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17
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Benning.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- location
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- contra-war
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summary: Fort Benning was a U.S. Army base in Georgia where hundreds of Nicaraguan National Guard officers received military training that prepared them for roles in both the Somoza regime and the Contra army.
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---
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Fort Benning was a U.S. Army base in Georgia where hundreds of [[Nicaraguan National Guard]] officers received military training that prepared them for roles in both the Somoza regime and the [[Contras|Contra]] army. Along with [[Fort Gulick]] and [[Fort Leavenworth]], Fort Benning was one of the primary U.S. military schools that trained the Nicaraguan officers who later formed the [[FDN]]'s leadership.[^1]
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### Training the Guardia
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[[Anastasio Somoza]] cited the American investment in Nicaraguan officer training when pleading with U.S. Ambassador Pezzullo: "They have been fighting Communism just like you taught them at Fort Gulick and Fort Benning and Fort Leavenworth. Out of nine hundred officers we have, eight hundred or so belong to your schools." [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]], who became the FDN's military commander, was a graduate of the U.S. Army School of the Americas at Fort Benning, where he received the military education that qualified him, in the CIA's assessment, to lead the Contra army.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4, Ch. 5.
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18
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Gulick.md
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60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Gulick.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- location
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- u.s.-military
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- contra-war
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summary: Fort Gulick was a U.S. military base in the Panama Canal Zone where hundreds of Nicaraguan National Guard officers were trained in counterinsurgency and intelligence techniques.
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---
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Fort Gulick was a U.S. military base in the [[Panama]] Canal Zone where hundreds of [[Nicaraguan National Guard]] officers were trained in counterinsurgency and intelligence techniques. Along with [[Fort Benning]] and [[Fort Leavenworth]], Fort Gulick was one of the primary U.S. military schools that trained the Nicaraguan officers who would later form the core of both the Somoza regime's security apparatus and the [[Contras|Contra]] army.[^1]
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### Training the Guardia
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When [[Anastasio Somoza]] pleaded with U.S. Ambassador [[Lawrence Pezzullo]] not to abandon the Nicaraguan National Guard, he invoked the American investment in their training: "They have been fighting Communism just like you taught them at Fort Gulick and Fort Benning and Fort Leavenworth. Out of nine hundred officers we have, eight hundred or so belong to your schools." The U.S. military training program at Fort Gulick and other bases produced the officers who would later lead the [[FDN]] under [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]], himself a product of American military education. The School of the Americas at Fort Gulick became notorious for training Latin American officers who were later implicated in human rights abuses and drug trafficking.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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18
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Leavenworth.md
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60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Leavenworth.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- location
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- u.s.-military
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- contra-war
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summary: Fort Leavenworth was a U.S. Army base in Kansas where Nicaraguan National Guard officers received advanced military training, producing the leadership cadre of the Contra army.
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---
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Fort Leavenworth was a U.S. Army base in Kansas where [[Nicaraguan National Guard]] officers received advanced military training, producing the leadership cadre that would later form the [[Contras|Contra]] army. Along with [[Fort Gulick]] and [[Fort Benning]], Fort Leavenworth was one of the U.S. military schools that trained the Nicaraguan officers who became the [[FDN]]'s commanders.[^1]
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### Training the Guardia
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[[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] invoked the American military education program when pleading with the U.S. ambassador not to abandon his National Guard: "They have been fighting Communism just like you taught them at Fort Gulick and Fort Benning and Fort Leavenworth. Out of nine hundred officers we have, eight hundred or so belong to your schools." [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]], the future FDN military commander, was among the hundreds of Nicaraguan officers who attended U.S. military schools, receiving the training that later made him the CIA's choice to lead the Contra army.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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23
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Meade.md
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60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Fort Meade.md
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---
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created: 2025-07-22
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updated: 2025-07-22
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title: Fort Meade
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tags:
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- Organization
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- Government
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- Military
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- Intelligence
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- USA
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- Maryland
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description: Fort George G. Meade is a United States Army installation in Maryland, serving as a key center for intelligence and security operations, and a primary location for the Stargate Project.
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category: "Military Installation"
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summary: "Fort Meade (officially Fort George G. Meade) is a United States Army installation located in Maryland, approximately twenty-five miles northeast of Washington, D.C. It is a sprawling, town-like base that houses, among other things, the NSA, the U.S."
