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10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Brent Scowcroft.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- BrentScowcroft
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- KissingerAssociates
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- NationalSecurityCouncil
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- BNLScandal
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- Iraq
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- GeorgeHWBush
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summary: "Vice chairman of Kissinger Associates, where he advised Banca Nazionale del Lavoro for fees, who as national security adviser kept agricultural credits flowing to Iraq in 1990 while his staff resisted measures singling Iraq out."
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location: "Washington, D.C."
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Brent Scowcroft, a retired [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] lieutenant general, was vice chairman of [[Kissinger Associates]] until January 1989, when he became national security adviser to President [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1]
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### The Bank
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"BNL was a client of Mr. Scowcroft's while he was the vice-chairman of Kissinger Associates," Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] told the House on April 28, 1992. "Mr. Scowcroft regularly provided advice to BNL's management and received hefty fees in return." At a meeting in [[New York City|New York]] in 1987 he, [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]], [[Lawrence Eagleburger]], and [[Alan Stoga]] advised officers of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], and he and Stoga took them to lunch. The special counsel [[Frederick Lacey]] found that the two men "came into contact with BNL management" and saw nothing to suggest they knew of the lending to [[Iraq]] by the bank's [[Atlanta]] branch.[^1][^2]
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### The White House
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[[Bryan Siebert]] of the [[United States Department of Energy|Energy Department]] "had been waging a lonely and unsuccessful battle to get [[James Baker]] and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft to do something about the steady flow of U.S. exports that were materially assisting Iraq's nuclear weapons program." [[Matrix Churchill]] "was not discussed at the cabinet meeting, even though the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had reported its activities to both the [[White House]] and the [[State Department]] in November 1989." Scowcroft's aides "objected to any measures 'that singled out Iraq.'" On May 18, 1990, he telephoned Secretary of Agriculture [[Clayton Yeutter]] and asked him "not to put out any press release today saying we are terminating the program" of [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|credit guarantees]]. "We would be shooting ourselves in the foot," his staff said of cancelling the second 500 million dollars. Iraq invaded [[Kuwait]] on August 2.[^3]
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Lawyers of his staff under [[C. Nicholas Rostow|Nicholas Rostow]] met with those of other agencies to coordinate replies to congressional requests for documents on Iraq. Gonzalez called them "the Rostow gang." His investigator was told by Rostow that "it would be a cold day in hell before Congress got NSD 26."[^3]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701.
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[^2]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15.
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[^3]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 153-156, 162, 192, 216, 221.
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10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Bruce Solie.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Bruce Solie.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- BruceSolie
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- CIA
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- CIAOfficeOfSecurity
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- YuriNosenko
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- LeeHarveyOswald
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- HSCA
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alias:
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- Bruce L. Solie
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summary: "CIA Office of Security counterintelligence officer who took over the confined defector Yuri Nosenko in 1967, found him genuine in 1968, and told the House assassinations committee he had never tested Nosenko's account of Oswald."
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location: "Langley, Virginia"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Bruce Solie testified in 1978: "I have been employed by CIA since August 1st, 1951. Throughout much of that time, I have been with the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]. During my career, I have been involved in counterintelligence matters for the Office of Security." He went to [[Geneva]] in June 1962, the year [[Yuri Nosenko]] of the [[KGB]] first contacted the agency.[^1]
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### Nosenko
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From August 13, 1965, to October 27, 1967, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] held Nosenko in a cell built for the purpose. On the latter date he was transferred to the Office of Security, moved to a safehouse, "and was interviewed under friendly, sympathetic conditions by his Security Case Officer, Mr. Bruce Solie, for more than a year. It soon became apparent that Nosenko was bona fide." Solie wrote his report through 1968 and had Nosenko polygraphed that August by the Office of Security. Nosenko testified: "Mr. Bruce Solie talking with me every day for a period from the end of '67, the whole '68, 1968, '69, every conversation he was recording. But he never has come and showed his notes, transcriptions or anything. He was returning to every case, to every aspect by 20, 25, 30 times."[^1][^2][^3]
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### Testimony
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To the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] on June 1, 1978, Solie rejected the theory that Nosenko had been sent. "I concluded that he was under his own power when he contacted us in 1962. He did it without the knowledge of the KGB, and he went back to the Soviet Union. If he had been dispatched out, it would have been quite logical that there would have been contact with him in the Soviet Union." On Nosenko's statements about [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]: "The record reflects on 3 January 1968, I asked Nosenko to give me an account of everything he did in the Oswald investigation." Asked whether he had questioned Nosenko on what he wrote or compared it with other material, he said: "No, because I had no reason to disbelieve him." Asked whether he believed Nosenko had told the truth about Oswald: "Yes, I have no reason to disbelieve him."[^1]
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### Wackenhut
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On July 18, 1978, Solie certified that the committee's staff had reviewed the Office of Security's file on the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King, Jr.]]"[^4]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: House Select Committee on Assassinations, security classified testimony of Bruce L. Solie, June 1, 1978, record 180-10110-10010. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection, pp. 5-6, 59, 65-66.
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[^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, p. 00023.
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[^3]: House Select Committee on Assassinations, security classified testimony of Yuri Nosenko, June 20, 1978. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection, pp. 44, 110-111.
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[^4]: Solie, Bruce L. Memorandum, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
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@ -30,6 +30,10 @@ In June 1974 Pinochet met Colonel [[Manuel Contreras]], director of [[DINA]], an
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The DINA station chief in [[Argentina]], [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]], had been told to have Argentine paramilitaries do the killing. When that did not advance, Contreras's deputy, Colonel [[Pedro Espinoza]], gave the job to [[Michael Townley]], an American recently recruited by the service, who arrived with his wife, [[Mariana Callejas]], on September 10. Townley fixed two cartridges of C4 under the general's Fiat 125 in the garage of his building on September 29 and detonated them by remote control from a car across the street when the couple came home just after midnight. The CIA's weekly terrorism summary repeated a police report that a bomb had been thrown at the car. Ambassador [[David Popper]] cabled from [[Santiago]] that a [[Radio Moscow]] report that DINA had killed Prats because the junta feared he would draw the loyalty of disaffected officers "makes no sense to us. Nor do we see significant interest in killing Prats of any other Chilean group with capacity of doing so."[^1]
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Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] of DINA had gone to Buenos Aires in late July "with a bag of cash to hire assassins and to coordinate the operation with the Argentine service, [[Secretaría de Inteligencia del Estado|SIDE]]." Arancibia distributed 20,000 dollars. The men kept the money. "The Argentines didn't have the guts to kill them," Townley testified. He built the bomb "from a CB radio transmitter, primacord blasting caps, and what he called 'a tone device buzzer thing,'" hid his passport inside a pipe railing in the garage, slid under the car, and "tied the bomb to a bar supporting the transmission, almost exactly in the middle of the car." "The car turned, it came around, it slowed at the intersection and then sped on to enter the garage. All I could see was the back of the car." After the blast he heard Arancibia shout "Asi mueren los traidores." Of his reasons he said: "It was, I'll get jumped on for this, but it was a patriotic request, if you will, and I did it." Investigators noted "multiple phoned death threats to Prats; withdrawal of police from the street outside Prats's home; darkening of street lights near the Prats's apartment in the hours prior to the assassination."[^2]
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Chilean sources of DINA and its successor told [[Eugene Propper]] in 1981 "that President Pinochet approved the Prats murder in advance, at the instigation of Contreras." After the killing Contreras received Townley, pronounced "the operation in Buenos Aires a complete success," and said he "has earned the gratitude of all patriotic Chileans."[^3]
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Weeks later a friend told the Prats daughters that the regime planned to "celebrate the coup" each September by eliminating a person it considered a threat. [[Bernardo Leighton]] was shot in [[Rome]] the following year and [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington on September 21, 1976.[^1]
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### Prosecution
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@ -39,3 +43,5 @@ In 1983 Sofía and Angélica Prats went to Washington with Argentine lawyers to
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofía Cuthbert," National Security Archive, October 1, 2024, with CIA and DINA documents and the 1999 deposition of Michael Townley. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
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[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 63, 74-78.
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[^3]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 67-69.
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@ -11,13 +11,13 @@ tags:
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- CIA
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- 1960s
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category: "Historical Figure"
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summary: "Clay Shaw was a prominent New Orleans businessman and founder of the International Trade Mart who was arrested by District Attorney Jim Garrison in 1967 on conspiracy charges related to the Kennedy assassination, acquitted in 1969, and posthumously confirmed by declassified documents to have been a CIA domestic contact - a fact CIA Director Richard Helms denied under oath at the trial."
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summary: "New Orleans businessman and Trade Mart founder, arrested by Jim Garrison in 1967 for conspiracy in the Kennedy assassination and acquitted in 1969, who reported to the CIA's Domestic Contact Service from 1948 to 1956."
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born: 1913-03-17
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died: 1974-08-14
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location: "New Orleans, Louisiana"
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---
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Clay Lavergne Shaw (March 17, 1913 - August 14, 1974) was a prominent [[New Orleans, Louisiana|New Orleans]] businessman, civic figure, and founder of the International Trade Mart who became the only person ever tried for conspiracy in the assassination of President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]]. [[District Attorney]] [[Jim Garrison]] arrested Shaw in March 1967; he was acquitted after a brief jury deliberation in March 1969. Documents declassified after his death confirmed that Shaw had served as a CIA domestic contact - a connection CIA Director [[Richard Helms]] denied under oath during the trial.[^1]
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Clay Lavergne Shaw (March 17, 1913 - August 14, 1974) was a prominent [[New Orleans, Louisiana|New Orleans]] businessman, civic figure, and founder of the [[International Trade Mart]] who became the only person ever tried for conspiracy in the assassination of President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]]. [[District Attorney]] [[Jim Garrison]] arrested Shaw in March 1967; he was acquitted after a brief jury deliberation in March 1969. Documents declassified after his death showed that Shaw had reported to the CIA's domestic contact office from 1948 to 1956.[^1]
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### Background
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@ -29,21 +29,22 @@ Shaw's personal life was private; he was gay in an era when homosexuality was cr
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### CIA Connection
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The central factual question that emerged after Shaw's acquittal and death was his relationship to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. Shaw denied any CIA connection during the trial. CIA Director Helms testified under oath that Shaw had no relationship with the agency.
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Shaw was a source of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[Domestic Contact Service]], the office that interviewed Americans returning from abroad. His first report, in December 1948, concerned trade with [[Czechoslovakia]] through the Trade Mart. He reported "on 33 separate occasions" through 1956, on matters such as a Peruvian devaluation, a highway in [[Nicaragua]], and European trade with the Soviet bloc, and was not paid. The service's contact division closed the case on June 4, 1956, and he was never passed to the clandestine directorate. On March 3, 1967, two days after his arrest, the chief of the service's [[New Orleans]] office, [[Lloyd Ray]], cabled headquarters recommending that the general counsel be briefed "to be on the safe side."[^2]
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Documents released by the [[Assassination Records Review Board|JFK Records Act]] declassification process in the 1990s confirmed that Shaw had been registered as a CIA domestic contact under the name "Clay Bertrand" - a name that appeared in Garrison's investigation from an early stage. Shaw had used the alias "Clay Bertrand" in the New Orleans gay community, and Garrison's investigation had connected "Bertrand" to the anti-Castro network.
