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- 2026-09-21T1807 · [[_NOTES_Garrison_cluster]]
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- 2026-09-21T1806 · [[Paul Wimert]]
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- 2026-09-21T1806 · [[George Landau]]
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- 2026-09-21T1806 · [[Vernon Walters]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[David Atlee Phillips]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[Edward Korry]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[Charles Horman]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[El Mercurio]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[Manuel Contreras]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[Michael Townley]]
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- 2026-09-21T1805 · [[_NOTES_Book_Night_Watch]]
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- 2026-09-21T1804 · [[William Broe]]
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- 2026-09-21T1804 · [[_manifest]]
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- 2026-09-21T1804 · [[Henry Hecksher]]
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- 2026-09-21T1804 · [[Thomas Karamessines]]
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- 2026-09-21T1802 · [[Webster Hubbell]]
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- 2026-09-21T1802 · [[Rose Law Firm]]
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- 2026-09-21T1802 · [[Mack McLarty]]
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- 2026-09-21T1802 · [[_NOTES_Book_Death_Lobby]]
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- 2026-09-21T1802 · [[_NOTES_Castle_Bank_Hunt_cronies]]
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- 2026-09-21T1800 · [[Claude Kirk]]
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- 2026-09-21T1800 · [[Wackenhut Corporation]]
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- 2026-09-21T1800 · [[La Cosa Nostra]]
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- 2026-09-21T1800 · [[Kerry Thornley]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Hussein Kamel]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[John Birch Society]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Jesse Helms]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Coral Gables, Florida]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Armando Fernandez Larios]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Shreveport, Louisiana]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Marvin Shoob]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Eugene Propper]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Arkansas]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Los Alamos]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[JM-WAVE]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Ilopango Airbase]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Camp X]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Camp King]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Zorro Ranch]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[358 El Brillo Way]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Uruguay]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[United Kingdom]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Syria]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Palestine]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Netherlands]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Libya]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Lebanon]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Kuwait]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Jordan]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Italy]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Israel]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Iraq]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Hungary]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Canada]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Belgium]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Austria]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Argentina]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Zandvoort]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Washington, D.C.]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[San Jose]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Rotterdam]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Rome]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Paris]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[New York City]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Moscow]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Miami]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[London]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Jerusalem]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Cairo]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Baton Rouge, Louisiana]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Abu Dhabi]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Satoshi Nakamoto]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Pretty Good Privacy]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Personality Assessment System]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Clairvoyance]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[VELA Satellite]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[JIS]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Russian Cosmism]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Fascism]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Antichrist]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[LSD]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Crack Cocaine]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[The Californian Ideology]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Special Access Programs]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Rationalist Community]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Human Biodiversity]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[FISA Section 702]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Eugenics]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Cypherpunks]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Cuban Missile Crisis]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Berlin Wall]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Watergate]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Scott Inquiry]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Rockefeller Commission 1975]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[October Surprise]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Media FBI Office Break-In]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[Iran-Contra Affair]]
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- 2026-09-21T1759 · [[HSCA]]
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- 2026-09-21T1916 · [[_NOTES_Cuban_exile_network]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Donald Regan]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[_manifest]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Donald M. Kerr]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Robert Owen]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[William Colby]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Ronald Lister]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Richard V. Allen]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Lyndon B. Johnson]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Johnny Roselli]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[John McCone]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[John LaMothe]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Caspar Weinberger]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Richard Helms]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Lowell Jensen]]