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---
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[[Fort Meade]] (officially Fort George G. Meade) is a United States Army installation located in Maryland, approximately twenty-five miles northeast of Washington, D.C. It is a sprawling, town-like base that houses, among other things, the [[NSA]], the U.S. First Army, and a part of the Army's [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|Intelligence and Security Command]] (INSCOM).[^1]
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Fort Meade served as a primary location for the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], the U.S. Army's secret psychic research program. The remote viewing unit, initially codenamed [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] and later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]], was established here in 1977. The unit's offices were initially located in building 4554, and later moved to buildings 2560 and 2561 on Llewellyn Street, which were refurbished by the remote viewers themselves to create quiet, secure spaces for their sessions.[^1]
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Key figures in the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], such as [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]], [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]], [[Mel Riley]], [[Joe McMoneagle]], and [[Ken Bell]], were stationed at Fort Meade. The base served as the operational hub for many of the remote viewing missions, with tasking requests originating from various offices throughout the U.S. intelligence community.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- location
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- u.s.-military
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- contra-war
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summary: Homestead Air Force Base in Florida was where the Somoza family fled into exile in 1979, and was later identified as a landing site for Contra-connected drug flights.
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---
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Homestead Air Force Base in [[Florida]] was where the Somoza family fled into exile in 1979, and was later identified as a landing site for Contra-connected drug flights. The base served as both a gateway for deposed dictators and, according to the [[John Kerry|Kerry]] Committee, a destination for aircraft smuggling [[cocaine]] and weapons.[^1]
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### Somoza's Flight
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In the predawn hours of July 17, 1979, [[Anastasio Somoza]] and his closest associates boarded two jets and flew to Homestead Air Force Base in Florida to begin their exile. The departure marked the end of the Somoza dynasty's 43-year rule over [[Nicaragua]] and the beginning of the [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] government that the [[Contras]] would later be formed to overthrow. Somoza's son and other family members established themselves in the [[Miami]] area, where they became active in Contra support networks.[^2]
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### Drug Flights
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Pilots connected to the Contra supply chain admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana back, landing in at least one instance at Homestead Air Force Base. The Kerry Committee's findings documented the use of military facilities for Contra-connected drug trafficking operations, illustrating how the covert war's logistics infrastructure was exploited for narcotics smuggling.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 4.
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[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 2.
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42
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Ilopango Airbase.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- Geography
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- El_Salvador
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- Military
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- 1980s
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- Contra_War
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- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
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summary: Salvadoran military air base that served as the hub for Oliver North's illegal Contra resupply operation and a center for Contra-connected cocaine trafficking during the 1980s.
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---
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Ilopango Air Force Base is a military airfield outside [[San Salvador]], [[El Salvador]], that served as the hub for [[Oliver North]]'s illegal Contra resupply operation and a center for Contra-connected cocaine trafficking during the 1980s. Situated atop a plateau surrounded by imposing cliffs, the base had a restricted military side tightly guarded by the Salvadoran military and a civilian side used for private aviation.[^1]
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### Contra Resupply Hub
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The [[Contras]] had been using Ilopango with Salvadoran Air Force commander General Juan Rafael Bustillo's blessings since 1983, when [[Norwin Meneses]]'s friend, CIA pilot [[Marcos Aguado]], arranged to base [[Eden Pastora]]'s ARDE air force there. Most accounts date the Contras' intensified use to September 1985, when North wrote to [[Felix Rodriguez]] asking him to use his influence with Bustillo to secure hangar space. Rodriguez "greased the skids" with Bustillo and became overseer of North's Contra resupply operation. Rodriguez recruited [[Luis Posada Carriles]] as his day-to-day manager, operating under the alias "Ramon Medina."[^1]
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The operation was run openly. The assistant regional security officer for the U.S. embassy in San Salvador told Iran-Contra investigators in 1991: "The woman selling tortillas at the gate of Ilopango could tell you what was going on. Anyone who ever flew into or over Ilopango air base could see something like that was going on. When looking down at Ilopango from the air, one could see one side of the airfield having a ragtag operation of inferior planes, dilapidated buildings and the like. On the other side of the airport were nice facilities, lift trucks unloading supplies from more sophisticated and bigger aircraft, and gringos running around." The modern facilities "all belonged to the American operation."[^1]