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Director Richard Helms formed a committee of six senior officers, the [[Garrison Group]], which first met on September 20, 1967. The general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], wrote on October 2 that if Shaw were to "be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA," then "we may be in for some difficult decisions." That September Shaw's lawyers, [[Edward Wegmann]] and his colleagues, had asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for guidance on Garrison's claims about the agency and were refused, and the department learned that Shaw had not told them of his reporting. At the trial his lawyer [[Irvin Dymond]] asked whether he had ever worked for the agency. "No, I have not," Shaw answered.[^2]
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The CIA's use of "Clay Bertrand" as Shaw's contact name and Helms's denial under oath that Shaw had any CIA connection represented, at minimum, perjury by Helms and concealment by the agency of a relevant relationship during a criminal trial. Whether Shaw's CIA contact role had any connection to Kennedy's assassination remained unproven.[^1]
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Garrison and later writers held that "Clay Bertrand," the name given by the lawyer [[Dean Andrews]] for the man who asked him to represent [[Lee Harvey Oswald]], was an alias of Shaw's. Shaw denied it.[^1]
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### Trial
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Garrison announced Shaw's arrest on March 1, 1967. The charges were based primarily on the testimony of [[Perry Russo]], who claimed to have attended a meeting at which Shaw (identified as "Clay Bertrand"), [[David Ferrie]], and [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] discussed killing Kennedy. Russo's testimony was obtained in part through hypnosis, which the defense successfully challenged as potentially shaping the witness's recollections.
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Garrison announced Shaw's arrest on March 1, 1967. The charges were based primarily on the testimony of [[Perry Russo]], who claimed to have attended a meeting at which Shaw (identified as "Clay Bertrand"), [[David Ferrie]], and Lee Harvey Oswald discussed killing Kennedy. Russo's testimony was obtained in part through hypnosis, which the defense successfully challenged as potentially shaping the witness's recollections.
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The trial lasted approximately five weeks in January-February 1969. The defense presented evidence of Shaw's respected civic record and attacked Garrison's witnesses. The jury deliberated for less than an hour before acquitting Shaw.
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Shaw subsequently filed a civil malicious prosecution suit against Garrison. He was in the early stages of this litigation when he died of lung cancer on August 14, 1974, at age sixty-one.[^2]
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Shaw subsequently filed a civil malicious prosecution suit against Garrison. He was in the early stages of this litigation when he died of lung cancer on August 14, 1974, at age sixty-one.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Garrison, Jim. *On the Trail of the Assassins.* Sheridan Square Press, 1988. DiEugenio, James. *Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992.
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[^2]: Davy, William. *Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation.* Jordan Publishing, 1999. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
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[^2]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001, citing the Russell Holmes Papers and the HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, National Archives. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf
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[^3]: Davy, William. *Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation.* Jordan Publishing, 1999. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
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10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Conrado Pappalardo.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- ConradoPappalardo
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- Paraguay
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- AlfredoStroessner
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- OperationCondor
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- OrlandoLetelier
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- VernonWalters
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summary: "Chief of protocol and fixer to Alfredo Stroessner who in July 1976 pressed the American ambassador for visas on Paraguayan passports for two DINA agents, saying they would report to Vernon Walters of the CIA."
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location: "Asunción, Paraguay"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Conrado Pappalardo was chief of protocol to President [[Alfredo Stroessner]] of [[Paraguay]], "the President's all-purpose fixer, factotum, and chief of protocol."[^1]
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### Walters in Asunción
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In June 1976 General [[Vernon Walters]], deputy director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], flew to [[Asunción]]. The agency's station chief had deceived Ambassador [[George Landau]], who had then denied to the Paraguayan government that a certain Paraguayan was a CIA agent and been proved wrong. The agent had been arrested, accused of a plot against Stroessner, and tortured. Walters came to remove the station chief and to persuade the Paraguayans not to kill the agent. Pappalardo received him and arranged his interviews, including one with Stroessner. "At the general's airport farewell, he and Pappalardo exchanged private phone numbers and parted with vigorous abrazos." The agent was still in prison when Walters left in the last week of June.[^1][^2]
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### The Passports
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The next month Pappalardo told Landau that President [[Augusto Pinochet]] of [[Chile]] had asked Stroessner for Paraguayan passports for two officers of [[DINA]], "Captain Juan Williams and First Lieutenant Alejandro Romeral," that "the Chilean mission had been arranged in [[Santiago]] with the CIA and that the two men were to contact General Walters on arrival in Washington." Their stated errand was to investigate companies dealing in Chilean minerals. Stroessner, he said, could not bring himself to refuse Pinochet a favor. Landau gave way "only after repeated phone calls and face-to-face cajoling." He wondered: "Does Pappalardo have some sort of private arrangement worked out with General Walters?" He had the passports photographed page by page and sent the photographs to Walters, and he told Walters that the request appeared to be "the quid pro quo that Paraguay was demanding in exchange for sparing the CIA agent's life." Juan Williams was [[Michael Townley]] and Romeral was [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]].[^1][^2][^3]
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Walters replied on August 4 that he "had not made any arrangements with Pappalardo." Assistant Secretary of State [[Harry Shlaudeman]] cabled Landau: "If there is still time, and if there is a possibility of turning off this harebrained scheme, you are authorized to go back through Pappalardo to urge that the Chileans be persuaded not, repeat, not to travel." "Over the next few weeks, Landau called Pappalardo ten times, until finally in mid-September the unused passports were delivered." [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington on September 21.[^2][^4]
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Pappalardo told Landau that the request had come in a telephone call from Pinochet to Stroessner. American investigators later obtained the telegram in which "Condor One," [[Manuel Contreras]], asked for Paraguayan cooperation, and "concluded, after interviewing Pappalardo, that no such call was made."[^4]
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### Pastor Coronel
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The Americans "knew that Stroessner was the only one powerful enough to throttle" the chief of detectives, [[Pastor Coronel]], "and that the way to reach Stroessner was through Pappalardo. Accordingly, Pappalardo kept hearing that the chief of detectives had gone too far and was an affront to the dignity of Paraguay."[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 1-8.
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[^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 309-311.
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[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, p. 343.
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[^4]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 180, 298-299.
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@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ Dagoberto Nuñez was a Cuban [[Bay of Pigs|Bay of Pigs]] veteran and [[Central
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### CIA and NSC Connections
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Nuñez obtained a contract with H&M Corp. to cover an intelligence-gathering operation aimed at Nicaraguan president [[Daniel Ortega]]. According to a 1986 memo from CIA operative [[Rob Owen]] to North, Nuñez was preparing to sign an agreement for shrimping rights off the Pacific Coast of [[Nicaragua]]. "Nuñez is doing this so he can help us. He will cooperate and do anything we ask," Owen told North. When questioned about his activities, Nuñez revealed that since 1985 he had engaged in a clandestine relationship with the [[National Security Council]], but refused to elaborate on his involvement in narcotics trafficking because of the specific tasks he had performed at the NSC's direction. CIA headquarters ordered an immediate halt to his questioning.[^2]
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Nuñez obtained a contract with H&M Corp. to cover an intelligence-gathering operation aimed at Nicaraguan president [[Daniel Ortega]]. According to a 1986 memo from CIA operative [[Robert Owen|Rob Owen]] to North, Nuñez was preparing to sign an agreement for shrimping rights off the Pacific Coast of [[Nicaragua]]. "Nuñez is doing this so he can help us. He will cooperate and do anything we ask," Owen told North. When questioned about his activities, Nuñez revealed that since 1985 he had engaged in a clandestine relationship with the [[National Security Council]], but refused to elaborate on his involvement in narcotics trafficking because of the specific tasks he had performed at the NSC's direction. CIA headquarters ordered an immediate halt to his questioning.[^2]
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### Drug Trafficking Connections
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@ -52,6 +52,8 @@ On October 18 the station asked for "three .45 calibre machine guns (grease guns
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As head of the task force Phillips cabled the station on September 21, 1970, that "the first and fundamental task is to induce Frei to take action which will produce desired results," and on October 7 instructed the station chief, Henry Hecksher, who had argued against a coup, that his cables "should not contain analysis and argumentation but simply report on action taken." After Schneider was shot he and Broe cabled that if the agency's part were exposed "absolute denial will be the order of the day even with Ambassador and other embassy colleagues." He returned to Chilean operations as chief of the Western Hemisphere Division in June 1973. On September 11, as the coup was under way, he sent Kissinger a memorandum reporting that an officer of the group planning it had asked "if the U.S. government would come to the aid of the Chilean military if the situation became difficult." On October 3 he cabled Santiago that "Agency operational activities in Chile are now prime target for Congressional investigations" and that the agency "cannot assist Junta." He also described the financing of a "small network" of media outlets "instrumental in mounting a propaganda campaign to popularize the Junta's programs."[^6]
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Phillips gave his own account in 1977. "Early on the morning of October 22 a cable flashed into Langley from Santiago. General Rene Schneider, Allende's military chief and a strict constitutionalist, had been killed. I immediately assumed that CIA was involved somehow with the assassination, because the Santiago station had passed three machine guns the night before to a cabal of military officers who considered Schneider the principal stumbling block." When later reports said the killers had carried handguns and belonged to a group the agency had contacted and then dropped, he wrote: "Thank God, I said to myself, for at least that small favor." He went with Karamessines to tell Helms "that it was all over." He added: "when CIA backed a foreign group plotting against an incumbent regime, as in the case of the Dominican Republic when Trujillo was killed, or in Chile when General Schneider died, it was not always possible to put limits or on and off buttons on the cabal being dealt with."[^7]
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### The Maurice Bishop Controversy
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|
||||
Antonio Veciana founded Alpha 66, an aggressive anti-Castro exile organization, in 1962 at the direction of a CIA case officer he knew only as "Maurice Bishop." Veciana met with Bishop more than 100 times over approximately 13 years, from mid-1960 through mid-1973, at the conclusion of which Bishop paid Veciana $253,000 in cash. Bishop had directed Alpha 66's provocative attacks on Soviet ships in Cuban ports in 1963 - attacks Veciana understood were designed to prevent any diplomatic accommodation between Kennedy and the [[Soviet Union]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -73,9 +75,9 @@ HSCA chief counsel Robert Blakey stated the committee was "less than satisfied w
|
|||
Phillips retired from the CIA in 1975 as head of the Western Hemisphere Division at GS-18 rank, the highest CIA position not requiring executive appointment. That year he founded the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), which became a platform for publicly defending the CIA against the reform pressures generated by the [[Church Committee]] investigations.
