Hebard's lab to test Swann's abilities. During this experiment, Swann appeared to affect the magnetometer's output, causing its steady reading to suddenly change. This event, though initially suspected by others as mundane noise, convinced Puthoff of the paranormal occurrence and spurred his further investigation into psi phenomena.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,20 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Arthur Koestler
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Author
|
||||
- Philosopher
|
||||
- Parapsychology
|
||||
- Synchronicity
|
||||
- UK
|
||||
- Hungary
|
||||
- STARGATE_PROJECT
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- Science
|
||||
description: Arthur Koestler was a Hungarian-born British novelist, journalist, and critic, known for his writings on science, parapsychology, and political philosophy.
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "Arthur Koestler was a Hungarian-born British novelist, journalist, and critic."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Arthur Koestler was a Hungarian-born British novelist, journalist, and critic. He was known for his writings on science, parapsychology, and political philosophy. His 1972 book, *The Roots of Coincidence*, explored the concept of synchronicity and other parapsychological phenomena.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Koestler's work, particularly *The Roots of Coincidence*, played a role in influencing key figures in the U.S. government's psychic research programs. Major General [[Ed Tompson]], the Army's assistant chief of staff for intelligence, developed a considerable enthusiasm for psychic spying after reading Koestler's pro-paranormal book. This personal interest contributed to Thompson's approval and support for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] program.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- New_York_Times
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Dimona
|
||||
- Media
|
||||
summary: "Arthur Krock was a prominent Washington columnist for the *New York Times*."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Arthur Krock was a prominent Washington columnist for the *New York Times*. In December 1960, he served as an intermediary, directing [[John W. Finney]] to [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission]], to get a story about [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]]. Krock's role indicated that the administration was looking to plant the story publicly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,15 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Diplomat
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Ambassador
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Dimona
|
||||
- State_Department
|
||||
- Mossad
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Avraham Harman was the Israeli ambassador to the United States."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Avraham Harman was the Israeli ambassador to the [[United States]]. In December 1960, he was called in by [[Christian A. Herter]], then Secretary of State, for an explanation regarding [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]]. Harman was forewarned by [[Shimon Peres]] and possibly [[Mossad]] about the impending public discussion of [[Dimona]], and began working on the cover story that would become [[David Ben-Gurion]]'s public stance on the issue.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,19 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Arms_Dealer
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- Central_America
|
||||
- Florida
|
||||
- Guatemala
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
summary: "Business partner tasked by Rafi Eitan to receive the PROMIS software with its intelligence trap door from Earl Brian for deployment in Guatemala."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Baldur K. Kleine]] was a business partner of [[Manfred Herrmann]] and the representative in Maitland, [[Florida]], for [[Ora Group|Ora]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] arms-running company. He coordinated [[Israel|Israeli]] activities in [[Central America]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Baldur K. Kleine|Kleine]] was tasked by [[Rafi Eitan]] to receive the [[PROMIS]] software, complete with its "trap door," from [[Earl Brian]] in Maitland. He then passed the program to [[Manfred Herrmann]] in [[Guatemala]], who, in conjunction with [[Robert Maxwell|Maxwell's]] [[Degem]], implemented it for intelligence purposes.[^1]
|
||||
[[Baldur K. Kleine|Kleine]] was tasked by [[Rafi]] to receive the [[PROMIS]] software, complete with its "trap door," from [[Earl Brian]] in Maitland. He then passed the program to [[Manfred Herrmann]] in [[Guatemala]], who, in conjunction with [[Robert Maxwell|Maxwell's]] [[Degem]], implemented it for intelligence purposes.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Belgium Scandals"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Reagan_Administration
|
||||
- White_House
|
||||
- Author
|
||||
- October_Surprise
|
||||
- Iran
|
||||
- NATO
|
||||
- Italy
|
||||
- P2
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- Heroin_Smuggling
|
||||
- Belgium
|
||||
summary: "Former Reagan White House aide and author of October Surprise, who alleged Monzer Al-Kassar's heroin smuggling network was used to launder NATO arms stocks for diversion to Iran."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Honegger]] was a former [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] [[White House]] aide and author of the book *October Surprise*. In her book, she alleged that [[Monzer Al-Kassar]]'s heroin smuggling network in [[Italy]] was used to launder [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization|NATO]] arms stocks for diversion to [[Iran]]. This was purportedly done with the help of corrupt Italian intelligence officials linked to the secretive fascist Masonic lodge, [[P2]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Hospital worker who secretly preserved photostats of Roderick Sinclair's medical records before they could be destroyed during the Queen's Accident cover-up."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Barbara Locke]] was a friend of [[Shaula Brent]] and also worked at Fremont Hospital. She and Brent were suspicious about [[Roderick Sinclair]]'s hospital records after the "Queen's accident." They secretly took photostats of the records "before they were destroyed by the hospital."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Kalka estimated he produced 8,000 pounds of drugs worth $10 million, using ingredients that federal agents had allegedly arranged for him to buy."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Ben Kalka]] was a figure in the San Francisco drug world, initially a "bit player" who later became a major supplier of methamphetamine. He was arrested in 1982 with 900 pounds of methamphetamine in his possession and was serving time in a Pleasanton prison. Kalka's arrest was part of a federal sting operation, though he claimed the sting had ended by the time he began manufacturing the drug.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Methamphetamine Production and Government Involvement
|
||||
|
|
@ -6,15 +13,15 @@ Kalka estimated he produced 8,000 pounds of drugs worth $10 million, using ingre
|
|||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] was introduced to Kalka by Palmer and helped Kalka find monomethylamine, the last ingredient needed for methamphetamine. Riconosciuto claimed he was working for the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] as part of the sting operation and was authorized to supply Kalka with the final ingredient. The plan to bust Kalka and his subordinates reportedly failed when Kalka diverted the truck carrying the chemicals away from federal agents. Kalka wondered why the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] did not track him down once the methamphetamine began hitting the streets, suggesting the agency stumbled upon his enterprise during another undercover operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka was released from prison in April 2000 after his lawyer, [[Chris Cannon]], struck a deal that overturned his sentence, contingent upon Kalka signing a letter stating he did not obtain his precursors from the [[United States Government|U.S. government]]. This letter was reportedly written by [[William Shockley]], a [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] in San Francisco, and found by Detective [[Sue Todd]] in the Di Giorgio Extradition File.[^1]
|
||||
Kalka was released from prison in April 2000 after his lawyer, [[Chris Cannon]], struck a deal that overturned his sentence, contingent upon Kalka signing a letter stating he did not obtain his precursors from the [[United States|U.S. government]]. This letter was reportedly written by [[William Shockley]], a [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] in San Francisco, and found by Detective [[Sue Todd]] in the Di Giorgio Extradition File.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections and Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka's business ties with [[Michael Riconosciuto]] at [[R & R Research]] and the laboratory facilities at Hercules, [[California]], were documented in [[David Mayer]]'s attorney/client files. [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], administrator at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], also met with Riconosciuto at the Hercules plant. Investigators uncovered evidence of a chemical or drug operation at the Hercules plant that contaminated the entire property.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka was close to [[Al Holbert]], a former [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence agent, and [[Paul Morasca]], who was murdered in San Francisco during the time these sting operations were underway. [[Sue Todd]] concluded that Kalka was an undercover operative and that the entire drug operation was sanctioned by the [[United States Government|U.S. government]], as Kalka had been arrested multiple times, but the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] always took possession of him away from the arresting officers.[^1]
|
||||
Kalka was close to [[Al Holbert]], a former [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence agent, and [[Paul Morasca]], who was murdered in San Francisco during the time these sting operations were underway. [[Sue Todd]] concluded that Kalka was an undercover operative and that the entire drug operation was sanctioned by the [[United States|U.S. government]], as Kalka had been arrested multiple times, but the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] always took possession of him away from the arresting officers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that the precursors Kalka used were provided by the [[United States Government|U.S. government]] and that a chemical company was cooperating with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] by reporting all chemicals Riconosciuto ordered for his companies, which he then provided to Kalka. The money from these operations was reportedly laundered through [[Liechtenstein]] and other countries.[^1]
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that the precursors Kalka used were provided by the [[United States|U.S. government]] and that a chemical company was cooperating with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] by reporting all chemicals Riconosciuto ordered for his companies, which he then provided to Kalka. The money from these operations was reportedly laundered through [[Liechtenstein]] and other countries.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,16 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Bep Hermans
|
||||
- Bep Hermans
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Netherlands
|
||||
- Round_Table_Foundation
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Parapsychology
|
||||
- Peter_Hurkos
|
||||
- Psychedelics
|
||||
- Andrija_Puharich
|
||||
summary: "Bep Hermans was a Dutch au pair who came to work for Andrija Puharich in 1956, taking care of his three young children after his wife, Jinny, was sent for psychiatric treatment."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Bep Hermans was a Dutch au pair who came to work for [[Andrija Puharich]] in 1956, taking care of his three young children after his wife, Jinny, was sent for psychiatric treatment. Hermans later became Puharich's wife[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
She arrived at the Warrenton Estate, the home of the [[Round Table Foundation]], in late March 1956. Hermans observed the dynamics within the foundation, including the relationship between Puharich and [[Peter Hurkos]]. She recalled that Hurkos's presence gave [[Harry Stump]] a confidence he had not had before, and that despite their conflicting natures, Peter and Harry "got along famously and forged a great telepathic team"[^1]. Hermans also witnessed Hurkos's psychometric talents, noting that he could provide detailed information about a person by touching an object belonging to them[^1].
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,15 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "BCCI Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
- Banker
|
||||
- BCCI
|
||||
- Jimmy_Carter
|
||||
- National_Bank_of_Georgia
|
||||
- First_American_Bank
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Financial_Crimes
|
||||
- Banking
|
||||
summary: "T. Bertram 'Bert' Lance was Jimmy Carter's first Director of the Office of Management and Budget, who resigned in 1977 amid a congressional investigation into banking improprieties, and subsequently became the crucial intermediary who introduced Agha Hasan Abedi to Clark Clifford and facilitated BCCI's covert entry into the U.S. banking market."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
T. Bertram (Bert) Lance was President [[Jimmy Carter]]'s budget director and former chairman of [[National Bank of Georgia]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Political and Banking Career
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,41 +1,52 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2024-04-26
|
||||
updated: 2024-04-30
|
||||
title: Bill Hamilton
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- NSA
|
||||
- PMMC
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
- Software
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- DOJ
|
||||
- Surveillance
|
||||
- Danny_Casolaro
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
description: William A. Hamilton worked as an NSA analyst and linguist, later joining PMMC. He led the creation of PROMIS software for prosecutors, funded by LEAA. In 1973, he and his wife founded INSLAW to manage PROMIS.
|
||||
- NSA
|
||||
summary: "William A. Hamilton is a former NSA analyst who developed the PROMIS case management software and, as founder of INSLAW, led a decade-long legal battle against the Department of Justice over its alleged theft and international distribution of the software."
|
||||
---
|
||||
> [!WARNING] INCOMPLETE RESEARCH
|
||||
> This page needs to be further fleshed out but Bill's time at the NSA and PMMC is obviously murky.