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### Hangars 4 and 5
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[[Central Intelligence Agency]] records show Hangar No. 4 was used by the Agency for covert Contra operations until it was turned over in 1985 to the National Security Council and Oliver North's illegal arms network, "The Enterprise." CIA agent Felix Rodriguez also used Hangar No. 4 for his helicopter-based counterinsurgency program. The adjoining Hangar No. 5 continued to be used by the CIA in support of the Contra project.[^1]
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In March 1986, a cable from the Costa Rican [[DEA]] office reported that a pilot named Carlos Amador intended to fly into Ilopango, pick up cocaine at Hangar No. 4, and transport it to [[Miami]]. Amador had been working with the CIA for years, flying missions for the Costa Rican Contras. The CIA had collected information for at least a year indicating Amador was also flying drug planes between [[Costa Rica]], [[Panama]], Belize, and Miami for a pair of major cocaine traffickers, the Sarcovic brothers, at the same time he was flying for the White House.[^1]
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### Drug Trafficking
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DEA agent [[Celerino Castillo]]'s informant Murga, who wrote flight plans for private planes on the civilian side of the base, reported that Contra pilots were brazenly flying drugs to the United States and money to Panama, sometimes leaving with kilos in plain view or arriving with boxloads of money. When Castillo ran pilot names through DEA computers, nearly all came back as documented narcotics traffickers. Among the busiest pilots was [[Francisco Guirola Beeche]], who was later observed zooming in and out of Ilopango hauling drugs in and carrying cash to the Bahamas.[^1]
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Former Meneses aide [[Enrique Miranda]] testified that cocaine from [[Colombia]] arrived at various Costa Rican airstrips, including one on CIA operative [[John Hull]]'s farm, and was placed aboard Contra planes flown into Ilopango. There, Marcos Aguado and Norwin Meneses supervised loading the cocaine onto U.S.-bound aircraft owned by the Salvadoran Air Force and, on occasion, the Miami-based CIA contractor [[Southern Air Transport]]. Miranda said Meneses told him U.S. military hardware stockpiled at Ilopango was loaded onto Salvadoran transport planes and flown south, where guns were traded for cocaine and flown back.[^1]
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### CIA Obstruction of Investigations
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When Celerino Castillo's investigation began probing the hangars, the CIA sent an April 1986 cable from its El Salvador station to the Costa Rican office asking if the DEA could be persuaded to back off: "El Salvador Station would appreciate Costa Rica Station advising DEA not to make any inquiries into anyone re: Hangar No. 4 at Ilopango since only legitimate CIA supported operations were conducted from this facility." The CIA official who wrote that cable later conceded "the language in the cable could be read to suggest a meaning he did not intend" but acknowledged that was the effect it had.[^1]
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U.S. Ambassador Edwin Corr sent a secret "back channel" cable to the State Department requesting an internal DEA review of Castillo's allegations. The DEA informed Corr that Castillo's information was "totally inaccurate" and Castillo was told to close his investigation. When he continued, Corr personally ordered him to "stop the witch hunt." Three years later, when Castillo opened another investigation into drug trafficking at Hangar No. 5, the CIA refused to allow him on the base.[^1]
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[[Alan Fiers|Alan Fiers Jr.]], the former CIA official who headed the Contra program from 1984 to 1988, acknowledged: "We had a capability and indeed a responsibility for reporting what had been happening at Ilopango." The DEA later claimed under FOIA that it had no reports from Castillo about drug trafficking at Ilopango—a claim the Justice Department Inspector General exposed as false, having found and quoted from the reports liberally.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 13: "The wrong kind of friends"
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60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Marana.md
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---
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tags:
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- Location
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- MilitaryBase
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- USA
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category: "Military Installation"
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summary: "Marana is a Central Intelligence Agency airbase located near Tucson, Arizona. It served as a collection point for weapons purchased by the USA government for transfer to Israel and subsequently to Iran.[^1]"
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---
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[[Marana]] is a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] airbase located near [[Tucson]], [[Arizona]]. It served as a collection point for weapons purchased by the [[United States|U.S.]] government for transfer to [[Israel]] and subsequently to [[Iran]].[^1]
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The first batch of weapons from [[Marana]] was flown out in October 1981. In February 1987, 4,000 [[TOW missile]]s were flown out of [[Marana]] Base to [[Guatemala]] and then shipped through [[Australia]] as part of a large-scale arms supply operation to [[Iran]].[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Mena, Arkansas.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- Geography
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- United_States
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- Arkansas
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- 1980s
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- Contra_War
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- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
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summary: Small Arkansas town where Barry Seal based drug-smuggling and weapons operations at Intermountain Regional Airport during the Contra war.