|
||||
|
||||
### The Libel Suits
|
||||
The writers [[Donald Freed]] and [[Fred Landis]], authors of *Death in Washington*, on the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], held a press conference in Washington in 1980 with the journalist [[John Cummings]]. They alleged that Phillips and the [[Association of Former Intelligence Officers]] had been involved in the killing, and that Phillips had been Lee Harvey Oswald's case officer under the name Maurice Bishop. Phillips sued them, the publisher [[Lawrence Hill]], and [[William Pepper]] in the federal court in Washington (Civil Actions 81-1407 and 81-2578), asking more than 90 million dollars. The litigation was paid for in part by [[Challenge, Inc.]], "An Intelligence Officers' Legal Action Fund," which also supported the libel suit brought by three former embassy officials in Santiago against the makers of the film [[Missing (film)|Missing]], on the death of [[Charles Horman]].[^7]
|
||||
The writers [[Donald Freed]] and [[Fred Landis]], authors of *Death in Washington*, on the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], held a press conference in Washington in 1980 with the journalist [[John Cummings]]. They alleged that Phillips and the [[Association of Former Intelligence Officers]] had been involved in the killing, and that Phillips had been Lee Harvey Oswald's case officer under the name Maurice Bishop. Phillips sued them, the publisher [[Lawrence Hill]], and [[William Pepper]] in the federal court in Washington (Civil Actions 81-1407 and 81-2578), asking more than 90 million dollars. The litigation was paid for in part by [[Challenge, Inc.]], "An Intelligence Officers' Legal Action Fund," which also supported the libel suit brought by three former embassy officials in Santiago against the makers of the film [[Missing (film)|Missing]], on the death of [[Charles Horman]].[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
After almost five years four of the five defendants settled in February 1986 for an undisclosed sum. Pepper could not be found. The retraction filed with the court said the authors and publisher "had no intention of charging or suggesting that Mr. Phillips played any role in the assassination of Orlando Letelier, that he was an accessory before or after the fact of that murder, or that he had any connection with Lee Harvey Oswald." Phillips said: "I certainly am satisfied because I believe it is a vindication." Of his former employer he said: "I have a feeling that the reaction of the CIA to former agents who file lawsuits is that they consider them something, perhaps, a cut above a gun smuggler or a narcotics smuggler." At the same press conference he said he had examined photocopies of papers from Letelier's briefcase showing that Letelier "had been cooperating with the [[Dirección General de Inteligencia|Cuban DGI]] intelligence service." "They existed," he said, though the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] "has claimed none exist."[^7]
|
||||
After almost five years four of the five defendants settled in February 1986 for an undisclosed sum. Pepper could not be found. The retraction filed with the court said the authors and publisher "had no intention of charging or suggesting that Mr. Phillips played any role in the assassination of Orlando Letelier, that he was an accessory before or after the fact of that murder, or that he had any connection with Lee Harvey Oswald." Phillips said: "I certainly am satisfied because I believe it is a vindication." Of his former employer he said: "I have a feeling that the reaction of the CIA to former agents who file lawsuits is that they consider them something, perhaps, a cut above a gun smuggler or a narcotics smuggler." At the same press conference he said he had examined photocopies of papers from Letelier's briefcase showing that Letelier "had been cooperating with the [[Dirección General de Inteligencia|Cuban DGI]] intelligence service." "They existed," he said, though the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] "has claimed none exist."[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
### Later Statements and Death
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -95,4 +97,5 @@ In his 2017 memoir *Trained to Kill* (co-written with journalist Carlos Harrison
|
|||
[^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970, Secret, Eyes Only. National Security Archive document 23596. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/media/23596/ocr
|
||||
[^5]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, and staff report, *Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973,* 1975.
|
||||
[^6]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 13, 31, 107, 112, 206-207, and note 14 at p. 510.
|
||||
[^7]: Challenge, Inc., press release, February 14, 1986, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200056-7; Bruske, Ed. "Libel Suit Settled," *The Washington Post,* February 17, 1986, CIA-RDP91-00587R000200890014-0; "CIA agent winner in Letelier case," *The Washington Times,* February 1986, CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680003-9.
|
||||
[^7]: Phillips, David Atlee. *The Night Watch: 25 Years of Peculiar Service*. Atheneum, 1977, pp. 223, 272.
|
||||
[^8]: Challenge, Inc., press release, February 14, 1986, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200056-7; Bruske, Ed. "Libel Suit Settled," *The Washington Post,* February 17, 1986, CIA-RDP91-00587R000200890014-0; "CIA agent winner in Letelier case," *The Washington Times,* February 1986, CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680003-9.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ created: 2026-06-12
|
|||
updated: 2026-06-12
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
David Dean Rusk (1909-1994) was [[Secretary of State]] under Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon Johnson|Lyndon B. Johnson]] from 1961 to 1969, and before that the president of the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] for most of the 1950s. His career embodied the revolving door between the Foundation's board and the upper reaches of US foreign policy, and as Secretary of State he handled the diplomacy of the Cold War interventions that run through the Rockefeller network's history in [[Latin America]], including the 1964 overthrow of Brazil's [[Joao Goulart]] and the 1967 hunt for [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia.[^1]
|
||||
David Dean Rusk (1909-1994) was [[Secretary of State]] under Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] from 1961 to 1969, and before that the president of the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] for most of the 1950s. His career embodied the revolving door between the Foundation's board and the upper reaches of US foreign policy, and as Secretary of State he handled the diplomacy of the Cold War interventions that run through the Rockefeller network's history in [[Latin America]], including the 1964 overthrow of Brazil's [[Joao Goulart]] and the 1967 hunt for [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Rockefeller Foundation Years
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,18 +4,33 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Person
|
||||
- BCCI
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Donald Regan served as the Treasury Secretary during the Reagan Administration."
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "Regan stated that 'Virtually every major move and decision the Reagans made during my time as White House chief of staff was cleared by a woman in San Francisco who drew up horoscopes to make certain that the planets were in favorable alignment for the enterprise.' This revelation was confirmed by W"
|
||||
born: 1918-12-21
|
||||
died: 2003-06-10
|
||||
location: "Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA"
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Donald T. Regan
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald Regan served as the [[Treasury Department|Treasury Secretary]] during the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan Administration]].[^1]
|
||||
Donald T. Regan (1918-2003) was an American government official who served as the [[White House]] Chief of Staff under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, Regan revealed in his memoir that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure at the White House[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Regan stated that "Virtually every major move and decision the Reagans made during my time as White House chief of staff was cleared by a woman in San Francisco who drew up horoscopes to make certain that the planets were in favorable alignment for the enterprise." This revelation was confirmed by White House press secretary [[Marlin Fitzwater]], who stated that President Reagan and his wife, Nancy, were both deeply interested in astrology[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The astrologer in question was [[Joan Quigley]]. Regan's disclosure brought the association of divination with national security into the news, sparking public interest and debate[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Treasury
|
||||
|
||||
Donald Regan served as the [[Treasury Department|Treasury Secretary]] during the Reagan Administration.[^2]
|
||||
### Role in BCCI Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
In January 1985, Regan received a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] report on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]]'s secret ownership of [[First American Bank]] through [[Douglas Mulholland]], the intelligence liaison at the Treasury Department.[^2] Despite receiving this information, Regan did not take action.[^3]
|
||||
In January 1985, Regan received a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] report on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]]'s secret ownership of [[First American Bank]] through [[Douglas Mulholland]], the intelligence liaison at the Treasury Department.[^3] Despite receiving this information, Regan did not take action.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Regan later refused to be interviewed by [[Jonathan Beaty]] in early 1992, stating that his memory about the BCCI affair was not good.[^2]
|
||||
Regan later refused to be interviewed by [[Jonathan Beaty]] in early 1992, stating that his memory about the BCCI affair was not good.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 12.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 364-366.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 388.
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 12.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 364-366.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 388.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,20 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Donald T. Regan
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
summary: "Regan stated that 'Virtually every major move and decision the Reagans made during my time as White House chief of staff was cleared by a woman in San Francisco who drew up horoscopes to make certain that the planets were in favorable alignment for the enterprise.' This revelation was confirmed by W"
|
||||
born: 1918-12-21
|
||||
died: 2003-06-10
|
||||
location: "Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Donald T. Regan (1918–2003) was an American government official who served as the [[White House]] Chief of Staff under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, Regan revealed in his memoir that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure at the White House[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Regan stated that "Virtually every major move and decision the Reagans made during my time as White House chief of staff was cleared by a woman in San Francisco who drew up horoscopes to make certain that the planets were in favorable alignment for the enterprise." This revelation was confirmed by White House press secretary [[Marlin Fitzwater]], who stated that President Reagan and his wife, Nancy, were both deeply interested in astrology[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The astrologer in question was [[Joan Quigley]]. Regan's disclosure brought the association of divination with national security into the news, sparking public interest and debate[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ summary: "Dylann Roof killed nine Black parishioners at Emanuel AME Church in Ch
|
|||
|
||||
### The Charleston Attack
|
||||
|
||||
On June 17, 2015, Roof drove to Emanuel AME Church, one of the oldest and most historically prominent Black churches in the American South, and joined the mid-week Bible study group. After approximately an hour, he opened fire. The nine people killed were [[Clementa C. Pinckney]] (the church's senior pastor and a South Carolina state senator), [[Cynthia Marie Graham Hurd]], [[Susie Jackson]], [[Ethel Lee Lance]], [[Depayne Middleton Doctor]], [[Tywanza Sanders]], [[Daniel Simmons]], [[Sharonda Coleman-Singleton]], and [[Myra Thompson]].
|
||||
On June 17, 2015, Roof drove to Emanuel AME Church, one of the oldest and most historically prominent Black churches in the American South, and joined the mid-week Bible study group. After approximately an hour, he opened fire. The nine people killed were [[Clementa C. Pinckney]] (the church's senior pastor and a [[South Carolina]] state senator), [[Cynthia Marie Graham Hurd]], [[Susie Jackson]], [[Ethel Lee Lance]], [[Depayne Middleton Doctor]], [[Tywanza Sanders]], [[Daniel Simmons]], [[Sharonda Coleman-Singleton]], and [[Myra Thompson]].