|
||||
|
||||
William A. Hamilton was born ~1940 and grew up in Laude where he was one of seven (or eight) brothers. He graduated from Notre Dame with an English degree in 1962 and married [[Nancy Hamilton]] in 1963.[^1]
|
||||
William A. Hamilton was born around 1940 and grew up in Laude, Indiana, where he was one of seven brothers. He graduated from Notre Dame with an English degree in 1962 and married [[Nancy Hamilton]] in 1963.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bill worked as an analyst and Vietnamese linguist for the [[National Security Agency|NSA]] for seven years. In 1969, he left and became a management consultant at [[Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co]]. He then responded to a Request for Proposals and won the contract to create what would become [[PROMIS]] under the direction of [[Joan E. Jacoby]] and [[Charles R. Work]] with [[Law Enforcement Assistance Administration|LEAA]] funding through the [[Office of Crime Analysis of the District of Columbia]]. Bill Mitchell was project manager for the program. The experimental software for prosecutors made its debut on January 1, 1971.[^1]
|
||||
Hamilton worked as an analyst and Vietnamese linguist for the [[NSA]] for seven years. In 1969, he left federal service and became a management consultant at [[Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co]]. He won a contract through a competitive bid to develop what would become [[PROMIS]], working under the direction of [[Joan E. Jacoby]] and [[Charles R. Work]] with [[LEAA|Law Enforcement Assistance Administration]] funding routed through the [[Office of Crime Analysis of the District of Columbia]]. The resulting software, the Prosecutor's Management Information System, debuted on January 1, 1971, in the D.C. U.S. Attorney's Office.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bill, along with his wife [[Nancy Hamilton]], founded [[INSLAW]] in 1973, which took over stewardship of [[PROMIS]]. The [[INSLAW]] company later became embroiled in a significant legal battle with the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]] over the alleged theft and pirating of their [[PROMIS]] software.[2]
|
||||
In 1973, Hamilton and his wife Nancy founded [[INSLAW]] (the Institute for Law and Social Research), a non-profit organization that took over stewardship of PROMIS. INSLAW received additional LEAA funding to enhance PROMIS into a transferable system adoptable by other jurisdictions and oversaw its spread to prosecutors' offices around the country. In January 1981, Hamilton reorganized INSLAW as a for-profit entity and acquired the predecessor organization's assets.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton was a key figure in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]], alleging that a version of [[PROMIS]] was pirated and sold to foreign governments, including [[Canada]] and [[Israel]], with a modified "back-door" that allowed the U.S. to eavesdrop on intelligence secrets.[2] He and [[Nancy Hamilton]] sued the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]] for non-payment on a version of [[PROMIS]] called Modification 12 and for the alleged modification and sale of the software.[2]
|
||||
### The DOJ Contract and Bankruptcy
|
||||
|
||||
[[Danny Casolaro]], the investigative journalist, began investigating the [[PROMIS]] affair in 1990 after being contacted by Bill Hamilton. Hamilton was in daily contact with Casolaro until about a week prior to Casolaro's death.[2]
|
||||
In March 1982, INSLAW signed a $10 million, three-year contract with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ's]] Executive Office for United States Attorneys to install PROMIS in 20 large U.S. Attorneys' offices and word-processor systems in 74 smaller ones. From the contract's earliest days, Hamilton and [[C. Madison Brewer]], the DOJ's project manager, were in conflict: Hamilton alleged Brewer obstructed INSLAW's proprietary rights claims and engineered advance payment disputes to force the company into financial distress. When INSLAW ran out of funds to sustain litigation against the DOJ while fighting to protect its software rights, it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in February 1985.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton received an affidavit from [[Michael Riconosciuto]] in March 1991, claiming Riconosciuto installed a "back door" in [[PROMIS]] to allow the U.S. to access foreign intelligence data. Riconosciuto later reached out to Hamilton and Casolaro in August 1991 to research [[Michael Abbell]]'s connection to the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], warning that the information might be dangerous. Hamilton, pressed for time, turned this investigation over to Casolaro.[2]
|
||||
Hamilton and Nancy Hamilton sued the DOJ for non-payment on a version of PROMIS called Modification 12 and for the alleged unauthorized distribution of the enhanced software beyond the contract's authorized sites. In September 1987, [[Bankruptcy Judge George F. Bason]] ruled in their favor, finding DOJ had "taken, converted, stole, INSLAW's enhanced PROMIS by trickery, fraud, and deceit" and awarding approximately $6.8 million in damages. The ruling was affirmed by the district court but reversed on jurisdictional grounds by the Court of Appeals in May 1991.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton also received a document in November 2004 from a reliable U.S. intelligence source, dated May 16, 1985, indicating that the [[PROMIS]] software was being provided to an Arab Sheik for resale and distribution, brokered by [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]], [[Adnan Khashoggi]], and [[Richard Armitage]]. This document was authenticated by [[William Bradford Reynolds]], who had signed it. Hamilton considered this a very important letter, as all copies were supposed to have been destroyed.[2]
|
||||
### Representation by Elliot Richardson
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton believed that the main role of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]-[[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] Joint Venture was connected to government-sanctioned drug trafficking and money laundering by organized crime groups like the [[Gambino Crime Family]] and groups like the [[Contras]]. He speculated that [[Michael Riconosciuto]]'s job was to help these groups use [[National Security Agency|NSA]]'s bank surveillance version of [[PROMIS]] to launder drug proceeds, with some funds contributing to covert intelligence operations not authorized by Congress.[2]
|
||||
Hamilton retained former [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] Elliot Richardson as lead counsel for INSLAW's civil claims. Richardson, who had served as Nixon's Attorney General before his resignation during the Saturday Night Massacre, provided INSLAW with significant public credibility. Richardson told the press and congressional investigators that the affair presented "circumstantial evidence of a sinister conspiracy" that was "at its outer reaches...far more sinister than anything revealed in Watergate." He submitted testimony, sworn statements, and affidavits linking high-level DOJ officials to a conspiracy to steal PROMIS and secretly transfer it.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The 1985 Intelligence Letter
|
||||
|
||||
In November 2004, Hamilton received a document from a source described as a reliable U.S. intelligence contact. Dated May 16, 1985, the letter indicated that PROMIS software was being provided to an Arab sheik for resale and distribution, brokered by [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]], [[Adnan Khashoggi]], and [[Richard Armitage]]. The document had been signed by [[William Bradford Reynolds]], who authenticated it when shown the letter. Hamilton considered this letter significant, as all copies were said to have been ordered destroyed. The letter corroborated INSLAW's longstanding claim that PROMIS had been distributed internationally through channels that included Middle Eastern arms brokers with Iran-Contra connections.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Octopus Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1990, Hamilton contacted freelance journalist [[Danny Casolaro]], whose subsequent investigation would attempt to connect the PROMIS theft to the [[October Surprise]], the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], and the collapse of [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] under the unified theory he called "[[The Octopus]]." Hamilton was in daily contact with Casolaro until approximately a week before Casolaro's death on August 10, 1991.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1991, Hamilton received a notarized affidavit from [[Michael Riconosciuto]] claiming that Riconosciuto had modified PROMIS at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]]-[[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]] joint venture. When Riconosciuto later approached Hamilton with a lead about former DOJ official [[Michael Abbell]]'s connections to the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], Hamilton, pressed for time, passed the lead to Casolaro — a handoff that Riconosciuto subsequently alleged led directly to Casolaro's death.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton also described to investigators his belief that the main purpose of the Wackenhut-Cabazon joint venture was to provide a platform for government-sanctioned drug trafficking and money laundering by organized crime groups including the [[Gambino Crime Family]] and the [[Contras]], and that Riconosciuto's role was to use NSA's bank-surveillance version of PROMIS to launder drug proceeds with a portion channeled to unauthorized covert operations.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Congressional Testimony and Final Legal Proceedings
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton and INSLAW participated in all major investigations of the affair, including the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations inquiry (1989), the House Judiciary Committee investigation led by Representative Jack Brooks (1989-1992), and the Special Counsel investigation conducted by [[Nicholas J. Bua]] (1991-1993). In 1995, the U.S. Senate referred INSLAW's remaining claims to the Court of Federal Claims; the court ruled in 1997-1998 that all versions of PROMIS were in the public domain and that the government had always been free to use the software. INSLAW received no compensation.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Hamilton continued to assert that PROMIS was fraudulently stolen and distributed internationally. He maintained a public website documenting INSLAW's claims long after the formal legal proceedings concluded.
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/139683581/
|
||||
[^2]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^1]: Newspapers.com, Hamilton family records, Notre Dame graduation records (via https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/139683581/).
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992; U.S. Court of Federal Claims, *Inslaw, Inc. v. United States*, Ruling of Hearing Officer Christine Miller, July 31, 1997.
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992; Richardson, Elliot L. Testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, 1992.
|
||||
[^4]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Retired U.S. Army CID Chief Warrant Officer who obtained FBI wiretap affidavits for Danny Casolaro's PROMIS investigation."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Bill McCoy]] was a retired Chief Warrant Officer from the [[United States Army Criminal Investigation Division|U.S. Army's Criminal Investigation Division]]. He became involved in the [[Danny Casolaro]] investigation of the [[PROMIS]] software. McCoy obtained [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap affidavits from [[Peter Zokosky]] on January 17, 1991, and subsequently provided them to [[Danny Casolaro]]. McCoy died at home in 1997.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Authors & Journalists"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- Government_Official
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Johnson_Administration
|
||||
- Media
|
||||
- White_House
|
||||
- Political_Aide
|
||||
summary: "Bill Moyers is an American journalist and former government official."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Bill Moyers is an American journalist and former government official. He served as a trusted aide and sometime speechwriter for President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]]. In October 1964, Moyers was ordered by Johnson, along with [[Myer Feldman]], to clean out [[Walter W. Jenkins]]'s safe after Jenkins's arrest on homosexual solicitation charges. They discovered a private cache of money, including funds from [[Abraham Feinberg]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,16 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Republican
|
||||
- Senator
|
||||
- Iowa
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Dimona
|
||||
- Atomic_Energy_Committee
|
||||
summary: "Conservative Republican Senator who accused Israel of lying about its secret nuclear reactor at Dimona during a closed 1961 Senate session."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Bourke B. Hickenlooper was a conservative Republican Senator from [[Iowa]]. He was also chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy. In a closed session of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on January 6, 1961, he testily interrupted [[Christian A. Herter]], then Secretary of State, stating, "I think the Israelis have just lied to us like horse thieves on this thing." He accused [[Israel]] of consistently distorting, misrepresenting, and falsifying facts regarding their secret nuclear reactor facility at [[Dimona]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Brian D. Josephson
|
||||
- Brian D. Josephson
|
||||
- Josephson
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Physicist
|
||||
- Nobel_Laureate
|
||||
- Parapsychology
|
||||
- ESP
|
||||
- UK
|
||||
- Stanford_Research_Institute
|
||||
- Josephson_Effect
|
||||
- Superconductivity
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- SRI
|
||||
summary: "His work on the Josephson junction, a configuration of two layers of superconducting material sandwiching a thin layer of non-superconducting material, was part of the quark detector used in Hal Puthoff and Ingo Swann's psychokinesis experiment at SRI."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Brian D. Josephson is a British theoretical physicist who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1973 for his prediction of the Josephson effect. He is also a vocal proponent of [[Extrasensory Perception|extrasensory perception]] (ESP) and has shown interest in [[Parapsychology|parapsychology]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
His work on the Josephson junction, a configuration of two layers of superconducting material sandwiching a thin layer of non-superconducting material, was part of the quark detector used in [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Ingo Swann]]'s [[Psychokinesis|psychokinesis]] experiment at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. The design of this device was never made public, making it impossible for anyone to have preexisting knowledge of its appearance[^1].
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Law_Enforcement
|
||||
- Attorney
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- California
|
||||
- The_Company
|
||||
- Drug_Trafficking
|
||||
- Michael_Riconosciuto
|
||||
- Justice_Department
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
summary: "Leighton's efforts against 'The Company' were significant, and he was described as the most effective person in formulating a strategy within the Justice Department to pursue this group."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Brian Leighton]] was a former Assistant [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] in Fresno, California. He was instrumental in prosecuting 29 members of a drug/arms organization known as "[[The Company]]."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Leighton's efforts against "The Company" were significant, and he was described as the most effective person in formulating a strategy within the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] to pursue this group. He was involved in a joint effort with prosecutors in Lexington, Kentucky, and Miami, Florida, to dismantle "The Company."[^1]
|
||||
Leighton's efforts against "The Company" were significant, and he was described as the most effective person in formulating a strategy within the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] to pursue this group. He was involved in a joint effort with prosecutors in Lexington, Kentucky, and Miami, Florida, to dismantle "The Company."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed to have provided Leighton with "valuable intelligence" on illegal drug activities and "The Company," stating that he had been instrumental in helping Leighton identify members of the organization and even led law enforcement officers to a marijuana cache belonging to its members. However, during Riconosciuto's trial, Leighton's testimony was evasive regarding their direct collaboration, and he stated he could not recall ever meeting Riconosciuto personally or speaking to him directly, only through a government agent.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
summary: "Technical wizard and Mormon approached by Robert Booth Nichols to manufacture a prototype laser rifle sight under suspicious terms."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Cap Kressop]] was a "technical wizard" and a Mormon. He was a client of attorney [[Allan Boyak]]. Kressop was approached by [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and asked to manufacture a prototype laser site for a rifle. He was offered a $200,000 contract for the job but became suspicious when Nichols wanted to pay him in cash.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,16 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Academic
|
||||
- Government_Official
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- National_Security_Council
|
||||
- Harvard
|
||||
- Kennedy_Administration
|
||||
- Nuclear_Proliferation
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Princeton
|
||||
summary: "Carl Kaysen is a distinguished political economist who served as deputy assistant to the President for national security affairs."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Carl Kaysen is a distinguished political economist who served as deputy assistant to the President for national security affairs. He moved from the Harvard faculty to the [[National Security Council]] in 1961. Kaysen recalled that President [[John F. Kennedy]] was intellectually and emotionally committed to a halt in the spread of nuclear weapons, and that nonproliferation was a topic Kennedy would discuss for hours.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In the fall of 1966, Kaysen became the newly appointed director of the prestigious Institute for Advanced Studies in Princeton. He learned that [[Lewis L. Strauss]] had used his influence to get [[Ernst David Bergmann]] a two-month appointment as a visiting fellow there. Kaysen was surprised to learn that Strauss, despite his public stance against nuclear proliferation, was privately in favor of a nuclear-armed [[Israel]].[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
28
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Carlos Icaza.md
Normal file
28
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Carlos Icaza.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Person/Intelligence
|
||||
- Person/Lawyer
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
summary: Nicaraguan attorney and son-in-law of General Edmundo Meneses who served as Adolfo Calero's personal lawyer and was publicly accused by the Sandinistas of being a CIA agent involved in a foiled plot to poison Nicaragua's foreign minister.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Carlos Icaza was a Nicaraguan attorney and son-in-law of General [[Edmundo Meneses]] who served as the personal attorney of [[Adolfo Calero]] and was publicly accused by the [[Sandinistas]] of being a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent. Before the 1979 revolution, Calero had been a CIA agent himself, and Icaza was deeply embedded in the pre-revolution [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] power structure.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Thallium Poisoning Plot
|
||||
|
||||
In 1983, the Sandinistas publicly accused Icaza of being a CIA agent and issued a warrant for his arrest. He was charged with being a central conspirator in a foiled CIA plot to poison Nicaragua's foreign minister with a bottle of thallium-laced Benedictine liqueur. Icaza fled Nicaragua.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role with the FDN
|
||||
|
||||
After fleeing, Icaza went to work for the [[FDN]] in Honduras, as did his wife. He later became an attorney for [[Norwin Meneses]], arranging the sale of a Salvador Dali painting Meneses owned. Icaza also served as corporate lawyer for economist [[Orlando Murillo]], whom authorities suspected of being Meneses's money launderer.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Shielding Macario
|
||||
|
||||
During the 1979 revolution, Icaza's home in Managua also housed the Colombian embassy. When [[Jose Macario|Jose Macario Estrada]] was targeted by the Sandinistas, Icaza sheltered him there until Macario could escape the country seven months later.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 21: "I could go anywhere in the world and sell dope"
|
||||
19
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Carlos Lehder.md
Normal file
19
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Carlos Lehder.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Drug_Trafficker
|
||||
- Colombia
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Colombian drug trafficker who revolutionized cocaine smuggling for the MedellÃn cartel in the early 1980s.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Carlos Lehder was a Colombian drug trafficker and key figure in the [[Medellin Cartel|MedellÃn cartel]] who revolutionized the cocaine import/export business in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Revolutionizing Cocaine Smuggling
|
||||
|
||||
By early 1982, Lehder and his associates in MedellÃn had gotten their act together and, using special airplanes, radar avoidance techniques, and specially designed speedboats, began bringing in unheard-of amounts of cocaine, mostly through the [[Bahamas]]. The result was a massive increase in supply that caused wholesale prices to begin dropping. Ten days before [[Ricky Ross|Ricky Ross]]'s auto theft arrest in March 1982, Customs agents in [[Miami]] searched an airplane owned by a tiny Colombian air cargo company that had flown in from MedellÃn. When an inspector stuck a screwdriver into boxes labeled "jeans," white powder came pouring out. The seizure topped out at 3,906 pounds, nearly four times the size of the previous U.S. cocaine seizure record. Authors Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen wrote in *Kings of Cocaine* that it was the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 7: "Something happened to Ivan"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- Major
|
||||
- Pan_Am_Flight_103
|
||||
- Lockerbie
|
||||
- MC-10
|
||||
- Cyprus
|
||||
- Beirut
|
||||
- Scotland
|
||||
- Victim
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Major and senior member of the CIA's MC-10 intelligence cell killed on Pan Am Flight 103 over Scotland after returning from a Beirut mission."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Charles Dennis McKee]] was a Major and a senior member of the [[Middle East Collection 10]] (MC-10) cell in [[Cyprus]] and Beirut. He was on Pan Am Flight 103, along with [[Matthew Kevin Gannon]], when it exploded over Scotland. They had just returned from a mission in Beirut.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,19 +1,21 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Charles Frank Jordan
|
||||
- Charles Frank Jordan
|
||||
- Charles Jordan
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Fugitive
|
||||
- Criminal
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "Charles Frank Jordan was a former special agent for the U.S."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Charles Frank Jordan was a former special agent for the [[U.S. Customs Service]] in South Florida. In 1986, he was accused of taking bribes from drug traffickers smuggling large quantities of cocaine into the [[United States]]. When he realized law enforcement was pursuing him, he became a fugitive, earning a place on the [[FBI]]'s Most Wanted Fugitives list for over two years[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Charles Frank Jordan was a former special agent for the [[U.S. Customs]] in South Florida. In 1986, he was accused of taking bribes from drug traffickers smuggling large quantities of cocaine into the [[United States]]. When he realized law enforcement was pursuing him, he became a fugitive, earning a place on the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]'s Most Wanted Fugitives list for over two years[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In 1989, the Customs Service requested that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]]'s [[Remote Viewing]] unit target Jordan to locate him. All six viewers on the [[Fort Meade]] team were tasked with finding him, but their initial sessions produced conflicting information, placing Jordan in Mexico, Minnesota, and Florida[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
[[Angela Dellafiora]], however, provided a clear signal, stating that Jordan was in "Lowell, Wyoming." Although the town was actually Lovell, Wyoming, Dellafiora's phonetic perception proved accurate. She later sensed that Jordan was living "at or near a campground that had a large boulder at its entrance" and that "an old Indian burial ground is located nearby"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Customs agent William Green increased the local law enforcement effort, and a ranger at Yellowstone National Park spotted Jordan, leading to his capture. Jordan was found at a campground located on the border of an old Indian burial ground, roughly fifty miles from Lovell, Wyoming. [[FBI]] investigations later confirmed he had been in Lovell a few weeks prior[^1].
