vault backup: 2026-09-21 19:17:08

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Adolfo Chamorro.md

@@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
   - contra-war
 summary: Adolfo Chamorro was a Contra leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by Ron Lister and Danilo Blandón as part of the Contra supply network.
 ---
-Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
+Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
 
 ### Weapons Procurement
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alexander Acosta.md

@@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ created: 2026-06-20
 updated: 2026-06-20
 ---
 
-Alexander Acosta (born January 16, 1969) is an American lawyer who served as United States Attorney for the [[United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida|Southern District of Florida]] from 2005 to 2009 and as United States Secretary of Labor from 2017 to 2019. As US Attorney he supervised the office that negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement with [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]], an arrangement under which Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges in Florida, served a 13-month jail term with work release, and obtained federal immunity for himself and named co-conspirators. A federal judge later ruled that prosecutors violated the [[Crime Victims' Rights Act|Crime Victims' Rights Act]] by concealing the deal from victims, and Acosta resigned as Secretary of Labor in July 2019 amid renewed scrutiny of the agreement.[^1][^2]
+Alexander Acosta (born January 16, 1969) is an American lawyer who served as [[United States Attorney]] for the [[United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida|Southern District of Florida]] from 2005 to 2009 and as United States Secretary of Labor from 2017 to 2019. As US Attorney he supervised the office that negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement with [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]], an arrangement under which Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges in Florida, served a 13-month jail term with work release, and obtained federal immunity for himself and named co-conspirators. A federal judge later ruled that prosecutors violated the [[Crime Victims' Rights Act|Crime Victims' Rights Act]] by concealing the deal from victims, and Acosta resigned as Secretary of Labor in July 2019 amid renewed scrutiny of the agreement.[^1][^2]
 
 ### The 2008 Non-Prosecution Agreement
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allen Dulles.md

@@ -70,7 +70,7 @@ Dulles submitted his resignation in September 1961; it was formally accepted Nov
 
 ### The Warren Commission
 
-On November 29, 1963 - exactly two years after Dulles's forced resignation - President [[Lyndon Johnson]] appointed the Warren Commission to investigate Kennedy's assassination. Among the seven commissioners Johnson named was Allen Dulles despite Kennedy’s firing of Dulles.
+On November 29, 1963 - exactly two years after Dulles's forced resignation - President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] appointed the Warren Commission to investigate Kennedy's assassination. Among the seven commissioners Johnson named was Allen Dulles despite Kennedy’s firing of Dulles.
 
 The investigation was examining whether CIA-connected parties (specifically the anti-Castro exile networks and organized crime figures that Dulles had directly overseen) had any role in the assassination. He was now in a position to shape what evidence the Commission sought, what witnesses it called, and what conclusions it reached regarding the CIA programs he had run.
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alvin Ash.md

@@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ Alvin Wilson Ash was born July 30, 1921, in New York City. He attended Nicholas
 
 After graduation, Ash was assigned to the Field Artillery School at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, and then sent on a first tour of duty to Yokohama, Japan, where he served as a second lieutenant of artillery and came to know Prince and Princess Mikasa personally. He subsequently attended parachute jump school at Fort Benning and was assigned to the 11th Airborne Division. In 1951, he jumped behind Communist lines with the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team as Public Information Officer during the Korean War, managing embedded correspondents and controlling published messaging; his unit was among the first to jump into North Korea.[^1]
 
-After Korea, Ash served in the 504th Field Artillery Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone, as Assistant Professor of Military Science and Tactics at Louisiana State University, and following Air Ground Operations School was stationed at Fort Bragg for Special Warfare School training. He attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and Civil Affairs School, then deployed to [[Vietnam]] in 1962, where he was attached to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon's Special Warfare Branch and received a Medal of Commendation for Meritorious Service. After Vietnam, he was stationed at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, assigned to the Advanced Tactics Projects (Intelligence Division). In December 1964, Ash retired as a Lieutenant Colonel after 24 years of service.
+After Korea, Ash served in the 504th Field Artillery Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone, as Assistant Professor of Military Science and Tactics at Louisiana State University, and following Air Ground Operations School was stationed at Fort Bragg for Special Warfare School training. He attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and Civil Affairs School, then deployed to [[Vietnam]] in 1962, where he was attached to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon's Special Warfare Branch and received a Medal of Commendation for Meritorious Service. After Vietnam, he was stationed at [[Fort Belvoir]], Virginia, assigned to the Advanced Tactics Projects (Intelligence Division). In December 1964, Ash retired as a Lieutenant Colonel after 24 years of service.
 
 ### Role in PROMIS Development
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir al-Saadi.md

@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - AmirAlSaadi
+  - Iraq
+  - ChemicalWeapons
+  - MilitaryIndustrialization
+  - BNLScandal
+  - HusseinKamel
+alias:
+  - Amer Hamoudi al-Saadi
+  - Amir Hamudi Hasan al-Sadi
+  - Amer al-Saadi
+summary: "German-trained chemist with an honorary general's rank who ran Iraq's state war industries from 1975, its chemical weapons and missile programs under Hussein Kamel, and was named an unindicted co-conspirator in the BNL case."
+location: "Baghdad, Iraq"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Amir Hamudi al-Saadi was a chemist trained in [[Germany]] who in 1975 took over [[Iraq]]'s State Organization for Technical Industries, formerly the State Organization for War Industries. "It was run by a general, Dr. Amer Hamoudi al-Saadi, who had never spent a day in uniform. His rank was honorary, a way of showing the military that the Baath party was the sole dispenser of military merit."[^1]
+
+### Chemical Weapons
+
+An East German specialist in chemical warfare, [[Karl Heinz Lohs]], recalled al-Saadi saying to him: "You Germans have great expertise in the killing of Jews with gas. This interests us in the same way. How can this knowledge be used to destroy [[Israel]]?" The phosphate mine at Akashat and the fertilizer complex at Al Qaim were built by Belgian contractors. "We'll build a railroad," al-Saadi said when they asked how the ore would reach the plant. The West German firm [[Thyssen Rheinstahl Technology]] built the "Diyala Chemical Laboratory" at [[Salman Pak]], described as a university project, which made phosphorus pentachloride, "a starting chemical for organic phosphorus chemical agents." During the war with [[Iran]] he was given more resources and told "to accelerate the poison gas programs," to bury the plants where possible, and to scatter new ones across the country. With General [[Amer Rashid]] he worked for nearly a decade on missiles, among them the [[Condor II]] project with [[Argentina]]. "Long enough to hit [[Tehran]]," Rashid said of its range. "Or [[Tel Aviv]]," al-Saadi added.[^1]
+
+### The Ministry and the Bank
+
+In the late 1980s he served under [[Hussein Kamel]] in the [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]]. "Al Saadi was himself a dual operative," the head of the chemicals industry, proud of the petrochemical complex PC2, whose "other job was as the head of Saddam's ballistic missile and chemical weapons programs, reporting to Hussein Kamel and his father-in-law." The ministry's purchases in the West were financed by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. When the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], was indicted in February 1991, the government's list of co-conspirators who were not charged named Amir H. al-Saadi of the ministry.[^2][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 36, 49, 51, 105-106, 154.
+[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, p. 117.
+[^3]: "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Barbara Durr.md

@@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
 summary: "Financial Times stringer in Peru who became involved in Ari Ben-Menashe's mission to secure rare minerals for Israel's nuclear program."
 ---
 
-[[Barbara Durr]] was a stringer for the *Financial Times* of [[London]] in [[Peru]]. She was also a correspondent for [[CBS]] radio.[^1]
+[[Barbara Durr]] was a stringer for the *[[Financial Times]]* of [[London]] in [[Peru]]. She was also a correspondent for [[CBS]] radio.[^1]
 
 [[Barbara Durr|Durr]] met [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] through [[Peter Jordan]], a photographer. She became involved in [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] mission to secure rare minerals from [[Peru]] for [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear program. [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] used her as a journalist to provide protection and to create public proof of [[Abimael Guzman Reynoso|Guzmán's]] existence, as there were rumors of his death.[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill Clinton.md

@@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ Bill Clinton (born William Jefferson Blythe III on August 19, 1946) is an Americ
 
 ### Governor of Arkansas and the Mena Drug Operations
 
-As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in Little Rock, raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
+As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
 
 Arkansas state trooper Larry Patterson testified that troopers were aware "that there was large quantities of drugs being flown into the Mena airport" and that "it was a CIA operation." Despite the scale of Seal's operations, which a letter from the Arkansas attorney general to U.S. Attorney General [[Ed Meese]] valued at 3 billion to 5 billion dollars in smuggled drugs, the state government took no action to shut down the operation. Clinton's administration in Arkansas presided over the period when the Mena airport served as a hub for both drug trafficking and Contra supply operations.[^16]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bo Gritz.md

@@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ location: "Enid, Oklahoma"
 
 [[Danny Casolaro]] was investigating Gritz's expose of [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] drug trafficking in the [[Golden Triangle]]. Casolaro had requested to meet with a former police officer who had information on Laotian warlord [[Kuhn Sa]]'s Golden Triangle drug trade proposal to the [[United States]].[^1]
 
-Gritz was indicted in May 1987 for using a false passport in the name of Patrick Richard Clark from Vancouver, [[Canada]]. However, at his arraignment in Las Vegas, he claimed to have "proper authorization" for his travels and was subsequently acquitted of the charges.[^1]
+Gritz was indicted in May 1987 for using a false passport in the name of Patrick Richard Clark from Vancouver, [[Canada]]. However, at his arraignment in [[Las Vegas]], he claimed to have "proper authorization" for his travels and was subsequently acquitted of the charges.[^1]
 
 [[Patrick Moriarty]], the Red Devil fireworks magnate, was subpoenaed to testify on behalf of Gritz at his trial. Moriarty's lawyer, [[Jan Lawrence Handzlik]], stated that Moriarty had paid Gritz to make business trips to [[China]], [[Singapore]], and other parts of [[Asia]]. Gritz claimed his July 1989 trip to [[Asia]] was to negotiate an oil interest he and Moriarty had set up between the [[People's Republic of China]] and [[Indonesia]].[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bobby Baker.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
----
+---
 category: "Intelligence Scandal"
 tags:
   - Person
@@ -9,9 +9,9 @@ born: 1928-11-12
 died: 2017-11-12
 location: "Easley, South Carolina"
 ---
-[[Bobby Baker]] was a key figure in a major scandal that emerged in the autumn of 1963. He was made secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955 by then-Vice President [[Lyndon Johnson]], who referred to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning."[^1]
+[[Bobby Baker]] was a key figure in a major scandal that emerged in the autumn of 1963. He was made secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955 by then-Vice President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]], who referred to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning."[^1]
 
-On October 8, 1963, Baker was forced to resign as a Senate investigation into his outside business activities began to reveal numerous questionable deals. Baker's dealings were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures. The Senate investigation was initially prompted by a lawsuit against Baker in 1963 by his associates in a vending company, who alleged that he failed to uphold certain agreements. These associates were primarily Las Vegas gamblers, including [[Edward Levinson]], a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]], whose Fremont Hotel in Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan.[^1]
+On October 8, 1963, Baker was forced to resign as a Senate investigation into his outside business activities began to reveal numerous questionable deals. Baker's dealings were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures. The Senate investigation was initially prompted by a lawsuit against Baker in 1963 by his associates in a vending company, who alleged that he failed to uphold certain agreements. These associates were primarily [[Las Vegas]] gamblers, including [[Edward Levinson]], a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]], whose Fremont Hotel in Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan.[^1]
 
 Baker conducted considerable business with the Mob in Las Vegas, Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean. Through Baker, [[Edward Levinson]] also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] attempted to persuade the Senate Rules Committee in 1964 that his real estate dealings with [[Jimmy Hoffa]] in Florida were " hardly relevant" to the Baker investigation.[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Carlos Cardoen.md

@@ -10,25 +10,33 @@ location: "Santa Cruz, Chile"
 ---
 [[Carlos Cardoen]] is a Chilean businessman and arms producer, owner of [[Cardoen Industries]]. He comes from an upper-class Chilean family of Italian descent. After attending university in the [[United States|U.S.]] and receiving a degree as a mining engineer, he returned to [[Santiago]], [[Chile]], after [[Augusto Pinochet|General Augusto Pinochet's]] 1973 coup d'état to work for the government-owned [[Chilean Mining Corporation]]. His job involved procuring explosives for mining, which became a lucrative business for him personally due to kickbacks.[^1]
 
-Cardoen later resigned and became a private contractor, securing a deal to supply all blasting equipment to the Chilean Mining Corporation. He then ventured into arms brokering, though initially without success. In 1979, he applied to [[SIBAT]], the Foreign Defense Sales Office of the [[Israel|Israeli]] Ministry of Defense, for a license to sell [[Israel|Israeli]] arms in [[South America]]. His request was denied due to his lack of experience and established political connections.[^1]
+Cardoen later resigned and became a private contractor, securing a deal to supply all blasting equipment to the Chilean Mining Corporation. He then ventured into arms brokering, though initially without success. In 1979, he applied to [[SIBAT]], the Foreign Defense Sales Office of the [[Israel|Israeli]] Ministry of Defense, for a license to sell Israeli arms in [[South America]]. His request was denied due to his lack of experience and established political connections.[^1]
 