|
||||
|
||||
Roof stated to several survivors that he intended to start a race war and that Black people "were taking over the country." He allowed some individuals to survive the shooting explicitly so they could describe what happened.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
32
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Eugene Propper.md
Normal file
32
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Eugene Propper.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- EugenePropper
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
- DepartmentOfJustice
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- MichaelTownley
|
||||
- PrivateSecurity
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Eugene M. Propper
|
||||
summary: "Federal prosecutor of the Letelier murder, from whom the CIA withheld its 1976 knowledge of the Chilean agents' passports, and who in 1988 formed a counterterrorism consultancy with the FBI men from the case."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Eugene M. Propper was the assistant [[United States Attorney]] in Washington assigned in September 1976 to the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]]. His deputy was [[E. Lawrence Barcella]], and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agents were [[Carter Cornick|C. Carter Cornick]] in Washington and [[Robert Scherrer]], the bureau's representative in [[Buenos Aires]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] began sending him classified files, most of them on Chilean leftists. It "withheld from Propper the information that Deputy Director [[Vernon Walters]], a few weeks before the assassination, had learned about a covert mission to Washington by two Chilean intelligence officers using the names Juan Williams and [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Alejandro Romeral]]," the subject of Ambassador [[George Landau]]'s cable from [[Paraguay]], which Director [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] "had personally handled." A source with personal knowledge said that Bush, meeting Propper, "made no mention of the mysterious Chilean agents or of his discussions with Walters." On October 21, 1976, Propper sat beside Attorney General [[Edward Levi]] when Letelier's widow and her lawyer asked that the CIA be subpoenaed, which Levi declined. The photographs from the Paraguayan passports, which the [[Department of State|State Department]] had given him in the fall of 1976, were first shown to a witness on July 12, 1977, and identified [[Michael Townley]]. Propper obtained Townley's expulsion from [[Chile]] in April 1978 and his guilty plea that August.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Afterward
|
||||
|
||||
With the journalist [[Taylor Branch]] he wrote *Labyrinth* (1982), an account of the case. By 1988 he was with the Washington law firm of Lane and Edson and a partner, without title, in [[Counter Terrorism Consultants, Inc.]], formed with Cornick, Scherrer, who had "recently retired from the FBI as its records chief," and Barcella. The firm offered governments, airlines, shipping companies, and the sponsors of events such as the Olympic Games "pro-active" plans against attack, the management of kidnappings and hijackings, "in-depth intelligence files," and "liaison programs with national and international law enforcement and intelligence agencies."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "A group of top former FBI agents and federal prosecutors," United Press International, August 2, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/02/A-group-of-top-former-FBI-agents-and-federal/9684730900658/
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 242-243, 252, 297, 309-311.
|
||||
|
|
@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Politician
|
||||
summary: "Pender played a significant role in FIDCO's activities in Lebanon."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[George K. Pender]] was a Director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] and a former Director of the Pacific Ocean area for Burns & Roe, Inc., an international engineering and construction corporation. He also served as a Senior Engineer Consultant to Burns & Roe, Inc.[^1]
|
||||
[[George K. Pender]] was a Director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] and a former Director of the [[Pacific Ocean]] area for Burns & Roe, Inc., an international engineering and construction corporation. He also served as a Senior Engineer Consultant to Burns & Roe, Inc.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Pender played a significant role in [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]'s activities in [[Lebanon]]. A letter dated July 12, 1983, from Pender to [[Amin Gamayel]], the president of [[Lebanon]], indicated [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]'s interest in arranging financing for the redevelopment of [[Lebanon]], specifically mentioning the rebuilding of Damour and Alkhyam. This letter also noted that Pender had previously visited Beirut in February and May 1983 to discuss [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]'s participation, with meetings held with the Chamouns, [[Maurice Ghanem]], and Mourad Baroudy.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
39
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Guillermo Novo.md
Normal file
39
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Guillermo Novo.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- GuillermoNovo
|
||||
- CubanNationalistMovement
|
||||
- CubanExiles
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- Terrorism
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Guillermo Novo Sampol
|
||||
- Bill Novo
|
||||
summary: "Head of the northern zone of the Cuban Nationalist Movement who fired a bazooka at the United Nations in 1964, visited Pinochet's Chile in 1974, and supplied Michael Townley with explosives for the Letelier bomb."
|
||||
location: "Union City, New Jersey"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Guillermo Novo led the northern zone of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] from [[Union City, New Jersey]]. He "was not a refugee from the Castro government, having left Cuba in 1952, seven years before Castro took power. Also, he had never worked for the CIA." Investigators met "a rather dapper man, given to three-piece pinstripe suits." An agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s [[Newark, New Jersey|Newark]] office knew him as "an accomplished fund raiser and public speaker, a man of considerable philosophical knowledge, who would blow out a store window or dent the hull of a Russian ship, but who was not a killer."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Bazooka
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1964 Novo fired a bazooka at the [[United Nations]] building while [[Che Guevara]] was speaking inside. The shell "had been a semidud, aimed poorly, and had plopped harmlessly into the East River."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Chile
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1974 the movement's leader, [[Felipe Rivero]], sent Novo and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] to [[Chile]] "to pay homage to Pinochet." They entered the country with [[Orlando Bosch]]. When [[Michael Townley]] of [[DINA]] and his wife, [[Mariana Callejas]], first came to a Union City motel, Novo, Suarez, and Armando Santana "drew guns and ordered the couple to sit down," searched the luggage, and found an American passport in the name Kenneth Enyart and a Chilean identity card in the name Andres Wilson. "Finally, Novo put away his pistol and extended his hand to Townley." The movement lent Townley [[Virgilio Paz]] for a DINA mission to [[Mexico]] and Europe. A communique in the name of "Zero," a label used by Novo, his brother [[Ignacio Novo|Ignacio]], and Suarez, claimed the shooting of [[Bernardo Leighton]] in [[Rome]] in October 1975. The FBI credited it "because it provided details of the attack that only the assassins could know."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Letelier
|
||||
|
||||
On September 10, 1976, at Union City, Townley "outlined my DINA mission to assassinate Letelier and requested the assistance of the Cuban Nationalist Movement." Novo demanded a full explanation and argued that "DINA should have killed Otero rather than turn him over to the FBI," a reference to the surrender of [[Rolando Otero]] to [[Robert Scherrer]]. After a meeting at the Chateau Renaissance Motel he sent formal word that the movement would help. He introduced Townley to [[Alvin Ross]], once a blackjack dealer at the [[Tropicana Club|Tropicana]] in [[Havana]]. On September 15 "Novo handed Townley a paper bag" holding detonating cord, C-4, and TNT. Paz and Suarez went with Townley to [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], where [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]] were killed on September 21.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Asked by the prosecutor [[Eugene Propper]] and the agent [[Carter Cornick]] where he had been the night before the bombing, Novo said: "That is my trump card. That is the ace up my sleeve." The informant [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete|Ricardo Morales]], then an officer of the Venezuelan [[DISIP]], had planted a story that Bosch was telling associates the "Novo brothers" had killed Letelier. "Bosch is a liar and a traitor to freedom," Novo said.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 101-108.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9-21, 147-152, 240.
|
||||
|
|
@ -51,7 +51,7 @@ Swann's suggestion to use geographic coordinates rather than outbound experiment
|
|||
|
||||
Pat Price, a retired Burbank police commissioner introduced to the program in 1973, produced what Puthoff considered the most operationally significant results of the SRI period. Price's remote viewing of the Soviet URDF-3 facility near [[Semipalatinsk]] - describing a large gantry crane, spherical metal objects estimated at 60 feet in diameter under construction, and a novel welding technique - was subsequently evaluated against classified satellite photography and assessed as substantially accurate. Price and Swann's subsequent remote viewing of the [[National Security Agency|NSA]] signals intelligence facility at Sugar Grove, West Virginia, triggered an NSA security investigation into whether remote viewing, if genuine, represented a vulnerability for classified installations.
|
||||
|
||||
Price died of a reported heart attack in Las Vegas in July 1975, under circumstances Puthoff considered potentially suspicious. His suitcase of remote viewing notes and CIA materials disappeared before Puthoff arrived in Las Vegas. No evidence of foul play was established.
|
||||
Price died of a reported heart attack in [[Las Vegas]] in July 1975, under circumstances Puthoff considered potentially suspicious. His suitcase of remote viewing notes and CIA materials disappeared before Puthoff arrived in Las Vegas. No evidence of foul play was established.
|
||||
|
||||
### Published Research
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
37
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Harry Shlaudeman.md
Normal file
37
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Harry Shlaudeman.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- HarryShlaudeman
|
||||
- StateDepartment
|
||||
- OperationCondor
|
||||
- HenryKissinger
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Harry W. Shlaudeman
|
||||
summary: "Assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs who warned Kissinger of Operation Condor's assassination plans on August 3, 1976, received Landau's cable on the DINA passports, and saw no warning delivered before Letelier died."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Harry Shlaudeman was assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs under [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] in 1976.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Third World War
|
||||
|
||||
An intelligence memorandum of June 4, 1976, the day the exiled Bolivian president [[Juan José Torres]] was found murdered in [[Buenos Aires]], considered the possible "existence of an intergovernmental assassination program" and concluded that "there is no evidence to support a contention that [[Southern Cone]] governments are cooperating in some sort of international Murder Inc." Four days later Kissinger met General [[Augusto Pinochet]] in [[Santiago]]. On August 3 Shlaudeman sent Kissinger a paper titled "The Third World War and South America," which described the plans of [[Operation Condor]] to kill opponents abroad. He and [[William Luers]] enlisted the under secretary, [[Philip Habib]], to persuade Kissinger to tell the military governments that the [[United States]] knew of the plans. Kissinger's cable to the ambassadors said the new reports put "Prats in Buenos Aires and Leighton in Rome, in a new and more ominous context." The plan had not been carried through when [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington on September 21.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Paraguayan Caper
|
||||
|
||||
Ambassador [[George Landau]]'s cable of July 28 on the Paraguayan passports issued to two [[DINA]] officers reached Shlaudeman's office by way of Kissinger's. After General [[Vernon Walters]] disowned the mission on August 4, Landau wrote to Shlaudeman of "the so-called 'Paraguayan caper'" which "in my view has troublesome aspects." Shlaudeman answered: "If there is still time, and if there is a possibility of turning off this harebrained scheme, you are authorized to go back through [[Conrado Pappalardo|Pappalardo]] to urge that the Chileans be persuaded not, repeat, not to travel." On November 11 [[Robert Driscoll]] of the Chile desk reported to him that two Chileans using the same names had entered the country in August "after Ambassador Landau had ordered the visas revoked and lookouts placed."[^1][^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Horman
|
||||
|
||||
A memorandum to Shlaudeman of August 25, 1976, on the death of [[Charles Horman]] in [[Chile]] in 1973, read: "This case remains bothersome. The connotations for the Executive are not good." It concluded that "U.S. intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best, it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 159-166, 171-174, 180, 183.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 260-261, 383.
|
||||
[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 269, 343.
|
||||
42
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Howard Osborn.md
Normal file
42
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Howard Osborn.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- HowardOsborn
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- CIAOfficeOfSecurity
|
||||
- FamilyJewels
|
||||
- Watergate
|
||||
- DomesticSurveillance
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Howard J. Osborn
|
||||
summary: "CIA director of security from 1964 who compiled his office's share of the Family Jewels and was retired in 1974 after a memorandum on papers burned at James McCord's house was withheld from the FBI."
