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summary: "Director of international affairs for the AEC in 1958 who believed U.S. officials could have learned about Israel's Dimona reactor earlier."
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---
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Algie A. Wells was the director of international affairs for the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] in mid-1958. He suggested that [[Lewis L. Strauss]] might have ignored his statutory responsibility as AEC chairman for trivial reasons, rather than his Jewishness, when it came to informing [[John A. McCone]] about [[Dimona]]. Wells believed that if McCone was surprised to learn about the reactor in late 1960, "he shouldn't have been," as any government official who chose to do so could have learned about [[Israel]]'s nuclear reactor.[^1]
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Algie A. Wells was the director of international affairs for the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] in mid-1958. He suggested that [[Lewis L. Strauss]] might have ignored his statutory responsibility as AEC chairman for trivial reasons, rather than his Jewishness, when it came to informing [[John McCone|John A. McCone]] about [[Dimona]]. Wells believed that if McCone was surprised to learn about the reactor in late 1960, "he shouldn't have been," as any government official who chose to do so could have learned about [[Israel]]'s nuclear reactor.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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@ -18,6 +18,8 @@ Camilo Valenzuela was a brigadier general on active duty in the [[Chile|Chilean]
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The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] dealt with him through the American army attaché, [[Paul Wimert]]. On October 18 the [[Santiago]] station asked headquarters for "three .45 calibre machine guns (grease guns) with 500 rounds of ammo each." Headquarters, shipping them by diplomatic pouch, cabled: "Will continue make effort provide them but find our credulity stretched by Navy officer leading his troops with sterile guns. What is special purpose for these guns? We will try send them whether you can provide explanation or not." Tear gas grenades first meant for Viaux were given to the officers instead, because it was "important that the attache credibility with Armed Forces officers be strengthened." A cable of October 19 set out the plan to abduct Schneider and fly him to [[Argentina]] and recorded 50,000 dollars pledged to the group. The station reported: "Military will not admit involvement in Schneider's abduction which is to be blamed on leftists." Headquarters had written three days earlier of "great and continuing interest in the activities of Tirado, Canales, Valenzuela, et al, and we wish them optimum good fortune."[^1][^2][^3]
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Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] had earlier met Valenzuela to promote a plan under which Congress would ratify the runner-up, [[Jorge Alessandri]], who would form a military cabinet and resign, leaving the army to oversee a new election. On October 14 Wimert was instructed: "High authority in Washington has authorized you to offer material support short of armed intervention to Chilean Armed Forces in any endeavors they may undertake to prevent the election of Allende on October 24." Under the plan of October 19, Schneider was to be seized leaving an army dinner, President [[Eduardo Frei Montalva|Eduardo Frei]] would resign, and one of Valenzuela's aides would head a military government and dissolve Congress. Viaux was to carry out the abduction "using a small group of extreme right-wing civilians so that the crime could not be traced to the Chilean armed forces." When the second attempt failed on October 20, Hecksher reported: "We know that Gen. Valenzuela was involved" but "cannot prove or disprove that execution of attempt against Schneider was entrusted to elements linked with [Viaux]." After the shooting the agency's log recorded that "the die has been cast" and that "General Valenzuela has assumed control of Santiago Province." Kissinger wrote in his memoirs that the agency's men in Chile "felt they were free to continue with the second plotters, of whom the [[White House]] was unaware."[^4][^5]
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Schneider was shot on October 22 by Viaux's men with their own handguns. Wimert recovered the guns and the money and dropped the guns in the sea at [[Viña del Mar]]. A Chilean military court found that Valenzuela and Viaux "had been in contact throughout the coup plotting" and sentenced Valenzuela to three years in exile "for taking part in the conspiracy."[^1][^2]
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### Footnotes
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@ -25,3 +27,5 @@ Schneider was shot on October 22 by Viaux's men with their own handguns. Wimert
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[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975.
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[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
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[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970. National Security Archive document 23596. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/media/23596/ocr
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[^4]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 12, 27-29, 33.
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[^5]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, pp. 286-288.
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@ -1,19 +0,0 @@
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---
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aliases:
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- Caspar W. Weinberger
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category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
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tags:
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- Person
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- RemoteViewer
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- Military
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summary: "Secretary of Defense under Reagan whose military aide Lieutenant Colonel Higgins was abducted in Lebanon in 1988 with deep knowledge of classified matters."
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born: 1917-08-18
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location: "San Francisco, California"
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---
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Caspar W. Weinberger (1917–1990) was an American politician and businessman who served as the Secretary of Defense under President [[Ronald Reagan]] from 1981 to 1987. He was a key figure in the Reagan administration's military buildup during the [[Cold War]][^1].
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[[William Richard Higgins]], a Marine Lieutenant Colonel who was abducted in [[Lebanon]] in 1988, had served as a military aide to Weinberger from June 1985 until he went to Lebanon in June 1987. Higgins's in-depth knowledge of classified military matters, gained during his time with Weinberger, made him a high-value hostage[^1].