-After being rejected by [[Israel]], Cardoen obtained a brokering license from the [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] (South Africa's government weapons manufacturer) with the help of the Chilean ambassador to [[South Africa]]. He then secured loans from Chilean banks and began operating as an arms producer and broker.[^1]
+After being rejected by Israel, Cardoen obtained a brokering license from the [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] (South Africa's government weapons manufacturer) with the help of the Chilean ambassador to [[South Africa]]. He then secured loans from Chilean banks and began operating as an arms producer and broker.[^1]
 
-By 1985, Cardoen was selling arms to [[Iraq]], with the help of [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] and support from individuals connected to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], such as [[Alan Sanders]] of [[ITICO]]. He received blueprints for cluster bombs from Sanders and, despite a [[United Nations]] arms embargo against [[Chile]], produced these bombs with a covert [[United States|U.S.]] license. [[Israel]] was interested in acquiring these bombs.[^1]
+By 1985, Cardoen was selling arms to [[Iraq]], with the help of ARMSCOR and support from individuals connected to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], such as [[Alan Sanders]] of [[ITICO]]. He received blueprints for cluster bombs from Sanders and, despite a [[United Nations]] arms embargo against Chile, produced these bombs with a covert U.S. license. Israel was interested in acquiring these bombs.[^1]
 
-In 1985, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] approached [[Alan Sanders]] to purchase cluster bombs for [[Israel]], and was informed that Cardoen would sell to anyone who paid him. A few weeks later, [[Israel]] received cluster bombs from [[Santiago]] via diplomatic crate.[^1]
+In 1985, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] approached Alan Sanders to purchase cluster bombs for Israel, and was informed that Cardoen would sell to anyone who paid him. A few weeks later, Israel received cluster bombs from Santiago via diplomatic crate.[^1]
 
-[[Robert Gates]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] deputy director for intelligence, was approached by [[Nachum Admoni]] ([[Mossad]] director) regarding [[United States|U.S.]] support for Cardoen. Admoni expressed [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns about the support for [[Iraq]], especially through [[Chile]] and [[South Africa]]. By this time, Cardoen owned two chemical weapons plants in [[Santiago]], a cluster bomb factory in cooperation with [[Chile]]'s military, and a third chemical weapons plant in [[Paraguay]]. He was also building a chemical weapons plant outside [[Baghdad]].[^1]
+[[Robert Gates]], then CIA deputy director for intelligence, was approached by [[Nachum Admoni]] ([[Mossad]] director) regarding U.S. support for Cardoen. Admoni expressed Israeli concerns about the support for Iraq, especially through Chile and South Africa. By this time, Cardoen owned two chemical weapons plants in Santiago, a cluster bomb factory in cooperation with Chile's military, and a third chemical weapons plant in [[Paraguay]]. He was also building a chemical weapons plant outside [[Baghdad]].[^1]
 
-Cardoen's [[Santiago]]-produced chemical weapons and those from [[Paraguay]] used artillery cups from [[West Germany]], procured by [[Ihsan Barbouti]]. These materials were shipped to [[Baghdad]] by [[Iraqi Airways]] cargo planes. Cardoen used [[United States|U.S.]] banks, such as the [[Valley National Bank of Arizona]], to finance his sales and obtained raw materials for chemical manufacturing from a factory in [[Boca Raton]], [[Florida]]. The [[Gamma Corporation]], a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] cut-out, sold fuses for the cluster bombs to Cardoen.[^1]
+Cardoen's Santiago-produced chemical weapons and those from Paraguay used artillery cups from [[West Germany]], procured by [[Ihsan Barbouti]]. These materials were shipped to Baghdad by [[Iraqi Airways]] cargo planes. Cardoen used U.S. banks, such as the [[Valley National Bank of Arizona]], to finance his sales and obtained raw materials for chemical manufacturing from a factory in [[Boca Raton]], [[Florida]]. The [[Gamma Corporation]], a CIA cut-out, sold fuses for the cluster bombs to Cardoen.[^1]
 
-In late 1986, [[Israel]] expressed concern about arms shipments to [[Iraq]], with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] threatening to go to [[United States|Congress]]. [[Robert Gates]] called a meeting in [[Santiago]] to calm the [[Israel|Israelis]]. Attendees included Cardoen, Gates, Senator [[John Tower]], [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]] (South African Military Intelligence), and [[Rodolfo Stange|Gen. Rodolfo Stange]] (Chilean Carabineros). At this meeting, [[United States|U.S.]] officials made it clear they intended to maintain the arms channel to [[Iraq]] to bring [[Iraq]] into their sphere of influence, assuring [[Israel]] it would not be harmed. Cardoen continued to supply chemical weapons and cluster bombs to [[Iraq]] despite [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns.[^1]
+In late 1986, Israel expressed concern about arms shipments to Iraq, with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] threatening to go to Congress. Robert Gates called a meeting in Santiago to calm the Israelis. Attendees included Cardoen, Gates, Senator [[John Tower]], [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]] (South African Military Intelligence), and [[Rodolfo Stange|Gen. Rodolfo Stange]] (Chilean Carabineros). At this meeting, U.S. officials made it clear they intended to maintain the arms channel to Iraq to bring Iraq into their sphere of influence, assuring Israel it would not be harmed. Cardoen continued to supply chemical weapons and cluster bombs to Iraq despite Israeli concerns.[^1]
 
-In September 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was sent to [[Chile]] to confront Cardoen. Ben-Menashe offered Cardoen a deal: [[Israel]] would license him to produce [[Uzi]]s, [[Galil assault rifles]], artillery shells, and mortars, and exclusively sell these materials throughout [[South America]], in exchange for stopping his chemical trade with [[Iraq]]. Cardoen was given two weeks to consider the offer. During this visit, Cardoen introduced Ben-Menashe to [[Mark Thatcher]], implying Thatcher was involved in his business.[^1]
+In September 1988, Ari Ben-Menashe was sent to Chile to confront Cardoen. Ben-Menashe offered Cardoen a deal: Israel would license him to produce [[Uzi]]s, [[Galil assault rifles]], artillery shells, and mortars, and exclusively sell these materials throughout South America, in exchange for stopping his chemical trade with Iraq. Cardoen was given two weeks to consider the offer. During this visit, Cardoen introduced Ben-Menashe to [[Mark Thatcher]], implying Thatcher was involved in his business.[^1]
 
-Cardoen was furious about [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] visit to his plant in [[Paraguay]] and his attempts to stop the trade. He claimed to have the backing of the [[United States|Americans]] and the Chilean government, and threatened [[Israel]] if they interfered. He also revealed that [[Robert Gates|Gates]]'s office provided technology directly from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], and that [[Ihsan Barbouti]] was a key link in his operations. He mentioned [[Alan Bond]] and British investors as backers.[^1]
+Cardoen was furious about Ben-Menashe's visit to his plant in Paraguay and his attempts to stop the trade. He claimed to have the backing of the Americans and the Chilean government, and threatened Israel if they interfered. He also revealed that Gates's office provided technology directly from the CIA, and that Ihsan Barbouti was a key link in his operations. He mentioned [[Alan Bond]] and British investors as backers.[^1]
 
-In February 1989, [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]]'s plant in [[Paraguay]] was not closed down, thanks to [[Andres Rodriguez|President Andres Rodriguez]], who continued to rule the country with [[United States|U.S.]] blessing. Charges were filed against Cardoen in [[Miami]] in April 1992 by the [[United States|U.S.]] Customs Service following newspaper exposés of his involvement with [[Iraq]].[^1]
+In February 1989, Cardoen's plant in Paraguay was not closed down, thanks to [[Andres Rodriguez|President Andres Rodriguez]], who continued to rule the country with U.S. blessing. Charges were filed against Cardoen in [[Miami]] in April 1992 by the U.S. Customs Service following newspaper exposés of his involvement with Iraq.[^1]
+
+### Iquique and Baghdad
+
+Cardoen's plant at [[Iquique]] turned out about a thousand cluster bombs a month with labor paid the equivalent of ninety dollars a month, and he priced them at about 7,000 dollars each, some 19,000 dollars below his European competitors. "I'll have to build [[Jimmy Carter]] a statue," he said. "If it hadn't been for the U.S. embargo we would never have invested in arms production here." His agent for Iraq, [[Nasser Beydoun]], who later sued him for 30 million dollars in commissions, carried his offer to Baghdad: "We can provide you with our cluster bombs at the lowest possible price." The first shipment, worth 21 million dollars, reached Iraq early in 1984, and Iraq came to supply about three quarters of his arms exports of 100 million dollars a year. Two American munitions plants were classified by American officials as scrap metal so that they could be exported to Chile. His Washington representative, Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Rickertson, said: "It should have been quite evident to them that this was U.S. equipment because the placards on the bomb-making presses identified them."[^2]
+
+A former contractor for the CIA described Cardoen as "an all-purpose asset, designed to be one of those offshore stockpilers of military equipment who could be used by the CIA to ship arms to the Afghan rebels, to the boys in Angola, or anywhere the U.S. needed some help." [[Howard Teicher]] of the [[National Security Council]] staff said of Robert Gates: "He was tight with Casey and with the [[White House]]. He was one of those who helped get things done." An associate of Cardoen, Robert Johnson, said he saw Gates arrive at Cardoen's house near Miami in the summer of 1986: "He and Cardoen had a series of meetings in 1986 and 1987. We needed an offshore supplier, and the Chileans were very cooperative." The White House said in July 1991: "The whole story is unfounded. There never were any sales, overt or covert, to Iraq or Iran through a third country. Mr. Gates never met with Carlos Cardoen." A subcontractor of his bought 330,000 power supplies from [[International Signal and Control|ISC]] and sent them on to a proximity fuse factory near Baghdad. The British journalist [[Jonathan Moyle]], who was inquiring into Cardoen's helicopter project, was found dead in a Santiago hotel on March 31, 1990.[^2]
 
 ### Footnotes
+
 [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 46-54, 64.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cindy Hanin Bentov.md

@@ -2,12 +2,28 @@
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
   - Person
+  - CherylBentov
+  - Mossad
+  - MordechaiVanunu
   - Israel
-summary: "Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym) was a Mossad agent."
+  - Florida
+alias:
+  - Cheryl Bentov
+  - Cheryl Hanin
+  - Cindy
+summary: "Florida-born Mossad agent Cheryl Hanin Bentov, who under the name Cindy lured Mordechai Vanunu from London to Rome in September 1986, identified by the Sunday Times through a London hotel register."
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 
-Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym) was a [[Mossad]] agent. She enticed [[Mordecai Vanunu]] to leave [[London]] for [[Rome]] a few days before the publication of his story in the *London Sunday Times*. Once in [[Rome]], Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial.[^1]
+Cheryl Hanin Bentov, who used the name Cindy, was a [[Mossad]] agent. She enticed [[Mordecai Vanunu]] to leave [[London]] for [[Rome]] a few days before the publication of his story in the *London Sunday Times*. Once in Rome, Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial.[^1]
+
+### Identification
+
+The passenger list of the flight to Rome on September 30, 1986, showed Vanunu in seat 6F and "a Miss C. Hanin" beside him. A Cynthia Hanin of Longwood, [[Florida]], was found and proved to be a different woman, who had married a Randy Hanin a month after the abduction. [[Peter Hounam]] of [[The Sunday Times]] then found that "a Cheryl Hanin had stayed at the Eccleston Hotel in London just before [[Oscar Guerrero]] had checked in," giving the Hanin family address and American nationality. "The woman who lured Vanunu to Rome used a false identity, that of her sister-in-law."[^2]
+
+Cheryl Hanin, Randy's sister, was the daughter of Stanley Hanin, owner of Allied District Tire Stores, who later sold the business for 32 million dollars. She "returned to Israel in 1978 and enlisted for the Israeli Army," joined a kibbutz in [[Galilee]], and in March 1985 married [[Ofer Bentov]], "a former major in Israeli military intelligence" who "had been active in West Africa." A family acquaintance said: "Presumably, she was recruited into Mossad from the army." Asked about his service, Bentov said: "It is not true. I was a chauffeur in the army." Her father told the newspaper: "I haven't seen her for years. Where is she, what's she doing?" Vanunu petitioned Israel's High Court to have investigated "the possibility that Cindy was an American citizen working for the CIA." People close to the case in Israel held that one reason for the secrecy around it was "the fear that an American involvement in the abduction might be exposed." She has not returned to [[United Kingdom|Britain]], where she could be charged with conspiracy to kidnap.[^2]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
+[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
+[^2]: Hounam, Peter. *The Woman from Mossad: The Story of Mordechai Vanunu and the Israeli Nuclear Program*. Vision Paperbacks, 1999, pp. 88-98, 127-129.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Conor Climo.md

@@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ updated: 2026-05-22
 summary: "Conor Climo was a Las Vegas white supremacist and Feuerkrieg Division member sentenced to two years in federal prison in 2020 for possessing bomb-making components after an FBI undercover operation documented his plans to attack a Las Vegas synagogue and LGBTQ bar."
 ---
 