|
||||
Customs agent William Green increased the local law enforcement effort, and a ranger at Yellowstone National Park spotted Jordan, leading to his capture. Jordan was found at a campground located on the border of an old Indian burial ground, roughly fifty miles from Lovell, Wyoming. [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] investigations later confirmed he had been in Lovell a few weeks prior[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Jordan's capture, largely attributed to Dellafiora's remote viewing, became one of the most celebrated cases in the program's twenty-five-year history, demonstrating the practical application of psychic abilities in intelligence operations[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,13 +1,19 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: []
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
summary: "Charles Hayes was a salvage dealer from Nancy, Kentucky, who became involved in the PROMIS Software Scandal through his contact with Bill Hamilton."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Charles Hayes was a salvage dealer from Nancy, Kentucky, who became involved in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] through his contact with [[Bill Hamilton]].
|
||||
|
||||
Hayes is heavily relied upon by [[Inslaw Corporation|Inslaw]] for his statements regarding the alleged distribution of [[Inslaw Corporation|Inslaw]]'s enhanced [[PROMIS]] software. He claimed to have purchased word processing equipment that contained Enhanced PROMIS from a local U.S. Attorney's office. He also told [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]] that he met with [[Earl Brian]], [[Richard Secord]], and [[Oliver North]] in Sao Paulo, Brazil, in the mid-1980s, where those three individuals were allegedly purchasing weapons for the [[Iran-Contra Affair|Contras]] in Nicaragua, and Brian was marketing Inslaw's PROMIS software to the government of Brazil.[^1]
|
||||
Hayes is heavily relied upon by [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] for his statements regarding the alleged distribution of [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s enhanced [[PROMIS]] software. He claimed to have purchased word processing equipment that contained Enhanced PROMIS from a local U.S. Attorney's office. He also told [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]] that he met with [[Earl Brian]], [[Richard Secord]], and [[Oliver North]] in Sao Paulo, Brazil, in the mid-1980s, where those three individuals were allegedly purchasing weapons for the [[Iran-Contra Affair|Contras]] in Nicaragua, and Brian was marketing Inslaw's PROMIS software to the government of Brazil.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Special Counsel's investigation, however, found Hayes' claims to be unreliable. The House Committee, which also heard Hayes' accusations, noted that he failed to provide any documentation to corroborate his charges. Even Bill Hamilton reportedly regarded Hayes' claim about the local U.S. Attorney's office selling him surplus word processing equipment with enhanced PROMIS as "highly improbable." The Committee's examination of computer disks provided by Hayes, which he claimed contained enhanced PROMIS, revealed them to be nothing more than training programs for word processing equipment. Furthermore, Hayes' promises to provide information that would establish the use of enhanced PROMIS by the Canadian government were never fulfilled. The Special Counsel concluded that Hayes' allegations were not supported by credible evidence.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,10 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Diplomat
|
||||
- France
|
||||
summary: "Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in Washington D.C."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in [[Washington D.C.]] in the late 1950s and later became ambassador in 1965. At a 1962 Washington dinner party, he was publicly reprimanded by [[John A. McCone]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, for [[France]]'s role in the Israeli bomb. When McCone asked if [[France]] was building a reprocessing plant for the Israelis, Lucet replied with [[France]]'s public position: "No, we are building a reactor." McCone then turned his back on Lucet and did not speak to him for the rest of the evening, a pointed rebuff given [[France]]'s high standing with President [[John F. Kennedy]] and his wife.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in [[Washington, D.C.]] in the late 1950s and later became ambassador in 1965. At a 1962 Washington dinner party, he was publicly reprimanded by [[John A. McCone]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, for [[France]]'s role in the Israeli bomb. When McCone asked if [[France]] was building a reprocessing plant for the Israelis, Lucet replied with [[France]]'s public position: "No, we are building a reactor." McCone then turned his back on Lucet and did not speak to him for the rest of the evening, a pointed rebuff given [[France]]'s high standing with President [[John F. Kennedy]] and his wife.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
39
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Chris Moore.md
Normal file
39
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Chris Moore.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Person/Law_Enforcement
|
||||
- United_States
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Former reserve police officer and office manager for Pyramid International Security Consultants who witnessed the company's El Salvador operations firsthand.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Chris Moore was a former reserve Laguna Beach police officer who served as office manager for [[Ronald Lister]]'s [[Pyramid International Security Consultants]] and witnessed the company's operations in [[El Salvador]] firsthand.[^1] Moore met Lister in 1979 and was hired in 1982 while working his way through law school.
|
||||
|
||||
### Role at Pyramid International
|
||||
|
||||
"I think I was actually an officer in Pyramid International. Ron put my name down as treasurer or director or something because he needed to have some directors for the incorporation papers," Moore confirmed. He said Lister had extensive business dealings in [[Central America]], specifically in El Salvador. Lister explained his travels there to Moore as involving gun running and "helping the [[Contras]], supposedly on behalf of the [U.S.] government. I remember the longest conversations with him — 'I'm protected. You're working for the government. Don't worry about anything. I'm protected, I'm protected.' I don't know if that was true or not, but I do know that we stopped worrying about domestic security jobs and started concentrating on foreign ones."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### El Salvador Trip
|
||||
|
||||
In June of 1982 Lister asked Moore to fly down to El Salvador and "babysit" a government contract for a few days while Lister returned to the [[United States]]. Accompanying Moore on the eleven-day excursion was a man who introduced himself as the Salvadoran consul in [[Los Angeles]]. Since Moore spoke little Spanish, the man served as guide and interpreter. "They flew me down to this airbase that the French were building, and I had to take pictures of it," Moore said; it was his impression that Pyramid was bidding on a contract to provide security for the base.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In [[San Salvador]], Moore attended a series of meetings with [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]], the Salvadoran death squad commander: "There I was, a reserve police officer who'd only been in the country for a couple days, and I was sitting in this office in downtown San Salvador across the desk from the man who ran the death squads. He had a gun lying on the top of his desk and had these filing cabinets pushed up against the windows of the office so nobody could shoot through them." At another meeting, Moore and D'Aubuisson were joined by Ray Prendes, the newly elected head of the Salvadoran Assembly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Moore was unsure if Lister's company ever got the security contract for the airbase, but he thought not. He left Lister's employ in 1983, soon after his boss began dealing in heavy weapons: "Ron was an arms dealer and was buying these semiautomatics, the ones the bad guys use, called MAC-10s. He also had semiautomatic Uzis, and he had gotten involved in selling something called RAW, which was a rifle-fired hand grenade. He was into a lot of things."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Contact Claims
|
||||
|
||||
Moore, who regarded Lister's claims of CIA connections with some skepticism, said Lister told him he had a "big CIA contact" at an Orange County company. "I can't remember his name, but Ron was always was running off to meetings with him supposedly. Ron said the guy was the former Deputy Director of Operations or something, real high up there. All I know is that this supposed contact of his was working at the [[Fluor Corporation]] [an international construction management company based in Orange County] because I had to call Ron out there a couple times."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Moore later became an attorney in Los Angeles.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Mundy Security Group
|
||||
|
||||
Moore was also named as a director and officer of the [[Mundy Security Group]], the Laguna Beach company Ronald Lister incorporated in mid-1983. Moore described the company's offices as alarming: director Maurice Green was a self-proclaimed legal genius with a severe drug and alcohol problem who had a hollow wall built behind his desk for emergency escape. Moore found Green "sitting at his desk looking down the barrel of a gun" on one occasion; when he told Lister, Lister laughed. The company's primary business aside from burglar alarms was marketing a laser sighting device for AR-15 assault rifles designed by Lister's partner [[William Downing]]. Moore identified Lister's "big CIA contact" at Fluor Corporation as [[William Nelson]], the CIA's former deputy director of operations.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 10: "Teach a man a craft and he's liable to practice it"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Government Official
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Secretary of State under Eisenhower who confronted Israel and France over the Dimona nuclear reactor after being shown photographic evidence."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Christian A. Herter served as the Secretary of State under President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] from 1959 to 1961. In early December 1960, he was reportedly upset upon being shown a photograph of [[Dimona]] taken from a highway, and called in [[Avraham Harman]], the Israeli ambassador, for an explanation. Herter also conducted his own independent checking, asking an aide to approach the French about their involvement with [[Israel]]'s nuclear program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Herter was instructed by the White House to give a formal diplomatic protest (demarche) to the French. He approached [[Maurice Couve de Murville]], the French foreign minister, who assured the [[State Department]] that the Israeli reactor was benign and any plutonium generated would be returned to [[France]] for safekeeping, a statement later revealed to be a lie.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "UFO & Anomalous Phenomena"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- UFO
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
summary: "Christopher Mellon served for nearly two decades in the federal government, holding high-level positions in both the executive and legislative branches."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Christopher Mellon]] is a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Intelligence and a key strategist in the modern [[Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena]] (UAP) disclosure movement. Coming from a prominent American family (Mellon banking and industrial dynasty), he has leveraged his extensive experience in intelligence and national security to bring the UAP issue to the forefront of the U.S. Congress and the public.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Government Career
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
36
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Chuck Jones.md
Normal file
36
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Chuck Jones.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Person/Law_Enforcement
|
||||
- DEA
|
||||
- United_States
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: DEA agent who served as Danilo Blandón's primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug trafficking history during a contentious meeting with Gary Webb.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Chuck Jones was a [[DEA]] agent who served as [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and participated in the October 1995 meeting with [[Gary Webb]] at the DEA's National City regional office.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Denial of Contra Knowledge
|
||||
|
||||
During the meeting, Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's history of selling [[cocaine]] to fund the [[Contras]]. "I can tell you that I have never, ever heard anything about Blandón being involved with that," Jones said. "Not once. His only involvement with the Contras was that his father was a general or something down there." When Webb informed Jones that Blandón had testified under oath before a federal grand jury about selling cocaine for the Contras, Jones's face turned red and his voice rose: "I cannot believe that those two U.S. attorneys up there, if they had him saying that before a grand jury, that they would ever, ever, ever put him on a witness stand!" When Webb pointed out that the government had pulled Blandón from the witness stand at the last minute, Jones blurted: "That's because the judge ordered them to turn over all that unredacted material!" before catching himself and falling silent.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Jones's outburst confirmed to Webb that the DEA knew all about Blandón's Contra connection and had nixed his testimony because [[Rafael Cornejo]]'s attorney had discovered it and the government had been ordered to turn over the files.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Response to Webb's Story
|
||||
|
||||
Jones argued passionately against publication, questioning why Webb would print a story that could compromise DEA investigations. "Even after what we just told you, you'd still go ahead and put it in the paper? Why? Why would you put a story in the paper that would stop us from keeping drugs out of this country?" Jones demanded. When Webb said he had three children, Jones pressed: "So you'll screw up an investigation we've been working on for a long time, just so you can have a story?"[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Prior Grand Jury Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Jones had previously testified before a federal grand jury in 1995, where Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale asked him whether Blandón was "considered to be probably the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States." Jones replied: "I believe so, sir."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Trial Attendance
|
||||
|
||||
Jones attended [[Ricky Ross|Ross]]'s 1996 trial in [[San Diego]], sitting with prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. During cross-examination of Blandón by defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]], who was using questions secretly supplied by Gary Webb, Jones repeatedly turned and gave Webb what the reporter described as "the evil eye." Jones knew the cross-examination questions were coming from Webb.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 23: "He had the backing of a superpower"
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 26: "That matter, if true, would be classified"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,18 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Oil_Industry
|
||||
- Texas
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Joseph_McCarthy
|
||||
- Douglas_MacArthur
|
||||
- J_Edgar_Hoover
|
||||
- Richard_Nixon
|
||||
- Lyndon_Johnson
|
||||
- Organized_Crime
|
||||
- FIDCO
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Powerful Texas oilman who cultivated relationships with Hoover, Nixon, and Johnson, with business dealings intersecting organized crime figures including the Genovese Crime Family."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] was a powerful Texas oilman and a significant political figure, described as being cut from the same cloth as [[H.L. Hunt]]. He was the father of [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]], a director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]. Murchison, Sr. was a key organizer of pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] forces in Texas and an ardent supporter of Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]]'s anti-communist crusade.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Murchison, Sr. cultivated relationships with influential figures across the political spectrum, including [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], and [[Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil. He was known for his hospitality, often hosting [[J. Edgar Hoover]] at his exclusive Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California, and covering Hoover's expenses, which amounted to approximately $19,000 in free vacations between 1953 and 1959.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Sports
|
||||
- Dallas_Cowboys
|
||||
- FIDCO
|
||||
- Texas
|
||||
- Organized_Crime
|
||||
- Oil_Industry
|
||||
- J_Edgar_Hoover
|
||||
- Richard_Nixon
|
||||
- Lyndon_Johnson
|
||||
- Jimmy_Hoffa
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "His family cultivated relationships not only with powerful figures on the far right but also with individuals such as J."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] was a Director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] and the owner of the Dallas Cowboys NFL football team. He was the son of [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]], a figure described as being cut from the same political cloth as [[H.L. Hunt]], both known for their significant influence and connections.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
His family cultivated relationships not only with powerful figures on the far right but also with individuals such as [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], organized crime figures, and [[Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Peru
|
||||
summary: "American citizen jailed in Peru on charges of aiding the Shining Path guerrilla group, whose release was secured by Ari Ben-Menashe at the request of the U.S. consul general."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara]] was an [[USA|American]] citizen who was jailed in [[Lima]], [[Peru]], accused of taking part in a [[Shining Path]] attack. She was a former hippie in her early 40s who had visited [[Ecuador]] collecting [[India|Indian]] art pieces before traveling to [[Peru]]. In [[Ayacucho]], she fell in love with a doctor named Enrique and became friends with [[Abimael Guzmán Reynoso]], the leader of the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara|McNamara]] was rearrested on August 2, 1988, because a judge in [[Cangallo]], a [[Shining Path]]-controlled district, wanted her extradited. The charge against her was involvement in smuggling medical goods to the [[Shining Path]], and she was implicated in an incident where three people were shot dead during a truck inspection. [[Donna Hamilton]], the [[USA|U.S.]] consul general, sought [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] help in securing her release.[^1]
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara]] was an [[United States|American]] citizen who was jailed in [[Lima]], [[Peru]], accused of taking part in a [[Shining Path]] attack. She was a former hippie in her early 40s who had visited [[Ecuador]] collecting [[India|Indian]] art pieces before traveling to [[Peru]]. In [[Ayacucho]], she fell in love with a doctor named Enrique and became friends with [[Abimael Guzman Reynoso]], the leader of the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara|McNamara]] was rearrested on August 2, 1988, because a judge in [[Cangallo]], a [[Shining Path]]-controlled district, wanted her extradited. The charge against her was involvement in smuggling medical goods to the [[Shining Path]], and she was implicated in an incident where three people were shot dead during a truck inspection. [[Donna Hamilton]], the [[United States|U.S.]] consul general, sought [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] help in securing her release.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] traveled to [[Cangallo]] and, after a series of events, secured [[Cynthia McNamara|McNamara's]] release from jail. She was released on August 22, 1988, and left [[Peru]] for [[Ireland]] the next day.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Iran-Contra"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Iran
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- IranContra
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
summary: "Iranian exile involved in secret arms sales and hostage negotiations during Iran-Contra who became a U.S. Customs informant before being found dead in London under suspicious circumstances."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi]] was one of the [[Hashemi brothers]], an [[Iran|Iranian]] living in the [[USA|West]] who claimed connections to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini's]] son, [[Ahmed Khomeini]]. He was involved in secret arms sales and negotiations concerning the [[USA|American]] hostages in [[Tehran]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] and his brothers made money selling small quantities of military equipment to [[Iran]], supposedly to gain goodwill for hostage release. He was later indicted under the [[Arms Export Control Act]] for illegal arms sales to [[Iran]], but escaped the [[USA|U.S.]] before apprehension. He subsequently agreed to become an informant for [[United States Customs Service|U.S. Customs]] against the [[Iran|Iranian]] exile community.[^1]
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi]] was one of the [[Hashemi brothers]], an [[Iran|Iranian]] living in the [[United States|West]] who claimed connections to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini's]] son, [[Ahmed Khomeini]]. He was involved in secret arms sales and negotiations concerning the [[United States|American]] hostages in [[Tehran]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was used by [[Oliver North]] and [[United States Customs Service|U.S. Customs]] in a sting operation to entrap individuals connected with [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence arms sales to [[Iran]]. He was to act as bait, claiming to have $1 billion of [[Iran|Iranian]] money to spend on weapons. He allowed his phone to be tapped and himself to be wired for this operation.[^1]
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] and his brothers made money selling small quantities of military equipment to [[Iran]], supposedly to gain goodwill for hostage release. He was later indicted under the [[Arms Export Control Act]] for illegal arms sales to [[Iran]], but escaped the [[United States|U.S.]] before apprehension. He subsequently agreed to become an informant for [[U.S. Customs|U.S. Customs]] against the [[Iran|Iranian]] exile community.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was found dead in his [[London]] apartment, with his death attributed to a sudden case of virulent leukemia. However, [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence suspected foul play, noting the presence of [[Joe King]], a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] officer, at his apartment shortly before his death and needle punctures on his elbow joint. Tapes of his phone calls to the [[USA|U.S.]] Attorney's office indicated a falling out with his controllers.[^1]
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was used by [[Oliver North]] and [[U.S. Customs|U.S. Customs]] in a sting operation to entrap individuals connected with [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence arms sales to [[Iran]]. He was to act as bait, claiming to have $1 billion of [[Iran|Iranian]] money to spend on weapons. He allowed his phone to be tapped and himself to be wired for this operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was found dead in his [[London]] apartment, with his death attributed to a sudden case of virulent leukemia. However, [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence suspected foul play, noting the presence of [[Joe King]], a [[U.S. Customs|Customs]] officer, at his apartment shortly before his death and needle punctures on his elbow joint. Tapes of his phone calls to the [[United States|U.S.]] Attorney's office indicated a falling out with his controllers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: []
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- DoJ
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
summary: "See Lowell Jensen."