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- 2026-09-21T1910 · [[William Harvey]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Iran]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Newport Beach, California]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Berlin]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Cuban Missile Crisis]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Warren Commission]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Operation Gold]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Alliance for Progress]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Fluor Corporation]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[NSC Special Group]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Laguna Beach Police Department]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Rafael Trujillo]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Algie A. Wells]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Nick Schou]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Joan Quigley]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Dean Rusk]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Dagoberto Nunez]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[William Richard Higgins]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Myron B. Kratzer]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Martin Luther King Jr]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[John F. Kennedy]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[J. Edgar Hoover]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Henry R. Myers]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Henry Murray]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Charles Lucet]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Arthur Krock]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Oliver J. Caldwell]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Marlin Fitzwater]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Lincoln Gordon]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[John W. Finney]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Fidel Castro]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Bobby Baker]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Allen Dulles]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Adolfo Chamorro]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Uncategorized]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Psychics & Remote Viewers]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - PROMIS Scandal]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Nuclear Scientists & Programs]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Military]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Key Figures]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Iran-Contra]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Intelligence & Government]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[KEY INDIVIDUALS]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[The Samson Option Narrative]]
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- 2026-09-21T1909 · [[_NOTES_Condor_Europe_DINA]]
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- 2026-09-21T1908 · [[_NOTES_Watergate_CIA_security]]
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- 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Ronni Moffitt]]
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- 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Edward Gerrity]]
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- 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Lawrence Houston]]
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- 2026-09-21T1902 · [[William Broe]]
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- 2026-09-21T1902 · [[James Eastland]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Timothy Leary]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Count Leopold Lippens]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Robert Berrellez]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Percy Foreman]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Ronni Moffitt]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Percy Foreman]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[James Eastland]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Edward Gerrity]]
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- 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Robert Berrellez]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Bay of Pigs]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Operation Condor]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Edward Wegmann]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Sam Papich]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Robert Scherrer]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Clay Shaw]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Jim Garrison]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Church Committee]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Richard Ober]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Renato Pena]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[KEEP_Richard Helms]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Project RESISTANCE]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Howard Osborn]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Domestic Contact Service]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Bruce Solie]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Project RESISTANCE]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Lawrence Houston]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Howard Osborn]]
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- 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Domestic Contact Service]]
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- 2026-09-21T1851 · [[Garrison Group]]
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- 2026-09-21T1851 · [[CIA Office of Security]]
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@ -38,7 +38,7 @@ Despite these challenges, [[David Ben-Gurion]], [[Shimon Peres]], and [[Ernst Da
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## Going Public
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The secrecy around [[Dimona]] was broken in December 1960 by a leak to the New York Times. Washington correspondent [[John W. Finney]] received the tip from [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[United States]] [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC). McCone, reportedly "mad, sputtering mad" over Israeli deception ("They told us it was a textile plant"), intended to expose the French-built reactor. The orchestrated leak allowed the outgoing [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration to pressure [[Israel]] for an official acknowledgment without direct confrontation.
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The secrecy around [[Dimona]] was broken in December 1960 by a leak to the New York Times. Washington correspondent [[John W. Finney]] received the tip from [[John McCone|John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[United States]] [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC). McCone, reportedly "mad, sputtering mad" over Israeli deception ("They told us it was a textile plant"), intended to expose the French-built reactor. The orchestrated leak allowed the outgoing [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration to pressure [[Israel]] for an official acknowledgment without direct confrontation.
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In response, [[David Ben-Gurion]] addressed the Knesset on December 21, stating that the [[Dimona]] reactor was "dedicated entirely to peaceful purposes" and would be open to international scholars upon completion. This statement, a deliberate falsehood crafted by [[Shimon Peres]] and his aides, became [[Israel]]'s official public position. Although [[Ernst David Bergmann]]'s connection to a weapons program was widely known, the [[United States]] government formally accepted [[Israel]]'s assurances. A private State Department circular instructed American embassies to "still the atmosphere," institutionalizing the policy of ambiguity.
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@ -58,7 +58,7 @@ Concerns about dual loyalty led to discriminatory practices within U.S. intellig
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The [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] administration engaged in an intense but ultimately futile struggle with [[Israel]] over its nuclear program. President Kennedy, a committed nonproliferation advocate, was opposed by [[David Ben-Gurion]], who was determined to build a nuclear deterrent. [[Abraham Feinberg]], a major Democratic Party fund-raiser, used his political influence to obstruct American inspection efforts at [[Dimona]]. Feinberg advocated for [[Israel]]'s weapons program in direct appeals to senior officials like [[Robert S. McNamara]] and [[Paul H. Nitze]].
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Despite Kennedy's pressure, including formal letters to [[David Ben-Gurion|Ben-Gurion]] and the dispatch of an inspection team led by nuclear reprocessing expert [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]], [[Israel]] successfully obstructed meaningful oversight. The Israelis constructed a "Potemkin Village" at [[Dimona]], with a false control room and staged language barriers, to mislead inspectors. Israeli technicians feigned ignorance of Hebrew to avoid answering questions. The American teams were denied full access to critical areas, such as the reactor core, "for safety reasons." This deception allowed [[Israel]]'s program to proceed. Kennedy's appointment of the staunch anti-proliferator [[John A. McCone]] as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director was a counter-move, but McCone's efforts to gather intelligence on [[Dimona]] also failed.