-Conor Climo was a resident of [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] who communicated with members of [[Feuerkrieg Division]] beginning in late 2017 and developed plans to conduct arson and explosive attacks against Jewish and LGBTQ targets in the Las Vegas area. He was arrested on 8 August 2019 by the [[FBI]]'s [[Las Vegas Joint Terrorism Task Force]] and pleaded guilty in February 2020 to federal charges in the [[District of Nevada]]. He was sentenced to two years in federal prison on 13 November 2020 by U.S. District Judge [[James Mahan]].[^1]
+Conor Climo was a resident of [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] who communicated with members of [[Feuerkrieg Division]] beginning in late 2017 and developed plans to conduct arson and explosive attacks against Jewish and LGBTQ targets in the [[Las Vegas]] area. He was arrested on 8 August 2019 by the [[FBI]]'s [[Las Vegas Joint Terrorism Task Force]] and pleaded guilty in February 2020 to federal charges in the [[District of Nevada]]. He was sentenced to two years in federal prison on 13 November 2020 by U.S. District Judge [[James Mahan]].[^1]
 
 ### Background and FKD Contact
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Danny Casolaro.md

@@ -66,11 +66,11 @@ The Bua Report, completed in March 1993, concluded that the physical evidence "s
 
 FBI task force members assigned to examine Casolaro's death privately "questioned the conclusion of suicide" and recommended further investigation; expressing doubt about the ruling reportedly "risked one's career" within the Bureau as of December 1992. FBI documents related to Casolaro remain partially withheld from public release under national security exemptions, while the Bureau simultaneously claims the files are missing - a contradiction noted by MuckRock journalists who filed FOIA requests.[^1]
 
-In early 1994, the Department of Justice announced it was opening "a nationwide investigation" into Casolaro's death, ordered by associate attorney general [[Webb Hubbell]]. Shortly thereafter, Hubbell pleaded guilty to crimes committed while an Arkansas lawyer and resigned from DOJ. Whether the Casolaro investigation proceeded or produced findings was never made public.[^3]
+In early 1994, the Department of Justice announced it was opening "a nationwide investigation" into Casolaro's death, ordered by associate attorney general [[Webster Hubbell|Webb Hubbell]]. Shortly thereafter, Hubbell pleaded guilty to crimes committed while an Arkansas lawyer and resigned from DOJ. Whether the Casolaro investigation proceeded or produced findings was never made public.[^3]
 
 ### Dark Alliance Investigation
 
-Casolaro's investigation intersected with the drug-trafficking networks documented by journalist Gary Webb. He was investigating connections between the Cabazon Indian tribe, Wackenhut International, and weapons manufacturing for Third World armies including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua. He had told friends he was convinced that "spies, arms merchants and others were using the reservation as a low-profile site on which to develop weapons for Third World armies, including the Nicaraguan Contras." The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle reported that Contra leader [[Eden Pastora]] had visited a firing range near the reservation for a weapons demonstration in 1981. Casolaro's notebooks also contained the name of former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]] in connection with activities at the Cabazon reservation.[^3]
+Casolaro's investigation intersected with the drug-trafficking networks documented by journalist Gary Webb. He was investigating connections between the Cabazon Indian tribe, [[Wackenhut International]], and weapons manufacturing for Third World armies including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua. He had told friends he was convinced that "spies, arms merchants and others were using the reservation as a low-profile site on which to develop weapons for Third World armies, including the Nicaraguan Contras." The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle reported that Contra leader [[Eden Pastora]] had visited a firing range near the reservation for a weapons demonstration in 1981. Casolaro's notebooks also contained the name of former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]] in connection with activities at the Cabazon reservation.[^3]
 
 ### Bibliography
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr..md

@@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags:
   - Lawyer
 summary: "E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. served as chief counsel for the House October Surprise Task Force from 1992 to 1993, reportedly urging a three-month extension of the investigation when substantial new evidence arrived in the final weeks, a request that Task Force co-chair Lee Hamilton declined."
 ---
-E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. is a Washington, D.C. attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release.
+[[E. Lawrence Barcella]], Jr. is a Washington, D.C. attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release.
 
 ### October Surprise Task Force
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Edward Gerrity.md

@@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - EdwardGerrity
+  - ITT
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - WilliamBroe
+  - Graymail
+alias:
+  - Edward J. Gerrity
+  - Ned Gerrity
+  - E.J. Gerrity
+summary: "ITT senior vice president to whom the CIA's William Broe proposed economic pressure on Chile in September 1970, charged in 1978 with lying to the Senate in a case dropped on national security grounds."
+location: "New York City"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Edward J. Gerrity Jr. of [[Larchmont, New York]], was senior vice president of the [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]] for corporate relations and advertising and its chief lobbyist.[^1]
+
+### The Meeting of September 29, 1970
+
+[[William Broe]], chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], testified in 1973 that he called on Gerrity in [[New York City|New York]] on the instruction of Director [[Richard Helms]]. "I explored with Mr. Gerrity the feasibility of possible actions to apply some economic pressure on Chile." The measures were banks "not renewing credits or delaying in doing so," companies "dragging their feet in spending money and making deliveries and in shipping spare parts," "creating pressure on savings and loan institutions in Chile so that they would have to shut their doors," and "withdrawing all technical help." Broe gave him a list of companies that could "participate." The purpose, he said, was to sway Christian Democratic congressmen about to vote for [[Salvador Allende]]. "There was a thesis that additional deterioration in the economic situation could influence a number of Christian Democratic Congressmen." Asked whether the object was unrest that would bring in the military, he answered: "No." He said Gerrity was negative about the plan. "I told Mr. Gerrity that ITT was the only company that contacted the Agency and expressed an interest in the current situation in Chile."[^2]
+
+Gerrity cabled [[Harold Geneen]] the same day that [[John Guilfoyle]] of ITT had sounded other companies, which "had been given advice which is directly contrary to the suggestions I received." Guilfoyle testified that he had called William Quigley of [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]]. Quigley swore he had been in Missouri with his mother and was never called. [[John McCone]], the former director then on ITT's board, testified that such ideas were "never approved by Mr. Helms" and said of Broe: "I think he was exploring." Gerrity had earlier reported to Geneen that the recommendations of [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]] had "been confirmed." The agency's review of the hearings named him and [[William Merriam]] "the two most evasive and stumbling witnesses."[^2][^3]
+
+### United States v. Gerrity
+
+On March 20, 1978, at 54, he was charged with six counts of perjury, obstruction, and false statements. Geneen was not. In August the government declined to pursue three of the counts, one of them inducing another ITT officer to lie, because "the protection of the information is vital to safeguard national security and U.S. foreign intelligence interests." The rest were dropped on March 7, 1979, a month after the case against Berrellez.[^1][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Volz, Joseph. "2 Top ITT Aides Charged With Perjury on Chile Acts," *New York Daily News,* March 21, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030068-8.
+[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 250-252 and testimony of March 27, 1973.
+[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings: 20, 21 and 22 March 1973," March 26, 1973.
+[^4]: "3 Charges Dropped Against ITT Executive," *Washington Star,* August 9, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030079-6; Babcock, Charles R. "ITT Indictment Is Cut Back," *Washington Post,* August 19, 1978; "U.S. Drops ITT Official's Perjury Case," *Washington Post,* March 8, 1979.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Enrique Bermudez.md

@@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ Bermúdez commanded the FDN throughout the Contra war and was a close friend of
 
 Before the revolution, Bermúdez served in the Nicaraguan National Guard under Somoza.[^4] In 1965 he was deputy commander of an infantry company Somoza sent to support a [[United States|U.S.]]-led invasion of the [[Dominican Republic]] to suppress a leftist political movement.
 
-Bermúdez had been in the U.S. since 1975, first as a student attending courses on subversion and counterinsurgency at the Inter-American Defense College in Washington and later as the Nicaraguan government's liaison to the American military. The Americans considered him one of six Guardia officers they recommended to head the National Guard during the final days of the Somoza regime. The [[State Department]] considered Bermúdez a safe choice because he had spent most of the revolution in Washington and could not be held responsible for the Guardia's human rights violations. Somoza picked someone else. When the Somoza government collapsed, Bermúdez began a new career as a truck driver, delivering Newsweek magazines.[^4]
+Bermúdez had been in the U.S. since 1975, first as a student attending courses on subversion and counterinsurgency at the [[Inter-American Defense College]] in Washington and later as the Nicaraguan government's liaison to the American military. The Americans considered him one of six Guardia officers they recommended to head the National Guard during the final days of the Somoza regime. The [[State Department]] considered Bermúdez a safe choice because he had spent most of the revolution in Washington and could not be held responsible for the Guardia's human rights violations. Somoza picked someone else. When the Somoza government collapsed, Bermúdez began a new career as a truck driver, delivering Newsweek magazines.[^4]
 
 ### Recruitment by the CIA
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Fidel Castro.md

@@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ born: 1926-08-13
 died: 2016-11-25
 location: "Birán, Oriente, Cuba"
 ---
-Fidel Castro was the leader of [[Cuba]]. In 1960, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] initiated a series of assassination attempts against him. These operations involved [[Robert Maheu]] as a "cut-out," who contacted organized-crime leaders [[Sam Giancana]], [[Johnny Rosselli]], and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]]. These individuals, in turn, enlisted the direct assistance of Cuban exiles in the assassination plots.[^1]
+Fidel Castro was the leader of [[Cuba]]. In 1960, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] initiated a series of assassination attempts against him. These operations involved [[Robert Maheu]] as a "cut-out," who contacted organized-crime leaders [[Sam Giancana]], [[Johnny Roselli|Johnny Rosselli]], and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]]. These individuals, in turn, enlisted the direct assistance of Cuban exiles in the assassination plots.[^1]
 
 ### Dark Alliance Investigation
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Gerald Bull.md

@@ -14,11 +14,11 @@ location: "North Bay, Ontario, Canada"
 
 ### Israeli Artillery Contracts
 
-[[Israel]] had contracted with Dr. Gerald Bull for the supply of specially configured artillery shells whose range was extended as much as 25 percent. American weapons experts understood that given the inaccuracy of an artillery shell fired at such long range, [[Israel]]'s real goal had to be the use of nuclear weapons. One American expert noted that if a shell is going forty-five miles and precision is three percent of range, it would hit nothing much with a high explosive shell, implying the need for a nuclear weapon. This information, including suggestions that [[Israel]] had targeted [[Damascus]] with these special cannons during the [[Yom Kippur War]], was reported to U.S. intelligence.[^2]
+[[Israel]] had contracted with Dr. Gerald Bull for the supply of specially configured artillery shells whose range was extended as much as 25 percent. American weapons experts understood that given the inaccuracy of an artillery shell fired at such long range, Israel's real goal had to be the use of nuclear weapons. One American expert noted that if a shell is going forty-five miles and precision is three percent of range, it would hit nothing much with a high explosive shell, implying the need for a nuclear weapon. This information, including suggestions that Israel had targeted [[Damascus]] with these special cannons during the [[Yom Kippur War]], was reported to U.S. intelligence.[^2]
 
 ### South African Connections
 
-In 1981, Bull approached [[Israel Military Industries]] in [[Israel]] hoping to sell his project, but they were more interested in missile technology. In 1983, [[Mark Thatcher]], son of British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]], introduced Bull to [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]], chief of [[South African Defense Force]], who in turn connected him with [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]]. ARMSCOR contracted Bull for his artillery project.[^1]
+In 1981, Bull approached [[Israel Military Industries]] in Israel hoping to sell his project, but they were more interested in missile technology. In 1983, [[Mark Thatcher]], son of British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]], introduced Bull to [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]], chief of [[South African Defense Force]], who in turn connected him with [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]]. ARMSCOR contracted Bull for his artillery project.[^1]
 
 ### Arrest and Relocation
 
@@ -26,14 +26,25 @@ Bull was later arrested by the [[United States|U.S.]] Attorney for the Southern
 
 ### Iraqi Supergun Project
 
-He was commissioned to develop his supergun for [[Iraq]], with funding channeled through [[Carlos Cardoen|Carlos Cardoen's]] financial network. Bull believed his supergun would work and would bring peace by creating a balance of terror, arguing that [[Iraq]] only sought to defend itself against potential attacks from the [[United States|Americans]] and [[Israel|Israelis]].[^1]
+He was commissioned to develop his supergun for [[Iraq]], with funding channeled through [[Carlos Cardoen|Carlos Cardoen's]] financial network. Bull believed his supergun would work and would bring peace by creating a balance of terror, arguing that Iraq only sought to defend itself against potential attacks from the Americans and Israelis.[^1]
+
+### Space Research and Baghdad
+
+After working for the Pentagon in the 1960s on a gun-launch project Bull set up the [[Space Research Corporation]] in northern [[Vermont]] to sell a long-range "base-bleed" artillery shell. According to one account the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "contacted Bull and asked him to sell advanced weaponry to South Africa in order to preserve Western strategic interests," and he took a development contract with Armscor. "As the CIA came under greater Congressional scrutiny in the late 1970s, however, it appears that they abandoned Bull. He was arrested for breaking the UN arms embargo on South Africa and sentenced to six months in jail."[^3]
+
+His first contact with Iraq was in 1982, when the arms dealer [[Sarkis Soghanalian]] took him to [[Baghdad]]. He came to know Lieutenant General [[Amir al-Saadi]], and put his idea to al-Saadi's superior, [[Hussein Kamel]]. "For just $10 million, Bull told Hussein Kamil, the gun could be built right in his own country." Kamel signed for four. The large version had a bore of 1,000 millimeters and a barrel over 107 meters long and needed ten tons of propellant for a shot. Bull said he had the drawings of the German "Paris Gun" of 1918 "from the daughter of one of the German engineers who designed it." He set up branches of his company in Brussels, [[Geneva]], and [[Montreal]], a shell called the Advanced Technology Institute, and sold 45 percent of SRC International to the Belgian explosives maker [[Poudreries Réunies de Belgique]].[^3]
+
+The Iraqi holding company in [[London]], the [[Technology Development Group]], which owned [[Matrix Churchill]], "had a partnership with Dr. Gerald Bull's Space Research Corporation, and it financed purchases for Bull thanks to loans from BNL Atlanta." An executive of Matrix Churchill, [[Mark Gutteridge]], "first told [[MI5]] about Bull and his supergun in May 1988," and his reports "had been passed straight to the CIA." A plan agreed between Bull and the British fuse maker [[Allivane]] was "replete with references to detonators, fuses, and artillery projectiles." "We informed the Defence Ministry of exactly what we were doing," a former Allivane manager said. "Somebody up there in the government loved us." On February 6, 1990, the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] opened a credit of 2.9 million dollars through Space Research to an American fuse maker. Bull was shot dead at his door in Brussels the next month.[^4]
 