|
||||
---
|
||||
D. Lowell Jensen served as Deputy Attorney General of the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He became a figure in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] due to allegations made by [[Inslaw Corporation]] and findings by Bankruptcy Judge Bason.
|
||||
|
||||
Inslaw alleged that Jensen had a "previously developed negative attitude about PROMIS and INSLAW" and that he consciously ignored Inslaw's complaints about [[C. Madison Brewer]]. Inslaw further alleged that Jensen, through various subordinates, was induced by [[Earl Brian]]'s political influence to engineer disputes with Inslaw, eventually driving the company into bankruptcy. Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Jensen's "biased attitude toward Inslaw contributed to the situation in which Inslaw's complaints about Brewer and the administration of the PROMIS implementation contract went unheeded."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
However, the investigation by Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua found no credible evidence to support these allegations. Judge Jensen, who later became a federal district judge, denied engineering any contract disputes with Inslaw or directing any DOJ action to harm Inslaw. He also denied any financial interest in companies controlled by Brian (such as Biotech, Hadron, Accumenics, and Simeon) or ever being promised stock in any computer-related company. He stated that he was sincerely interested in modernizing DOJ operations through computer technology, recalling "Project Eagle," a multi-million dollar project to automate DOJ's litigating divisions, but denied involvement in awarding contracts for it, noting that the Request For Proposals (RFP) for the project was issued in May 1986, and he was appointed to the bench the following June.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
See [[Lowell Jensen]].
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,15 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Authors & Journalists"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- Author
|
||||
- Investigative_Journalist
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Organized_Crime
|
||||
- MCA
|
||||
- The_Octopus
|
||||
- Danny_Casolaro
|
||||
- Political_Corruption
|
||||
summary: "In *Dark Victory*, Moldea famously labeled MCA as 'The Octopus' due to its extensive and often illicit connections."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dan Moldea]] is an American author known for his investigative work into organized crime and political corruption. He is the author of the 1986 book, *Dark Victory: Ronald Reagan, MCA, and the Mob*.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In *Dark Victory*, Moldea famously labeled [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] as "[[The Octopus]]" due to its extensive and often illicit connections. Investigative journalist [[Danny Casolaro]] likely derived his own term "[[The Octopus]]" for the complex network he was investigating from Moldea's earlier work. However, the text notes that even Moldea, at the time of his book's publication in 1986, could not have known the full extent of this "creature's" reach, specifically its tentacles within the [[National Security Council|NSC]].[1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Daniel Inouye]] was a United States Senator from Hawaii who, along with Senators [[Harry Reid]] and [[Ted Stevens]], was instrumental in securing the initial funding for the [[Advanced Aerospace Weapons System Applications Program]] (AAWSAP), the precursor to the [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]] (AATIP).[^1]
|
||||
---
|
||||
category: "UFO & Anomalous Phenomena"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- UFO
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
summary: "As a highly respected and influential senator, and a decorated World War II veteran who had lost an arm in combat, Inouye was a key member of the bipartisan trio that controlled congressional spending for 'black budget' programs within the Pentagon."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Daniel Inouye]] was a United States Senator from Hawaii who, along with Senators [[Harry Reid]] and [[Ted Stevens]], was instrumental in securing the initial funding for the [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]] (AAWSAP), the precursor to the [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]] (AATIP).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Funding AATIP
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,12 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Organized_Crime
|
||||
- La_Cosa_Nostra
|
||||
- Cabazon
|
||||
- Surveillance
|
||||
- Drug_Trafficking
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Alleged mobster observed meeting with Cabazon tribal administrator Dr. John Philip Nichols alongside La Cosa Nostra figures per Indio Police surveillance."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Daniel Magano]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. These meetings were believed to involve financial transactions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,25 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Admiral
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
- NSA
|
||||
- Defense_Department
|
||||
- Gerald_Ford
|
||||
- Jimmy_Carter
|
||||
- Richard_Nixon
|
||||
summary: "In early 1991, INSLAW Counsel Elliot Richardson asked Murphy to review the plausibility of claims about the covert dissemination of PROMIS for intelligence-tracking applications and to give his opinion on whether the claimed intelligence uses could explain Richard Thornburgh's inexplicable failure t"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Daniel Murphy]] was a retired four-star Admiral who served as [[Elliot Richardson]]'s Military Advisor when Richardson was Secretary of Defense under [[Richard Nixon]]. He later held two of the top U.S. intelligence posts: Deputy Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] under [[Gerald Ford]] and Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence under [[Jimmy Carter]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1991, [[INSLAW]] Counsel [[Elliot Richardson]] asked Murphy to review the plausibility of claims about the covert dissemination of [[PROMIS]] for intelligence-tracking applications and to give his opinion on whether the claimed intelligence uses could explain [[Richard Thornburgh]]'s inexplicable failure to enforce federal criminal laws in the [[INSLAW]] case. After reading the affidavits and the [[INSLAW]] lawsuit against Thornburgh, Murphy told Richardson and [[Bill Hamilton]] that there was nothing implausible about any of the claims, including [[Michael Riconosciuto]]'s claim that he had modified [[PROMIS]] for U.S. intelligence on an Indian reservation in Southern [[California]]. He also stated that the available evidence made it look like an [[National Security Agency|NSA]] operation, and if it were, it would explain Thornburgh's behavior.[^1]
|
||||
In early 1991, [[INSLAW]] Counsel [[Elliot Richardson]] asked Murphy to review the plausibility of claims about the covert dissemination of [[PROMIS]] for intelligence-tracking applications and to give his opinion on whether the claimed intelligence uses could explain [[Richard Thornburgh]]'s inexplicable failure to enforce federal criminal laws in the [[INSLAW]] case. After reading the affidavits and the [[INSLAW]] lawsuit against Thornburgh, Murphy told Richardson and [[Bill Hamilton]] that there was nothing implausible about any of the claims, including [[Michael Riconosciuto]]'s claim that he had modified [[PROMIS]] for U.S. intelligence on an Indian reservation in Southern [[California]]. He also stated that the available evidence made it look like an [[NSA|NSA]] operation, and if it were, it would explain Thornburgh's behavior.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 2001, Murphy told [[Bill Hamilton]] that an [[INSLAW]] summary of evidence revealed that the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] began misappropriating [[PROMIS]] in 1982 for three separate intelligence projects: [[National Security Agency|NSA]]'s deployment of [[PROMIS]] to banks to track wire transfers, [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence's sale of a trap-door version of [[PROMIS]] to foreign governments, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s deployment of [[PROMIS]] throughout the [[United States Government|U.S. Government]] as standard database software for intelligence gathering. Murphy told Hamilton that the [[INSLAW]] summary eliminated any doubt about what had happened and that the [[INSLAW]] case needed to be settled. He warned Hamilton that government officials would "regard it as their patriotic duty to look [[INSLAW]]'s lawyer in the eyes and lie."[^1]
|
||||
In 2001, Murphy told [[Bill Hamilton]] that an [[INSLAW]] summary of evidence revealed that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] began misappropriating [[PROMIS]] in 1982 for three separate intelligence projects: [[NSA|NSA]]'s deployment of [[PROMIS]] to banks to track wire transfers, [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence's sale of a trap-door version of [[PROMIS]] to foreign governments, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s deployment of [[PROMIS]] throughout the [[United States|U.S. Government]] as standard database software for intelligence gathering. Murphy told Hamilton that the [[INSLAW]] summary eliminated any doubt about what had happened and that the [[INSLAW]] case needed to be settled. He warned Hamilton that government officials would "regard it as their patriotic duty to look [[INSLAW]]'s lawyer in the eyes and lie."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In September 2001, Murphy, who had served as Chief of Staff to Vice President [[George Bush]] during the first term of the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] Administration when the [[PROMIS]] misappropriations began, told Hamilton that he had a "hunch" that there was still another use of [[PROMIS]] that [[INSLAW]] had not yet discovered, that it "involves something so seriously wrong that money alone cannot cure the problem," and that the government might never compensate [[INSLAW]] unless the company discovered that additional use of [[PROMIS]]. Admiral Murphy passed away suddenly on September 21, 2001, and Hamilton was never able to obtain clarification on his hunch.[^1]
|
||||
In September 2001, Murphy, who had served as Chief of Staff to Vice President [[George H.W. Bush]] during the first term of the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] Administration when the [[PROMIS]] misappropriations began, told Hamilton that he had a "hunch" that there was still another use of [[PROMIS]] that [[INSLAW]] had not yet discovered, that it "involves something so seriously wrong that money alone cannot cure the problem," and that the government might never compensate [[INSLAW]] unless the company discovered that additional use of [[PROMIS]]. Admiral Murphy passed away suddenly on September 21, 2001, and Hamilton was never able to obtain clarification on his hunch.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
33
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Danny Ray Lasater.md
Normal file
33
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Danny Ray Lasater.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Drug_Trafficker
|
||||
- United_States
|
||||
- Arkansas
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Little Rock bond broker and Clinton associate convicted of drug trafficking, connected to Barry Seal's operations at Mena, Arkansas.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Danny Ray Lasater was a Little Rock, [[Arkansas]] bond broker and close friend and campaign contributor of Governor [[Bill Clinton]].[^1] Lasater was a major figure in the drug trafficking nexus surrounding [[Barry Seal]]'s operations at [[Mena, Arkansas]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking and Conviction
|
||||
|
||||
In 1986 Lasater was indicted by a federal grand jury in Little Rock on drug charges, and Clinton's brother Roger, a cocaine addict, was named as an unindicted coconspirator. Lasater pleaded guilty to drug trafficking; he received a thirty-month prison sentence but served only six months in prison. Clinton pardoned him in 1990.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
An [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] 1988 report citing the bureau's successful battles against major drug trafficking organizations described a far more extensive operation than was publicly known: "In December 1986, the Little Rock, Arkansas office of the FBI concluded a four-year Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force investigation involving the cocaine trafficking activities of a prominent Little Rock businessman who operated several banking investment firms and brokerages in Arkansas and [[Florida]]. The investigation revealed that this businessman was the main supplier of cocaine to the investment banking and bond community in the Little Rock area, which has the largest bond community in the [[United States]] outside of [[New York City]]. This task force investigation resulted in the conviction of this businessman and 24 codefendants to jail sentences ranging from four months to 10 years, as well as the seizure of cocaine, marijuana, an automobile, an airplane and $77,000."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Typically, investigations conducted by federal Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) units target top-level criminal organizations, not businessmen who take drugs recreationally. Researchers familiar with the Lasater investigation said the FBI's description went far beyond anything ever publicly released about the probe.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connection to Clinton and Mena
|
||||
|
||||
Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights Seal was involved in, Governor Clinton replied, "That's Lasater's deal." Historian [[Roger Morris]] wrote that "whatever the limits or extent of Lasater's cocaine trafficking or the nature of his other dealings, most believed that beyond him the larger corruption in Little Rock and elsewhere pointed unmistakably to organized crime, not to mention the vast crimes of Mena — none of which would be pursued."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Clinton's supporters maintained that Lasater was no drug dealer, simply a high-flying businessman who got a little too caught up in the fast life. Clinton pardoned Lasater in 1990.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Diplomat
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "State Department Middle East expert who revealed that Israeli nuclear intelligence was treated as a strictly taboo subject within the U.S. bureaucracy."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
David E. Long was a [[State Department]] [[Middle East]] expert. He explained that the Israeli nuclear issue was taboo within the bureaucracy, and that [[State Department]] and [[Pentagon]] staff officers who wanted to learn more about [[Israel]]'s nuclear weapons could not, because such intelligence carried the highest classification. Long recalled being informally questioned by diplomats from the [[Middle East]] about [[Israel]]'s nuclear arms, and his response was always that "we don't know anything and here is what the Israelis say." He refused a superior's request to put this response in writing, arguing that delivering a deliberately false impression went beyond subterfuge.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
summary: "U.S. Attorney named in a Writ of Mandamus for refusing to investigate corruption in Mariposa County tied to the Queen's Accident case."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[David F. Levi]] was a [[United States Attorney|United States Attorney]]. He was named in a Writ of Mandamus filed by [[Ben Wagner]] for refusing to investigate corruption in Mariposa County.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
22
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/David Hall.md
Normal file
22
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/David Hall.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Iran-Contra"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Rafael Cornejo and warned Gary Webb that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger Danilo Blandón's life.
|
||||
---
|
||||
David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[San Francisco]] who prosecuted [[Rafael Cornejo]] and warned [[Gary Webb]] that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s life. Hall's role in the prosecution and his subsequent warning to Webb raised questions about the government's interest in protecting Blandón as a continuing asset.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Cornejo Prosecution
|
||||
|
||||
Hall prosecuted Cornejo, a major [[cocaine]] trafficker in the San Francisco Bay Area and a distributor for the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] network. During the grand jury proceedings, Hall questioned Blandón about whether his drug proceeds went to the [[Contras|Contra]] war, asking pointedly: "From the government?" Hall's aggressive questioning suggested awareness of the Contra connection, but the prosecution focused on Cornejo rather than the broader network. Federal judge Saundra Brown Armstrong referred Hall to the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for investigation, though the nature of the referral was not specified.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Warning to Webb
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1995, Hall called Webb unsolicited and warned that "there is a distinct possibility that real harm, possibly death, would come to Mr. Blandón" if Webb published his story. The warning came from the same prosecutor who had used Blandón as a witness, suggesting the government's concern was less about Blandón's safety than about preventing the exposure of the Contra-cocaine connection.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 6.
