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The [[Cali Drug Cartel]] was a powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization, described in a 1994 *Time* magazine article as controlling 80% of the world's cocaine trade. Its key leaders included [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodriguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|Jose Londono]].[1]
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tags:
- Organization
- Drug_Cartel
- Colombia
- 1980s
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
category: "Private Organization"
summary: "The Cali Drug Cartel was a powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization based in Cali, Colombia, described in a 1994 *Time* magazine article as controlling 80% of the world's cocaine trade."
---
The cartel laundered its substantial profits through various channels, notably Miami banks, with [[Gilberto Rodriguez]] reportedly owning the Northside Bank of Miami. The influence of the Cali Cartel extended deeply into political spheres, as evidenced by allegations that [[Ernesto Samper Pizano]], the newly elected president of [[Colombia]], accepted $3.7 million in campaign funds from [[Gilberto Rodriguez]], effectively aligning him with the drug lords.[1]
The [[Cali Drug Cartel]] was a powerful Colombian drug trafficking organization based in [[Cali, Colombia|Cali]], described in a 1994 *Time* magazine article as controlling 80% of the world's cocaine trade. Its key leaders included [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodriguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|Jose Londono]].[[Norwin Meneses]] is believed to have been the cartel's representative in [[Nicaragua]].[^1][^3][^5]
Investigations into the Cali Cartel frequently intersected with U.S. government operations and intelligence activities. [[Gilberto Rodriguez]] and [[Jose Londono]] were significant targets of a major [[Drug Enforcement Administration|DEA]] Centac investigation, which led to their indictments in Los Angeles and New York in 1978. However, these cases reportedly did not progress beyond the indictment phase, and the Centac 21 task force was dismantled during the [[Ronald Reagan]] and [[George Bush]] administrations, leading to suspicions among disgruntled [[Drug Enforcement Administration|DEA]] agents of a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] connection.[1]
## Drug Trafficking and Political Influence
The narrative suggests a potential complicity or manipulation by U.S. intelligence agencies. For instance, [[Michael Abbell]], a former [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] official, was indicted for laundering money for the Cali Cartel, with surveillance reports indicating his frequent visits to [[Gilberto Rodriguez]]'s home in Bogota. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] provided Abbell with $50,000 in cash to influence an internal affairs investigation within the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] that would have otherwise led to the extradition of Cali Cartel leaders, whom Nichols reportedly considered "intelligence people."[1]
The cartel laundered its substantial profits through various channels, notably Miami banks, with [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] reportedly owning the Northside Bank of Miami. The influence of the Cali Cartel extended deeply into political spheres, as evidenced by allegations that [[Ernesto Samper Pizano]], the newly elected president of [[Colombia]], accepted $3.7 million in campaign funds from [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]], effectively aligning him with the drug lords.[^1]
The cartel's alleged funding of the Colombian president and its strategic position raised profound questions about the [[United States Government|U.S. government]]'s powerful controlling influence within [[Colombia]] and over the cartels, potentially implying that [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] drug operatives were behind the election of the Colombian president.[1]
Investigations into the Cali Cartel frequently intersected with U.S. government operations and intelligence activities. [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono]] were significant targets of a major [[DEA|DEA]] Centac investigation, which led to their indictments in Los Angeles and New York in 1978. However, these cases reportedly did not progress beyond the indictment phase, and the Centac 21 task force was dismantled during the [[Ronald Reagan]] and [[George H.W. Bush]] administrations, leading to suspicions among disgruntled [[DEA|DEA]] agents of a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] connection.[^1]
The Cali Cartel was a significant focus of investigative journalist [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" probe. Casolaro had uncovered a connection between [[Michael Abbell]], the Cali Cartel, and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] shortly before his death. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] attempted to exchange information on Abbell, Rodriguez, and Nichols with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in return for witness protection, further highlighting the cartel's deep entanglement with intelligence and criminal networks.[1]
## Connection to the Contras
Historically, during [[Jimmy Carter]]'s presidency, his human rights foreign policy in Latin America reportedly created a distance between the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and death-squad interdiction. The Carter administration was also reportedly hesitant to pursue certain figures involved in the drug trade, such as General Torrijos of [[Panama]], due to ongoing negotiations for the [[Panama Canal]] treaty. This historical context suggests that political considerations have, at times, influenced drug enforcement efforts. The cartel's activities were also contrasted with the [[Medellin Cartel]], which [[Manuel Noriega]] chose to support, ultimately leading to his ousting by [[George Bush]].[1]
The cartel's connection to the Contra drug network ran through Meneses's organization on the [[United States|U.S.]] West Coast and through direct payments to the [[Contras]]. During the [[Manuel Noriega|Noriega]] trial, former [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín]] cartel transportation boss [[Carlos Lehder]] confirmed under oath that the cartel had given the Contras $10 million. Ramon Milian-Rodriguez, a graduate of Santa Clara University, testified before the [[John Kerry|Kerry]] Committee that he used his firm to launder that $10 million donation, which he said was arranged by and paid to former [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent [[Felix Rodriguez]], a [[Cuba|Cuban]] veteran of the [[Bay of Pigs|Bay of Pigs]].[^4]
## Connection to the Dark Alliance Network
[[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s supplier [[Aparicio Moreno]] was a Colombian with reported ties to both the [[FDN]] and the CIA.[^3] [[Rafael Cornejo]] was alleged to be involved in a major cocaine pipeline running from Cali to several West Coast cities. The Meneses organization's supply chain originated with the Colombian cartels.[^4]
## Intelligence Connections
[[Michael Abbell]], a former [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] official, was indicted for laundering money for the Cali Cartel, with surveillance reports indicating his frequent visits to [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]]'s home in Bogota. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] provided Abbell with $50,000 in cash to influence an internal affairs investigation within the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] that would have otherwise led to the extradition of Cali Cartel leaders, whom Nichols reportedly considered "intelligence people."[^1]
The cartel's alleged funding of the Colombian president and its strategic position raised profound questions about the [[United States|U.S. government]]'s powerful controlling influence within [[Colombia]] and over the cartels, potentially implying that CIA drug operatives were behind the election of the Colombian president.[^1]
The Cali Cartel was a significant focus of investigative journalist [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" probe. Casolaro had uncovered a connection between [[Michael Abbell]], the Cali Cartel, and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] shortly before his death. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] attempted to exchange information on Abbell, Rodriguez, and Nichols with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in return for witness protection, further highlighting the cartel's deep entanglement with intelligence and criminal networks.[^1]
Historically, during [[Jimmy Carter]]'s presidency, his human rights foreign policy in Latin America reportedly created a distance between the CIA and death-squad interdiction. The Carter administration was also reportedly hesitant to pursue certain figures involved in the drug trade, such as General Torrijos of [[Panama]], due to ongoing negotiations for the [[Panama Canal]] treaty. The cartel's activities were also contrasted with the [[Medellin Cartel]], which [[Manuel Noriega]] chose to support, ultimately leading to his ousting by [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1]
## Financial Operations
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] also mentioned the "[[Workers Bank]]" in [[Colombia]] in the context of money laundering operations for the Wackenhut people. He claimed to have set up "virtual dead-drops" for this bank, a method to circumvent ACH reconciliations on a daily basis, indicating sophisticated financial illicit activities originating from or passing through Colombia.[^1]
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## Footnotes
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
### Footnotes
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Prologue: "It was like they didn't want to know"
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 12: "This guy talks to God"
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Cast of Characters