 ### Israeli Intervention and Assassination
 
-In late November 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] met with Bull in his [[Brussels]] apartment to persuade him to stop his supergun project. Ben-Menashe offered Bull $5 million to scrap the project, but Bull refused. Ben-Menashe warned him about the "terrible accidents" happening to various people involved in similar activities.[^1]
+In late November 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] met with Bull in his Brussels apartment to persuade him to stop his supergun project. Ben-Menashe offered Bull $5 million to scrap the project, but Bull refused. Ben-Menashe warned him about the "terrible accidents" happening to various people involved in similar activities.[^1]
 
-[[Gerald Bull]] was named as an enemy of the state by an [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, along with [[Ihsan Barbouti]] and 12 other scientists. He was killed in March 1990 in his [[Brussels]] apartment, an act attributed to [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence.[^1]
+Gerald Bull was named as an enemy of the state by an Israeli intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, along with [[Ihsan Barbouti]] and 12 other scientists. He was killed in March 1990 in his Brussels apartment, an act attributed to Israeli intelligence.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16.
+[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16.
+[^3]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 96-97, 283-284, 298-299.
+[^4]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 78-79, 116, 250.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Henry B. Gonzalez.md

@@ -44,9 +44,11 @@ On May 18, 1992, he said: "When the BNL offices were raided in Atlanta in August
 
 On September 25 he described a brass factory worth 40 million dollars sold to Iraq by [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] under a contract negotiated with [[Safa al-Habobi]] and financed by the Atlanta branch. Its owner had told the committee in April 1991 that the brass was "solely for commercial uses." Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing that the Iraqi purchaser meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses, and quoted the owner's remark to the [[Indianapolis Star]] in August 1992: "Probably the only thing they are doing is melting the brass down." President [[George H.W. Bush]]'s report to Congress of September 1991 had stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability."[^5]
 
+In the White House he was dismissed as a "flake." He told the House: "We are obstructed blatantly, premeditatedly and coldly, and in defiance of the plain constitutional prerogative of the Congress to know." When he learned that lawyers from the National Security Council staff and other agencies were meeting under [[C. Nicholas Rostow|Nicholas Rostow]] to coordinate what Congress would be given, he named them "the Rostow gang." "It used to be that cover-ups were sort of ad hoc events, a mad scramble to provide damage control for the moment. The Rostow gang advances the notion that cover-up mechanisms have become an integral cog in the machinery of this administration." His chief investigator, [[Dennis Kane]], recalled Rostow telling him "it would be a cold day in hell before Congress got NSD 26 or any of those documents."[^6]
+
 ### The Ethics Resolution
 
-His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^6]
+His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^7]
 
 The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994, for investigating, "regardless of the attempts to strip him of his committee chairmanship, the involvement of high-level officials in the Reagan and Bush Administrations in the sale of U.S. arms to Iraq." Of the war of 1991 he had said: "Not only did our own service men and women face military material that had been exported from the U.S., the U.S. military itself relied on these Iraqi front companies for some of the military goods they used." He lost the chairmanship to [[Jim Leach|James Leach]] in 1995 and did not run in 1998. His son Charles succeeded him.[^1][^2]
 
@@ -57,4 +59,5 @@ The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994,
 [^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, May 18, 1992; index of statements, 102nd Congress, second session, February 24 to September 28, 1992.
 [^4]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "United States Policy to Arm Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, July 21, 1992.
 [^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502.
-[^6]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
+[^6]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 206, 216, 221.
+[^7]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ihsan Barbouti.md

@@ -34,12 +34,19 @@ The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[
 
 On March 6, 1992, the paper reported that a Houston jury had found Haidar Barbouti and three family companies liable for more than 12 million dollars to Munden, whose pipe-coating technology, with "military and nuclear as well as industrial uses," had been taken and exported. Judge [[Scott Brister]] did not allow the jury to be told that the destinations were Libya and Iraq. Munden was described as a grand jury witness in a federal investigation of father and son. Haidar Barbouti, then 24, sued the newspaper for libel, swearing that he had promised no assistance to the pesticide enterprise. The Texas court of appeals, sitting en banc in 1996, held both articles substantially true.[^2]
 
+### Homs and Boca Raton
+
+Barbouti "had made a fortune in Libya and Iraq, supplying industrial complexes through an international network called IBI Industries." He told Moshe Tal, whose rocket fuel company he was trying to buy, "that IBI stood for Ihsan Barbouti International and that he generally modeled his logo after IBM," and that his many companies existed "merely to hold ostensible ownership of individual investment properties," while "the real ownership of the investment property always went into the Barbouti family trust." Tal said that Barbouti, drunk, told him that "Colonel Qaddafi wanted a plant to produce heavy water in order to be able to construct an atom bomb," and was "considering a scheme whereby Qaddafi would smuggle an atomic device into United States waters aboard a commercial shipping vessel and blow up an American port city with a nuclear blast, in retaliation for the United States' raid on Tripoli." Barbouti was working on a heavy water plant at [[Homs, Libya|Homs]] and had put together the Rabta plant with [[Jürgen Hippenstiel-Imhausen]] of [[West Germany]]. Among those at his London meetings in the fall of 1987 was [[Sabawi Ibrahim al-Tikriti]], a half-brother of [[Saddam Hussein]]. Tal's account went to the attorney general of [[Arizona]], then to Senator [[Dennis DeConcini]], who passed it to William Webster. The Belgian shipper Josef Gedopt was arrested in January 1989.[^3]
+
+At [[Boca Raton, Florida|Boca Raton]] Barbouti put 5.3 million dollars into Product Ingredient Technology, a company of [[Louis Champon]]. A byproduct of his process was ferric ferrocyanide, which can be converted to hydrogen cyanide. "Dr. Barbouti kept insisting that we take the byproduct and ship it to West Germany," Champon said. "I kept refusing, and then the money stopped."[^3]
+
 ### Ben-Menashe
 
-The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in [[West Germany]] for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^3]
+The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in West Germany for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^4]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: TK-7 Corp. v. Estate of Barbouti, 993 F.2d 722 (10th Cir. 1993).
 [^2]: Barbouti v. Hearst Corp., 927 S.W.2d 37 (Tex. App. 1996), reproducing Urban, Jerry. "Letter triggers new probe of Barbouti," *Houston Chronicle,* February 21, 1992, and "Barbouti's son found liable in technology theft scheme," *Houston Chronicle,* March 6, 1992.
-[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^3]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 264-273, 296, and note at p. 412.
+[^4]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/James Eastland.md

@@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JamesEastland
+  - USSenate
+  - Mississippi
+  - SenateInternalSecuritySubcommittee
+  - Segregation
+  - JohnBirchSociety
+  - HuntFamily
+alias:
+  - James O. Eastland
+  - James Oliver Eastland
+summary: "Mississippi senator from 1941 to 1978 and Delta planter who chaired the Internal Security Subcommittee and the Judiciary Committee, buried over a hundred civil rights bills, and drew 100,000 dollars a year in farm subsidies."
+born: 1904-11-28
+died: 1986-02-19
+location: "Doddsville, Mississippi"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+James Oliver Eastland (November 28, 1904 to February 19, 1986) was born at [[Doddsville, Mississippi]], "only months after his father had orchestrated the gruesome lynching of a Black woman and her lover, who was accused of murdering Woods's twenty-one-year-old brother, James, in whose memory the newborn was named." His grandfather had bought more than 2,000 acres of [[Sunflower County, Mississippi|Sunflower County]] "for speculative purposes," and his father, Woods Eastland, a personal injury lawyer, made it a plantation. He studied at the [[University of Mississippi]], [[Vanderbilt University|Vanderbilt]], and the [[University of Alabama]], was admitted to the bar in 1927, and sat in the state legislature as a supporter of Governor [[Theodore G. Bilbo]]. When Senator [[Pat Harrison]] died in 1941, Woods Eastland declined the appointment and suggested his son. "The boy'll do it," said Governor [[Paul B. Johnson Sr.|Paul Johnson]].[^1][^2]
+
+### The Plantation
+
+On the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry he "zealously guarded the interests of southern farmers, especially the planters of his native Delta, who reaped millions of dollars in annual subsidies. His own plantation, which eventually grew to nearly 6,000 acres, consistently received more than $100,000 a year in price supports until Congress capped the payments at $50,000."[^2]
+
+### The Committees
+
+He left the Democratic ticket for the [[Dixiecrats]] in 1948. In 1953 he became chairman of the [[Senate Internal Security Subcommittee]], "a forum from which to hound suspected domestic subversives, especially those involved in civil rights activities and the labor movement," and in 1956 chairman of the [[United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary|Judiciary Committee]], which he made the "graveyard of civil rights legislation," blocking "more than one hundred civil rights measures." He told white audiences "that he once had special pockets sewn into his trousers so he could carry civil rights bills around with him to make sure no one called them up for consideration in his absence." Senator [[Herbert Lehman]] called him "a symbol of racism in America." The Episcopal Diocese of New York charged him with "subversion just as real and, because it comes from a U.S. Senator, far more dangerous than any perpetrated by the Communist Party." Senator [[Ted Kennedy]] praised the "scrupulously fair and even-handed manner in which he presided." [[Aaron Henry]] told him: "You have a master-servant philosophy with regard to blacks."[^1][^2]
+
+### Welch
+
+On March 31, 1961, [[Robert Welch]] of the [[John Birch Society]] telegraphed Eastland asking the subcommittee to investigate the society. "None of our members will plead the Fifth Amendment." On July 3, 1962, Welch wrote that the society had spent "several thousand dollars" to send its members Eastland's speech "Is the Supreme Court Pro-Communist?" and closed "with admiration for both your patriotism and your courage."[^3]
+
+[[Wickliffe Draper]]'s money for the campaign against the Civil Rights Act went through the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] of Eastland's state.[^4]
+
+### The Hunts
+
+"[[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Nelson Bunker]] and his father met President Nixon at the celebrated barbecue at [[John Connally]]'s Floresville ranch in the autumn of 1972. Soon after, Nelson Bunker huddled with [[Richard Kleindienst]], then the new boss of the Justice Department, at the plantation of Mississippi Senator James Eastland." The account came from Hunt sources. The wiretapping indictments of the [[Hunt brothers]] followed regardless.[^5]
+
+### The Succession
+
+Eastland became president pro tempore of the Senate in 1972 and "twice came within a heartbeat of the oval office," when [[Spiro Agnew]] resigned in 1973 and when [[Gerald Ford]] succeeded [[Richard Nixon]] in 1974. He resigned on December 27, 1978, days before his term ended, so that the Republican senator-elect, [[Thad Cochran]], could be appointed early and gain seniority. "I voted my convictions on everything," he said. In 1991 he entered the Mississippi Hall of Fame on the same day as [[Medgar Evers]].[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "James Oliver Eastland," *Mississippi Encyclopedia*. Center for Study of Southern Culture, University of Mississippi.
+[^2]: Morgan, Chester M. "James O. Eastland," *Mississippi History Now,* Mississippi Department of Archives and History, April 2011.
+[^3]: Welch, Robert. Telegram to James O. Eastland, March 31, 1961, and letter, July 3, 1962, in Federal Bureau of Investigation files on the John Birch Society, compiled by Ernie Lazar from Freedom of Information Act releases.
+[^4]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
+[^5]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Jim Garrison.md

@@ -30,13 +30,13 @@ He was a large man - six foot six - and a skilled public speaker, qualities that
 
 Garrison's Kennedy assassination investigation began in November 1966, triggered by his encounter with Senator [[Russell Long]], who expressed skepticism about the [[Warren Commission]]'s lone-gunman conclusion. Garrison began reviewing materials available in the public record and became interested in the New Orleans network of anti-Castro Cuban exile operatives, intelligence figures, and associated individuals who had been active in the city in 1963.
 
-His investigation focused on three figures: [[David Ferrie]], [[Guy Banister]], and eventually [[Clay Shaw]]. Garrison believed this network had organized Kennedy's assassination using [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] as the designated patsy. Ferrie died on February 22, 1967, days after Garrison's investigation became public. Banister had died in June 1964. Shaw became the only remaining figure Garrison could charge.
+His investigation focused on three figures: [[David Ferrie]], [[Guy Banister]], and eventually Clay Shaw. Garrison believed this network had organized Kennedy's assassination using [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] as the designated patsy. Ferrie died on February 22, 1967, days after Garrison's investigation became public. Banister had died in June 1964. Shaw became the only remaining figure Garrison could charge.
 