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 6, Ch. 2.
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 25.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Businessman
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "David Lowenthal was one of the initial stockholders in the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation (NUMEC)."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
David Lowenthal was one of the initial stockholders in the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation (NUMEC). He had helped bring illegal immigrants into [[Israel]] before 1948. His involvement, along with [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]]'s ties to [[Israel]], fueled suspicions within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] that NUMEC was part of a long-range Israeli intelligence scheme to divert uranium.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,26 +1,23 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Government_Official
|
||||
- Justice_Department
|
||||
- Organized_Crime
|
||||
- MCA
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- Prosecutor
|
||||
- DOJ
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
summary: "Margolis was the chief of the Organized Crime Strike Force at the DOJ."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[David Margolis]] is a long-serving official within the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]], described as its highest-ranking career official. He has served under 18 attorneys general and navigated sensitive cases throughout his tenure. His career history includes serving as Deputy Assistant Attorney General (1990-1993) and Senior official, Organized Crime Section, Criminal Division (1976-1990).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[David Margolis]] is a long-serving official within the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]], described as its highest-ranking career official. He has served under 18 attorneys general and navigated sensitive cases throughout his tenure. His career history includes serving as Deputy Assistant Attorney General (1990-1993) and Senior official, Organized Crime Section, Criminal Division (1976-1990).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Involvement in MCA Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
Margolis was the chief of the Organized Crime Strike Force at the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He, along with his deputy [[Michael DeFeo]], reportedly called [[Marvin Rudnick]], a Los Angeles prosecutor, to Washington D.C. and instructed him to eliminate [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] from his investigation into [[Sal Pisello]]. Rudnick was told he could pursue a tax case against Pisello but could not call [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] executives as witnesses or determine the exact nature of Pisello's relationship with [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]].[^1]
|
||||
Margolis was the chief of the Organized Crime Strike Force at the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]]. He, along with his deputy [[Michael DeFeo]], reportedly called [[Marvin Rudnick]], a Los Angeles prosecutor, to Washington D.C. and instructed him to eliminate [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] from his investigation into [[Sal Pisello]]. Rudnick was told he could pursue a tax case against Pisello but could not call [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] executives as witnesses or determine the exact nature of Pisello's relationship with [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[William Hundley]], retained by [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]], confirmed meeting with Margolis and DeFeo to convey [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]]'s willingness to cooperate in any organized crime investigation. Margolis, along with DeFeo, was accused by [[Marvin Rudnick]] of having an agenda to obstruct justice in the [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] investigation. [[Richard Stavin]] confirmed that the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap revealed a conversation in which [[Eugene Giaquinto]] told [[Martin Bacow]] that he would call [[Edwin Meese]] and have the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s investigation of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] stopped. This investigation was indeed shut down afterward by the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]].[^1]
|
||||
[[William Hundley]], retained by [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]], confirmed meeting with Margolis and DeFeo to convey [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]]'s willingness to cooperate in any organized crime investigation. Margolis, along with DeFeo, was accused by [[Marvin Rudnick]] of having an agenda to obstruct justice in the [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] investigation. [[Richard Stavin]] confirmed that the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap revealed a conversation in which [[Eugene Giaquinto]] told [[Martin Bacow]] that he would call [[Edwin Meese]] and have the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s investigation of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] stopped. This investigation was indeed shut down afterward by the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Later Career and Controversies
|
||||
|
||||
Margolis figured prominently in the Whitewater investigation during the [[Bill Clinton]] administration and the [[United States Attorney|U.S. attorney]] scandal under President [[George W. Bush]]. In 2010, he drew scrutiny for his decision to spare from punishment two Bush administration lawyers who authored memos justifying the use of enhanced interrogation methods on suspected terrorists. He was defended by 17 former top [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] officials, including attorneys general from both political parties.[^1]
|
||||
Margolis figured prominently in the Whitewater investigation during the [[Bill Clinton]] administration and the [[United States Attorney|U.S. attorney]] scandal under President [[George W. Bush]]. In 2010, he drew scrutiny for his decision to spare from punishment two Bush administration lawyers who authored memos justifying the use of enhanced interrogation methods on suspected terrorists. He was defended by 17 former top [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] officials, including attorneys general from both political parties.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
As Associate Deputy Attorney General, Margolis serves as a key adviser to the department's senior political appointees. He also oversees the interview process for potential [[United States Attorney|U.S. attorneys]], disciplines federal prosecutors, and vets [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] officials. He once described his "eclectic" role as being the department's "cleaner," cleaning up messes.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
summary: "Mayer's attorney/client files reportedly contained documentary evidence from his client, Ben Kalka, regarding Kalka's business ties with Michael Riconosciuto at R & R Research, at the laboratory facilities at Hercules, California, and Dr."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[David Mayer]] was an attorney from Marin County, [[California]]. He represented [[Calvin Robinson]], who was dubbed the "drug tug" captain by local media. Mayer obtained the assistance of attorney [[David Mayer]] to represent him at his 1989 trial. However, on February 6, 1989, the night before Mayer was to appear in court to defend Robinson, he died from a gun-shot wound. His death was ruled a suicide, and a suicide tape was found.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Mayer's attorney/client files reportedly contained documentary evidence from his client, [[Ben Kalka]], regarding Kalka's business ties with [[Michael Riconosciuto]] at [[R & R Research]], at the laboratory facilities at Hercules, [[California]], and [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]].[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,15 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: David Morehouse
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- military
|
||||
- remoteviewer
|
||||
- author
|
||||
description: David Morehouse was a U.S. Army officer and remote viewer involved in the Stargate Project, and later an author known for "Psychic Warrior."
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "U.S. Army officer and remote viewer in the Stargate Project who later authored Psychic Warrior, publicly detailing his military remote viewing experiences."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[David Morehouse]] was a [[U.S. Army]] officer and [[Remote Viewing|remote viewer]] involved in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He later became an author, known for his book *Psychic Warrior*, which details his experiences with remote viewing and the program. Morehouse's accounts contributed to the public understanding and controversy surrounding the Stargate Project after its declassification.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,19 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Programmer
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
- Software_Development
|
||||
- Vice_President
|
||||
summary: "Dean C. Merrill co-founded the Institute for Law and Social Research (ILSR) with Bill Hamilton on October 15, 1973, and served as a Vice President of INSLAW, Inc. through at least April 1982, having also been a member of the original 1969 team that designed the PROMIS software under the direction of Joan E. Jacoby and Charles R. Work."
|
||||
---
|
||||
> [!WARNING] INCOMPLETE RESEARCH
|
||||
> This page is a placeholder and requires extensive additions.
|
||||
Dean C. Merrill was a member of the original 1969 team assembled by U.S. Attorney [[Thomas A. Flannery]] to design a computer-based case management system for the [[U.S. Attorney's office|DC U.S. Attorney's Office]]. The team was co-directed by [[Joan E. Jacoby]] and [[Charles R. Work]], with [[Bill Hamilton]] serving as project manager at [[Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co]]. The resulting system, deployed January 1, 1971, became the [[PROMIS|Prosecutor's Management Information System (PROMIS)]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Worked on the original 1969 team that created [[PROMIS]] under [[Joan E. Jacoby]], [[Charles R. Work]], and [[Bill Hamilton]]. Later became vice-president of [[INSLAW]].
|
||||
On October 15, 1973, Merrill co-incorporated the Institute for Law and Social Research (ILSR) with Hamilton at 1125 15th Street, N.W., Suite 6000, Washington, D.C. ILSR was a nonprofit corporation established to serve as the steward of the PROMIS software and to conduct empirical criminal justice research under [[LEAA]] funding.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
He eventually joined [[INSLAW]] as a programmer[^1].
|
||||
When INSLAW, Inc. was incorporated in Delaware in January 1981 as the for-profit successor to ILSR, Merrill continued with the new entity as a Vice President. He held that position through at least April 1982, during the period when the company negotiated and executed its March 1982 implementation contract with the [[Department of Justice|DOJ's]] [[Executive Office for United States Attorneys]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: [Witness cooperation : with a handbook of witness management : Cannavale, Frank J](https://archive.org/details/witnesscooperati0000cann/page/n25/mode/2up?q=promis)
|
||||
[^1]: Cannavale, Frank J. *Witness Cooperation: With a Handbook of Witness Management.* Lexington Books, 1976.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Law_Enforcement
|
||||
- Attorney
|
||||
- Miami
|
||||
- Green_Berets
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- Allan_Boyak
|
||||
- Robert_Booth_Nichols
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
summary: "Assistant U.S. Attorney and former Green Beret who served as legal confidant to Allan Boyak before Boyak approached the FBI about Robert Booth Nichols."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dexter Leitenen]] was an assistant [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] and a close friend of [[Allan Boyak]] from his Green Beret days. He later became the Miami [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]]. Boyak consulted with Leitenen before going to the Los Angeles [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] office with his suspicions about [[Robert Booth Nichols]]' activities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: []
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
summary: "Dominic Laiti was the Chairman of Hadron, Inc., a company that became central to Inslaw's allegations of a conspiracy to steal its PROMIS software."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Dominic Laiti was the Chairman of [[Hadron]], Inc., a company that became central to [[Inslaw Corporation|Inslaw]]'s allegations of a conspiracy to steal its [[PROMIS]] software.
|
||||
|
||||
Dominic Laiti was the Chairman of [[Hadron]], Inc., a company that became central to [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s allegations of a conspiracy to steal its [[PROMIS]] software.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bill Hamilton]], president of Inslaw, claimed that on April 20, 1983, Laiti telephoned him, stating that Hadron needed the PROMIS software for federal government contracts it expected to receive due to its political contacts, including with [[Edwin Meese]]. Hamilton alleged that Laiti expressed Hadron's intention to become a leading vendor of law enforcement and court software, and that Hadron was seeking to purchase [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]. When Hamilton declined to meet, Laiti allegedly threatened, "We have ways of making you sell."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -13,4 +17,4 @@ The Special Counsel's investigation found that Laiti denied making the statement
|
|||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,11 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Don Keach
|
||||
- Don Keach
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Explorer
|
||||
- Naval Officer
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "Don Keach was a renowned deep-sea explorer and former naval officer."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
# Don Keach
|
||||
|
||||
Don Keach was a renowned deep-sea explorer and former naval officer. He is famous for his role as the submarine pilot who, in 1966, located a lost hydrogen bomb lying on the ocean floor off the coast of Palomares, Spain, after it was jettisoned from a B-52 bomber during a midair collision[^1].
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Donald A. Myers
|
||||
- Donald A. Myers
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Soviet
|
||||
summary: "Myers's deployment came two years after a new and more powerful set of Soviet microwave beams (MUTS-2) were picked up by the CIA in Moscow."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald A. Myers was a specialist with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] on the biological and health effects of non-ionizing radiation. In July 1975, he was sent to [[Moscow]] to work in secret with [[State Department]] officials regarding the [[Moscow Signal]], a microwave beam aimed at the [[U.S. Embassy in Moscow]] by the [[Soviet Union]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Myers's deployment came two years after a new and more powerful set of Soviet microwave beams (MUTS-2) were picked up by the [[CIA]] in Moscow. His presence indicated the growing concern within the U.S. government about the potential health hazards posed by these signals to embassy personnel[^1].
|
||||
Myers's deployment came two years after a new and more powerful set of Soviet microwave beams (MUTS-2) were picked up by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] in Moscow. His presence indicated the growing concern within the U.S. government about the potential health hazards posed by these signals to embassy personnel[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,11 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Donald C. Latham
|
||||
- Donald C. Latham
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Government Official
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "Assistant Secretary of Defense who served as chairman of the oversight panel for the Sun Streak program, the renamed Stargate Project."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald C. Latham was the Assistant Secretary of Defense. He served as the chairman of the oversight panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, the new code name given to the U.S. government's psychic research program on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Government Official
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Department of Energy
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- VELA Satellite
|
||||
- Carter Administration
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Acting director of defense programs at the Department of Energy who directed the Nuclear Intelligence Panel study of the 1979 Vela satellite flash, concluding it was a nuclear bomb."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr, Jr. served in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration as acting director of the defense programs at the [[Department of Energy]], making him responsible for [[America]]'s nuclear bombs. He directed the secret Nuclear Intelligence Panel (NIP) study into the 1979 [[VELA Satellite]] sighting. Kerr stated that the NIP had no doubt it was a nuclear bomb and believed the [[Jack P. Ruina|Ruina]] panel's mandate was driven by politics "to find a different explanation."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,11 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Donald M. Kerr
|
||||
- Donald M. Kerr
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- Government Official
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "Director of Los Alamos National Laboratory who served on the science panel for the CIA's Sun Streak/Stargate remote viewing program."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,10 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
summary: "U.S. consul general in Peru who enlisted Ari Ben-Menashe to secure the release of Cynthia McNamara, an American citizen jailed on Shining Path-related charges."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Donna Hamilton]] was the [[USA|U.S.]] consul general in [[Peru]]. She sought the help of [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] in securing the release of [[Cynthia McNamara]], an [[USA|American]] citizen who had been rearrested in [[Peru]] on charges of aiding the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Donna Hamilton]] was the [[United States|U.S.]] consul general in [[Peru]]. She sought the help of [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] in securing the release of [[Cynthia McNamara]], an [[United States|American]] citizen who had been rearrested in [[Peru]] on charges of aiding the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,10 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Doug Henning
|
||||
- Doug Henning
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Magician
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "Doug Henning (1947–2000) was a renowned Canadian magician and illusionist."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Doug Henning (1947–2000) was a renowned Canadian magician and illusionist. In 1983, he was one of the most famous magicians in the world, with his *Doug Henning's World of Magic* show holding the record as the most-watched magic show in television history[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Henning worked with [[John B. Alexander]] on [[Psychokinesis|psychokinesis]] research, particularly in the context of [[Jack Houck]]'s spoon-bending parties. Alexander invited Henning to attend these parties to provide an expert opinion on whether a group of guests could collectively cheat. Henning was reportedly amazed by the spontaneous bending of a spoon in his manager's hand, which indicated that no physical force was involved[^1].