|
||||
location: "Langley, Virginia"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Howard Osborn became director of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] on July 1, 1964. In April 1974 he was 56 and had served the agency 26 years.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Programs
|
||||
|
||||
Under Osborn the office took custody of the defector [[Yuri Nosenko]] in October 1967 and assigned him to [[Bruce Solie]]. It ran [[Project MERRIMAC]] against dissident groups in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]]. "There is no record of MERRIMAC having been authorized at the outset by Director Helms," the Senate committee found. Osborn testified that [[Richard Helms]] "had indicated his concern about the security of the CIA facilities." Its companion, [[Project RESISTANCE]], indexed between 12,000 and 16,000 names. By late 1970 Osborn "felt that some of the field offices might be going too far in developing information from cooperating confidential sources," and on January 6, 1971, the field was told that "no attempts should be made to recruit new informants or sources such as campus or police officials for the express purpose of obtaining information regarding dissident groups." At the direction of Helms the office kept the reporters [[Michael Getler]] and [[Jack Anderson]] under surveillance in 1971 and 1972.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Of the mail opening in [[New York City|New York]], [[HTLINGUAL]], he testified: "We got no benefit from it at all. The product was worthless." At a meeting of May 19, 1971, he "stated that he thought the operation served mainly a Bureau requirement." He recalled Helms asking [[James Jesus Angleton]]: "If this project is so important to the FBI, why don't they take it over."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
On November 8, 1967, he recorded that [[William Harvey]], about to leave the agency, had asked the bureau's liaison, [[Sam Papich]], for reputable private investigators, and that "Mr. Papich suggested [[Wackenhut Corporation]] or the [[Fidelifax]] Company as having a good reputation in the trade."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Jewels
|
||||
|
||||
On May 16, 1973, Osborn forwarded to the management committee "summaries of activities conducted either by or under the sponsorship of the Office of Security in the past which in my opinion conflict with the provisions of the [[National Security Act of 1947]]." He dated the survey from March 1959 "because I believe that the activities occurring since that time still have a viable 'flap potential' in that many of the people involved, both Agency and non-Agency are still alive." The first item was [[Johnny Roselli]]. His memorandum became the opening pages of the [[CIA Family Jewels|Family Jewels]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Pennington
|
||||
|
||||
After [[James McCord]], "an ex-CIA agent," was arrested at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]] in June 1972, [[Lee Pennington]], a former inspector of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] then paid by the agency as a consultant and "an old family friend of the McCords," visited Mrs. McCord. "He found her burning papers and documents. Earlier, she had burned typewriter ribbons." He reported it, and the agency wrote it up. "For more than a year and a half, it lay in the CIA files like a paper bomb," while the bureau's agents "were getting persistent denials from the CIA." When Senator [[Howard Baker]] began to inquire into the agency's part in the cover-up, "a middle-level CIA employee who knew of the hidden memo threatened to blow the whistle." Director [[William Colby]] took it to Representative [[Lucien Nedzi]], who held hearings and concluded that the agency had not sent Pennington to burn the papers, "as the memo seemed to suggest." Osborn said he had not known of the memorandum. "It led to the early retirement of Osborn," Nedzi said. Osborn said: "I had planned for over a year to retire in June."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, pp. 00002-00006, 00023, 00026-00030.
|
||||
[^2]: Anderson, Jack. "Washington Merry-Go-Round," *Washington Post,* April 2, 1974, p. B15. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2.
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book III*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, pp. 579, 600-602, 723-724.
|
||||
[^4]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
|
||||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ died: 2014-10-21
|
|||
location: "Kansas City, Missouri"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Joan Quigley was a San Francisco socialite and astrologer who advised President [[Ronald Reagan]] during his tenure at the [[White House]]. Her role was revealed in May 1988 by [[Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, and confirmed by press secretary [[Marlin Fitzwater]][^1].
|
||||
Joan Quigley was a San Francisco socialite and astrologer who advised President [[Ronald Reagan]] during his tenure at the [[White House]]. Her role was revealed in May 1988 by [[Donald Regan|Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, and confirmed by press secretary [[Marlin Fitzwater]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Regan stated that "Virtually every major move and decision the Reagans made during my time as White House chief of staff was cleared by a woman in San Francisco who drew up horoscopes to make certain that the planets were in favorable alignment for the enterprise." Quigley became the subject of considerable public interest following this revelation[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
title: Johnny Roselli
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Filippo Sacco
|
||||
|
|
@ -13,6 +13,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- AntiCastro
|
||||
- JFKAssassination
|
||||
- LasCosas
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
category: "Organized Crime"
|
||||
summary: "Johnny Roselli was a senior Chicago Outfit figure operating in Las Vegas and Hollywood who was recruited by the CIA in 1960 as the primary organized crime conduit for assassination plots against Fidel Castro, testified before the Church Committee in 1975-1976, and was murdered and stuffed in an oil drum in Dumfoundling Bay, Florida, shortly after his second Senate appearance."
|
||||
born: 1905-07-04
|
||||
|
|
@ -24,7 +25,7 @@ Johnny Roselli (born Filippo Sacco, July 4, 1905, Esperia, Caserta, Italy - died
|
|||
|
||||
### Organized Crime Career
|
||||
|
||||
Roselli entered organized crime in Chicago in the 1920s, working within the Capone organization. By the 1930s he had moved to Los Angeles and become the Chicago Outfit's principal representative on the West Coast, overseeing gambling operations and cultivating connections to Hollywood studios and labor unions. He subsequently became the Outfit's primary presence in Las Vegas, managing interests in the Stardust and other casinos and coordinating with other organized crime families sharing Nevada gambling operations.[^1]
|
||||
Roselli entered organized crime in Chicago in the 1920s, working within the Capone organization. By the 1930s he had moved to Los Angeles and become the Chicago Outfit's principal representative on the West Coast, overseeing gambling operations and cultivating connections to Hollywood studios and labor unions. He subsequently became the Outfit's primary presence in [[Las Vegas]], managing interests in the Stardust and other casinos and coordinating with other organized crime families sharing Nevada gambling operations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Roselli was meticulous about maintaining a legitimate surface appearance. He socialized extensively with Hollywood figures, lawyers, and businessmen, and cultivated a persona more polished than many organized crime contemporaries. This social facility was precisely what the CIA sought when approaching organized crime for anti-Castro operations.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -38,7 +39,7 @@ When [[William Harvey]] replaced Maheu as the CIA's primary handler for the mob
|
|||
|
||||
### Church Committee Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
When the [[Church Committee]] investigated CIA assassination plots in 1975, Roselli was subpoenaed to testify. He appeared before the committee in June 1975 and again in April 1976. His testimony was taken in closed session.
|
||||
When the Church Committee investigated CIA assassination plots in 1975, Roselli was subpoenaed to testify. He appeared before the committee in June 1975 and again in April 1976. His testimony was taken in closed session.
|
||||
|
||||
During his second appearance, Roselli elaborated on a theory he had been advancing since 1967 through journalist Jack Anderson - that the CIA-organized crime anti-Castro network had been "turned around" by Cuban or pro-Castro operatives and used to kill President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] in November 1963. This theory was not corroborated by physical evidence but attracted attention because of Roselli's direct participation in the anti-Castro infrastructure.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -50,7 +51,12 @@ The CIA-Roselli relationship was among the most extensively documented findings
|
|||
|
||||
Roselli's murder, coming immediately after his Senate testimony, reinforced the narrative that witnesses to the deepest level of CIA-organized crime cooperation did not survive to tell the full story.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Maheu
|
||||
|
||||
Johnny Rosselli was an organized-crime leader who was contacted by Robert Maheu in 1960 as part of CIA operations to assassinate Fidel Castro. Rosselli, along with Sam Giancana and Santos Trafficante, Jr., was enlisted to assist in these efforts, which involved Cuban exiles.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Church Committee (U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities). *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders.* Senate Report No. 94-465, 1975. Rappleye, Charles, and Ed Becker. *All American Mafioso: The Johnny Roselli Story.* Doubleday, 1991.
|
||||
[^2]: Thomas, Evan. *The Very Best Men: Four Who Dared: The Early Years of the CIA.* Simon & Schuster, 1995.
|
||||
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,17 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Organized crime leader enlisted by the CIA through Robert Maheu in 1960 to assist in assassination plots against Fidel Castro."
|
||||
born: 1905-07-04
|
||||
died: 1976-08-07
|
||||
location: "Esperia, Lazio, Italy"
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Johnny Rosselli]] was an organized-crime leader who was contacted by [[Robert Maheu]] in 1960 as part of [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] operations to assassinate [[Fidel Castro]]. Rosselli, along with [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]], was enlisted to assist in these efforts, which involved Cuban exiles.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ Whether the FBI explicitly authorized founding Tempel ov Blood and operating Mar
|
|||
|
||||
Sutter joined Atomwaffen Division in the spring of 2017, operating under the online alias "swissdiscipline." His entry into AWD came after AWD's Texas leader Denton, fascinated by Tempel ov Blood's combination of National Socialism and Satanic occultism, invited ToB members into the group. Sutter rapidly became an important figure within AWD's leadership structure, and through him, at least nine Tempel ov Blood members held key positions in the organization at the peak of this relationship.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Sutter attended AWD's "Hate Camp" paramilitary training sessions in 2017 and 2018. These camps combined firearms training, physical conditioning, and ideological instruction. He organized the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in Las Vegas, Nevada in September 2019, AWD's national leadership gathering, using his FBI-provided funds to cover member travel and lodging. [[James Mason]], the author of *[[Siege]]*, made his first documented in-person appearance with AWD at the Nuclear Congress, delivering speeches calling for murder and lone-wolf attacks.[^5]
|
||||
Sutter attended AWD's "Hate Camp" paramilitary training sessions in 2017 and 2018. These camps combined firearms training, physical conditioning, and ideological instruction. He organized the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in [[Las Vegas]], Nevada in September 2019, AWD's national leadership gathering, using his FBI-provided funds to cover member travel and lodging. [[James Mason]], the author of *[[Siege]]*, made his first documented in-person appearance with AWD at the Nuclear Congress, delivering speeches calling for murder and lone-wolf attacks.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Denton made Sutter's books (*Iron Gates*, *Liber 333*, *Bluebird*) required or approved reading for AWD members. The ideological shift provoked substantial internal controversy: members who had joined AWD as National Socialists objected to the incorporation of Satanism, and several left the group. Those who remained were exposed to the O9A framework in which murder was construed as spiritual service and transgressive violence as a form of initiatory development.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Marvin Shoob.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Marvin Shoob.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- MarvinShoob
|
||||
- BNLScandal
|
||||
- ChristopherDrogoul
|
||||
- FederalJudiciary
|
||||
- Atlanta
|
||||
- DepartmentOfJustice
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Marvin H. Shoob
|
||||
- Judge Shoob
|
||||
summary: "Federal judge in Atlanta who in 1992 let Christopher Drogoul withdraw his guilty plea, removed himself from the BNL case saying the bank's Rome officers had approved the Iraqi loans, and called the defendants pawns."