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---
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Mena, Arkansas is a small town in western Arkansas where [[Barry Seal]] based his drug-smuggling and weapons operation at Intermountain Regional Airport during the early to mid-1980s.[^1] Mena became a hub for CIA-connected covert operations during the Contra war, involving drug trafficking, weapons manufacturing, and pilot training for the [[Contras]].
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### Barry Seal's Operations
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Seal moved from [[Baton Rouge, Louisiana|Baton Rouge]] to Mena in 1982 and began running drugs and weapons. In the early 1980s, Seal was one of the biggest cocaine and marijuana importers in the southern [[United States]], flying loads in directly for the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]] and air-dropping them with pinpoint precision across [[Louisiana]], [[Arkansas]], and other southern states. IRS spokesman Henry Holms said Seal was involved in 50 drug-smuggling trips between 1981 and 1983, and a letter from Louisiana's attorney general to U.S. Attorney General Ed Meese said Seal "smuggled between $3 billion and $5 billion worth of drugs into the U.S."[^1]
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Seal's personal records showed him to be a contract [[Central Intelligence Agency]] operative both before and during his years of drug-running at Mena. Historian [[Roger Morris]], a former NSC staffer, wrote that Seal also worked for the [[DIA|Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)]], "where coded records reportedly showed him on the payroll beginning in 1982."[^1]
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### Terry Reed and Weapons Manufacturing
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Former Air Force intelligence officer [[Terry Reed]] was initially recruited to train would-be Contra pilots at a clandestine airstrip near Nella, Arkansas, not far from Mena. Later, he claimed, he was asked to help the CIA set up secret weapons parts facilities in Arkansas and [[Mexico]]. One company Reed worked with was [[Park On Meter]] Inc. in Russellville, Arkansas, which he claimed was secretly manufacturing parts for M-16 rifles as a subcontractor on a CIA weapons project to supply the Contras. The *Washington Post* confirmed that the parking meter company "did make some gun parts for Iver Johnson," though it disputed the significance.[^1]
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### Government Knowledge
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Clinton's critics charged that it was impossible for the governor of Arkansas to have been unaware of Seal's activities at Mena. Former Arkansas state trooper Larry Patterson, a member of Governor Clinton's security detail, testified that he and other troopers were aware "that there was large quantities of drugs being flown into the Mena airport, large quantities of money, large quantities of guns, that there was an ongoing operation training foreign people in that area. That it was a CIA operation." Mechanic John Bender swore in a deposition that he saw Clinton at Mena three times in 1985.[^1]
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Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights, the governor replied, "That's Lasater's deal," referring to [[Danny Ray Lasater]].[^1]
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### Suppression of Investigations
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The same Senate subcommittee that looked into the Contras' connections with [[Hondu Carib Cargo]] in 1988 also investigated Mena and concluded that "associates of Seal who operated aircraft service businesses at the Mena, Arkansas, airport were also the targets of grand jury probes into narcotics trafficking. Despite the availability of evidence sufficient for an indictment on money laundering charges, and over the strong protests of State and federal law enforcement officials, the cases were dropped. The apparent reason was that the prosecution might have revealed national security information."[^1]
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In sworn testimony, a former staff member of the Arkansas State Police Intelligence Unit described "a shredding party" in which she was ordered to purge the state's Mena files of nearly a thousand documents, including those referring specifically to Iran-Contra conspirator [[Oliver North]] and Seal associate Terry Reed.[^1]
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### CIA Acknowledgment
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While denying that the CIA was involved in any illegal activities at Mena during the time Seal's drug-smuggling operation was based there, the CIA's Inspector General's Office confirmed in 1996 that the CIA ran a "joint training operation with another federal agency at Mena Intermountain Airport." The IG report, which has never been publicly released, reportedly claims the exercise lasted only two weeks, but conveniently omits the year. The CIA also used the Mena airport for "routine aviation related services" on CIA-owned planes, according to a declassified summary of the report.[^1]
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### The Fat Lady
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Seal's drug-hauling airplane, a Fairchild C-123K called The Fat Lady, was based at Mena before Seal sold it and it began flying weapons-hauling missions for North and the [[FDN]]. The plane was shot down over [[Nicaragua]] in 1986 by a Sandinista soldier with a SAM-7 missile, breaking open the [[Iran-Contra Affair]].[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
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18
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Opa Locka.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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tags:
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- location
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- florida
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- contra-war
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summary: Opa Locka was a location in the Miami area connected to Contra operations and aircraft used in the drug trafficking and weapons supply network.