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
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@ -4,15 +4,25 @@ tags:
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- Person
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- Nuclear
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- Israel
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summary: "Caspar Weinberger served as the Secretary of Defense under President Ronald Reagan."
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- RemoteViewer
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- Military
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summary: "Secretary of Defense under Reagan whose military aide Lieutenant Colonel Higgins was abducted in Lebanon in 1988 with deep knowledge of classified matters."
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born: 1917-08-18
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died: 2006-03-28
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location: "San Francisco, California"
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alias:
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- Caspar W. Weinberger
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---
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Caspar Weinberger served as the Secretary of Defense under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. Following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, Weinberger proposed canceling the F-16 aircraft sale to [[Israel]] as a sanction. However, President Reagan privately disagreed with this course of action.[^1]
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Caspar W. Weinberger (1917-2006) was an American politician and businessman who served as the Secretary of Defense under President [[Ronald Reagan]] from 1981 to 1987. He was a key figure in the Reagan administration's military buildup during the [[Cold War]][^1].
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[[William Richard Higgins]], a Marine Lieutenant Colonel who was abducted in [[Lebanon]] in 1988, had served as a military aide to Weinberger from June 1985 until he went to Lebanon in June 1987. Higgins's in-depth knowledge of classified military matters, gained during his time with Weinberger, made him a high-value hostage[^1].
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### Osirak
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Caspar Weinberger served as the Secretary of Defense under President Ronald Reagan. Following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, Weinberger proposed canceling the F-16 aircraft sale to [[Israel]] as a sanction. However, President Reagan privately disagreed with this course of action.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991.
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[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
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[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991.
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@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ died: 2023-11-12
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location: "Berkeley, California"
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---
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Don Walsh is a renowned deep-sea explorer and former naval officer, known for achieving the deepest dive ever undertaken. In 1960, along with a crewmate, he descended to the bottom of the Challenger Deep in the Mariana Trench in the western Pacific Ocean, a feat that would not be replicated for another fifty-two years[^1].
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Don Walsh is a renowned deep-sea explorer and former naval officer, known for achieving the deepest dive ever undertaken. In 1960, along with a crewmate, he descended to the bottom of the Challenger Deep in the Mariana Trench in the western [[Pacific Ocean]], a feat that would not be replicated for another fifty-two years[^1].
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In the fall of 1976, Walsh, along with fellow deep-sea explorer [[Don Keach]], was running the Institute for Marine and Coastal Studies at the [[University of Southern California]]. They provided [[Stephan Schwartz]] with access to the *Taurus I*, a state-of-the-art submersible, for three days of sea trials. This access was crucial for Schwartz's [[Project Deep Quest]], which aimed to use [[Remote Viewing]] to locate a previously unknown shipwreck on the seafloor[^1].
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38
10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Edward Wegmann.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Edward Wegmann.md
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---
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category: "JFK Assassination"
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tags:
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- Person
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- EdwardWegmann
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- ClayShaw
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- JimGarrison
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- NewOrleans
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- Wackenhut
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- SouthernResearchCompany
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alias:
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- Edward F. Wegmann
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- William Wegmann
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- William J. Wegmann
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summary: "New Orleans lawyer who with his brother William defended Clay Shaw against Jim Garrison, engaged Wackenhut and other firms of former federal agents, and sought guidance from the Justice Department on the CIA."
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location: "New Orleans, Louisiana"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Edward F. Wegmann was the civil lawyer of [[Clay Shaw]], director of the [[New Orleans]] [[International Trade Mart]], and with his brother [[William Wegmann|William J. Wegmann]], [[Irvin Dymond|F. Irvin Dymond]], and Salvadore Panzeca defended him after District Attorney [[Jim Garrison]] arrested him on March 1, 1967, for conspiring to kill President [[John F. Kennedy]]. Shaw was acquitted on March 1, 1969. The Wegmanns then obtained a federal injunction against Garrison's second prosecution, for perjury, which the court found had been brought in bad faith.[^1]
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### Investigators
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The defense "hired not one, but two top-notch private detective services," the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] and [[Holloway Associates]] of [[Texas]], "Former FBI Agents," which "were filing reports for a period of at least two years." A third, the International Security Bureau of [[New York City|New York]], reported on a prosecution witness in February 1969. Wackenhut men reported to the defense with the television reporter [[Rick Townley]] on April 19, 1967. A Wackenhut investigator, [[Charles R. Carson (Wackenhut)|Charles R. Carson]], was making inquiries of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in New Orleans that month with [[Dean Andrews]]. The [[Assassination Records Review Board]] found that Wegmann's records "indicate that the Shaw defense team had retained [[Southern Research Company]] as of mid-1967," the [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] firm whose New Orleans office had investigated [[David Ferrie]]. After [[William Gurvich]] left Garrison's staff in June 1967 he gave the defense about two boxes of the district attorney's investigative files. The researcher who first went through the papers wrote that Wackenhut "was getting a lot of cooperation from the Bureau for Shaw's defense."[^2][^3]
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### Washington
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In September 1967 the defense, "confused by the smoke-screen Garrison was raising" about the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for someone "who could steer them as to the true facts and circumstances." The agency and the department declined, since "if Garrison learned of federal assistance to Shaw's lawyers, he'd play it to the hilt." Through the contact the department learned that Shaw had not told his own lawyers that from 1948 to 1956 he had reported to the agency's [[Domestic Contact Service]] on 33 occasions. The agency's general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], wrote on October 2, 1967, that if Shaw were to "be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA," then "we may be in for some difficult decisions." At the trial Dymond asked Shaw whether he had ever worked for the agency, and Shaw answered: "No, I have not."[^4]
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Wegmann's daughter gave his files to the review board in 1995. They include the diary of [[Tom Bethell]], a member of Garrison's staff.[^2][^4]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Shaw v. Garrison, 328 F. Supp. 390 (E.D. La. 1971), affirmed, 467 F.2d 113 (5th Cir. 1972).