 The investigation attracted controversy from its earliest stages. Garrison's methods - which included granting immunity to questionable witnesses, using sodium pentothal (truth serum) in interrogations, and making claims he could not prove - were criticized by mainstream journalists and legal observers. He also alleged, and produced evidence for, active obstruction of his investigation by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]].[^1]
 
 ### The Shaw Trial
 
-Garrison arrested Clay Shaw on March 1, 1967, charging him with conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Shaw - a prominent New Orleans businessman, founder of the International Trade Mart, and pillar of the city's cultural establishment - denied any connection to the alleged conspiracy.
+Garrison arrested Clay Shaw on March 1, 1967, charging him with conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Shaw - a prominent New Orleans businessman, founder of the [[International Trade Mart]], and pillar of the city's cultural establishment - denied any connection to the alleged conspiracy.
 
 The trial began in January 1969. Garrison's central witnesses included [[Perry Russo]], who testified he had attended a meeting at which Shaw, Ferrie, and Oswald discussed killing Kennedy, and a hypnosis patient whose testimony about Shaw was later challenged on the grounds that it had been shaped by hypnotic suggestion. The defense demolished much of the prosecution's witness testimony.
 
@@ -44,6 +44,10 @@ The jury acquitted Shaw on March 1, 1969, after less than an hour of deliberatio
 
 Post-trial, documents released through the [[Assassination Records Review Board|JFK Assassination Records Collection]] confirmed that Shaw had been a CIA domestic contact - a fact denied by CIA Director [[Richard Helms]] under oath during the trial. The documents also showed CIA active involvement in monitoring Garrison's investigation and, according to some researchers, working to undermine it.[^2]
 
+### The Federal Court
+
+Two days after Shaw's acquittal Garrison charged him with perjury. Shaw's lawyers sued in federal court, and after a three-day hearing in January 1971 Judge [[Herbert Christenberry]] enjoined the prosecution as brought in bad faith. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] affirmed in 1972. The court found that the investigation had been paid for in large part by a private fund, [[Truth or Consequences (New Orleans)|Truth or Consequences]], formed by three businessmen in February 1967, whose money passed through an unaudited account on which Garrison drew at will. "When Shaw was arrested the money came in; when he was acquitted, it stopped." It credited the testimony of the detective [[William Gurvich]], who had worked on the investigation for six months and resigned on June 27, 1967, calling it a "fraudulent, criminal act." It found that the chief witness, Perry Russo, had been given sodium pentothal and hypnotized before he implicated Shaw, that he had told a police polygraph examiner in June 1967 that "if pressed" he would say Shaw was not present, and that the examiner's report was withheld from the defense. It found that Garrison had a contract for three books. In July 1967 Garrison had charged the [[NBC]] reporter [[Walter Sheridan]] with bribing a witness after the network's critical broadcast, and Sheridan, it later emerged, had been passing information from inside Garrison's office to the general counsel of the CIA.[^3]
+
 ### Legacy
 
 Garrison's investigation was widely dismissed as a conspiracy fantasy at the time of the Shaw acquittal. The 1991 Oliver Stone film *JFK*, based on Garrison's memoirs *On the Trail of the Assassins* (1988) and Jim Marrs's *Crossfire*, brought the investigation back to public attention and contributed to the political pressure that produced the [[JFK Records Act]] of 1992, which mandated declassification of assassination-related government records.
@@ -53,4 +57,5 @@ Garrison served as a Louisiana appeals court judge from 1978 until shortly befor
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Garrison, Jim. *On the Trail of the Assassins.* Sheridan Square Press, 1988. Davy, William. *Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation.* Jordan Publishing, 1999.
-[^2]: DiEugenio, James. *Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
+[^2]: DiEugenio, James. *Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
+[^3]: Shaw v. Garrison, 328 F. Supp. 390 (E.D. La. 1971), affirmed, 467 F.2d 113 (5th Cir. 1972); Sheridan v. Garrison, 415 F.2d 699 (5th Cir. 1969); Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/John W. Finney.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ born: 1924
 died: 2004-10-29
 location: "Massachusetts"
 ---
-John W. Finney was a reporter for the *New York Times*, covering nuclear issues and the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]]. In December 1960, he broke a major story revealing that [[Israel]], with French help, had secretly built a nuclear reactor in the [[Negev Desert|Negev]] to produce plutonium. This information was leaked to him by [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the AEC, who was angered by [[Israel]]'s and [[France]]'s secrecy.[^1]
+John W. Finney was a reporter for the *New York Times*, covering nuclear issues and the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]]. In December 1960, he broke a major story revealing that [[Israel]], with French help, had secretly built a nuclear reactor in the [[Negev Desert|Negev]] to produce plutonium. This information was leaked to him by [[John McCone|John A. McCone]], then chairman of the AEC, who was angered by [[Israel]]'s and [[France]]'s secrecy.[^1]
 
 Finney's article, published on December 19, 1960, on the front page of the *Times*, informed the American public about what [[Arthur C. Lundahl]] and [[Dino A. Brugioni]] had been reporting to the [[White House]] for over two years. He was used by the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration to publicly address the issue of [[Dimona]], which senior officials were apprehensive about doing themselves.[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Lawrence Eagleburger.md

@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - LawrenceEagleburger
+  - KissingerAssociates
+  - StateDepartment
+  - BNLScandal
+  - Iraq
+  - Yugoslavia
+  - MatrixChurchill
+summary: "President of Kissinger Associates while Banca Nazionale del Lavoro was its client, director of a Yugoslav bank that did a fifth of its business with BNL, and deputy secretary of state during the Iraq loans."
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Lawrence Eagleburger was president of [[Kissinger Associates]] from 1984 to 1989 and deputy secretary of state under [[James Baker]] from 1989. He was secretary of state in the last weeks of the administration of [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1]
+
+### BNL and LBS
+
+The [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] was a client of Kissinger Associates while he was its president. In 1986 he helped establish LBS, the [[New York City|New York]] subsidiary of [[Ljubljanska Banka]] of [[Yugoslavia]], and sat on its board until he returned to government. Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] quoted a [[Federal Reserve]] inspection report showing that from 1986 to 1989 the Italian bank supplied more than 20 percent of LBS's New York business. At a meeting in New York in 1987 [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]], [[Brent Scowcroft]], Eagleburger, and the firm's economist [[Alan Stoga]] advised the bank's officers. Between 1985 and 1989 its [[Atlanta]] branch lent [[Iraq]] some five billion dollars off its books.[^1][^2]
+
+### The State Department
+
+As acting secretary on May 10, 1989, Eagleburger signed the certificate that allowed the Iraqi-owned [[Matrix Churchill]] Corporation of [[Ohio]] to open a branch in [[Baghdad]]. That fall, when the [[United States Department of the Treasury|Treasury]] and the [[Office of Management and Budget]] opposed a further billion dollars in [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|agricultural credit guarantees]] for Iraq, he "made phone calls and sent letters to his counterparts" to overcome them.[^2][^3]
+
+### Testimony
+
+Before the [[House Banking Committee]] in 1992 he said: "Quite frankly, the selective disclosure, out of context, of classified documents has led, knowingly or otherwise, to distortions of the record, half-truths, and outright falsehoods, all combined into spurious conspiracy theories and charges of a cover-up." Of the bank he said: "Although the records at Kissinger Associates indicate that I may have attended one luncheon in 1986 at which two representatives of BNL Rome were present, I do not recall this luncheon nor any substantive meetings, conversations, or other contacts with anyone from BNL." Representative [[Bernie Sanders]] asked him about a transfer of American bombs from [[Saudi Arabia]] to Iraq in 1986. He answered "No, I am not aware of anything," conferred with an aide, and said he would reply in writing. "The answer, when it was eventually supplied in writing, confirmed the Saudi transfer." The special counsel [[Frederick Lacey]] reported in December 1992 that Scowcroft and Eagleburger "came into contact with BNL management" at the firm and that he had seen nothing to suggest they knew of the Atlanta loans.[^2][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701.
+[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 145, 223-225.
+[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Details on Iraq's Procurement Network," *Congressional Record,* House, August 10, 1992.
+[^4]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Leonid Brezhnev.md

@@ -26,4 +26,5 @@ During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptia
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
+[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Lincoln Gordon.md

@@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ Earlier that year, on March 7, 1963, Gordon had sent a memorandum to [[McGeorge
 
 Gordon was the central U.S. Embassy figure in the intelligence and diplomatic preparation for the April 1964 military coup against President Joao Goulart. His role included:
 
-As early as March 16, 1964, he was approached by Army Chief of Staff [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] with a "white paper" rationale for a military uprising. Gordon allegedly replied that President [[Lyndon Johnson]] was prepared to recognize any rebel government on Brazilian territory that proclaimed itself in opposition to Goulart and communism and could hold out for forty-eight hours. He suggested Minas Gerais, home of the Fourth Army, as the best locale from which to launch such a rebellion.[^4]
+As early as March 16, 1964, he was approached by Army Chief of Staff [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] with a "white paper" rationale for a military uprising. Gordon allegedly replied that President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] was prepared to recognize any rebel government on Brazilian territory that proclaimed itself in opposition to Goulart and communism and could hold out for forty-eight hours. He suggested Minas Gerais, home of the Fourth Army, as the best locale from which to launch such a rebellion.[^4]
 
 On March 27, 1964, Gordon sent a top-secret cable (received in the Department that evening; logged in FRUS as Document 187 with a dateline of March 28) to Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, CIA Director [[John McCone]], and General [[Maxwell Taylor]]. In it he assessed that Goulart was "definitely engaged on campaign to seize dictatorial power, accepting the active collaboration of the [[Brazilian Communist Party]]," and characterized Castelo Branco as leading organized democratic resistance "with strong loyalty to legal and constitutional principles." He warned that without U.S. backing, Brazil might become "the China of the 1960s" and urged that "no loss of time can be afforded in preparing for such action." Gordon recommended "that measures be taken soonest to prepare for a clandestine delivery of arms of non-US origin, to be made available to Castello Branco supporters in Sao Paulo," with delivery via "unmarked submarine to be off-loaded at night in isolated shore spots in the state of Sao Paulo south of Santos." He also recommended positioning a US naval task force off the Brazilian coast and arranging petroleum supplies for rebel military units.[^5]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Manuel Contreras.md

@@ -30,20 +30,27 @@ The agency told Contreras at the outset that it would not support activities of
 
 General Vernon Walters came to Santiago to confer with Pinochet on the agency's help, and Pinochet told him he had "hand-picked Contreras." The CIA gave Contreras a long lunch with Walters and officers of the Western Hemisphere Division. The State Department's Chile desk noted that "Colonel Manuel Contreras considers himself a bosom buddy of the general." On Saturday, July 5, 1975, the two met secretly at a CIA office at [[Fort Myer]], where Contreras asked how Chile might get American arms despite the congressional ban: "Wonder if there is any way they could get it indirectly via [[Spain]], [[Brazil]], or the Republic of Korea." They lunched again at Langley on August 25. On November 4, 1977, Pinochet removed him, with promotion to brigadier general, in favor of General [[Odlanier Mena]]. A CIA source said he was "completely shocked," like "a cuckolded husband who is the last to realize his wife was being unfaithful." In 1978 the agency reported that he planned to defend himself by claiming "that Michael Townley and the Cuban exiles implicated were all under CIA control, and that the Agency ordered Letelier's assassination to throw blame on Pinochet," and to implicate Ambassador [[George Landau]]. "While this defense is of course fabricated completely of whole cloth, it could cause us embarrassment."[^2]
 
+Contreras gave his own account of the beginning. "In the year 1974, in the month of March, the president sent me to the United States. I met with Vernon Walters about how to do national intelligence. So the CIA promised to help us," he said, and "he sent us eight high-level CIA agents to organize courses or seminars here in Chile, which lasted until the middle of August of 1974." He named [[Stewart Burton]], the station chief, as the officer he dealt with. The disappeared numbered seventeen in June of that year, forty-six in July, forty-nine in August, and forty in September. On May 20, 1974, the agency ordered a "covert name trace" on him, a step that precedes a close and often paid relationship with a source. The agency's statement was that it "made clear to Contreras that no training or support which could aid internal repression could be given," but did "brief Contreras on the fundamentals of intelligence organization and management." A former DINA agent said: "I thought Contreras was some kind of genius to have built up such a large, complicated apparatus in such a short time."[^3]
+
+Of the 1975 visit he told a Chilean reporter: "Vernon Walters proposed that we take on a lobby of North American senators, to get them to stop harassing Chile in the international arena," five senators of both parties "who would be paid $2 million a year so that they will act in favor of Chile." The memorandum of the August 25 conversation says only that Walters "took the opportunity to express concern over the human rights situation in Chile." Contreras said he had refused an offer from Walters to station CIA officers inside DINA. He testified in court that [[Robert Scherrer]] of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] was in "permanent contact" with Condor's representative in [[Buenos Aires]] "and received the information that he asked for." Scherrer said he learned that the CIA had provided DINA with the computer systems and training he presumed were used for the Condor data bank.[^3]
+
+An American intelligence officer described him: "Contreras is mild-mannered and polite. When you talk to him he seems gentle and disarming." As a young officer he was known as a beato. His military specialty was engineering.[^3]
+
 ### Condor
 