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Despite Kennedy's pressure, including formal letters to [[David Ben-Gurion|Ben-Gurion]] and the dispatch of an inspection team led by nuclear reprocessing expert [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]], [[Israel]] successfully obstructed meaningful oversight. The Israelis constructed a "Potemkin Village" at [[Dimona]], with a false control room and staged language barriers, to mislead inspectors. Israeli technicians feigned ignorance of Hebrew to avoid answering questions. The American teams were denied full access to critical areas, such as the reactor core, "for safety reasons." This deception allowed [[Israel]]'s program to proceed. Kennedy's appointment of the staunch anti-proliferator [[John McCone|John A. McCone]] as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director was a counter-move, but McCone's efforts to gather intelligence on [[Dimona]] also failed.
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## Years of Pressure
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- contra-war
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summary: Adolfo Chamorro was a Contra leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by Ron Lister and Danilo Blandón as part of the Contra supply network.
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---
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Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
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Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
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### Weapons Procurement
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@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ created: 2026-06-20
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updated: 2026-06-20
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---
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Alexander Acosta (born January 16, 1969) is an American lawyer who served as United States Attorney for the [[United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida|Southern District of Florida]] from 2005 to 2009 and as United States Secretary of Labor from 2017 to 2019. As US Attorney he supervised the office that negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement with [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]], an arrangement under which Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges in Florida, served a 13-month jail term with work release, and obtained federal immunity for himself and named co-conspirators. A federal judge later ruled that prosecutors violated the [[Crime Victims' Rights Act|Crime Victims' Rights Act]] by concealing the deal from victims, and Acosta resigned as Secretary of Labor in July 2019 amid renewed scrutiny of the agreement.[^1][^2]
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Alexander Acosta (born January 16, 1969) is an American lawyer who served as [[United States Attorney]] for the [[United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida|Southern District of Florida]] from 2005 to 2009 and as United States Secretary of Labor from 2017 to 2019. As US Attorney he supervised the office that negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement with [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]], an arrangement under which Epstein pleaded guilty to state charges in Florida, served a 13-month jail term with work release, and obtained federal immunity for himself and named co-conspirators. A federal judge later ruled that prosecutors violated the [[Crime Victims' Rights Act|Crime Victims' Rights Act]] by concealing the deal from victims, and Acosta resigned as Secretary of Labor in July 2019 amid renewed scrutiny of the agreement.[^1][^2]
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### The 2008 Non-Prosecution Agreement
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@ -70,7 +70,7 @@ Dulles submitted his resignation in September 1961; it was formally accepted Nov
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### The Warren Commission
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On November 29, 1963 - exactly two years after Dulles's forced resignation - President [[Lyndon Johnson]] appointed the Warren Commission to investigate Kennedy's assassination. Among the seven commissioners Johnson named was Allen Dulles despite Kennedy’s firing of Dulles.
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On November 29, 1963 - exactly two years after Dulles's forced resignation - President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] appointed the Warren Commission to investigate Kennedy's assassination. Among the seven commissioners Johnson named was Allen Dulles despite Kennedy’s firing of Dulles.
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The investigation was examining whether CIA-connected parties (specifically the anti-Castro exile networks and organized crime figures that Dulles had directly overseen) had any role in the assassination. He was now in a position to shape what evidence the Commission sought, what witnesses it called, and what conclusions it reached regarding the CIA programs he had run.
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@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ Alvin Wilson Ash was born July 30, 1921, in New York City. He attended Nicholas
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After graduation, Ash was assigned to the Field Artillery School at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, and then sent on a first tour of duty to Yokohama, Japan, where he served as a second lieutenant of artillery and came to know Prince and Princess Mikasa personally. He subsequently attended parachute jump school at Fort Benning and was assigned to the 11th Airborne Division. In 1951, he jumped behind Communist lines with the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team as Public Information Officer during the Korean War, managing embedded correspondents and controlling published messaging; his unit was among the first to jump into North Korea.[^1]
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After Korea, Ash served in the 504th Field Artillery Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone, as Assistant Professor of Military Science and Tactics at Louisiana State University, and following Air Ground Operations School was stationed at Fort Bragg for Special Warfare School training. He attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and Civil Affairs School, then deployed to [[Vietnam]] in 1962, where he was attached to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon's Special Warfare Branch and received a Medal of Commendation for Meritorious Service. After Vietnam, he was stationed at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, assigned to the Advanced Tactics Projects (Intelligence Division). In December 1964, Ash retired as a Lieutenant Colonel after 24 years of service.