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[^2]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9; National Archives and Records Administration, finding aid to the Papers of Edward F. Wegmann.
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[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Domestic Intelligence Division, informative note, April 14, 1967, JFK record 124-10369-10048; Assassination Records Review Board, letters to Southern Research Company, electronic files of Philip G. Golrick.
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[^4]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf
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@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ Edwin P. Wilson was born May 3, 1928, in Rockland, Idaho. He died September 10,
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### CIA Career and Shackley Connection
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Wilson's CIA career included work in the Office of Security and Operations, with assignments involving maritime surveillance and logistics. He developed professional relationships with [[Ted Shackley]], [[Tom Clines]], and other senior CIA operations officers who formed the core of the network that later became involved in the [[Safari Club]] and Iran-Contra private operations. Wilson's logistical and administrative skills made him useful to this network, and he worked on the fringes of large-scale operations without occupying the senior positions held by Shackley or Clines.[^1]
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Wilson's CIA career included work in the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] and Operations, with assignments involving maritime surveillance and logistics. He developed professional relationships with [[Ted Shackley]], [[Tom Clines]], and other senior CIA operations officers who formed the core of the network that later became involved in the [[Safari Club]] and Iran-Contra private operations. Wilson's logistical and administrative skills made him useful to this network, and he worked on the fringes of large-scale operations without occupying the senior positions held by Shackley or Clines.[^1]
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In the mid-1970s, Wilson moved from CIA to Task Force 157, a Navy and DIA intelligence-gathering operation that used commercial cover - specifically, a shipping and offshore oil services company - to collect intelligence and run agents in international ports. Task Force 157 provided Wilson with a business infrastructure that he used for his own commercial arms and services activities.[^1]
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@ -95,4 +95,4 @@ Yarborough authored two books: *Bail Out Over North Africa* and *So You Want A V
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[^7]: Colby and Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done*, Ch. 24-25.
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[^8]: U.S. Army, "LTG William Yarborough, Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence, December 1966-July 1968," https://www.army.mil/article/139473.
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[^9]: Colby and Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done*, Ch. 25; Human Rights Watch, *Colombia's Killer Networks*, 1996.
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[^10]: Arlington National Cemetery, "William Pelham Yarborough - Lieutenant General, United States Army," https://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/wpyarborough.htm.
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[^10]: Arlington National Cemetery, "William Pelham Yarborough - Lieutenant General, [[United States Army]]," https://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/wpyarborough.htm.