 Within a year of the coup the agency knew of cooperation among the security services of the region "to track the activities of and, in at least a few cases, kill political opponents." [[Operation Condor]], the formal arrangement among [[Chile]], [[Argentina]], Brazil, [[Paraguay]], and [[Uruguay]], was established in 1975. "By October 1976 there was sufficient information that the CIA decided to approach Contreras on the matter. Contreras confirmed Condor's existence as an intelligence-sharing network but denied that it had a role in extra-judicial killings."[^1]
 
 ### Letelier
 
-In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^3][^4]
+In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^4][^5]
 
-The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that Augusto Pinochet personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^5]
+The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that Augusto Pinochet personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^6]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
 [^2]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 158-167, 172, 213-215, 401-402.
-[^3]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
-[^4]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
-[^5]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
+[^3]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 63-70, 103-104, 121-124.
+[^4]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
+[^5]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
+[^6]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Mariana Callejas.md

@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - MarianaCallejas
+  - DINA
+  - MichaelTownley
+  - Chile
+  - CarlosPrats
+  - PatriaYLibertad
+alias:
+  - Ines Callejas
+  - Inés Callejas
+  - Ines Townley
+summary: "Chilean wife of Michael Townley, hired with him by DINA in 1974, who travelled as an equal member of his assassination team to Buenos Aires, Mexico, and Rome."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Inés Callejas, called Mariana, was the daughter of the registrar of births and deaths of Rapel, in [[Coquimbo]] province. In July 1961 she married the American [[Michael Townley]] against his father's wishes. A friend said of Townley's politics in the Allende years that he "sounded like a regurgitation of Ines Callejas repeating [[Pablo Rodriguez Grez|Pablo Rodriguez]]," the leader of [[Patria y Libertad]].[^1]
+
+At seventeen, in 1950, she left school in secret after her favorite teachers, Jewish refugees from Europe, were dismissed, and married. Her father "banished her instantly from the family" on learning of the marriage and her "conversion to Zionist socialism." The marriage was annulled after three months. She sailed for [[Israel]] and joined a kibbutz in the [[Negev]], where she "carried a Sten gun on regular night patrols before her eighteenth birthday." She had three children by a later marriage when Townley, then seventeen, met her in 1960.[^2]
+
+In 1974 Colonel [[Pedro Espinoza]] of [[DINA]] "hired both Michael Townley and Ines Callejas for a combined salary of about $600 a month." She went with Townley to [[Buenos Aires]] that September to kill General [[Carlos Prats]]. Her attempt to fire the bomb failed, and a second attempt killed Prats and his wife. In 1975 she, Townley, and [[Virgilio Paz]] "set off on a nine-month, eight-country DINA mission to terrorize targeted Chilean exiles and the enemies of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]," in which she "participated as an equal member of the DINA team." They prepared six detonators for an attempt in [[Mexico]], stopped at [[Munich]], "where DINA had cultivated contacts with former Nazi sympathizers associated with [[Christian Social Union]] leader [[Franz Josef Strauss]]," and in [[Rome]] engaged the Italian fascists who shot [[Bernardo Leighton]]. In September 1976, from [[National Airport]] in Washington, Townley telephoned her "a coded message to pass on to DINA: the bomb was in place."[^1][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 21, 95-96, 106, 130, 152-157.
+[^2]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 483-486.
+[^3]: National Security Archive, "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofia Cuthbert," October 1, 2024.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Marlin Fitzwater.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Marlin Fitzwater was the White House press secretary under President R
 born: 1942-11-24
 location: "Salina, Kansas"
 ---
-Marlin Fitzwater was the [[White House]] press secretary under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, he confirmed the revelation made by [[Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure[^1].
+Marlin Fitzwater was the [[White House]] press secretary under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, he confirmed the revelation made by [[Donald Regan|Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure[^1].
 
 Fitzwater stated that "President Reagan and his wife, Nancy, are both deeply interested in astrology," thereby publicly acknowledging the role of [[Joan Quigley]], the San Francisco socialite and astrologer, in the President's decision-making process[^1].
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Norman Casper.md

@@ -22,6 +22,15 @@ Norman Casper was a private detective in [[Miami]], formerly an agent of the [[W
 
 Casper was used for his "good contacts in the Miami and [[Caribbean]] areas." In October 1972 he met [[Samuel Pierson]], president of the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]], at the Miami airport while posing as a federal narcotics agent. The Castle Bank had been organized by the Miami lawyer [[Paul Helliwell]].[^1]
 
+### The Briefcase Caper
+
+In late October 1972 Special Agent [[Richard Jaffe]] of the revenue service's Jacksonville office asked Casper for the names of the depositors of the Castle Bank. Casper cultivated the bank's officer [[Michael Wolstencroft]] and introduced him to a private investigator, Sybol Kennedy, whom he later called a member of his "spy network." Learning that Wolstencroft would be in Miami on January 15, 1973, he planned what he called "the briefcase caper," clearing each step with Jaffe, who cleared it with the chief of IRS intelligence in Jacksonville and supplied a "trusted" locksmith. While Wolstencroft and Kennedy dined at Key Biscayne, Casper entered her apartment with her key, took the briefcase to the house of an IRS agent, had some 400 documents photographed, and replaced it. "The entire 'caper' lasted approximately one and one-half hours." Two weeks later Kennedy stole a Rolodex from Wolstencroft's office in the Bahamas. Jaffe testified "that he had not cared how the rolodex file had been obtained." "The IRS paid Casper $8,000 in cash," of which about 1,000 went to Kennedy. His standing fee was put at 5,000 dollars on every million recovered.[^2][^3]
+
+A federal judge found in 1977 that "the activities of the Government agents Jaffe and Casper were outrageous," and that they had probably committed a felony under [[Florida]] law. The government did not call Kennedy as a witness. Casper said that a name on the depositor printout was Richard M. Nixon: "There's no way to know if that's the Richard M. Nixon. I can't believe he'd be so stupid as to use his own name on an account like that." After the cases were dropped he said: "Now, I'm just trying to pay my bills (the IRS is dunning me for eight hundred dollars in back taxes). And trying not to get killed." [[CBS]] reported in 1980 that he was "out of a job, broke, yet sure of what he's done."[^2][^3][^4]
+
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, p. 383 and the chapter on Intertel.
+[^2]: United States v. Payner, 447 U.S. 727 (1980), including the dissent of Marshall, J.; United States v. Payner, 434 F. Supp. 113 (N.D. Ohio 1977).
+[^3]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 237-242.
+[^4]: "Castle Bank: Update," *60 Minutes,* CBS, August 3, 1980, transcript, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200021-5.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Oliver J. Caldwell.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ tags:
 summary: "Caldwell expressed significant concern about the Soviet advancements in parapsychology and psychic warfare."
 ---
 
-Oliver J. Caldwell was a former [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] officer who was known to run operations for the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. He is cited in [[John L. LaMothe]]'s 1972 report, *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, regarding the perceived [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] psychoenergetic threat[^1].
+Oliver J. Caldwell was a former [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] officer who was known to run operations for the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. He is cited in [[John LaMothe|John L. LaMothe]]'s 1972 report, *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, regarding the perceived [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] psychoenergetic threat[^1].
 
 Caldwell expressed significant concern about the Soviet advancements in [[Parapsychology|parapsychology]] and psychic warfare. He told LaMothe, "I am really disturbed... because if the [[United States]] does not make a serious effort to move forward on this new frontier, in another ten years it may be too late"[^1]. His statement underscored the urgency felt by some within the U.S. intelligence community to counter perceived Soviet capabilities in [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis|PK]][^1].
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando Bosch.md

@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+---
+category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - OrlandoBosch
+  - CubanExiles
+  - CORU
+  - CIA
+  - Chile
+  - Terrorism
+  - LuisPosadaCarriles
+summary: "Cuban exile pediatrician trained by the CIA in 1960 who turned to bombing, lived under the protection of Pinochet's Chile, founded CORU in 1976, and was named that October in the Cubana airliner bombing."
+location: "Miami, Florida"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Orlando Bosch was a Cuban pediatrician, trained in [[Toledo, Ohio]], who fought briefly against [[Fulgencio Batista]] in the Escambray and then left [[Cuba]]. "In 1960 the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had placed him and his followers in the [[Everglades]] for training." After the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] he denounced the agency. "We have a right to work for Cuba here or anywhere in the world," he said in 1966. "If the CIA breaks the laws, and Kennedy broke the laws, why can't we do the same?"[^1]
+
+### Miami and Caracas
+
+In the summer of 1967 federal officers caught Bosch and his men firing a bazooka at a Polish freighter in [[Miami]] harbor. He served four years and was paroled in 1972. His next organization, Cuban Action, set out to raise ten million dollars, three of them for the killing of [[Fidel Castro]]. Arrested in [[Caracas]] in November 1974 and linked to two bombings, he was offered to the [[United States]], which "declined [[Venezuela]]'s offer to expel him to serve the rest of his sentence." The Venezuelan secret police, [[DISIP]], was then headed by his friend Orlando Garcia, with [[Rafael Rivas Vasquez]] as deputy and [[Luis Posada Carriles]] as chief of operations. "All had received CIA training."[^1]
+
+### Chile
+
+In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and was reported to have met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
+
+### October 1976
+
+Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9, 148, 246-250, quoting Bosch's interview with Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pastor Coronel.md

@@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - PastorCoronel
+  - Paraguay
+  - AlfredoStroessner
+  - OperationCondor
+  - Narcotics
+  - Torture
+summary: "Chief of detectives of Stroessner's Paraguay, classed by the Drug Enforcement Administration as a Class I narcotics violator, whose interrogations of captured revolutionaries were attended by foreign military attachés."
+location: "Asunción, Paraguay"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Pastor Coronel was chief of detectives of the police of [[Paraguay]] under President [[Alfredo Stroessner]].[^1]
+
+"He has acquired, for example, an informal title as the patron of all heroin and cocaine smugglers moving through Paraguay, and he protects them tenaciously as long as they pay him." The [[Drug Enforcement Administration]] classified him as a Class I narcotics violator. Ambassador [[George Landau]] "has forbidden any official of the American embassy to have any contact whatsoever with Coronel," and worked against him through Stroessner's chief of protocol, [[Conrado Pappalardo]].[^1]
+
+### The Tribunals
+
+Coronel interrogated arrested members of the [[Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria]] before an audience. "High officials from Stroessner's government and foreign military attaches were invited to attend the secret sessions. Dark-suited waiters serving coffee and snacks circulated among the dozen or so officers seated in semicircle rows around the prison." One prisoner "was convinced that Stroessner himself was in the room for his interrogation." [[Robert Scherrer]], the legal attaché of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in [[Buenos Aires]], wrote to his principal police source in [[Chile]], General [[Ernesto Baeza]], about the arrests, in what has been called "the first documented case of U.S. official participation in the multicountry operations against the JCR." When the letter came to light the bureau called it a "routine and traditional form of cooperation." By Scherrer's account the Paraguayan interrogations led French agents to a [[Paris]] apartment where they expected an Argentine using the alias Carlos and found [[Carlos the Jackal]], who shot his way out.[^2]
+
+A group of former members of the [[Colorado Party (Paraguay)|Colorado Party]], students, and Marxists trained in [[Argentina]], led by [[Agustín Goiburú]], twice parked a van holding a bomb built by the [[Montoneros]] on the president's route, and twice it failed to go off. The CIA called it "the most sophisticated of many attempts to oust the President since he came to power twenty years ago."[^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, p. 4.
+[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 84-85, 90-94, 97.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Patricia Cloherty.md

@@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags:
 summary: "Patricia Cloherty worked for Patricof and Company in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President Carter to be Deputy Administrator of the Small Business Administration (SBA)."
 ---
 
-Patricia Cloherty worked for [[Patricof and Company]] in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] to be Deputy Administrator of the Small Business Administration (SBA). After leaving the SBA around 1980, she worked at Tessler & Cloherty, Inc., an investment management company she ran with her husband, [[Daniel Tessler]]. In February 1988, Cloherty returned to Patricof and Company.
+Patricia Cloherty worked for [[Patricof and Company]] in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] to be Deputy Administrator of the [[Small Business Administration]] (SBA). After leaving the SBA around 1980, she worked at Tessler & Cloherty, Inc., an investment management company she ran with her husband, [[Daniel Tessler]]. In February 1988, Cloherty returned to Patricof and Company.
 