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,13 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Douglas B. Hudson
|
||||
- Douglas B. Hudson
|
||||
- Lieutenant Colonel Douglas B. Hudson
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- US Army
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "This commendation highlights the high regard in which Morehouse was held by his superiors, despite later controversies surrounding his conduct and the eventual downfall of the psychic research program."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Douglas B. Hudson was a Lieutenant Colonel and a commander at [[Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] Headquarters. He provided a highly positive exit review for [[David Morehouse]], describing him as "Truly outstanding in every respect" and "A rare, talented officer with unbelievable abilities. A true work horse that you want on your team"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Douglas B. Hudson was a Lieutenant Colonel and a commander at [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] Headquarters. He provided a highly positive exit review for [[David Morehouse]], describing him as "Truly outstanding in every respect" and "A rare, talented officer with unbelievable abilities. A true work horse that you want on your team"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
This commendation highlights the high regard in which Morehouse was held by his superiors, despite later controversies surrounding his conduct and the eventual downfall of the psychic research program[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Military"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- General
|
||||
summary: "MacArthur was the focus of a 'MacArthur-for-president' campaign in 1952, organized by H.L."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Douglas MacArthur]] was a highly decorated American five-star general who played a prominent role in [[World War II]] and the Korean War. After being relieved of his Korean command by President [[Harry Truman]] in 1951, he embarked on a speaking tour, during which he was accompanied by [[H.L. Hunt]] and supported by [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
MacArthur was the focus of a "MacArthur-for-president" campaign in 1952, organized by [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. This campaign, though reluctant on MacArthur's part, saw Hunt spending a significant amount of his own money. The campaign eventually dissolved as MacArthur adopted a more strident right-wing rhetoric.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Government Official", "Intelligence"]
|
||||
category: "BCCI Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- BCCI
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Douglas Mulholland was the intelligence liaison at the Treasury Department."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Douglas Mulholland was the intelligence liaison at the [[Treasury Department]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in BCCI Investigation
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Doyle McManus.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Doyle McManus.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Authors & Journalists"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- United_States
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Los Angeles Times Washington bureau chief who played a central role in spreading a 1984 CIA leak about Sandinista drug trafficking and later led the Times' refutation of Contra drug trafficking allegations.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Doyle McManus was the Washington bureau chief of the [[Los Angeles Times]] who spread a 1984 CIA leak falsely accusing Nicaraguan government officials of cocaine trafficking and later authored the Times' refutation of Contra drug trafficking allegations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The 1984 CIA Leak
|
||||
|
||||
In July 1984, McManus played a central role in disseminating a CIA leak about [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] officials dealing cocaine, timed to support the Reagan administration's request for additional Contra aid. [[Oliver North]]'s notebooks contain several references to conversations McManus was having with the White House. "McManus talking to WH," North wrote on July 12, 1984. "Unhappy with negotiations." On July 17, 1984, after the CIA leak appeared in the Washington Times, McManus called the White House and informed officials that the [[National Security Council]] would be his official source.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The following morning, McManus reported on the Times' front page that "high-ranking members of the Nicaraguan government have been linked to a scheme involving three of [[Colombia|Colombia's]] largest cocaine traffickers, U.S. intelligence sources say," naming Interior Minister Tomas Borge and Defense Minister Humberto Ortega. A day later, McManus's coauthor reported that intelligence sources had obtained a photograph of Borge standing next to Pablo Escobar as a plane was loaded with cocaine. No such photograph ever surfaced, and the [[DEA]] later admitted it had no information implicating high-ranking Sandinista officials in drug trafficking. The story was a hoax. The Times never acknowledged it had wrongly accused Nicaraguan government officials.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Refutation of Contra Drug Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1987, McManus and coauthor Ronald J. Ostrow wrote a front-page story bearing the deck head "No Supporting Evidence, DEA Says," reporting that a Senate committee was investigating Contra cocaine smuggling but DEA officials had found no evidence. The story listed the accusations about [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango]], the [[Frogman Case]], and [[Southern Air Transport]] shipments, devoting a sentence or two to each, surrounded by denials. [[Carlos Cabezas]], a Contra drug courier imprisoned in [[California]], read the story and wrote McManus stating: "I am going to tell you that there was indeed 'supporting evidence,' hidden by the government." McManus replied two months later asking Cabezas to substantiate his "allegations" and, by the way, "Can you give me any further information about Sandinista drug trafficking?" Cabezas said he sent documents about the Contras and never heard from McManus again.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Attack on Dark Alliance
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1996, McManus authored the L.A. Times' story absolving the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] of involvement with [[Danilo Blandon|Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]]. His authoritative sources were former CIA director Robert Gates, former CIA official Vincent Cannistraro, and current CIA director John Deutch. The story declared that "no solid evidence has emerged that either Meneses or Blandón contributed any money to the rebels after 1984," ignoring the 1986 sheriff's affidavit and DEA reports. Buried deep in the story were admissions that Contra supporters "were involved in drug running" and that "the allegation that some elements of the CIA-sponsored Contra army cooperated with drug traffickers has been well documented for years." Columnist Molly Ivins observed: "Like good little boys and girls, the Times, the Washington Post et al., toddled off to the CIA and asked the agency if it had ever done such a thing. When the CIA said 'no' the papers solemnly printed it."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 27: "A very difficult decision"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,13 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Earle Jones
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- researcher
|
||||
description: Earle Jones was a branch chief at Stanford Research Institute (SRI) involved in the early remote viewing experiments.
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- SRI
|
||||
summary: "SRI branch chief who served as an outbound experimenter in Pat Price's first formal remote viewing test of the outbound protocol."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Earle Jones]] was a branch chief at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. He was involved in the early remote viewing experiments conducted by [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]]. Jones, along with Puthoff, served as an outbound experimenter for [[Pat Price]] in the first formal test of the "outbound" protocol, where Price accurately described their location at Hoover Tower on the Stanford University campus.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
summary: "President of Curry Company in Yosemite National Park, closely associated with Mariposa County officials linked to local corruption."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Ed Hardy]] was the president of [[Curry Company]], the largest concessionaire in Yosemite National Park. He was closely associated with Mariposa County officials, including Mariposa District Attorney [[Bruce Eckerson]], County Assessor [[Steve Dunbar]], and Congressman [[Tony Coelho]]. Hardy and these officials were known for their annual camping trips together, and Hardy was a regular fixture at social events in Mariposa. The local townsfolk encouraged these connections, as much of Mariposa's tax base came from Curry Company.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,21 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Edgar Mitchell
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Astronaut
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- Parapsychologist
|
||||
- NASA
|
||||
- Apollo_14
|
||||
- Moon_Landing
|
||||
- Institute_of_Noetic_Sciences
|
||||
- Psi_Research
|
||||
- Uri_Geller
|
||||
- Stanford_Research_Institute
|
||||
description: Edgar Mitchell was an American astronaut, Apollo 14 lunar module pilot, and a prominent advocate for psychic research and consciousness studies.
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- SRI
|
||||
summary: "Edgar Mitchell was an American astronaut, best known as the lunar module pilot for Apollo 14, making him the sixth person to walk on the Moon."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Edgar Mitchell was an American astronaut, best known as the lunar module pilot for Apollo 14, making him the sixth person to walk on the Moon. Following his NASA career, Mitchell became a prominent advocate for psychic research and consciousness studies, founding the Institute of Noetic Sciences (IONS).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Mitchell was a strong believer in psi phenomena and was involved in the early stages of the U.S. government's psychic research programs. He was present during some of [[Uri Geller]]'s tests at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI), even driving Geller while blindfolded in a demonstration of Geller's alleged abilities.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,7 +17,7 @@ He also funded [[Andrija Puharich]]'s efforts to bring Geller to the United Stat
|
|||
|
||||
Dr. Mitchell's interest in the [[Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena|UAP]] topic stemmed from his childhood growing up in the Roswell, New Mexico, area. He claimed that his family was among those who were threatened by the FBI after the [[Roswell Incident]] in 1947, and that this experience convinced him that the government was covering up the truth about UAP. As an astronaut, he became a prominent and credible voice in the UAP disclosure movement, using his platform to call for greater transparency from the government.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Dr. Mitchell was a close friend and confidant of [[Harold "Hal" Puthoff]] and [[Eric Davis]]. They gave him a copy of the [[Wilson-Davis Memo]], a document that detailed a conversation with Vice Admiral Thomas R. Wilson about a secret UAP reverse-engineering program. After Dr. Mitchell's death, the memo was discovered in his files and was leaked to the public. The leak of this document has been a significant event in the UAP disclosure movement, providing a detailed account of the alleged "Legacy Program."[^2]
|
||||
Dr. Mitchell was a close friend and confidant of [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Eric Davis]]. They gave him a copy of the [[Wilson-Davis Memo]], a document that detailed a conversation with Vice Admiral Thomas R. Wilson about a secret UAP reverse-engineering program. After Dr. Mitchell's death, the memo was discovered in his files and was leaked to the public. The leak of this document has been a significant event in the UAP disclosure movement, providing a detailed account of the alleged "Legacy Program."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Edmundo Meneses.md
Normal file
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Edmundo Meneses.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Military"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Former Nicaraguan ambassador to Guatemala, National Guard general, and Managua police chief who was Norwin Meneses's brother and primary protector, and a probable CIA asset assassinated in Guatemala in 1978.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Brigadier General Edmundo Meneses Cantarero was a senior officer in the [[Nicaraguan National Guard]] under [[Anastasio Somoza]], serving as chief of police in [[Managua]] and later as [[Nicaragua]]'s ambassador to [[Guatemala]]. He was the older brother of drug kingpin [[Norwin Meneses]] and a key protector of the Meneses criminal empire.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Military Career
|
||||
|
||||
Mundo, as he was known, was trained in irregular warfare and anticommunism at the [[U.S. Army School of the Americas]] in [[Panama]]. In the 1960s he conducted a series of bloody operations against [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] rebels near the town of Pancasan in northern Nicaragua, killing several key Sandinistas and crippling the guerrilla movement for years. Somoza was closest to Edmundo, who was one of his favorite generals.
|
||||
|
||||
After the Pancasan campaigns, Somoza gave Edmundo the Guardia's choicest position: control of the Managua police. From this perch, Edmundo could dip into every imaginable scam. "Police Chief, that's one of the best. That's a nice job," explained former Somoza secretary Juan C. Wong.[^1] "That was the last job he had in his military career. Then he retired and went into the diplomatic corps."
|
||||
|
||||
Under Edmundo's watchful eye, Managua became an open city for brother Norwin, who by the late 1970s owned discotheques, drive-in brothels, and a thriving drug business. "Norwin ran all the rackets for the Guardia," said [[Roger Mayorga]], former Nicaraguan National Police narcotics investigator. "And remember, his brother was the chief of police. No one could do anything."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Protection of Norwin Meneses
|
||||
|
||||
When customs inspector Oskar Reyes Zelaya investigated Norwin for running a massive car theft ring in 1977 and was subsequently murdered, Edmundo ordered the investigation into his brother. After a "rigorous and exhaustive" investigation, Norwin was cleared. The murder was never officially solved.
|
||||
|
||||
Edmundo soon left the police department, was promoted to brigadier general, and retired from the National Guard. Somoza then sent him to Guatemala as Nicaragua's ambassador.
|
||||
|
||||
### Assassination
|
||||
|
||||
On September 16, 1978, Ambassador Meneses was machine-gunned in España Park in [[Guatemala City]], catching three bullets in his back. The People's Guerrilla Army (EGP) claimed credit, describing Meneses as far more than a diplomat: "Exploiting his ambassadorial position in Guatemala as a smokescreen, he actually discharged the duties of coordinator between the Guatemalan army and the Nicaraguan National Guard, and also between Somoza and Guatemala's reactionary government. He coordinated political repression for all of Central America."
|
||||
|
||||
Edmundo lingered for fifteen days before dying. At his funeral, Somoza hailed him as a martyr in the worldwide struggle against communism.[^1] Santiago Meneses told El Semanario in 1996: "The Sandinistas never forgave my brother Edmundo for the guerrillas of Pancasan."
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Connections
|
||||
|
||||
The nature of Edmundo's relationship with the [[United States|U.S.]] government is unclear. The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] has refused to disclose any information about him on grounds of national security. The [[State Department]] claimed it could find no records that even mention his name - a notable omission given his stature as Somoza's chief law enforcement officer and ambassador.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 3: "The brotherhood of military minds"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Cast of Characters
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,11 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: []
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- DoJ
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
summary: "Edward Hurley was a Vice President at Hadron, Inc., in charge of its criminal justice systems work."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Edward Hurley was a Vice President at [[Hadron]], Inc., in charge of its criminal justice systems work.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that in June 1985, Hurley told [[Theresa Bousquin]] that he did not believe [[Inslaw Corporation|Inslaw]] would survive a Chapter 11 bankruptcy and that Hadron wanted to acquire [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s "court software" to complement its law enforcement software. Hamilton also noted that Hurley resigned from Hadron in August 1985, the month after the U.S. Bankruptcy Court issued a confidentiality order sealing Inslaw's proprietary and customer information from the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]], and that Hadron divested itself of its law enforcement software in the fall of 1985.[^1]
|
||||
[[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that in June 1985, Hurley told [[Theresa Bousquin]] that he did not believe [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] would survive a Chapter 11 bankruptcy and that Hadron wanted to acquire [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]'s "court software" to complement its law enforcement software. Hamilton also noted that Hurley resigned from Hadron in August 1985, the month after the U.S. Bankruptcy Court issued a confidentiality order sealing Inslaw's proprietary and customer information from the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]], and that Hadron divested itself of its law enforcement software in the fall of 1985.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Theresa Bousquin, a current [as of the time of the report] Inslaw employee, confirmed that she interviewed with Hurley in 1985. She mentioned to Hurley that she was offered a position at Inslaw, and Hurley responded that he also doubted Inslaw could survive bankruptcy. According to Bousquin, Hurley told her that Inslaw was the only real vendor for court systems and had good technology. Bousquin stated that Hurley added words to the effect of "it would be nice to get one's hands on that software." However, Bousquin did not identify any statements Hurley made about any active effort by Hadron to acquire Inslaw, and it was her impression that his remark about the software was made in passing conversation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -13,4 +18,4 @@ The Special Counsel's investigation concluded that Hamilton's affidavit proved i
|
|||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Las Vegas gambler and lieutenant of Meyer Lansky whose Fremont Hotel was financed through a Jimmy Hoffa loan, connecting Bobby Baker networks to organized crime."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Edward Levinson]] was a Las Vegas gambler and a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]]. His Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan. Levinson was one of the associates who brought a lawsuit against [[Bobby Baker]] in 1963, alleging that Baker failed to live up to certain bargains. Through Baker, Levinson also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Edward Meyer
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- military
|
||||
- general
|
||||
description: Edward C. "Shy" Meyer was the U.S. Army Chief of Staff who supported the Stargate Project.