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@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Michael Vernon Townley is an American electronics specialist who worked from 197
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Townley had collaborated with the paramilitary [[Patria y Libertad]] in operations against the government of [[Salvador Allende]]. By his own written account he was recruited by senior DINA officers in 1974, given a mansion in the [[Lo Curro]] district of [[Santiago]], told to build a chemical laboratory in its basement, and put in charge of the [[Agrupación Avispa]], the Wasp Group, a unit of DINA's [[Mulchén Brigade]] "dedicated to elimination." He used the names Juan Andres Wilson, Hans Petersen Silva, Kenneth William Enyart, and Pablo Andres Simpon Valle. His wife, [[Mariana Callejas]], was also a DINA agent.[^1][^2]
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He was born in Waterloo, [[Iowa]], first worked in Chile in the early 1960s as an encyclopedia salesman, and lived from 1967 in [[Miami]], where he came to know the Cuban exiles. In December 1970 he offered himself to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] as an agent against the Allende government. The operations directorate asked for "preliminary security approval to use Mr. Townley in an operational capacity," and on December 21, 1971, told the Office of Security that the station had cancelled its interest. In March 1973, during a raid by Patria y Libertad on a jamming station at [[Concepción]], he gagged and bound a homeless man sheltering there, who was found dead of asphyxiation the next day. The American consul in Santiago, [[Frederick Purdy]], later gave him a new passport in his own name. An embassy officer, [[Jeffrey Davidow]], wrote in June 1974 that Townley was an "AMCIT with rather unsavory past with crypto-fascist Chilean groups" and suggested "keeping him at arms length."[^3]
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He was born in Waterloo, [[Iowa]], first worked in Chile in the early 1960s as an encyclopedia salesman, and lived from 1967 in [[Miami]], where he came to know the Cuban exiles. In December 1970 he offered himself to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] as an agent against the Allende government. The operations directorate asked for "preliminary security approval to use Mr. Townley in an operational capacity," and on December 21, 1971, told the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] that the station had cancelled its interest. In March 1973, during a raid by Patria y Libertad on a jamming station at [[Concepción]], he gagged and bound a homeless man sheltering there, who was found dead of asphyxiation the next day. The American consul in Santiago, [[Frederick Purdy]], later gave him a new passport in his own name. An embassy officer, [[Jeffrey Davidow]], wrote in June 1974 that Townley was an "AMCIT with rather unsavory past with crypto-fascist Chilean groups" and suggested "keeping him at arms length."[^3]
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### Prats
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@ -70,10 +70,10 @@ On September 21, 1986, after a meeting with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] and [[Yitzhak Rab
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In the Commons the Conservative members [[Dennis Walters]] and [[Anthony Beaumont-Dark]] called for an inquiry. Asked by [[Dale Campbell-Savours]] whether she had discussed Vanunu with Peres or any Israeli official before his departure, Thatcher answered: "No." Asked whether any Israeli official had communicated with her office to procure his return, she answered: "No, he was not returned to Israel from [[United Kingdom|Britain]]; he was returned from another country." Before the full debate Peres telephoned her again, and said afterward: "It was a very friendly conversation and I think that our misunderstanding has been cleared up." The British ambassador to Israel, [[Clifford Squire]], was told by Peres's aide [[Yossi Beilin]] that Israel had nothing to add. No British inquiry was held.[^4]
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### Rome
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The Roman magistrate [[Domenico Sica]] traced a van hired by the Israeli embassy on the day of the abduction whose mileage matched a journey to [[La Spezia]], and an Israeli cargo ship that had declared a false itinerary. Vanunu's brother [[Meir Vanunu|Meir]], who had learned the details by speaking Moroccan Arabic to him in prison, testified twice. An Israeli court issued a warrant for Meir's arrest, and the [[Home Office|British Home Office]] refused him asylum on the ground that he "faced prosecution, not persecution." An official of the Israeli foreign ministry said: "If Dr. Sica comes it would be very, very embarrassing for our government." Sica closed the inquiry in June 1988 with the finding that Vanunu had been working with the Mossad and that "the whole affair had been a disinformation exercise." He reasoned that no one could be found who had seen Vanunu arrive in Rome, that professionals would not have used a flat in a crowded district, that the message Vanunu wrote on his palm was in better English than he commanded, and that the photographs showed no staff. Meir Vanunu replied: "If this is a disinformation exercise, release my brother."[^4]
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The Roman magistrate [[Domenico Sica]] traced a van hired by the Israeli embassy on the day of the abduction whose mileage matched a journey to [[La Spezia]], and an Israeli cargo ship that had declared a false itinerary. Vanunu's brother [[Meir Vanunu|Meir]], who had learned the details by speaking Moroccan Arabic to him in prison, testified twice. An Israeli court issued a warrant for Meir's arrest, and the [[Home Office|British Home Office]] refused him asylum on the ground that he "faced prosecution, not persecution." An official of the Israeli foreign ministry said: "If Dr. Sica comes it would be very, very embarrassing for our government." Sica closed the inquiry in June 1988 with the finding that Vanunu had been working with the Mossad and that "the whole affair had been a disinformation exercise." He reasoned that no one could be found who had seen Vanunu arrive in Rome, that professionals would not have used a flat in a crowded district, that the message Vanunu wrote on his palm was in better English than he commanded, and that the photographs showed no staff. Meir Vanunu replied: "If this is a disinformation exercise, release my brother." Peter Hounam of The Sunday Times wrote: "I made six visits to Rome to brief Sica and provide him with every scrap of evidence of the abduction. He never once advanced the view that The Sunday Times was the victim of a hoax, as his report intimates." The woman, he pointed out, had not used her real name, as Sica supposed, but that of her sister-in-law.[^4][^5]
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### Bentov
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[[Cheryl Hanin]] was born in [[Orlando, Florida]], in 1960, went to Israel in the late 1970s, served in a [[Nahal]] unit, and in March 1985 married [[Ofer Bentov]], a major in military intelligence and a general's son. Hounam and [[David Connett]], who had seen her with Vanunu in London, found her at an address in [[Netanya]] in July 1987. She asked, "Are you going to publish this?" and then said: "I deny this, I deny everything." A family friend recalled her telling her mother that "there were other things that I did for the Israeli government which were even more pertinent and involved than this." The CIA and the FBI examined her records at [[Edgewater High School]] in Orlando, and the CIA's London station asked the British services whether Israel had given warning of the operation. The Sunday Times photographed her in [[Florida]] in January 1998.[^4]