 Cloherty's involvement with [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] began in 1984 when she and her husband took over management of 53rd Street Ventures, which had a small investment in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]. [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that Cloherty told [[Richard D'Amore]] that she "knew all about" [[Earl Brian]]'s role in the Inslaw matter. However, Cloherty denied ever making such a statement to D'Amore or anyone else. She maintained that she knows nothing about Earl Brian's connection, if any, to Inslaw. She stated that she knows Earl Brian, having met him in the 1980s when they both served on the board of the National Association of Small Business Investment Companies. In 1990, Brian contacted Patricof and Company with a deal proposal regarding UPI, but Cloherty did not meet with him directly, and the firm decided not to pursue the deal. Cloherty stated she has never heard of and has had no involvement with Hadron or Simeon, and does not know [[Dominic Laiti]], [[Edwin Meese]], or [[Lowell Jensen]]. She denied discussing 53rd Street Ventures' investment in Inslaw with Brian, Jensen, Meese, Laiti, or any officials from the DOJ or the Reagan or Bush administrations. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support Hamilton's claims regarding Cloherty's knowledge of a conspiracy.[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Percy Foreman.md

@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - PercyForeman
+  - JamesEarlRay
+  - MartinLutherKing
+  - HuntFamily
+  - JackRuby
+  - Houston
+summary: "Houston defense lawyer who took James Earl Ray's literary rights as his fee and delivered his guilty plea in 1969, briefly represented Jack Ruby, and was indicted with the Hunt brothers in 1975."
+born: 1902-06-21
+died: 1988-08-25
+location: "Houston, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Percy Foreman (June 21, 1902 to August 25, 1988) was born in a log cabin near [[Livingston, Texas]], the son of the sheriff of [[Polk County, Texas|Polk County]]. After some years as an assistant district attorney he practiced criminal defense in [[Houston]] for six decades. He claimed as many as 2,000 murder cases and one client executed. He often took "diamonds, cars and houses in lieu of cash payments." "I'd rather try a murder case than any other type criminal case," he said. "There's one less witness." In 1963 he won for Cecil Blaffer Hudson what was then the largest divorce settlement on record, 6.5 million dollars in cash and 3 million in property, from [[E.J. Hudson]], chairman of Hudson Engineering Corporation. He represented [[Jack Ruby]] for a few days and withdrew "because of a dispute with the Ruby family over fees."[^1]
+
+### Ray
+
+[[James Earl Ray]]'s first lawyer, [[Arthur Hanes]], had contracted on July 8, 1968, with the writer [[William Bradford Huie]] for a book on Ray and the murder of [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King]], Huie to pay Ray and Hanes each 30 percent of his receipts. Ray dismissed Hanes for Foreman, and "on February 3, 1969, Ray assigned all his rights under the various contracts to Foreman as the latter's fee." On February 13 Foreman wrote Ray that there was "a little more than a 99 per cent chance" of a death sentence and a "100 per cent chance of a guilty verdict." On March 9, the day before the plea, he wrote: "If the plea is entered and the sentence accepted and no embarrassing circumstances take place in the court room, I am willing to assign to any bank, trust company or individual selected by you all my receipts under the above agreement in excess of $165,000.00." A second letter advanced 500 dollars to Ray's brother on condition that the plea go through "without any unseemly conduct on your part in court." Huie's magazine contract was amended in anticipation of the plea and paid Foreman 1,000 dollars for an article, "Against Conspiracy."[^2][^3]
+
+At the hearing in [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] on March 10, 1969, Ray interrupted: "The only thing I have to say is that I can't agree with Mr. Clark." Foreman supplied: "[[Ramsey Clark]]." Ray went on: "Mr. [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. I agree with all these stipulations, and I am not trying to change anything." The court asked whose theories he rejected. "Mr. Canale's, Mr. Clark's and Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's about the conspiracy." Foreman told the judge: "I think that what he said is that he doesn't agree with Ramsey Clark that Ramsey Clark is right or that J. Edgar Hoover is right. I didn't argue that as evidence in this case." Ray received 99 years and within days repudiated the plea. His suit against Foreman, Huie, and Hanes was dismissed, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit|Sixth Circuit]] affirmed in 1971, leaving open the question whether such contracts "are void as a matter of public policy." In 1976 the same court found "a potential conflict of interest" in the arrangement, and a district court finding that the fee "would be unreasonable if there were money to pay it," and upheld the plea.[^2][^3]
+
+### The Hunts
+
+On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Famed trial lawyer Percy Foreman, who defended James Earl Ray," United Press International, August 25, 1988; "Outspoken lawyer Percy Foreman called legal 'warrior,'" United Press International, August 26, 1988.
+[^2]: *Ray v. Foreman,* 441 F.2d 1266 (6th Cir. 1971).
+[^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976).
+[^4]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Richard Allen.md

@@ -1,14 +0,0 @@
----
-category: "Other"
-tags:
-  - Person
-summary: "National security figure connected to the Carter and Reagan administrations who attended the October 1980 Washington meeting on Iran."
-born: 1936-01-01
-died: 2024-11-16
-location: "Collingswood, New Jersey"
----
-
-[[Richard Allen]] was a figure with connections to the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration. He was part of the [[United States|American]] delegation at the [[Washington meeting (October, 1980)|Washington meeting]] in October 1980, which included [[Robert McFarlane]] and [[Lawrence Silberman]]. [[Richard Allen|Allen]] had a deal with the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] camp that assured him the position of national security adviser for [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]].[^1]
-
-### Footnotes
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Richard V. Allen.md

@@ -8,12 +8,19 @@ summary: "Allen personally relayed the message to Ariel Sharon in the fall of 19
 born: 1936-01-01
 died: 2024-11-16
 location: "Collingswood, New Jersey"
+alias:
+  - Richard Allen
 ---
 
 Richard V. Allen was the National Security Advisor to President [[Ronald Reagan]]. He was informed of the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981. Allen immediately telephoned Reagan, who privately expressed delight at the attack. Allen was present at a meeting of Reagan's high command where [[Caspar Weinberger]] proposed canceling F-16 aircraft sales to [[Israel]], but Reagan had no intention of taking such a step.[^1]
 
-Allen personally relayed the message to [[Ariel Sharon]] in the fall of 1981 that the [[United States]] would no longer permit [[Israel]] to get [[KH-11]] imagery of the [[Soviet Union]] or any other country outside the hundred-mile limit, re-enforcing the initial 1979 restrictions. Allen was not intimidated by Sharon's bellowing about American aid being "Band-Aids and mustard plaster."[^1]
+Allen personally relayed the message to [[Ariel Sharon]] in the fall of 1981 that the [[United States]] would no longer permit Israel to get [[KH-11]] imagery of the [[Soviet Union]] or any other country outside the hundred-mile limit, re-enforcing the initial 1979 restrictions. Allen was not intimidated by Sharon's bellowing about American aid being "Band-Aids and mustard plaster."[^1]
+
+### October 1980
+
+Richard Allen was a figure with connections to the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration. He was part of the American delegation at the [[Washington meeting (October, 1980)|Washington meeting]] in October 1980, which included [[Robert McFarlane]] and [[Lawrence Silberman]]. Allen had a deal with the Reagan camp that assured him the position of national security adviser for Reagan.[^2]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 1, 21.
+[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 1, 21.
+[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Robert Berrellez.md

@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RobertBerrellez
+  - ITT
+  - Chile
+  - AssociatedPress
+  - CIA
+  - Graymail
+summary: "Associated Press correspondent turned ITT public relations man in Latin America, coauthor of the September 1970 memorandum against Allende, charged in 1978 with lying to the Senate in a case dropped to protect CIA secrets."
+location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Robert Berrellez was born at [[Nogales, Arizona|Nogales]] and educated in [[Arizona]]. He joined the [[Associated Press]] in [[Phoenix, Arizona|Phoenix]] and became its roving correspondent for [[Latin America]], based in [[Mexico City]]. "He was in Cuba when Fidel Castro came to power, and spent six months in jail for the crime of being an American newsman." He went to the [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]] as its public relations man for Latin America, working from [[Buenos Aires]].[^1]
+
+### September 1970
+
+With [[Hal Hendrix]] he sent headquarters the memorandum of September 17, 1970, which recommended that ITT and other firms "pump some advertising into *[[El Mercurio|Mercurio]]*," revive some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly paid by "the Matte and Edwards groups," and relocate the families of "key persons involved in the fight" to [[Argentina]]. He had told [[Arturo Matte]], of the camp of [[Jorge Alessandri]], that ITT was "ready to contribute with what was necessary" to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from office. Before the Senate subcommittee on multinational corporations in March 1973 he explained the phrase as "essentially a courteous expression of concern." A [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer, [[Jonathan Hanke]], wrote the next day: "Berrellez apparently got safely over the question of his discussion with Arturo Matte reported in 17 September message." The agency's own review of the hearings found him "crisper and more solid in his answers" than his superiors.[^2][^3]
+
+### United States v. Berrellez
+
+On March 20, 1978, the last day before the statute of limitations ran, the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] charged Berrellez, then 58, of [[Chatsworth, California|Chatsworth]], and ITT's southwest regional public relations director, and [[Edward Gerrity]] with perjury, obstruction, and false statements. [[Harold Geneen]] was not charged. [[Benjamin Civiletti]] said the plea bargain given [[Richard Helms]] for the same offense had been accepted "because of fear that national security secrets might be disclosed if a trial were held," and that the two ITT men "did not have the same access to the nation's secrets." Attorney General [[Griffin Bell]] said: "You cannot decide never to prosecute these cases that might involve national security. To do so gives people a license."[^4][^5]
+
+The prosecutors struck from the charge a reference to [[Hernán Cubillos]], formerly of *El Mercurio* and by then foreign minister of [[Chile]]. Berrellez's lawyer, Patrick Wall, protested that the CIA had censored his own notes. "The government said there was no national security in this case." Judge [[Aubrey Robinson]] said: "The government plays games at its peril." He refused an order confining the testimony, and the jury was dismissed the day after it was sworn. The government dropped the case on February 8, 1979. Sealed transcripts of a closed hearing of October 1978, sent anonymously to *[[The Nation]]*, recorded the allegation that Berrellez had "lied at the behest and with the aid of the C.I.A." One reporter wrote that the Hanke memorandum raised "the question of whether the CIA helped organize the effort to mislead the subcommittee."[^3][^5][^6]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Bad Deal For Berrellez," *Phoenix Republic,* April 2, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030015-6.
+[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973.
+[^3]: Ignatius, David. *Wall Street Journal,* 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030007-5; Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings," March 26, 1973.
+[^4]: Volz, Joseph. "2 Top ITT Aides Charged With Perjury on Chile Acts," *New York Daily News,* March 21, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030068-8.
+[^5]: Kaplan, Carl, and Randall Rothenberg. "The Black Art of Graymail: The Berrellez Case," *The Nation,* February 24, 1979.
+[^6]: Babcock, Charles R. "ITT Indictment Is Cut Back," *Washington Post,* August 19, 1978; "Trial of Berrellez Is Delayed as U.S. Fears Disclosures," *Wall Street Journal,* 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030002-0.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Robert Chasen.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Chasen supervised the Wackenhut Corporation's Indio facility from Cora
 
 ### Involvement with Wackenhut and Controversies
 
-Chasen supervised the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]'s Indio facility from Coral Gables, Florida. He confirmed the "horrendous properties" of a "virus" he encountered at the Indio facility, stating that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] was "running amuck." He claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Peter Zokosky]] attempted to sell biological warfare technology (developed in cow uteri) through [[Wackenhut Corporation]], using [[Robert Frye]] as a front man. Chasen alleged that Frye went behind his back in facilitating this project, and when Chasen learned of it, he shut it down. Due to the projects underway at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], Chasen chose not to visit the property directly, instead meeting with Indio executives in Palm Springs.[^1]
+Chasen supervised the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]'s Indio facility from [[Coral Gables, Florida]]. He confirmed the "horrendous properties" of a "virus" he encountered at the Indio facility, stating that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] was "running amuck." He claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Peter Zokosky]] attempted to sell biological warfare technology (developed in cow uteri) through [[Wackenhut Corporation]], using [[Robert Frye]] as a front man. Chasen alleged that Frye went behind his back in facilitating this project, and when Chasen learned of it, he shut it down. Due to the projects underway at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], Chasen chose not to visit the property directly, instead meeting with Indio executives in Palm Springs.[^1]
 
 Chasen was evasive on the subject of [[PROMIS]], despite his background suggesting he would be knowledgeable about it. He had worked in the same department as [[Peter Videnieks]] at [[U.S. Customs|Customs]] for at least three years, yet claimed not to know him. He also stated that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] had "run a check" on [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and could not learn anything about his background, which bothered Chasen. He believed Nichols worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and was a "slippery guy," expressing surprise that Frye and [[Dick Wilson]] were "dazzled" by Nichols for so long.[^1]
 

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Safa al-Habobi.md

@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - SafaAlHabobi
+  - Iraq
+  - MatrixChurchill
+  - TechnologyDevelopmentGroup
+  - BNLScandal
+  - HusseinKamel
+  - ArmsToIraq
+alias:
+  - Safa Haji al-Habobi
+  - Safa Al-Habobi
+  - Dr. Safa al-Habobi
+summary: "Iraqi official who ran the London front companies of Hussein Kamel's military industry ministry, chaired Matrix Churchill, was indicted in Atlanta in 1991 with Christopher Drogoul, and was named Iraq's oil minister in 1993."
+location: "Baghdad, Iraq"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Safa Haji al-Habobi was the director general of one of the weapons plants of [[Iraq]]'s [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], the [[Nassr State Enterprise]], and "a director at several Iraqi front companies, including TDG and the British and U.S. branches of [[Matrix Churchill]]." Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] described the ministry's buying organization, the [[Al-Arabi Trading Company]] of [[Baghdad]], as nominally private and in fact run from day to day by al-Habobi, "one of [[Hussein Kamel|Hussein Kamil]]'s former [[Special Security Organization (Iraq)|Secret Security Organization]] cronies." Its [[London]] holding company, the [[Technology Development Group]], bought Matrix Churchill in 1987, and its [[Paris]] arm, [[Babil International]], was listed in his name.[^1][^2]
+
+On June 14, 1989, his network contracted with [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] for a brass recovery plant, financed like its other American purchases by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. The indictment returned in Atlanta on February 28, 1991, against the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], named al-Habobi as a defendant with [[Sadik Taha]] and Abdul Munim Rasheed of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and [[Raja Hassan Ali]] of the ministry.[^1][^2]
+
+Al-Habobi told [[Paul Henderson]], the managing director of Matrix Churchill, who was reporting to British intelligence, "not only that [[Rome]] was fully aware of the Atlanta loans but that these were an extension of a government-to-government agreement between [[Italy]] and Iraq." [[Saddam Hussein]] named him oil minister in the summer of 1993.[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 185, 281.
+[^2]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements of August 10 and September 25, 1992, *Congressional Record,* House; United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga.), indictment.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wafai Dajani.md