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "U.S. Army Chief of Staff who tacitly supported the Stargate Project during its early years alongside INSCOM commander William Rolya."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Edward Meyer]] (Edward C. "Shy" Meyer) was the [[U.S. Army]] Chief of Staff during the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Secretary of the Army [[Clifford Alexander]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,20 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Edwin May
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- Parapsychologist
|
||||
- Researcher
|
||||
- STARGATE_PROJECT
|
||||
- Remote_Viewing
|
||||
- SAIC
|
||||
- Physicist
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
description: Edwin May was a physicist and parapsychologist who served as the principal investigator and later gatekeeper of the Stargate Project in its later years.
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "Physicist and parapsychologist who became principal investigator and director of the Stargate Project in its later years under SAIC."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Edwin May]] was a physicist and [[Parapsychology|parapsychologist]] who became a principal investigator and later the gatekeeper of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]] in its later years. He was involved when most of the contracting for the program was transferred to [[Science Applications International Corporation|SAIC]] in 1991. May played a significant role in the scientific direction and management of the remote viewing program during its final phase before declassification.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,8 +1,41 @@
|
|||
[[Edwin Meese]] was an associate of [[Earl Brian]] and served as [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] during the [[Ronald Reagan]] administration. He is linked to the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] and the alleged efforts to sell stolen software for covert government operations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[William Bradford Reynolds]], Assistant Attorney General in the Civil Rights Division, stated that [[Lowell Jensen]]'s secretary brought a letter to him for signature because Jensen was out of the building, the letter needed to be sent that day, and it needed to be signed by someone in Edwin Meese's inner circle. Reynolds signed the letter, which advised that the [[PROMIS]] software was being provided to an Arab Sheik for resale and general distribution. Reynolds also had a vague recollection that Meese recused himself on [[PROMIS]] when he became [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] in February 1985, and Jensen therefore had to handle [[PROMIS]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- DoJ
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: "Edwin Meese served as Counselor to President Reagan and then as Attorney General from 1985 to 1988, and was named by INSLAW and the House Judiciary Committee as a central figure in the alleged conspiracy to steal the PROMIS software through his long association with Earl Brian and his recusal from PROMIS matters that left Lowell Jensen to administer the affair."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Edwin Meese III served as Counselor to President [[Ronald Reagan]] from 1981 to 1985 and as [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] from 1985 to 1988. Before his time in Washington, Meese served in Governor Reagan's California cabinet, where he worked alongside [[Earl Brian]] and [[Lowell Jensen]]. His personal and political associations with both men became central to allegations about his role in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in the PROMIS Software Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 investigation (House Report 102-857) placed Meese at the center of its conspiracy theory. The committee found that Meese and [[Lowell Jensen]] had "consciously ignored INSLAW's proprietary rights" and that Attorney Generals Meese and [[Richard Thornburgh]] had "blocked or restricted congressional inquiries into the matter, ignored the findings of two courts and refused to ask for the appointment of an independent counsel."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Meese's connection to [[Earl Brian]] was the committee's primary circumstantial evidence of motive. Both men had served together in Reagan's Sacramento cabinet; in 1985, Meese's wife purchased stock in a Brian-controlled company.[^1] INSLAW alleged that Meese had arranged for the DOJ to steal PROMIS and funnel its distribution rights to Brian as a reward for Brian's alleged role in the [[October Surprise]] negotiations — a theory that, if true, would make the PROMIS theft a product of a political debt going back to 1980.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Upon becoming Attorney General in February 1985, Meese reportedly recused himself from all PROMIS-related matters, citing his prior association with Brian. Jensen, then serving as Deputy Attorney General, took over all PROMIS decision-making on Meese's behalf.[^2] This recusal produced a specific documentary trail: a May 1985 letter advising that PROMIS software was being provided to an Arab sheik for resale and distribution, brokered by [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]], [[Adnan Khashoggi]], and [[Richard Armitage]], was brought to [[William Bradford Reynolds]] for signature by Jensen's secretary while Jensen was absent — Reynolds signed it under the impression that the letter required a signature from within Meese's inner circle.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The Bua Report (1993) and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (1989) both found no credible evidence of a conspiracy between Meese, Brian, and DOJ officials to steal PROMIS. The Senate report found "no proof that Jensen and Meese had conspired to ruin Inslaw or steal its product, or that Brian or Hadron were involved in a conspiracy."[^3][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Dark Alliance Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
As Attorney General, Meese received reports about [[Barry Seal]]'s massive drug operations at the Mena, [[Arkansas]] airport, but took no action. A letter from Louisiana's Attorney General to Meese characterized Seal's smuggling operation as having moved "$3 billion to $5 billion worth of drugs into the U.S." Despite the scale of Seal's operations, which made him one of the largest drug importers in the American South, Meese's DOJ dropped federal cases against Seal over the strong objections of state and federal law enforcement. The stated reason was that prosecution might expose national security information.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Meese was also the official who publicly announced the [[Iran-Contra Affair|Iran-Contra scandal]] in November 1986, revealing that millions of dollars from U.S. missile sales to Iran had been illegally diverted to fund the [[Contras]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Resignation
|
||||
|
||||
[[Arnold Burns]], Meese's Deputy Attorney General, and [[William F. Weld]], Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division, submitted simultaneous resignations in March 1988 after meeting separately with White House Chief of Staff [[Howard Baker]] to raise concerns about Meese's conduct. Their joint departure was described as an unprecedented mass exodus signaling complete loss of confidence in the department's leadership. Meese resigned in August 1988 following an independent counsel report that found "substantial evidence" he had violated federal law but declined to prosecute.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^2]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
[^4]: U.S. Senate, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. *The Inslaw Affair.* September 1989.
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 7: "Something happened to Ivan."
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Belgium Scandals"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Victim
|
||||
- Child-Trafficking
|
||||
- Belgium
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Marc-Dutroux-Case
|
||||
- Dutroux-Affair
|
||||
- Dutroux
|
||||
summary: "Eefje Lambrecks, aged 19, disappeared from Ostend, Belgium, on August 22, 1995, while on a coastal vacation with friends including An Marchal."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Eefje Lambrecks, aged 19, disappeared from Ostend, Belgium, on August 22, 1995, while on a coastal vacation with friends including [[An Marchal]]. The pair vanished after attending a stage hypnosis performance by entertainer [[Rasti Rostelli]] at the Blankenberge casino, where they spent nearly two hours under hypnosis, emerging disoriented as friends later testified it took hours to recover fully. Eefje, known for her cautious nature around strangers, exhibited confusion post-show, wandering with An before their abduction by [[Marc Dutroux]] in his white van. Dutroux transported them to his Marcinelle home, where the basement dungeon held [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]], so he confined Eefje and An upstairs in a bedroom for two weeks of captivity and abuse, undetected despite ongoing surveillance by the Othello team under Inspector [[Rene Michaux]]. Dutroux then moved them to a remote location for murder, burying their bodies under concrete at a Sars-la-Buissière property beside accomplice [[Bernard Weinstein]]'s remains, exhumed September 16, 1996, revealing evidence of prolonged torment linked to Dutroux's trafficking operations coordinated with [[Michel Nihoul]] via [[ASCO]] vehicles.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eefje Lambrecks, aged 19, disappeared from Ostend, Belgium, on August 22, 1995, while on a coastal vacation with friends including [[An Marchal]]. The pair vanished after attending a stage hypnosis performance by entertainer [[Rasti Rostelli]] at the Blankenberge casino, where they spent nearly two hours under hypnosis, emerging disoriented as friends later testified it took hours to recover fully. Eefje, known for her cautious nature around strangers, exhibited confusion post-show, wandering with An before their abduction by [[Marc Dutroux]] in his white van. Dutroux transported them to his Marcinelle home, where the basement dungeon held [[Julie Lejeune]] and [[Melissa Russo]], so he confined Eefje and An upstairs in a bedroom for two weeks of captivity and abuse, undetected despite ongoing surveillance by the Othello team under Inspector [[Rene Michaux]]. Dutroux then moved them to a remote location for murder, burying their bodies under concrete at a Sars-la-Buissière property beside accomplice [[Bernard Weinstein]]'s remains, exhumed September 16, 1996, revealing evidence of prolonged torment linked to Dutroux's trafficking operations coordinated with [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]] via [[ASCO]] vehicles.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Abduction and Captivity
|
||||
During Rostelli's act, Eefje was induced into a suggestive state, giggling and role-playing seduction scenarios on stage, which left her emotionally vulnerable. Post-performance security footage captured her and An dazedly navigating the casino, eating imaginary items, before the kidnapping. Under watch since August 10, Dutroux secured the teens upstairs with restraints, evading detection as surveillance missed the activity. While Dutroux was jailed in December 1995 for auto theft with Weinstein—during which home screams were dismissed—Eefje endured isolation mirroring the younger captives' plight. His March 1996 release enabled further crimes, but Eefje's case spotlighted operational flaws. ASCO-registered Mercedes vans aided transport and client previews, with Nihoul's frequent calls to Dutroux signaling network orchestration.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Criminal
|
||||
- Accomplice
|
||||
- Texas
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
- Dean_Corll_Case
|
||||
- Murderer
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Elmer Wayne Henley (born May 9, 1956) served as a teenage accomplice to serial killer Dean Corll in the Dean Corll Murders from 1970 to 1973."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Elmer Wayne Henley (born May 9, 1956) served as a teenage accomplice to serial killer [[Dean Corll]] in the [[Dean Corll Murders]] from 1970 to 1973. Henley played a crucial role in facilitating Corll's crimes by luring victims and participating in their torture and murder. He ultimately ended the killing spree by shooting and killing Corll on August 8, 1973.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background and Recruitment
|
||||
Elmer Wayne Henley, a 17-year-old resident of [[Houston, Texas]], was introduced to [[Dean Corll]] by fellow accomplice [[David Owen Brooks]] approximately two years before the crimes' exposure in 1973. Brooks, who had known Corll since age 12, brought Henley into the fold after Henley expressed interest in earning money. Corll promised Henley at least $200 per boy procured, with higher payments for particularly attractive ones.
|
||||
Elmer Wayne Henley, a 17-year-old resident of [[Houston]], was introduced to [[Dean Corll]] by fellow accomplice [[David Owen Brooks]] approximately two years before the crimes' exposure in 1973. Brooks, who had known Corll since age 12, brought Henley into the fold after Henley expressed interest in earning money. Corll promised Henley at least $200 per boy procured, with higher payments for particularly attractive ones.
|
||||
|
||||
Henley and Brooks lived with Corll on and off for three years, gradually progressing from mere procurement to active involvement in the torture, rape, murder, and disposal of victims. Henley confessed to directly participating in at least six murders during this period.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -30,7 +28,7 @@ He quoted Corll: "Dean told me that he belonged to an organisation out of Dallas
|
|||
### Legal Proceedings and Outcome
|
||||
Henley was arrested immediately after his confession and tried for his role in the murders. In 1974, he was convicted of six counts of murder and sentenced to six concurrent life terms. Despite his actions in killing Corll and aiding the investigation, his prior participation in luring and murdering victims led to his conviction. Brooks received a similar outcome for four murders.