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[[Cindy Hanin Bentov|Cheryl Hanin]] was born in [[Orlando, Florida]], in 1960, went to Israel in the late 1970s, served in a [[Nahal]] unit, and in March 1985 married [[Ofer Bentov]], a major in military intelligence and a general's son. Hounam and [[David Connett]], who had seen her with Vanunu in London, found her at an address in [[Netanya]] in July 1987. She asked, "Are you going to publish this?" and then said: "I deny this, I deny everything." A family friend recalled her telling her mother that "there were other things that I did for the Israeli government which were even more pertinent and involved than this." The CIA and the FBI examined her records at [[Edgewater High School]] in Orlando, and the CIA's London station asked the British services whether Israel had given warning of the operation. The Sunday Times photographed her in [[Florida]] in January 1998.[^4]
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### The 1988 Expulsions
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In April 1987 British police found an arms cache kept by [[Ismail Sowan]], a Palestinian working for Israeli intelligence inside the [[Palestine Liberation Organization]] in Britain. The Mossad had known of it for a month and had not told the British. Thatcher wrote personally to Shamir. After Sowan was sentenced to eleven years in June 1988, the government expelled [[Arie Regev]], the Mossad's liaison with [[MI5]] and [[MI6]], and other Israeli officers, on the initiative of the [[Foreign and Commonwealth Office|Foreign Office]] and MI5 and over the objection of MI6. [[Abba Eban]] came secretly to London to see Thatcher for forty-five minutes. Intelligence sharing resumed by December.[^4]
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[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Faber and Faber, 1991, pp. 313-314.
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[^3]: United Press International, report on the dismissal of Nicholas Davies, October 29, 1991.
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[^4]: Cohen, Yoel. *The Whistleblower of Dimona: Israel, Vanunu, and the Bomb*. 2003. https://archive.org/details/the-whistleblower-of-dimona-israel-vanunu-and-the-bomb
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[^5]: Hounam, Peter. *The Woman from Mossad: The Story of Mordechai Vanunu and the Israeli Nuclear Program*. Vision Paperbacks, 1999, pp. 74, 127.
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---
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category: "Military"
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tags:
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- Person
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- PaulWimert
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- Chile
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- ProjectFUBELT
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- ReneSchneider
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- DefenseIntelligenceAgency
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- AugustoPinochet
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alias:
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- Paul M. Wimert
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- Paul M. Wimert Jr.
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- Colonel Wimert
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summary: "American army attaché in Santiago who in October 1970 carried the CIA's guns and money to the Chilean officers plotting against General Schneider, and afterward threw the weapons into the sea."
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location: "Santiago, Chile"
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created: 2026-09-21
|
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updated: 2026-09-21
|
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---
|
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|
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Paul Wimert was the [[United States Army]] attaché at the embassy in [[Santiago]] in 1970. When President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] that September to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from office, the agency used him, outside the knowledge of Ambassador [[Edward Korry]], as its channel to serving Chilean officers, among them General [[Camilo Valenzuela]]. The operation was [[Project FUBELT]].[^1]
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### October 1970
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|
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The station was told on October 5 that the attaché should not deal with General [[Roberto Viaux]] himself "because of the high risk involved." On October 18 it gave him tear gas grenades for Valenzuela's officers, since it was "important that the attache credibility with Armed Forces officers be strengthened," and asked headquarters for "three .45 calibre machine guns (grease guns)," which came by diplomatic pouch. He delivered them in the early hours of October 22. General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot a few hours later by Viaux's men, with other weapons. Wimert recovered the guns and the 50,000 dollars paid to Valenzuela's group.[^1]
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|
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"I gave the CIA everything," he told a television interviewer. "I gave them the money, I took the 12 grease guns that had the serial numbers filed off, the ammunition, the tear gas, the gas masks, went to [[Valparaíso]], which is supposed to be the deepest harbor in that part of the world and I dumped it all into there." The cables speak of three guns.[^2]
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|
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A task force report said that Wimert "enjoyed unusually close, frank, and confidential relationships" with the likely plotters. The acting director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]], Lieutenant General Jamie Philpott, ordered him to "work closely with the CIA chief" in "contacting and advising the principal military figures who might play a decisive role in any move which might, eventually, deny the presidency to Allende. Do not, repeat not, advise the Ambassador." On October 17 Valenzuela's deputies asked him for tear gas grenades and "three 45-caliber machine guns (grease guns) with 500 rounds ammo each," and Valenzuela said the plotters would need 50,000 dollars for a team of abductors, which the station authorized. Six submachine guns arrived by diplomatic pouch, "specially wrapped and falsely labeled to disguise what they were from [[State Department]] officials." "At 2:00 a.m. on October 22, Colonel Wimert drove to a desolate spot in Santiago to deliver the weapons to a Chilean army officer waiting in his vehicle." On October 29 headquarters asked that he "manage to regain possession of material." He told [[Seymour Hersh]] that when Valenzuela refused to return the money he drew his pistol and "just hit him once and he went and got it."[^3]