@@ -19,7 +19,16 @@ Wafai Dajani is a businessman of [[Amman]], owner of Amman Resources, Wafai Daja
 
 The Atlanta prosecutors' draft of the indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|BNL case]] named him as a defendant. On February 28, 1991, the day the indictment was returned, a [[Department of State|State Department]] memorandum said the department had "no objections" to the indictment of anyone on the list and recorded "reservations about proceeding against him in light of his connections." He and [[Hussein Kamel]], the son-in-law of [[Saddam Hussein]], appeared in the indictment as unindicted co-conspirators. Gonzalez told the House on March 30, 1992, that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] had discouraged the indictment of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and of "a prominent Jordanian with close ties to the King of Jordan" on grounds of foreign policy. The branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], testified that a "Mr. Dejani" had told him of [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]: "Kissinger, of course, he said, is the architect of foreign policy in the [[United States]]. You know that."[^1][^2]
 
+### The Grain Trade and the Agency
+
+During the 1980s Dajani's companies "unloaded, stored, often packaged or repackaged, and then trucked nearly 80 percent of all the U.S. agricultural commodities that were destined for Iraq and financed with U.S. government loan guarantees," about four billion dollars' worth. His Amman Resources kept a 60,000-ton ship, the Tanga, at [[Aqaba]] as a floating Iraqi silo. With the Iraqi official [[Sadik Taha]] he advised Drogoul "and sometimes steered him." Of the commissions he said: "If you wanted the business, you had to provide after-sales services. Otherwise you would get no business." Accused of dealing in arms, he answered: "I couldn't be involved in arms. I am too big and easy to watch."[^3]
+
+An American intelligence officer described him as "the intermediary for German, Italian, and French companies that were selling into Iraq's nuclear and missile programs. He was everywhere, he dealt with everybody." [[Paul Von Wedel]] of the Atlanta branch said: "We knew that Dajani was doing work for the CIA, for The Company. He told us in Washington during one of his visits." [[Howard Teicher]], formerly of the [[National Security Council]] staff, said: "Dajani was involved in our dirty policy. He performed services for the CIA and was involved in the CCC program." Dajani said: "I don't work for anybody. I work for myself."[^3]
+
+The State Department under [[James Baker]] advised the prosecutors that "Wafai Dajani is a Jordanian businessman, not a government official. His brother is a former Minister of the Interior, and Wafai himself is considered well connected to the King and to U.S. grain exporters. His indictment would be seen as a further U.S. attempt to punish Jordan." Drogoul's lawyers later complained that "the Government failed to interview Wafai Dajani, despite evidence of his substantial involvement with the scheme, when he was in Atlanta and had agreed to meet with the prosecution." Within weeks of the end of the [[Gulf War]], according to one account, he and others close to King [[Hussein of Jordan|Hussein]] were again shipping goods into Iraq.[^3]
+
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements on the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, *Congressional Record,* House, March 30 and August 10, 1992.
 [^2]: "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun,* April 28, 1992; House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, hearing, Serial No. 103-95, testimony of Christopher Drogoul.
+[^3]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 112-114, 196-200, 217, 294.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Broe.md

@@ -0,0 +1,44 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WilliamBroe
+  - CIA
+  - WesternHemisphereDivision
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ITT
+  - 40Committee
+alias:
+  - William V. Broe
+summary: "Chief of the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division who supervised the 1970 task force against Allende, put to ITT a plan to induce economic collapse in Chile, and ordered a stonewall after Schneider was shot."
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+William V. Broe was chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in 1970. With the deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]], he supervised the task force formed that September to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from the presidency of [[Chile]], whose military unit was headed by [[David Atlee Phillips]]. The operation was [[Project FUBELT]].[^1]
+
+### The Program
+
+On September 9, six days before President [[Richard Nixon]]'s order, Broe cabled the [[Santiago]] station chief, [[Henry Hecksher]]: "The only prospect with any chance of success whatsoever is a military golpe either before or immediately after Allende's assumption of power." On September 28 he and Phillips told the station: "We conclude that it is our task to create such a climate climaxing with a solid pretext that will force the military and the president to take some action in the desired direction." The program had three parts, economic, political, and psychological warfare, and was meant to "(a) force Frei to act or go; (b) create an atmosphere in which he or others can act successfully; (c) assist in creating the flashpoint for action." On October 7 they directed the station to "begin at once a rumor campaign, based whenever possible on tangible peg, which will help create this climate."[^1]
+
+On September 29 Broe met [[Edward Gerrity]], senior vice president of [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], to "explore the feasibility of possible actions to apply some economic pressure on Chile." Gerrity reported to [[Harold Geneen]] that the CIA man had presented a plan "aimed at inducing economic collapse."[^1]
+
+### Testimony
+
+Under oath before Senator [[Frank Church]] in 1973, Broe said he had called on Gerrity on the instruction of Director [[Richard Helms]] and "in full knowledge" of his superiors. He confirmed each measure discussed: banks "not renewing credits or delaying in doing so," companies "dragging their feet in spending money and making deliveries and in shipping spare parts," "creating pressure on savings and loan institutions in Chile so that they would have to shut their doors," and "withdrawing all technical help." He gave Gerrity a list of companies that could "participate." Asked whether the object was unrest that would lead the military to stop Allende, he answered: "No." The purpose, he said, was the Christian Democratic vote in Congress. "There was a thesis that additional deterioration in the economic situation could influence a number of Christian Democratic Congressmen who were planning to vote for Allende." He had not told Gerrity of "other steps the Agency might be taking."
+
+The subcommittee summarized his evidence in four points. On July 16, 1970, at the [[Sheraton-Carlton Hotel]], Geneen "offered to assemble a substantial election fund" for [[Jorge Alessandri]], "controlled and channeled through the C.I.A.," which Broe refused. The contacts "derived from an initiative taken by Mr. McCone with Mr. Helms." Broe proposed to Gerrity "a plan of action designed to create or accelerate economic instability in Chile." And throughout he "was acting with the knowledge and in accordance with instructions given him by his superiors at the C.I.A., specifically including Mr. Helms." [[John McCone]], a director of ITT and still a consultant to the agency, testified that such ideas were "never approved by Mr. Helms" and that Broe "was exploring."[^2]
+
+### Schneider
+
+Broe and Phillips asked Hecksher whether there was "anything we or Station can do to effect the removal of Schneider," the army commander, and on October 18 approved the station's request for three submachine guns. They ordered Hecksher "not, repeat not," to tell Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] of the "impending coup" and, "should it occur," to "appear surprised and stonewall any and all queries." General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot on October 22. After briefing Director Richard Helms they cabled: "The Station has done excellent job of guiding Chileans to point today where a military solution is at least an option for them." If any "points of compromise" reached the press, "absolute denial will be the order of the day even with Ambassador and other embassy colleagues," and the agency's "position will be stonewall all the way." On November 5 Broe cabled his concern that the American "hardware could ultimately be discovered."[^1]
+
+On November 19, 1970, he presented the agency's new covert program against Allende's government to the [[40 Committee]]. Before testifying to the Senate's multinationals subcommittee in 1973 on his dealings with ITT, he met Senator Frank Church and the staff on March 15 to settle the scope of his testimony.[^1][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 2, 10, 17-19, 22, 29-31, 87, and notes at p. 511.
+[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 250-252; Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings: 20, 21 and 22 March 1973," March 26, 1973.
+[^3]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71,* 1973.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Colby.md

@@ -1,11 +1,11 @@
 ---
 created: 2026-05-17
-updated: 2026-05-17
+updated: 2026-09-21
 title: William Colby
 aliases:
-  - William Colby
   - William Egan Colby
   - Bill Colby
+  - William E. Colby
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
   - Person
@@ -16,6 +16,7 @@ tags:
   - PhoenixProgram
   - 1960s
   - 1970s
+  - Stargate
 summary: "William Egan Colby served as Director of Central Intelligence from 1973 to 1976, dismissing James Angleton, cooperating with the Church Committee, and revealing the Family Jewels, having earlier directed the Vietnam-era Phoenix Program under the CORDS framework."
 born: 1920-01-04
 died: 1996-04-27
@@ -46,9 +47,14 @@ Colby's tenure established institutional patterns in deniable covert operations
 
 On April 27, 1996, Colby disappeared from his weekend home in Rock Point, Maryland, on the Wicomico River. His canoe was found overturned. His body was recovered nine days later. The death was ruled an accidental drowning. DeCamp, whose personal relationship with Colby was extensive and who described Colby as having indicated he was preparing to reveal further information about the Franklin case and other matters, publicly questioned the official ruling. No physical evidence was found to contradict the accidental drowning determination. Colby was 76 years old at the time of his death and had been known to canoe alone on the river frequently.[^1]
 
+### Israel
+
+William E. Colby served as the Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1973 to 1976. He shared the assumption that [[Israel]] had a few nuclear weapons and that if there was a collapse during the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], there was a possibility that Israel would use them. Colby believed that nuclear weapons would be used "only in an extreme situation."[^5]
+
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Powers, Thomas. *The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA*. Knopf, 1979. Hersh, Seymour M. "Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces." New York Times, December 22, 1974.
 [^2]: Church Committee, S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976.
 [^3]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
 [^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion*. Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
+[^5]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William E. Colby.md

@@ -1,17 +0,0 @@
----
-category: "Key Figures"
-tags:
-  - Person
-  - Stargate
-  - CIA
-summary: "Director of the CIA from 1973 to 1976 who believed Israel possessed nuclear weapons and might use them in an extreme situation."
-born: 1920-01-04
-died: 1996-04-27
-location: "Saint Paul, Minnesota"
----
-
-William E. Colby served as the Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1973 to 1976. He shared the assumption that [[Israel]] had a few nuclear weapons and that if there was a collapse during the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], there was a possibility that [[Israel]] would use them. Colby believed that nuclear weapons would be used "only in an extreme situation."[^1]
-
-### Footnotes
-
-[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Gurvich.md

@@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
+---
+category: "JFK Assassination"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WilliamGurvich
+  - JimGarrison
+  - ClayShaw
+  - PrivateInvestigators
+  - NewOrleans
+alias:
+  - Bill Gurvich
+summary: "New Orleans private detective who joined Jim Garrison's Kennedy investigation in December 1966, resigned in June 1967 calling it a fraudulent, criminal act, and took two boxes of its files to Clay Shaw's lawyers."
+location: "New Orleans, Louisiana"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+William Gurvich was "Executive Director of an established detective agency in [[New Orleans]]." District Attorney [[Jim Garrison]] asked for his help in the Kennedy assassination investigation "on or about December 23, 1966." He worked on it for about six months and resigned on June 27, 1967, stating his belief that "the investigation was a 'fraudulent, criminal act.'" A federal judge who heard him in 1971 called him "an experienced investigator whom this court believed."[^1]
+
+After leaving Garrison he turned his files over to the lawyers of the defendant, [[Clay Shaw]]. About two boxes of the papers of Shaw's attorney [[Edward Wegmann]], now in the Kennedy collection at the [[National Archives and Records Administration|National Archives]], are described as "Investigative Files of William Gurvich, Investigator for the District Attorney of the City of New Orleans." They include a stenographic record of his interviews with the defense in the summer of 1967. [[Joseph Oster]], who had worked for [[Guy Banister]], named Gurvich in 1996 among those who might have taken Banister's files after his death.[^2][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Shaw v. Garrison, 328 F. Supp. 390 (E.D. La. 1971), affirmed, 467 F.2d 113 (5th Cir. 1972).
+[^2]: National Archives and Records Administration, finding aid to the Papers of Edward F. Wegmann, John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection; DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997.
+[^3]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files.

10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Yasser Arafat.md

@@ -38,7 +38,7 @@ The PLO under Arafat developed a quasi-state presence in [[Jordan]]'s Palestinia
 
 In [[Lebanon]], Arafat navigated the tensions between PLO military necessity and Lebanese political stability, a balance that ultimately failed as Lebanon descended into civil war in 1975. PLO factions were involved in and contributed to the Lebanese Civil War's escalation. Arafat's strategy sought to maintain PLO political and diplomatic relevance while managing the military activities of constituent factions he could not fully control, including the PFLP and the breakaway [[Abu Nidal]] organization, which Arafat formally expelled from the PLO in 1974.
 
-The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon forced the PLO out of its Lebanese positions. After negotiation mediated by U.S. diplomat Philip Habib, Arafat and approximately 15,000 PLO personnel evacuated Beirut by sea in August 1982 to Tunis and other Arab capitals.[^1]
+The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon forced the PLO out of its Lebanese positions. After negotiation mediated by U.S. diplomat [[Philip Habib]], Arafat and approximately 15,000 PLO personnel evacuated Beirut by sea in August 1982 to Tunis and other Arab capitals.[^1]
 
 ### Tunis and the Oslo Process