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After Korea, Ash served in the 504th Field Artillery Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone, as Assistant Professor of Military Science and Tactics at Louisiana State University, and following Air Ground Operations School was stationed at Fort Bragg for Special Warfare School training. He attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and Civil Affairs School, then deployed to [[Vietnam]] in 1962, where he was attached to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon's Special Warfare Branch and received a Medal of Commendation for Meritorious Service. After Vietnam, he was stationed at [[Fort Belvoir]], Virginia, assigned to the Advanced Tactics Projects (Intelligence Division). In December 1964, Ash retired as a Lieutenant Colonel after 24 years of service.
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### Role in PROMIS Development
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir al-Saadi.md
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35
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir al-Saadi.md
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@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- AmirAlSaadi
|
||||
- Iraq
|
||||
- ChemicalWeapons
|
||||
- MilitaryIndustrialization
|
||||
- BNLScandal
|
||||
- HusseinKamel
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Amer Hamoudi al-Saadi
|
||||
- Amir Hamudi Hasan al-Sadi
|
||||
- Amer al-Saadi
|
||||
summary: "German-trained chemist with an honorary general's rank who ran Iraq's state war industries from 1975, its chemical weapons and missile programs under Hussein Kamel, and was named an unindicted co-conspirator in the BNL case."
|
||||
location: "Baghdad, Iraq"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Amir Hamudi al-Saadi was a chemist trained in [[Germany]] who in 1975 took over [[Iraq]]'s State Organization for Technical Industries, formerly the State Organization for War Industries. "It was run by a general, Dr. Amer Hamoudi al-Saadi, who had never spent a day in uniform. His rank was honorary, a way of showing the military that the Baath party was the sole dispenser of military merit."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Chemical Weapons
|
||||
|
||||
An East German specialist in chemical warfare, [[Karl Heinz Lohs]], recalled al-Saadi saying to him: "You Germans have great expertise in the killing of Jews with gas. This interests us in the same way. How can this knowledge be used to destroy [[Israel]]?" The phosphate mine at Akashat and the fertilizer complex at Al Qaim were built by Belgian contractors. "We'll build a railroad," al-Saadi said when they asked how the ore would reach the plant. The West German firm [[Thyssen Rheinstahl Technology]] built the "Diyala Chemical Laboratory" at [[Salman Pak]], described as a university project, which made phosphorus pentachloride, "a starting chemical for organic phosphorus chemical agents." During the war with [[Iran]] he was given more resources and told "to accelerate the poison gas programs," to bury the plants where possible, and to scatter new ones across the country. With General [[Amer Rashid]] he worked for nearly a decade on missiles, among them the [[Condor II]] project with [[Argentina]]. "Long enough to hit [[Tehran]]," Rashid said of its range. "Or [[Tel Aviv]]," al-Saadi added.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Ministry and the Bank
|
||||
|
||||
In the late 1980s he served under [[Hussein Kamel]] in the [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]]. "Al Saadi was himself a dual operative," the head of the chemicals industry, proud of the petrochemical complex PC2, whose "other job was as the head of Saddam's ballistic missile and chemical weapons programs, reporting to Hussein Kamel and his father-in-law." The ministry's purchases in the West were financed by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. When the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], was indicted in February 1991, the government's list of co-conspirators who were not charged named Amir H. al-Saadi of the ministry.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 36, 49, 51, 105-106, 154.
|
||||
[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, p. 117.
|
||||
[^3]: "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95.