|
||||
born: 1923-02-23
|
||||
died: 2017-06-12
|
||||
location: "Atlanta, Georgia"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Marvin Herman Shoob (February 23, 1923 to June 12, 2017) was a judge of the [[United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia]]. He was born at Walterboro, [[South Carolina]], raised in [[Savannah, Georgia|Savannah]], served in Europe with the Third Army, and graduated from the [[University of Georgia]] law school in 1948. In the early 1960s he and the state senator [[Jimmy Carter]] redrafted the rules of the [[Georgia]] [[Democratic Party]]. President Carter appointed him to the bench in 1979. He took senior status on September 30, 1991.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The BNL Case
|
||||
|
||||
The indictment of [[Christopher Drogoul]], manager of the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], for lending some five billion dollars to [[Iraq]] without the knowledge of his superiors, came before Shoob in 1991. Drogoul pleaded guilty to 60 counts in June 1992. At the sentencing hearing that September he testified that the branch had been "a tool of the U.S. and Italian governments." On September 14 Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] announced that the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had told his committee it had good evidence that the bank's officers in [[Rome]] knew of the lending, contrary to what its general counsel had told the prosecutors. On October 1, 1992, Shoob allowed Drogoul to withdraw the plea and removed himself from the case, recording his conclusion "that officials at BNL-Rome were aware of and approved Mr. Drogoul's activities." He called Drogoul and his Atlanta colleagues "pawns and bit-players in a far more wide-ranging conspiracy."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Drogoul's public defender, [[Sheila Tyler]], told the court: "It is clear to me that my client was merely a small fish in a larger operation." Shoob said to Drogoul in open court: "I don't believe for a minute that you were able to do all of this on your own." "You're right," Drogoul answered. "I do not want to be in a position where I have to sentence Mr. Drogoul, where he takes the fall when there are other people involved who are equally culpable," the judge said. "A special prosecutor ought to get into this entire matter." During the hearings a federal marshal came to his chambers concerned for the prisoner's safety. Shoob asked who might threaten him. "Would you believe the CIA?" the marshal said. The judge said he would not. That night the Shoobs slept with their floodlights on. Their house had been vandalized in the early 1980s after he ordered the release of Cuban detainees from the [[Mariel boatlift]], when Attorney General [[Edwin Meese]] told him "we think it would be a good idea to just put them all on C-5 cargo aircraft and drop them over [[Cuba]] with parachutes."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Attorney General [[William Barr]] declined to seek an independent counsel and named a retired judge, [[Frederick Lacey]], who reported after 54 days: "I find Judge Shoob's specific charges against the USAO to be inaccurate." A second [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] review, the Hogan report of August 1993, found that an officer of the bank in Rome might have known of the lending but that the evidence would not support a prosecution. Officials of the CIA said that the head of the department's fraud section, [[Lawrence Urgenson]], had urged the agency to withhold information on Drogoul, which Urgenson denied. Drogoul pleaded guilty to three counts before another judge in September 1993.[^3][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Federal Judicial Center, *Biographical Directory of Federal Judges,* "Shoob, Marvin Herman"; obituary, *The Atlanta Journal-Constitution,* June 2017.
|
||||
[^2]: United States v. Drogoul, 1 F.3d 1546 (11th Cir. 1993); Gonzalez, Henry B. "Update on BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, January 21, 1993.
|
||||
[^3]: "Justice probe finds no 'Iraqgate' conspiracy," Associated Press, in the *San Francisco Chronicle* archive. https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/justice-probe-finds-no-iraqgate-conspiracy-3160242.php
|
||||
[^4]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 228-231.
|
||||
[^5]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95.
|
||||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ Nick Schou was a journalist who uncovered documentary evidence of former [[Centr
|
|||
|
||||
### Exposing the Nelson-Fluor Connection
|
||||
|
||||
A Fluor spokeswoman initially denied that Nelson had been affiliated with the company until Schou presented documentary evidence proving otherwise. Nelson had been the CIA's deputy director of operations, the head of all covert operations worldwide, from 1973 to 1976 before becoming Fluor's vice president for security and administration. The connection between Nelson and [[Ron Lister]], the former [[Laguna Beach Police Department|Laguna Beach]] police officer who claimed high-level CIA contacts while partnering with [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] in drug trafficking, suggested that Lister's claims of intelligence connections were more than empty boasting. Schou's reporting helped establish the factual basis for the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
A Fluor spokeswoman initially denied that Nelson had been affiliated with the company until Schou presented documentary evidence proving otherwise. Nelson had been the CIA's deputy director of operations, the head of all covert operations worldwide, from 1973 to 1976 before becoming Fluor's vice president for security and administration. The connection between Nelson and [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]], the former [[Laguna Beach Police Department|Laguna Beach]] police officer who claimed high-level CIA contacts while partnering with [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] in drug trafficking, suggested that Lister's claims of intelligence connections were more than empty boasting. Schou's reporting helped establish the factual basis for the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ died: 1975-07-14
|
|||
location: "Burbank, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Pat Price (December 8, 1918 - July 14, 1975) was a retired law enforcement official from Burbank, California, who joined the [[Stanford Research Institute]] remote viewing program in 1973 and produced results that the program's principal investigators, [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]], considered the most operationally significant of the SRI period. His remote viewing sessions targeting a classified Soviet research facility at [[Semipalatinsk]] and a classified [[National Security Agency|NSA]] signals intelligence installation at Sugar Grove, West Virginia, were assessed as substantially accurate against independent intelligence sources and contributed substantially to congressional and agency briefings used to justify continued program funding. He died in Las Vegas in July 1975 at age 56 of a reported heart attack, under circumstances that some program participants considered suspicious.
|
||||
Pat Price (December 8, 1918 - July 14, 1975) was a retired law enforcement official from Burbank, California, who joined the [[Stanford Research Institute]] remote viewing program in 1973 and produced results that the program's principal investigators, [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]], considered the most operationally significant of the SRI period. His remote viewing sessions targeting a classified Soviet research facility at [[Semipalatinsk]] and a classified [[National Security Agency|NSA]] signals intelligence installation at Sugar Grove, West Virginia, were assessed as substantially accurate against independent intelligence sources and contributed substantially to congressional and agency briefings used to justify continued program funding. He died in [[Las Vegas]] in July 1975 at age 56 of a reported heart attack, under circumstances that some program participants considered suspicious.
|
||||
|
||||
### Background and Law Enforcement Career
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ Peña told CIA investigators that Meneses introduced him to his nephew, Jairo Me
|
|||
|
||||
### CIA Awareness
|
||||
|
||||
Partly declassified [[Central Intelligence Agency]] records show the agency had evidence as early as October 1982 of links between Meneses's drug ring, the FDN, and an unnamed U.S. religious organization involving an exchange of narcotics for arms. A CIA cable identified Peña as one of four persons who would represent the FDN at a meeting in [[Costa Rica]] regarding this exchange. CIA headquarters ordered the Domestic Collection Division to halt further investigation, then had second thoughts, cabling a Latin American station that "the information was surfaced by another [U.S. government] agency and may return to haunt us."[^3]
|
||||
Partly declassified [[Central Intelligence Agency]] records show the agency had evidence as early as October 1982 of links between Meneses's drug ring, the FDN, and an unnamed U.S. religious organization involving an exchange of narcotics for arms. A CIA cable identified Peña as one of four persons who would represent the FDN at a meeting in [[Costa Rica]] regarding this exchange. CIA headquarters ordered the [[Domestic Contact Service|Domestic Collection Division]] to halt further investigation, then had second thoughts, cabling a Latin American station that "the information was surfaced by another [U.S. government] agency and may return to haunt us."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and DEA Debriefing
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -33,13 +33,23 @@ On October 18 the station asked headquarters for "three 45 calibre machine guns
|
|||
|
||||
Six hours after the delivery Schneider's car was blocked on his way to work. He drew his pistol and was shot with handguns. A Chilean military court found that two groups of officers, active and retired, had conspired to kidnap him and bring about a coup, and "that the two Generals had been in contact throughout the coup plotting." Viaux was sentenced to twenty years as "intellectual author" of the attempt. Valenzuela was sentenced to three years in exile. Martial law was declared on the day of the shooting and Valenzuela was given command of Santiago province. The CIA's task force log recorded: "The attack on General Schneider has produced developments which closely follow Valenzuela's plan." Director [[Richard Helms]] concluded the next day that "a maximum effort has been achieved." The agency later paid 35,000 dollars to members of the group that had attacked Schneider. Wimert retrieved the machine guns and threw them into the Pacific. General [[Carlos Prats]] succeeded to the command.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Police Report
|
||||
|
||||
The report of the military police officer who investigated the shooting, Major Carlos Donoso Perez, makes no mention of a drawn pistol. It states that the car was "surrounded by five individuals, one of whom, making use of a blunt instrument similar to a sledgehammer, broke the rear window and then fired at General Schneider, striking him in the region of the spleen, in the left shoulder, and in the left wrist." The Senate committee reasoned that since none of the machine guns passed to Valenzuela had been used, there was "no evidence of a plan to kill Schneider." [[John Court]], an aide on the [[National Security Council]] staff, recalled Haig telling him that "if we have to take care of somebody, we could do it."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
On February 16, 1971, a headquarters officer, John C. Murray, reported to [[William Broe]] that the false flag officer [[Bruce MacMaster]] had confessed that he and [[Henry Sloman]] "had met with General Viaux and were involved in the plotting against Schneider." MacMaster, travelling on a falsified Colombian passport, had presented himself as the agent of "American business interests such as the [[Ford Foundation]], the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] and other unidentified business groups." Murray warned that Viaux's jailed associates might "implicate CIA in the action taken against Schneider" and were "seeking a large amount of money." Wimert said he recovered the 50,000 dollars from Valenzuela by striking him. "There is no apparent record in the CIA files of these financial transactions, which Wimert insists he reported to Hecksher."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Congress ratified Allende on October 24 by 153 votes to 37.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Schneider v. Kissinger
|
||||
|
||||
René and Raúl Schneider and other members of the family sued Kissinger and the [[United States]] in the federal court in Washington on November 12, 2002. The complaint alleged that on September 15, 1970, Nixon ordered that the CIA "play a direct role in organizing a military coup d'etat in [[Chile]]," said he was "not concerned" about the risks, authorized ten million dollars, and required a plan within 48 hours. The district court dismissed the case in 2004, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] affirmed in 2005, holding that the decision to support a coup in a foreign country was a political question that courts could not review.[^4]
|
||||
René and Raúl Schneider and other members of the family sued Kissinger and the [[United States]] in the federal court in Washington on November 12, 2002. The complaint alleged that on September 15, 1970, Nixon ordered that the CIA "play a direct role in organizing a military coup d'etat in [[Chile]]," said he was "not concerned" about the risks, authorized ten million dollars, and required a plan within 48 hours. The district court dismissed the case in 2004, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] affirmed in 2005, holding that the decision to support a coup in a foreign country was a political question that courts could not review.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975, part III.F.