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Colonel Paul M. Wimert Jr. "had served in intelligence in [[Latin America]] since the 1950s." He "had been granted the privilege of stabling his horses at the Chilean Military Academy," and "his access to and influence with the military in Chile were unmatched by that of any CIA operative." Of General Viaux he said: "I always operated on the assumption that there's no substitute for brains and Viaux didn't have any." He asked for and was shown a cable from the Defense Intelligence Agency confirming the arrangement, which "was so secure, Wimert was told, that he could not keep it in his files," and another from [[Richard Helms]] assuring him "that his family and horses would be provided for in case he was killed while at work for the Agency." "Nothing I sent went to the DIA; it went to Haig and Kissinger directly," he said. "I was filing for three months and I thought everything I sent over there was going to the DIA and it wasn't, it was going over to the [[White House]]." He was authorized to pay out 100,000 dollars. "I kept it in my riding boots in the trunk of my car." He gave 50,000 each to Valenzuela and to an admiral. The admiral returned his share without comment. In 1971 he obtained a post at the [[Inter-American Defense College]] in Washington, and in 1973 he retired, "a disappointed colonel, to a horse farm in [[Virginia]]."[^4]
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|
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### His Account
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|
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Asked whether he had seen evidence of Cuban involvement with Allende before the election, Wimert answered: "No." Of the operation he said: "it was simply screwed up to start with and why I let myself get into it I really couldn't figure out, because it wasn't run with brains." An officer to whom he offered money told him: "I love my country I do this for my country not because of the [[United States]], you keep the money I don't want it." He said he was glad the kidnapping had failed and "ashamed of myself that I was dumb to get roped into something like that because it was stupid from the word go." On his return he went to the chaplain at [[Fort Myer]], who advised him to work with young people in a pony club, "and I did." Of [[Henry A. Kissinger|Kissinger]] and [[Alexander Haig|Haig]] he said "they just didn't ever want to hear the word [[Chile]] mentioned again."[^2]
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|
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He had known [[Augusto Pinochet]], then at the military college, who had written a geography of Chile's roads, railways, and shipping lanes. Wimert helped him to have it printed: "we went to CIA old Henry Hecksler and he just had 100 copies made." [[Henry Hecksher]] was the agency's station chief. Wimert said Pinochet had no part in the Schneider plot.[^2]
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The journalist Seymour Hersh reported in 1982 that Wimert told him he had supposed the CIA officers sent to Santiago in 1970 were there "to arrange for Allende's death," which was "always something everybody hoped would happen."[^5]
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|
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### Footnotes
|
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|
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[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975, where he is referred to only as the attaché; Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020.
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[^2]: "Interview with Paul Wimert," *Cold War,* episode 18, "Backyard," Cable News Network, transcript at the National Security Archive. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/coldwar/interviews/episode-18/wimert2.html
|
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[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 15, 27-28, 30, and note 40 at p. 512.
|
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[^4]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, pp. 280-282, 289.
|
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[^5]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, as reported by United Press International, November 22, 1982.
|
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|
|
@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ He wrote that he was prompted to release the software by Senate Bill 266 of 1991
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|
||||
### The Criminal Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
Because PGP traveled overseas almost immediately, it fell under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, which classified strong cryptographic software as a munition that could not be exported without a license. The [[United States Customs Service]] opened a criminal investigation in 1993, run out of the office of the United States Attorney for the Northern District of California, into whether Zimmermann had violated the export controls when PGP appeared abroad. The case made him the most prominent individual target of what became known as the crypto wars, and for three years he faced the possibility of indictment for exporting a weapon.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Because PGP traveled overseas almost immediately, it fell under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations, which classified strong cryptographic software as a munition that could not be exported without a license. The [[United States Customs Service]] opened a criminal investigation in 1993, run out of the office of the [[United States Attorney]] for the Northern District of California, into whether Zimmermann had violated the export controls when PGP appeared abroad. The case made him the most prominent individual target of what became known as the crypto wars, and for three years he faced the possibility of indictment for exporting a weapon.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Zimmermann and his supporters answered with a First Amendment argument that source code is constitutionally protected speech. In 1995 the MIT Press published the complete PGP source code as a printed book set in an optical-character-recognition font, so that it could be exported legally as a book, scanned abroad, and recompiled, a maneuver designed to test whether the government would treat the printed word as a munition. The United States Attorney's office declined to prosecute and the investigation closed in January 1996. Zimmermann received the Electronic Frontier Foundation Pioneer Award and the Chrysler Award for Innovation in Design in 1995, and the Louis Brandeis Award from Privacy International in 1999.[^5][^2]
|
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|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-16
|
||||
title: Rafael Trujillo
|
||||
|
|
@ -44,7 +44,7 @@ On the evening of May 30, 1961, Trujillo was ambushed on a highway while being d
|
|||
|
||||
The transition that followed was turbulent. Trujillo's family initially retained power but was eventually forced to leave the country under U.S. pressure. The country moved toward elections, which produced President Juan Bosch in December 1962 - a democratic government that lasted only seven months before a military coup, with tacit American acquiescence, overthrew it in September 1963.