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---
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Opa Locka was a location in the [[Miami]], [[Florida]] area connected to [[Contras|Contra]] operations and aircraft used in the drug trafficking and weapons supply network. The area's aviation facilities made it a convenient base for pilots involved in the Contra supply chain.[^1]
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### Aviation Hub
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Opa Locka's airfield served as one of the aviation facilities in the Miami area used by pilots connected to both the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Contra supply operations and the [[cocaine]] trafficking networks that funded them. The proximity to Miami International Airport and the cluster of aviation-related businesses in the area, including [[DIACSA]], made Opa Locka part of the infrastructure supporting the dual weapons-for-drugs shuttle between [[Central America]] and the [[United States]].[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 14.
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[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 14.
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20
60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Soto Cano Air Base.md
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---
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category: "Military Installation"
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summary: "The Soto Cano Air Base, also commonly known as Palmerola Air Base, is a joint Honduras and United States military base located near Comayagua in Honduras, approximately 60 miles (97 km) from the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa."
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---
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The [[Soto Cano Air Base]], also commonly known as Palmerola Air Base, is a joint [[Honduras]] and [[United States]] military base located near Comayagua in [[Honduras]], approximately 60 miles (97 km) from the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa. The airbase became operational in 1981.[^1]
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### Operations and Significance
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The [[United States]] military uses Soto Cano as a launching point for its war on drugs efforts in Central [[America]] as well as humanitarian aid missions throughout [[Honduras]] and Central [[America]]. A large concentration of U.S. troops and the Honduran Air Force academy utilize the airbase. The U.S. military's Joint Task Force Bravo (JTF-B) is headquartered at Soto Cano, consisting of a Medical Element – Military Hospital, Army Forces, Air Force Forces, Joint Security Forces, and the 1st Battalion-228th Aviation Regiment (comprising approximately 18 aircraft, a mix of UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters and CH-47 Chinook helicopters).[^1]
|
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|
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### Political Context
|
||||
|
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The Honduran Constitution does not permit a permanent foreign presence in [[Honduras]]. A "handshake" agreement between the [[United States]] and [[Honduras]] allows the U.S. military's Joint Task Force (JTF-Bravo) to remain on a "semi-permanent" basis. This agreement, an annex to the 1954 military assistance agreement, can be abrogated with little notice.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Oliver North]] once used this air base as a base of operations for the [[Iran-Contra Affair|Contras]] in the 1980s. If President [[Manuel Zelaya]] had sided with [[Hugo Chavez]] militarily, the [[United States]] could have lost this airbase in [[Honduras]].[^1]
|
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|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
|
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---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
title: Wright-Patterson Air Force Base
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- location
|
||||
- military
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
description: Wright-Patterson Air Force Base is a United States Air Force base located in Ohio, and a key center for aerospace research and development.
|
||||
category: "Military Installation"
|
||||
summary: "Wright-Patterson Air Force Base is a U.S. Air Force base located in Ohio. It is a key center for aerospace research and development, and has been involved in various classified projects, including those related to psychic phenomena.[^1]"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]] is a [[U.S. Air Force]] base located in Ohio. It is a key center for aerospace research and development, and has been involved in various classified projects, including those related to psychic phenomena.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dale Graff]], a civilian scientist who played a significant role in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], worked in the Foreign Technology Division at Wright-Patterson. The base served as a hub for his efforts to integrate psychic abilities into military applications, and it was from here that he managed the program's various phases and taskings.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
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