|
||||
[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020, documents 23595 (memorandum of conversation, October 15, 1970), 23596 (cable, October 16, 1970), and 23598 (cable, October 18, 1970). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
|
||||
[^3]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 1975.
|
||||
[^4]: Schneider v. Kissinger, 310 F. Supp. 2d 251 (D.D.C. 2004), affirmed, 412 F.3d 190 (D.C. Cir. 2005); complaint, November 12, 2002, National Security Archive document 23606.
|
||||
[^4]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, pp. 275, 289-290.
|
||||
[^5]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, p. 29.
|
||||
[^6]: Schneider v. Kissinger, 310 F. Supp. 2d 251 (D.D.C. 2004), affirmed, 412 F.3d 190 (D.C. Cir. 2005); complaint, November 12, 2002, National Security Archive document 23606.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -38,4 +38,6 @@ Later, [[Alan Michael May]], who had served as a former Northern California fiel
|
|||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. _Remote Viewers_. Dell, 1997. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16. [^3]: Seymour, Cheri. _The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal_. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. _Remote Viewers_. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16.
|
||||
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. _The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal_. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ The program expanded significantly under the Nixon administration from 1969. At
|
|||
- More than 5,000 reports disseminated to the FBI over seven years of operation (the Church Committee documented 4,400 memoranda and approximately 1,000 cable disseminations)
|
||||
- Six reports compiled directly for the [[White House]]; 34 disseminated to Cabinet-level officials
|
||||
|
||||
Two subprograms fed directly into MHCHAOS: [[Project MERRIMAC]], which placed CIA infiltrators in domestic antiwar and civil rights organizations in Washington D.C., and Project RESISTANCE, which compiled dossiers on radical groups near CIA facilities through coordination with campus administrators and local police. Both subprograms were run through the CIA's Office of Security rather than directly through the Counterintelligence Staff.[^2]
|
||||
Two subprograms fed directly into MHCHAOS: [[Project MERRIMAC]], which placed CIA infiltrators in domestic antiwar and civil rights organizations in Washington D.C., and [[Project RESISTANCE]], which compiled dossiers on radical groups near CIA facilities through coordination with campus administrators and local police. Both subprograms were run through the CIA's Office of Security rather than directly through the Counterintelligence Staff.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### White House Access
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -42,7 +42,7 @@ One of the most operationally significant aspects of Ober's role was a covert of
|
|||
|
||||
### Church Committee Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
CHAOS was exposed on December 22, 1974 by Seymour Hersh's front-page New York Times article "Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces." DCI [[William Colby]] had already dismissed Angleton on December 17, 1974, before the article appeared, having been warned it was imminent. The Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the Church Committee) subsequently investigated CHAOS in detail. Ober testified before the committee on October 28, 1975. The committee's findings are documented in Book III of its final report, "CIA Intelligence Collection About Americans: CHAOS and the Office of Security" (S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976), available at aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book3/pdf/ChurchB3_9_CHAOS.pdf. The Rockefeller Commission also examined CHAOS in its Chapter 11, available at aarclibrary.org/publib/church/rockcomm/pdf/RockComm_Chap11_CHAOS.pdf.[^2]
|
||||
CHAOS was exposed on December 22, 1974 by Seymour Hersh's front-page New York Times article "Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces." DCI [[William Colby]] had already dismissed Angleton on December 17, 1974, before the article appeared, having been warned it was imminent. The Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the Church Committee) subsequently investigated CHAOS in detail. Ober testified before the committee on October 28, 1975. The committee's findings are documented in Book III of its final report, "CIA Intelligence Collection About Americans: CHAOS and the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]" (S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976), available at aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book3/pdf/ChurchB3_9_CHAOS.pdf. The Rockefeller Commission also examined CHAOS in its Chapter 11, available at aarclibrary.org/publib/church/rockcomm/pdf/RockComm_Chap11_CHAOS.pdf.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The committee found that CHAOS violated the CIA's legislative charter prohibiting domestic operations and characterized it as "unlawful." Richard Helms's destruction of CHAOS records in 1973 (before the Hersh exposé) deprived the investigation of a complete documentary record; a cache of files survived only because it had been misfiled.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Iran-Contra"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- u.s.-government
|
||||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Rob Owen was Oliver North's courier and liaison to the Contra leadership who reported on drug trafficking by Contra supply companies.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Rob Owen was [[Oliver North]]'s courier and liaison to the Contra leadership who reported on drug trafficking by Contra supply companies. Owen served as North's eyes and ears on the ground in [[Central America]], carrying messages and funds between the [[White House]] and the Contra commanders.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Reports on Drug Trafficking
|
||||
|
||||
Owen reported to North that a DC-6 owned by [[Mario Calero]], brother of [[FDN]] leader [[Adolfo Calero]], which was being used for runs out of [[New Orleans]], "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S." Owen also relayed information about [[Dagoberto Nunez|Dagoberto Nuñez]]'s intelligence-gathering operations against the Sandinistas. His memos to North documented the overlap between drug trafficking and the Contra supply chain, providing some of the most direct evidence that the [[National Security Council]] operation knowingly used drug-connected companies like [[SETCO]] and Hondu Carib Cargo for logistical operations.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15.
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15, Ch. 7.
|
||||
|
|
@ -8,8 +8,13 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Iran-Contra
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
- u.s.-government
|
||||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Oliver North's courier in Central America whose phone number was found aboard a drug-seized Contra supply plane.
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Rob Owen
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert Owen was [[Oliver North]]'s courier in [[Central America]] during the Contra war, serving as a key link in North's illegal resupply operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Evidence
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,8 +31,18 @@ In August 1986, Owen was in [[Costa Rica]] when [[Joseph Kelso]], a CIA and [[U.
|
|||
|
||||
Back in Washington, U.S. Customs enforcement chief William Rosenblatt called North about Kelso's evidence tapes. North sent Owen to collect them. Owen listened to tapes of Costa Rican officials accusing DEA agents of corruption, confirmed the content, and then threw the tapes away when the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] broke in October 1986. "They were thrown out, along with a bunch of other stuff, when I moved," Owen testified. The tapes were never seen again. The congressional Iran-Contra panel noted Owen "did not tell Rosenblatt he worked for North or the CIA. He told him he worked for a private organization. Not surprisingly, Owen never returned the tape recordings."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Contra Supply
|
||||
|
||||
Rob Owen was Oliver North's courier and liaison to the Contra leadership who reported on drug trafficking by Contra supply companies. Owen served as North's eyes and ears on the ground in Central America, carrying messages and funds between the [[White House]] and the Contra commanders.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Reports on Drug Trafficking
|
||||
|
||||
Owen reported to North that a DC-6 owned by [[Mario Calero]], brother of [[FDN]] leader Adolfo Calero, which was being used for runs out of New Orleans, "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S." Owen also relayed information about [[Dagoberto Nunez|Dagoberto Nuñez]]'s intelligence-gathering operations against the Sandinistas. His memos to North documented the overlap between drug trafficking and the Contra supply chain, providing some of the most direct evidence that the [[National Security Council]] operation knowingly used drug-connected companies like [[SETCO]] and Hondu Carib Cargo for logistical operations.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 13: "The wrong kind of friends"
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 17: "We're going to blow your fucking head off"
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15.
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15, Ch. 7.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Robert Scherrer.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Robert Scherrer.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RobertScherrer
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- OperationCondor
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
- ManuelContreras
|
||||
- BuenosAires
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Robert W. Scherrer
|
||||
- Bob Scherrer
|
||||
summary: "FBI legal attaché in Buenos Aires who after the Letelier murder cabled Washington the first description of Operation Condor and its assassination phase, and later sold counterterrorism advice with the case's prosecutors."
|
||||
location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert Scherrer was the legal attaché of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] at the embassy in [[Buenos Aires]], responsible from 1972 for the southern cone of [[South America]]. The bureau "recruited him when he was eighteen, gave him a job as a filing clerk, and sent him to [[Fordham University]] to get a law degree." In the middle 1960s he served on the [[New York City|New York]] squad that watched Cuban exiles. "He had made it his business to get to know Chile's [[Manuel Contreras]]," on whom he called "on each trip to Chile."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
"In fact, he was a one-man intelligence station whose sources in all of the [[Southern Cone]] countries were the envy of the CIA and U.S. military intelligence." He had gone abroad with the first wave of legal attachés after [[J. Edgar Hoover]] persuaded President [[Richard Nixon]] in 1970 to approve the program. After arrests of members of the [[Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria]] in [[Paraguay]], "Scherrer sent a letter informing his main police source in Chile, General [[Ernesto Baeza]]," which has been called "the first documented case of U.S. official participation in the multicountry operations against the JCR." The bureau called it a "routine and traditional form of cooperation." "They should be rounded up," Scherrer said of the revolutionaries in 1979. "But they should be tried, not slaughtered." He said the military governments in 1975 formally proposed that the bureau have a "more open exchange of information with them" about people in the [[United States]] they considered terrorists. Contreras later testified that Scherrer was in "permanent contact" with Condor's representative in Buenos Aires "and received the information that he asked for." Scherrer said he learned that the CIA had provided DINA with the computer systems he presumed were used in the Condor data bank.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Condor Cable
|
||||
|
||||
After [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington on September 21, 1976, a source told Scherrer the murder was "a 'wild Condor operation.'" His cable to headquarters read: "[[Operation Condor]] is the code name for the collection, exchange and storage of intelligence data concerning leftists, communists and Marxists which was recently established between the cooperating services in South America in order to eliminate Marxist terrorists and their activities in the area. In addition Operation Condor provides for joint operations against terrorist targets in member countries. Chile is the center for Operation Condor, and in addition it includes [[Argentina]], [[Bolivia]], Paraguay and [[Uruguay]]. [[Brazil]] has also tentatively agreed to supply input." It went on: "A third and more secret phase of Operation Condor involves the formation of special teams from member countries to travel anywhere in the world to non-member countries to carry out sanctions, [including] assassinations, against terrorists or supporters of terrorist organizations." He learned that Contreras, "Condor One," had "personally provided the inspiration and organizational impetus," and that Chile had paid much of the early cost.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Santiago
|
||||
|
||||
In 1976 Scherrer obtained the surrender of the Cuban exile fugitive [[Rolando Otero]] from [[Chile]]. "The Chilean government first denied having Otero, then offered to turn him over in a coffin." The embassy warned that Secretary of State [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] would cancel his visit of that June. At their first meeting after the Letelier murder, in late November 1976, Contreras offered him "confidential information" that [[Ronni Moffitt]] had been Letelier's lover and that her husband was the likeliest suspect. With [[Carter Cornick]] he questioned [[Michael Townley]] on April 17, 1978.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
He retired as chief of the bureau's records. In 1988 he joined the prosecutors of the case, [[Eugene Propper]] and [[E. Lawrence Barcella]], and Cornick in [[Counter Terrorism Consultants, Inc.]][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 130, 237-239, 263-266, 276-277.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 90-94, 121-122; Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, p. 124.