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Houston Police Department]] and [[Pasadena Police Department]] investigations, supported by Henley's testimony, exposed the scale of the crimes but faced criticism for abandoning leads on broader trafficking networks, including connections to [[Roy Ames]] and [[California]]-based pornography operations.[^1]
|
||||
The [[Houston]] and [[Pasadena Police Department]] investigations, supported by Henley's testimony, exposed the scale of the crimes but faced criticism for abandoning leads on broader trafficking networks, including connections to [[Roy Ames]] and [[California]]-based pornography operations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). Eye of the Chickenhawk. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Enrique Miranda.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Enrique Miranda.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Person/Drug_Trafficker
|
||||
- Person/Intelligence
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
summary: Former Sandinista intelligence officer who became a CIA double agent and DEA informant, serving as Norwin Meneses's right-hand man and providing detailed testimony about the Ilopango drug pipeline.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Enrique Miranda Jaime was a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who became a double agent for the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] during the Contra war and later worked as a [[DEA]] informant. From 1989 to 1991, he served as [[Norwin Meneses]]'s emissary to the cartels of [[Colombia]] and as his right-hand man.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Testimony on the Ilopango Drug Pipeline
|
||||
|
||||
Miranda testified in a 1992 trial in [[Nicaragua]] that "Norwin was selling drugs and tunneled the benefits to the Contras with help of high-ranking military officials of the Salvadoran Army, especially with the help of the head of the Salvadoran Air Force and a Nicaraguan pilot named [[Marcos Aguado]]." Miranda said the cocaine brought from Colombia by [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]] pilots arrived in [[Costa Rica]] in square twenty-five-kilo packages, was unloaded at various airstrips including one on CIA operative [[John Hull]]'s farm, and was placed aboard Contra planes flown into [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Once at Ilopango, Miranda said, Aguado and Meneses supervised loading the cocaine onto U.S.-bound aircraft owned by the Salvadoran Air Force and the Miami-based CIA contractor [[Southern Air Transport]]. Miranda said Meneses told him U.S. military hardware stockpiled at Ilopango was loaded onto Salvadoran transport planes and flown south, where guns were traded for cocaine and flown back.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Aguado's Cartel Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Miranda met CIA pilot Marcos Aguado for dinner at Meneses's mansion in [[Managua]] in 1991, where Aguado described flying for the Colombian cartels. Aguado claimed he once took a Salvadoran Air Force bomber and leveled a warehouse full of Medellín cartel cocaine on behalf of the rival Cali cartel. He also made plans to bomb the prison where Medellín cartel chief Pablo Escobar was briefly imprisoned. Aguado boasted of flying weapons from the Salvadoran military to the Colombian cartels—claims Miranda said he doubted until a Salvadoran Air Force colonel and associates were arrested in 1992 for selling bombs and high explosives to Colombian drug dealers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background
|
||||
|
||||
Miranda was arrested by former Nicaraguan antidrug czar Roger Mayorga. He and Mayorga told interviewers the U.S. air base where drugs from Ilopango were flown was near Fort Worth, Texas—likely the now-closed Carswell Air Force Base, home of a Strategic Air Command bomber squadron.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Escape from Prison and DEA Recruitment
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1996, journalist [[Georg Hodel]] requested permission from the Nicaraguan Ministry of the Interior to interview Miranda, who had been moved to a prison in the city of Granada after Meneses allegedly hired someone to kill him. Miranda "escaped" the same day Hodel made his request, leaving on a weekend furlough and never returning. Prison officials called it "extremely out of character" for a model inmate nearing the end of his sentence. The police had not been notified of the escape, and Hodel's discovery became front-page news in Managua.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Miranda was captured in [[Miami]] in December 1996, where he was living with his wife. He had entered the [[United States]] with a visa the U.S. Embassy in Managua issued him the day he escaped. Despite being listed in the State Department's computers as a convicted drug trafficker and therefore ineligible for a visa, the State Department claimed two simultaneous computer failures resulted in him "erroneously" receiving one. The DEA denied involvement but admitted Miranda was placed on the DEA payroll as an informant "soon after he came to Miami" and was sent to Central and South America to work drug cases. The DEA never informed Nicaraguan authorities it was harboring one of their fugitives.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 13: "The wrong kind of friends"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
29
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Eugene Hasenfus.md
Normal file
29
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Eugene Hasenfus.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: "Former Air America cargo handler who survived the shootdown of a CIA-contracted C-123K over Nicaragua, exposing the Ilopango Contra supply operation and CIA involvement."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Eugene Hasenfus was a former [[Central Intelligence Agency]] [[Air America]] cargo handler who survived the shootdown of a Contra supply plane over [[Nicaragua]] on October 5, 1986, becoming living proof that the CIA and White House had been lying about U.S. involvement with the [[Contras]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Shootdown
|
||||
|
||||
Hasenfus was the only crew member carrying a parachute when [[Sandinistas]] shot down [[Southern Air Transport]]'s C-123K cargo plane - the same aircraft formerly used by [[Barry Seal]] in CIA-DEA operations. The Sandinistas found Hasenfus's crewmates carried "all sorts of pocket litter that identified and connected them back to [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango]]," including cards of [[NHAO]] employees and flight logs, said [[Alan Fiers|Alan Fiers Jr.]], the CIA officer then in charge of the Contra program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Exposing the Operation
|
||||
|
||||
Hasenfus told the press he was working for the CIA - at a time when the agency was officially not involved with the Contras. He identified his CIA handlers as "Ramon Medina," the alias of [[Luis Posada Carriles]], and "Max Gomez," the alias of [[Felix Rodriguez]]. Hasenfus also exposed the secret Contra air base at Ilopango. The revelation created enormous political problems for the Reagan administration. "Aside from the legal problems Hasenfus presented for the administration, he was an even bigger political headache - living proof that the CIA and the White House had been lying about U.S. involvement with the Contras," threatening to derail the $100 million Contra aid bill then in its final stages of passage.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cover-Up
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administration officials scrambled to contain the damage, sending false press advisories, booking spokesmen on talk shows to spread the official line, and sending CIA officials to give false testimony to congressional committees. The disinformation campaign, combined with reluctance by congressional intelligence committees to investigate, worked long enough to get the $100 million aid bill through Congress.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 18: "We bust our ass and the government's involved"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,13 +1,18 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Politician", "Criminal"]
|
||||
category: "BCCI Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- BCCI
|
||||
summary: "Eugene Holley was a former Georgia state senator who introduced Bert Lance to Agha Hasan Abedi."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Eugene Holley was a former [[Georgia]] state senator who introduced [[Bert Lance]] to [[Agha Hasan Abedi]].[^1] He was the first person prosecuted under the [[Foreign Corrupt Practices Act]] for paying bribes in [[Qatar]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Legal Issues and BCCI Connections
|
||||
|
||||
Holley was convicted of bank fraud in 1980 and sentenced to ten years in jail.[^3] He had set up a [[Cayman Islands|Cayman]] oil company and accumulated a $17 million debt, from which Abedi bailed him out.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1977, Holley arranged a meeting between Bert Lance and [[BCCI]] chieftains Abedi and [[Swaleh Naqvi]] at [[New York]]'s Waldorf-Astoria Hotel.[^5]
|
||||
In October 1977, Holley arranged a meeting between Bert Lance and [[BCCI]] chieftains Abedi and [[Swaleh Naqvi]] at [[New York City]]'s Waldorf-Astoria Hotel.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Eugene Lessman
|
||||
- Eugene Lessman
|
||||
- Gene Lessman
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Operations Officer
|
||||
summary: "**Eugene 'Gene' Alden Lessman** was a U.S."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
**Eugene "Gene" Alden Lessman** was a U.S. Army intelligence officer and an important recruiter for "spooky" work according to [[Luis Elizondo]] in his 2024 book, _Imminent_. Known as Gene, he was also known by the name John James Kielty[^2] and passed away in 2019. Like his father before him, Gene spent much of his career in military intelligence and became a lead recruiter for the Army's "Great Skills" program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
## Military Service
|
||||
|
||||
Gene served three tours in [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] from December 1966 to 1973[^5], where he served as a [[Green Beret]] in the elite [[Special Operations Group]] (SOG) and was part of the infamous [[Project Phoenix]].[^1] For his service in Vietnam, he received a Purple Heart, Bronze Star, and Air Medal with Valor.[^3]
|
||||
Gene served three tours in [[Vietnam|Vietnam]] from December 1966 to 1973[^5], where he served as a [[Green Berets]] in the elite [[Special Operations Group]] (SOG) and was part of the infamous [[Project Phoenix]].[^1] For his service in Vietnam, he received a Purple Heart, Bronze Star, and Air Medal with Valor.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Following his tours in Vietnam, Gene was posted in Berlin where he ran counter intelligence operations.[^3] After 20 years of distinguished military service, Gene retired from the army and subsequently spent another 20 years in civil service.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Iran-Contra"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- IranContra
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Secretary to Oliver North during the Iran-Contra Affair and daughter of Robert McFarlane's secretary Wilma Hall."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Fawn Hall]] was the secretary to [[Oliver North]] during the [[Iran-Contra Affair]]. She is the daughter of [[Wilma Hall]], who was the secretary to [[Robert McFarlane]] at the [[National Security Council]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Military", "Pakistan", "Drug Trafficking"]
|
||||
category: "World War II & Nazi Era"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- WW2
|
||||
- Nazi
|
||||
summary: "Fazle Haq was a Pakistani general who smuggled U.S."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Fazle Haq was a Pakistani general who smuggled U.S. supplies through [[Pakistan]]'s North-West Frontier Province into [[Afghanistan]].[^1] He was appointed governor of Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province in 1978.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Drug Trafficking and Afghan War
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Exiled President of the Philippines whose stolen fortune was reportedly laundered through Robert Booth Nichols via networks connected to the PROMIS scandal."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Ferdinand Marcos]] was the exiled President of the [[Philippines]]. His widow, [[Imelda Marcos]], was acquitted of racketeering and fraud alongside [[Adnan Khashoggi]] in 1990.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Booth Nichols]] reportedly laundered between $50-200 million for Ferdinand Marcos.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,3 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Former Southern California cop appointed as deputy to investigate Ron Van Meter's disappearance in Mariposa County."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Frank McCoy]] was a deputy appointed by Sheriff [[Ken Mattheys]] to handle the internal affairs aspect of the investigation into [[Ron Van Meter]]'s disappearance. McCoy was a former cop from the Southern [[California]] area.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
20
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Frank Moss.md
Normal file
20
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Frank Moss.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Drug_Trafficker
|
||||
- Honduras
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Contra_War
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Pilot and owner of Hondu Carib Cargo who flew FDN supply missions while under investigation for narcotics offenses by ten law enforcement agencies.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Frank Moss was a pilot and the owner of [[Hondu Carib Cargo]], an air cargo company hired by the [[FDN]] to fly supplies to the [[Contras]].[^1] Moss was identified in a 1989 Senate report as having "been investigated, although never indicted, for narcotics offenses by ten different law enforcement agencies."
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking and Contra Supply
|
||||
|
||||
The report said Moss flew FDN supply missions for both Hondu Carib Cargo and a Honduran air freight company called SETCO, which was owned by Honduras's biggest drug trafficker, Juan Matta Ballesteros. One DC-4 Moss used to ferry Contra supplies was seized by the [[DEA]] in March 1987 on a suspected drug run off [[Florida]]'s coast. Aboard the plane was marijuana residue and Moss's notes which, according to a CIA cable, contained "the names of two CIA officers and their telephone numbers." Also found was the phone number of [[Robert Owen]], [[Oliver North]]'s courier in [[Central America]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,17 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Military"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- Government_Official
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
- LEAA
|
||||
- Justice_Department
|
||||
- IRS
|
||||
- Education
|
||||
- Civil_Rights
|
||||
- Howard_University
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
summary: "He worked as a classroom teacher, operated an independent real estate and insurance business, and held an administrative position with the Port of New York Authority."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Fred L. Lander III was born on April 19, 1927, in Charlotte, North Carolina. He served in the U.S. Army during the Korean Conflict before pursuing his education in law. In 1952, he earned his Juris Doctorate Degree from Howard University School of Law in Washington, D.C.
|
||||
|
||||
He worked as a classroom teacher, operated an independent real estate and insurance business, and held an administrative position with the Port of New York Authority. He also served as a Hearing Officer with the New York State Department of Labor.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,9 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Scientists & Researchers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- UK
|
||||
- Researcher
|
||||
summary: "Oxford scientist and Lord Cherwell who served as Churchill's chief science adviser and formed early connections with figures central to Israel's nuclear program origins."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Frederick A. Lindemann, later Lord Cherwell, was a German-born Oxford scientist who became [[Winston Churchill]]'s chief science adviser in the years before World War II. He came to know [[Ernst David Bergmann]] and [[Chaim Weizmann]] during this period.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Georg Hodel.md
Normal file
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Georg Hodel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Authors & Journalists"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Swiss freelance journalist based in Managua who located Norwin Meneses in a Nicaraguan prison and uncovered court files documenting his drug trafficking for the Contras, playing a critical role in the Dark Alliance investigation.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Georg Hodel was a Swiss freelance journalist based in [[Managua]], [[Nicaragua]], whom [[Gary Webb]] hired to locate and interview [[Norwin Meneses]] during the [[Dark Alliance]] investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Discovery of the Meneses Court Files
|
||||
|
||||
Hodel found the massive files of Meneses's 1992 court case in the Nicaraguan Supreme Court, a cache that had never before been examined by a journalist. "The clerk says I am the first journalist ever to ask to see those files, can you imagine?" Hodel told Webb. "All the stories written about this case, and not one of those reporters ever looked at the files." Hodel had a journalism student named Leonor Delgado create an index of the documents, which contained what Hodel described as "some peculiar things."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Confirmation of Contra Drug Links
|
||||
|
||||
Hodel confirmed the tip that had started Webb's investigation, verifying that [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and Norwin Meneses were friends, business partners, and Contra founders whose families were close to the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime. He checked the information with former Contra commander [[Eden Pastora]], former Contra lawyer [[Carlos Icaza]], and others who knew both men. Hodel also confirmed that Meneses's chief aide, [[Enrique Miranda]], had admitted at trial that Meneses sold [[cocaine]] for the [[Contras]], flying it out of an air base in [[El Salvador]] into a military airfield in [[Texas]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Interview with Miranda
|
||||
|
||||
Hodel attempted to arrange interviews with both Meneses and Enrique Miranda, filing a request with the Nicaraguan Ministry of the Interior. He discovered that Miranda had "escaped" from prison on the same day Hodel made his interview request. Prison officials claimed Miranda had gone on a weekend furlough and never returned, calling it "extremely out of character" for a model inmate with little time remaining on his sentence. Hodel drove to the police station to inquire about the manhunt, only to learn that police had not been notified of the escape. Hodel's discovery became front-page news in all the Managua papers and triggered official investigations. His sources later told him Miranda was in [[Miami]] and that the [[DEA]] had gotten him out of the country.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arranging the Meneses Interview
|
||||
|
||||
Despite the obstacles, Hodel secured Meneses's agreement to talk, clearing it through the drug kingpin's wives and lawyers. He urged Webb to come to Nicaragua quickly and warned that something about the story was giving him a sense of unease. "I can't say what it is, but things are moving all around us," Hodel said nervously.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Follow-Up Reporting
|
||||
|
||||
After the Dark Alliance series was published in August 1996, Hodel and Webb flew to [[Costa Rica]] and Nicaragua to gather additional evidence. In December 1996, Hodel located [[Carlos Cabezas]], a former Meneses drug ring member, who admitted on the record to delivering millions of dollars in drug money to the Contras and identified CIA agent [[Ivan Gomez|Ivan Gómez]] as having direct knowledge. "We've got it," Hodel told Webb. "Cabezas is willing to talk on the record." A week later, Hodel found Enrique Miranda, who had been captured in Miami and returned to Nicaragua. Miranda provided additional details about Meneses's relationship with the CIA and the Contras. "We didn't know how right we were," Hodel said.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Death Threats and Departure
|
||||
|
||||
Hodel began receiving death threats in Nicaragua. His wife's law office was burglarized and ransacked twice, the power lines to his house were cut, and his brother-in-law was threatened by armed thugs. Hodel decided to leave the country, taking his wife to his native Switzerland.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 27: "A very difficult decision"
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,16 +1,18 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- George Lawrence
|
||||
- George Lawrence
|
||||
category: "Skeptics & Critics"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- ARPA
|
||||
- Skeptic
|
||||
summary: "George Lawrence was an ARPA project manager who, along with two civilian psychologists, Robert Van de Castle and Ray Hyman, traveled to SRI to test Uri Geller's purported psychic abilities."
|
||||
---
|
||||
George Lawrence was an [[ARPA]] project manager who, along with two civilian psychologists, [[Robert Van de Castle]] and [[Ray Hyman]], traveled to [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] to test [[Uri Geller]]'s purported psychic abilities. Their conclusion, later reported in *Time* magazine, was that anyone who believed in Geller's powers was falling for the "ridiculous"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
George Lawrence was an [[DARPA]] project manager who, along with two civilian psychologists, [[Robert Van de Castle]] and [[Ray Hyman]], traveled to [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] to test [[Uri Geller]]'s purported psychic abilities. Their conclusion, later reported in *Time* magazine, was that anyone who believed in Geller's powers was falling for the "ridiculous"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Lawrence expressed concern that [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]]'s "own experimental bias in favor of successful outcomes is undermining their objectivity in properly controlled experimental procedures." He opined that Puthoff and Targ were guilty of the same three claims [[Martin Gardner]] had leveled against [[J. B. Rhine]]'s research: loose laboratory controls, skewing of data, and the premise that the attitude of the scientists could negatively influence the subject[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Lawrence told *Time* editor [[Leon Jaroff]] that Geller was a "charlatan" and encouraged the magazine to write an exposé. This unauthorized communication with a reporter was a violation of his security clearance, leading to an investigation by the [[CIA]]. Despite Lawrence's denial of having talked to *Time*, Jaroff insisted otherwise[^1].
|
||||
Lawrence told *Time* editor [[Leon Jaroff]] that Geller was a "charlatan" and encouraged the magazine to write an exposé. This unauthorized communication with a reporter was a violation of his security clearance, leading to an investigation by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. Despite Lawrence's denial of having talked to *Time*, Jaroff insisted otherwise[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
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