|
||||
|
||||
The Dominican Republic's subsequent history included the 1965 civil war and American military intervention - a conflict in which approximately 30,000 U.S. troops landed in April 1965 under President [[Lyndon Johnson]] to prevent what the Johnson administration characterized as a communist takeover.[^2]
|
||||
The Dominican Republic's subsequent history included the 1965 civil war and American military intervention - a conflict in which approximately 30,000 U.S. troops landed in April 1965 under President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] to prevent what the Johnson administration characterized as a communist takeover.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Church Committee Findings
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ born: 1932-07-16
|
|||
died: 2020-12-31
|
||||
location: "Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Richard Lewis Thornburgh was born July 16, 1932, in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He earned a B.S. in engineering from Yale University in 1954 and an LL.B. from the University of Pittsburgh School of Law in 1957. He served as United States Attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania from 1969 to 1975, appointed by President Nixon, and as Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division under President Ford from 1975 to 1977. He was elected Governor of Pennsylvania in 1978, serving two successive terms from January 16, 1979 to January 20, 1987 -- the first Republican to serve consecutive terms as Pennsylvania governor -- managing the March 1979 [[Three Mile Island]] nuclear incident during his first term. Richard Thornburgh died December 31, 2020, in Oakmont, Pennsylvania, at age 88.[^1]
|
||||
Richard Lewis Thornburgh was born July 16, 1932, in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He earned a B.S. in engineering from Yale University in 1954 and an LL.B. from the University of Pittsburgh School of Law in 1957. He served as [[United States Attorney]] for the Western District of Pennsylvania from 1969 to 1975, appointed by President Nixon, and as Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division under President Ford from 1975 to 1977. He was elected Governor of Pennsylvania in 1978, serving two successive terms from January 16, 1979 to January 20, 1987 -- the first Republican to serve consecutive terms as Pennsylvania governor -- managing the March 1979 [[Three Mile Island]] nuclear incident during his first term. Richard Thornburgh died December 31, 2020, in Oakmont, Pennsylvania, at age 88.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Attorney General
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,6 +26,12 @@ The two court findings at issue were Bankruptcy Judge [[George Francis Bason Jr.
|
|||
|
||||
Thornburgh declined to reverse Meese's May 1988 denial of [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton|INSLAW]]'s petition for appointment of an independent counsel under the Ethics in Government Act. [[Elliott Richardson]], INSLAW's attorney and himself a former Attorney General, wrote Thornburgh directly requesting the appointment; Thornburgh did not respond. When the House Judiciary Committee requested Thornburgh's personal testimony on the matter, he declined to appear. When the committee issued subpoenas for hundreds of DOJ internal documents -- including documents from the files of DOJ counsel Sandra Spooner that the committee alleged had been "mysteriously disappeared" -- Thornburgh's DOJ failed to produce all subpoenaed documents, asserting some had been mislaid or accidentally destroyed and claiming the remainder were protected by litigation privilege as part of DOJ's ongoing civil dispute with INSLAW.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The BNL Indictment
|
||||
|
||||
A memorandum of February 6, 1990, by a lawyer of the [[Federal Reserve Bank of New York]] records that "a trip to Istanbul was put off at the request of Attorney General Thornburgh" in the investigation of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]'s loans to [[Iraq]], and that criticism of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] case had "motivated the Attorney General to have the BNL matter reviewed by main Justice." His legislative aide [[Lee Rawls]] advised him: "Our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the [[House Banking Committee]] into this case is to have you contact Chairman Gonzalez directly." Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] declined the call. Thornburgh wrote to him on September 26, 1990, of his "profound disappointment in your decision to ignore the strong objections of this Department. As you should be aware, this is a sensitive case with national security concerns."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The department's draft press releases described first a 316-count indictment of twelve defendants and then a 423-count indictment of eleven. On February 28, 1991, the day after the [[Gulf War]] ceasefire, Thornburgh announced 347 counts against ten. A press aide handed them out as "the Mother of all Indictments." The [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and the Jordanian trader [[Wafai Dajani]] were no longer among the accused. Thornburgh did not name the principal defendant, [[Christopher Drogoul]], leaving that to [[Robert Mueller]]. Asked what the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had known, he said: "Our business is to prosecute criminal cases, and that's as far as I can go."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Later Career
|
||||
|
||||