|
||||
[^3]: "A group of top former FBI agents and federal prosecutors," United Press International, August 2, 1988.
|
||||
33
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Sam Papich.md
Normal file
33
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Sam Papich.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- SamPapich
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- HTLINGUAL
|
||||
- JamesAngleton
|
||||
- WackenhutCorporation
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Sam J. Papich
|
||||
summary: "FBI liaison officer to the CIA whom James Angleton told of the agency's New York mail opening in 1958, and who in 1967 recommended Wackenhut to William Harvey as a reputable private investigator."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Sam Papich was the liaison officer of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] until 1970.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Mail
|
||||
|
||||
In January 1958 the bureau's inquiries at the New York post office about a mail cover of its own ran into the agency's existing project, [[HTLINGUAL]]. [[James Jesus Angleton]] then told Papich "on a personal basis" of the opening of mail, saying "the sole purpose for the coverage was to identify persons behind the [[Iron Curtain]] who might have some ties in the U.S. and who could be approached in their countries as contacts and sources for the CIA." [[Alan Belmont]] wrote: "It would appear that our inquiries of the Post Office officials in New York have flushed out a most secret operation of the CIA." Papich testified that the bureau was "greatly concerned" at the intrusion on its jurisdiction and that he "anticipated all hell was going to break loose." The bureau chose instead "to capitalize on the situation by receiving the benefits of the program without the expense and manpower requirements which would accompany a more active role in its operation."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Roselli and Wackenhut
|
||||
|
||||
[[Sheffield Edwards]] of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] informed Papich of the agency's contacts with [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Johnny Roselli]]. In November 1967 [[William Harvey]], who had run Roselli and was leaving the agency to practice law, asked Papich for reputable private investigators. [[Howard Osborn]] recorded: "Mr. Papich suggested [[Wackenhut Corporation]] or the [[Fidelifax]] Company as having a good reputation in the trade."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book III*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, pp. 578, 613, 626-627.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*. S. Rept. 94-465, 1975.
|
||||
[^3]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
|
||||
28
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Stafford Sands.md
Normal file
28
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Stafford Sands.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Political Figure"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- StaffordSands
|
||||
- Bahamas
|
||||
- Casinos
|
||||
- MeyerLansky
|
||||
- Wackenhut
|
||||
- ResortsInternational
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Sir Stafford Sands
|
||||
summary: "Bahamian minister and lawyer who arranged casino exemptions for clients tied to Meyer Lansky, was disgraced by a 1967 royal commission, and was kept as a client by Wackenhut during its Florida war on crime."
|
||||
location: "Nassau, Bahamas"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Sir Stafford Sands was a lawyer and minister in the government of the [[Bahamas]] before 1967. He acted for [[Wallace Groves]] at Freeport, and when [[James Crosby]]'s [[Mary Carter Paint Company]] bought [[Paradise Island]] it acquired "the legal services of Sir Stafford Sands." Crosby called him "a very impressive intellectual." In the middle of 1965 Sands "arranged permission for the construction of the desired bridge connecting Paradise to [[Nassau]], and obtained transfer of the Bahamian Club's certificate of exemption" from the gambling laws to the new casino.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After the election of [[Lynden Pindling]]'s government in 1967 a royal commission under Sir [[Ranulph Bacon]] examined the casinos. "Sir Stafford Sands, disgraced by revelations of the millions that he'd made drafting legislation for Mob-connected entrepreneurs, retired to his castle in [[Spain]]."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1967 the crime reporter [[Hank Messick]] resigned from the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], which Governor [[Claude Kirk]] had hired to fight organized crime in [[Florida]], because the company kept Sands as a private client while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he said.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 381-382, 392-393.
|
||||
[^2]: "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, in the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Tampa file on the Wackenhut Corporation. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation
|
||||
|
|
@ -21,11 +21,11 @@ In his memoirs, *Compromised*, Reed wrote that he scouted locations and provided
|
|||
|
||||
One of the companies Reed worked with in Arkansas was a small manufacturer of parking meters called [[Park On Meter]] Inc., located in the town of Russellville. Reed claimed that the company was secretly manufacturing parts for M-16 rifles as a subcontractor on a CIA weapons project to supply the Contras.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Park On Meter's former secretary and corporate lawyer was [[Webb Hubbell|Webb Hubbell]], who also happened to be the brother-in-law of the company's owner. Hubbell admitted to a *Time* magazine reporter that POM was also making rocket launchers.[^1]
|
||||
Park On Meter's former secretary and corporate lawyer was [[Webster Hubbell|Webb Hubbell]], who also happened to be the brother-in-law of the company's owner. Hubbell admitted to a *Time* magazine reporter that POM was also making rocket launchers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Washington Post Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
The *Washington Post* sent a reporter to Arkansas in 1994 to investigate Reed's story. While the resultant article was a snide attempt to portray Reed as a crackpot conspiracy theorist, it nonetheless confirmed many of the basic elements of his story. "Some of the key relationships described in the book did exist in some form," the Post grudgingly admitted. "The Iver Johnson arms company near Little Rock, which the book portrays as being at the center of the gun-manufacturing effort, did ship a load of weapons to [[Nicaragua]] through a Mexican distributor, according to former plant engineer J. A. Matejko." Moreover, the Post found, the parking meter company Reed named "did make some gun parts for Iver Johnson, another relationship characterized in the book as part of the CIA weapons scheme." But the Post scoffed that the parts were "firing pins, not M-16 bolts as the book contends."[^1]
|
||||
The *Washington Post* sent a reporter to Arkansas in 1994 to investigate Reed's story. While the resultant article was a snide attempt to portray Reed as a crackpot conspiracy theorist, it nonetheless confirmed many of the basic elements of his story. "Some of the key relationships described in the book did exist in some form," the Post grudgingly admitted. "The Iver Johnson arms company near [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], which the book portrays as being at the center of the gun-manufacturing effort, did ship a load of weapons to [[Nicaragua]] through a Mexican distributor, according to former plant engineer J. A. Matejko." Moreover, the Post found, the parking meter company Reed named "did make some gun parts for Iver Johnson, another relationship characterized in the book as part of the CIA weapons scheme." But the Post scoffed that the parts were "firing pins, not M-16 bolts as the book contends."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connection to Oliver North and Barry Seal
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
34
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Virgilio Paz.md
Normal file
34
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Virgilio Paz.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- VirgilioPaz
|
||||
- CubanNationalistMovement
|
||||
- CubanExiles
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
- MichaelTownley
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Virgilio Paz Romero
|
||||
summary: "Cuban Nationalist Movement member lent to DINA in 1975, who travelled with Michael Townley through Mexico and Europe, proposed the false Cuban claim for the Leighton shooting, and accompanied him to kill Orlando Letelier."
|
||||
location: "Union City, New Jersey"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Virgilio Paz was a member of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], "an unemployed sometime used-car salesman." His father, expelled from the Cuban army after the revolution, died of pneumonia in [[Mexico City]] on the way to the [[United States]]. "Paz blames Castro, Mexican doctors, and the American bureaucracy."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Open Season
|
||||
|
||||
In 1975 Paz joined [[Michael Townley]] and [[Mariana Callejas]] of [[DINA]] for what Townley called "Operation Open Season," "a nine-month, eight-country DINA mission to terrorize targeted Chilean exiles and the enemies of the Cuban Nationalist Movement." Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Eduardo Iturriaga]], head of DINA's foreign operations, approved his inclusion. In the Mexican desert a mixture of explosives Townley was preparing in their camper began to hiss and smoke, and Paz fled. Of a hostel for Chilean exiles he said: "It is a symbol. A nest of Marxism. Cubans believe in symbolism." He and Callejas stole a dentist's rotary file for its list of exiles' addresses.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In [[Rome]], where Townley was arranging with the followers of [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]] the killing of [[Bernardo Leighton]], "Paz offered a unique cover-up plan to throw the subsequent investigation off the trail of both DINA and the Italians. The Italians would kill the Chilean target, and the Cuban exile movement would claim credit." Leighton and his wife were shot on October 6, 1975.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Washington
|
||||
|
||||
In September 1976 Paz gave Townley the remote-control detonator used against [[Orlando Letelier]], one Townley "himself had constructed months before in Santiago by modifying a radio paging device." Paz and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] drove with Townley to Letelier's house. "I was informed by Paz and Suarez that they expected me to place the device on the car," Townley stated, "as they wished to have a DINA agent, namely myself, directly tied to the placing of the device."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 16-19, 152-160.
|
||||
[^2]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 243-246, 303.
|
||||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Walter Sheridan.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Walter Sheridan.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "JFK Assassination"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- WalterSheridan
|
||||
- NBC
|
||||
- JimGarrison
|
||||
- RobertKennedy
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- ClayShaw
|
||||
summary: "Former aide to Robert Kennedy who as an NBC reporter produced the network's 1967 attack on Jim Garrison, was charged by Garrison with bribery, and passed information from Garrison's office to the CIA's general counsel."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Walter Sheridan was a senior aide to Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy]] at the [[Department of Justice]] and in 1967 a reporter for [[NBC]] News assigned to the investigation of the Kennedy assassination by the [[New Orleans]] district attorney, [[Jim Garrison]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Broadcast and the Charges
|
||||
|
||||
NBC broadcast a program critical of Garrison's conduct on June 19, 1967. On July 7 Garrison filed an information charging Sheridan with bribing a witness, and on July 11 three more charging [[Rick Townley|Richard Townley]] of the New Orleans station [[WDSU]] with bribing and intimidating witnesses. Townley had reported to the lawyers of the defendant, [[Clay Shaw]], that April in company with agents of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. On August 10 the two newsmen sued in federal court to stop the prosecutions. They alleged that the charges were "totally lacking in substance," part of "a broad plan to intimidate those who disagree with the District Attorney's conduct as a public official," that Garrison had "threatened to 'get'" Sheridan and "attempted to have appellants physically beaten," and that he had "suppressed evidence tending to show the charges false." Their lawyers included [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.]], who had headed the Criminal Division under [[Robert Kennedy]]. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] reversed a summary judgment for Garrison in August 1969 and ordered a hearing, observing that the investigation "casts doubt on the integrity of such important persons and agencies as the former Chief Justice of the [[United States]], the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Channel to Langley
|
||||
|
||||
"On 1 May, Jack Miller, a former assistant attorney general in charge of the Justice Department's Criminal Division, called the CIA's general counsel to offer some intelligence that had come to Miller 'from within Garrison's office,'" the agency's own journal recorded in 2001. "Miller's source was Walter Sheridan." The general counsel was [[Lawrence Houston]], and the call is recorded in a memorandum of May 1, 1967, headed "Report Concerning Garrison-Kennedy-CIA." Miller was the same lawyer who represented Sheridan against Garrison two years later.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf
|
||||
[^2]: Sheridan v. Garrison, 415 F.2d 699 (5th Cir. 1969).
|
||||
[^3]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9.
|
||||
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