After leaving the Senate race, Thornburgh was appointed UN Under-Secretary General for Administration and Management by President Bush in 1992, serving through 1993. He returned to private practice at K&L Gates in Pittsburgh. In 2002, the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Southern District of New York appointed him examiner in the WorldCom bankruptcy; his report included findings on the conduct of Arthur Andersen and Citigroup. In 2004, he co-chaired the independent panel investigating CBS News's *60 Minutes Wednesday* report on President [[George W. Bush]]'s National Guard service.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -35,3 +41,4 @@ After leaving the Senate race, Thornburgh was appointed UN Under-Secretary Gener
|
|||
[^1]: "Richard Lewis Thornburgh." Office of the Attorney General, U.S. Department of Justice, *Attorneys General of the United States*; "Richard Thornburgh," Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^4]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 183-189, 194, 198.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -24,6 +24,10 @@ The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] station in [[Santiago]] told the America
|
|||
|
||||
On October 15 [[Thomas Karamessines]] described Viaux's plans to [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] and [[Alexander Haig]]. They put his chances at no more than "one chance in twenty" and decided to send him a warning against acting alone. Kissinger later testified that he had turned the plotting off at this meeting. The cable that went to Santiago the next day said it was "firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup." A CIA officer identified in the Senate's report as "[[Sarno (CIA)|Mr. Sarno]]" testified that Viaux's people told him of the first kidnapping attempt in advance: "They indicated it was going to be at some sort of a banquet which the General (Schneider) would be attending." After that attempt failed on October 19 the station reported: "General Viaux knowledgeable of above operation but not directly involved."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The officers who posed as third country nationals included [[Anthony Sforza]] and [[Bruce MacMaster]]. MacMaster told Viaux's group that he represented "American business interests such as the [[Ford Foundation]], the [[Rockefeller Foundation]], and other unidentified business groups." The station's first situation report, on September 16, had proposed to "determine whether General Viaux [could be] induced to take action which would cause Communist reaction and in turn force military hand." Its log for October 10 recorded that Viaux "intends to increase the level of terrorism in Santiago over the weekend. The objective of this activity is to provoke the UP into retaliatory violence and public disorder." That day he asked for "five blank policies up to $50,000 U.S. currency and twenty other policies up to $25,000." The station chief, [[Henry Hecksher]], cabled: "You have asked us to provoke chaos in Chile. Thru Viaux solution, we provide you with formula for chaos which is unlikely to be bloodless."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] told Kissinger that "only an insane person would deal with a man like Viaux," whose faction, he said, had been penetrated by Socialists close to Allende. On October 17 the station reported that the [[White House]] warning had been delivered and that Viaux had answered that he and his associates would proceed with or without American support.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Shooting
|
||||
|
||||
General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot on the morning of October 22 by Viaux's men, who used handguns. The submachine guns the agency had sent by diplomatic pouch had gone to the group of General [[Camilo Valenzuela]]. A Chilean military court found that the two generals "had been in contact throughout the coup plotting." It sentenced Viaux to twenty years as "intellectual author" of the kidnapping and Valenzuela to three years of exile. The agency later paid Viaux's representatives 35,000 dollars, in the words of its report to the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]], "in an effort to keep previous contact secret, maintain the good will of the group and for humanitarian reasons." They had asked for 250,000.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
|
@ -32,3 +36,5 @@ General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot on the morning of October 22
|
|||
|
||||
[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
|
||||
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975.
|
||||
[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 20-23.
|
||||
[^4]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, pp. 279, 282-283, 288.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ Weekly was identified by Ronald Lister during the October 1986 [[LASD Major Viol
|
|||
|
||||
### Afghan Training and C-4 Case
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1986, Weekly and Gritz were recruited to train Afghan Mujahedeen fighters. They obtained approval from State Department officials William Bode and Colonel Nestor Pino Marina, who worked with Oliver North on the Contra project. The training was funded by Stanford Technology, one of North's "Enterprise" front companies. In late 1986, Weekly shipped 200 pounds of C-4 plastic explosives aboard commercial passenger flights to Las Vegas. An ATF report found in the CIA's files "indicated that Weekly claimed he had done this for CIA."[^1]
|
||||
In early 1986, Weekly and Gritz were recruited to train Afghan Mujahedeen fighters. They obtained approval from State Department officials William Bode and Colonel Nestor Pino Marina, who worked with Oliver North on the Contra project. The training was funded by Stanford Technology, one of North's "Enterprise" front companies. In late 1986, Weekly shipped 200 pounds of C-4 plastic explosives aboard commercial passenger flights to [[Las Vegas]]. An ATF report found in the CIA's files "indicated that Weekly claimed he had done this for CIA."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Tapes and Bush Connection
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
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