|
||||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Financial Times stringer in Peru who became involved in Ari Ben-Menashe's mission to secure rare minerals for Israel's nuclear program."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr]] was a stringer for the *Financial Times* of [[London]] in [[Peru]]. She was also a correspondent for [[CBS]] radio.[^1]
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr]] was a stringer for the *[[Financial Times]]* of [[London]] in [[Peru]]. She was also a correspondent for [[CBS]] radio.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr|Durr]] met [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] through [[Peter Jordan]], a photographer. She became involved in [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] mission to secure rare minerals from [[Peru]] for [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear program. [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] used her as a journalist to provide protection and to create public proof of [[Abimael Guzman Reynoso|Guzmán's]] existence, as there were rumors of his death.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ Bill Clinton (born William Jefferson Blythe III on August 19, 1946) is an Americ
|
|||
|
||||
### Governor of Arkansas and the Mena Drug Operations
|
||||
|
||||
As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in Little Rock, raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
|
||||
As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
Arkansas state trooper Larry Patterson testified that troopers were aware "that there was large quantities of drugs being flown into the Mena airport" and that "it was a CIA operation." Despite the scale of Seal's operations, which a letter from the Arkansas attorney general to U.S. Attorney General [[Ed Meese]] valued at 3 billion to 5 billion dollars in smuggled drugs, the state government took no action to shut down the operation. Clinton's administration in Arkansas presided over the period when the Mena airport served as a hub for both drug trafficking and Contra supply operations.[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ location: "Enid, Oklahoma"
|
|||
|
||||
[[Danny Casolaro]] was investigating Gritz's expose of [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] drug trafficking in the [[Golden Triangle]]. Casolaro had requested to meet with a former police officer who had information on Laotian warlord [[Kuhn Sa]]'s Golden Triangle drug trade proposal to the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Gritz was indicted in May 1987 for using a false passport in the name of Patrick Richard Clark from Vancouver, [[Canada]]. However, at his arraignment in Las Vegas, he claimed to have "proper authorization" for his travels and was subsequently acquitted of the charges.[^1]
|
||||
Gritz was indicted in May 1987 for using a false passport in the name of Patrick Richard Clark from Vancouver, [[Canada]]. However, at his arraignment in [[Las Vegas]], he claimed to have "proper authorization" for his travels and was subsequently acquitted of the charges.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Patrick Moriarty]], the Red Devil fireworks magnate, was subpoenaed to testify on behalf of Gritz at his trial. Moriarty's lawyer, [[Jan Lawrence Handzlik]], stated that Moriarty had paid Gritz to make business trips to [[China]], [[Singapore]], and other parts of [[Asia]]. Gritz claimed his July 1989 trip to [[Asia]] was to negotiate an oil interest he and Moriarty had set up between the [[People's Republic of China]] and [[Indonesia]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence Scandal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -9,9 +9,9 @@ born: 1928-11-12
|
|||
died: 2017-11-12
|
||||
location: "Easley, South Carolina"
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Bobby Baker]] was a key figure in a major scandal that emerged in the autumn of 1963. He was made secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955 by then-Vice President [[Lyndon Johnson]], who referred to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning."[^1]
|
||||
[[Bobby Baker]] was a key figure in a major scandal that emerged in the autumn of 1963. He was made secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955 by then-Vice President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]], who referred to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On October 8, 1963, Baker was forced to resign as a Senate investigation into his outside business activities began to reveal numerous questionable deals. Baker's dealings were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures. The Senate investigation was initially prompted by a lawsuit against Baker in 1963 by his associates in a vending company, who alleged that he failed to uphold certain agreements. These associates were primarily Las Vegas gamblers, including [[Edward Levinson]], a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]], whose Fremont Hotel in Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan.[^1]
|
||||
On October 8, 1963, Baker was forced to resign as a Senate investigation into his outside business activities began to reveal numerous questionable deals. Baker's dealings were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures. The Senate investigation was initially prompted by a lawsuit against Baker in 1963 by his associates in a vending company, who alleged that he failed to uphold certain agreements. These associates were primarily [[Las Vegas]] gamblers, including [[Edward Levinson]], a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]], whose Fremont Hotel in Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Baker conducted considerable business with the Mob in Las Vegas, Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean. Through Baker, [[Edward Levinson]] also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] attempted to persuade the Senate Rules Committee in 1964 that his real estate dealings with [[Jimmy Hoffa]] in Florida were " hardly relevant" to the Baker investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,25 +10,33 @@ location: "Santa Cruz, Chile"
|
|||
---
|
||||
[[Carlos Cardoen]] is a Chilean businessman and arms producer, owner of [[Cardoen Industries]]. He comes from an upper-class Chilean family of Italian descent. After attending university in the [[United States|U.S.]] and receiving a degree as a mining engineer, he returned to [[Santiago]], [[Chile]], after [[Augusto Pinochet|General Augusto Pinochet's]] 1973 coup d'état to work for the government-owned [[Chilean Mining Corporation]]. His job involved procuring explosives for mining, which became a lucrative business for him personally due to kickbacks.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen later resigned and became a private contractor, securing a deal to supply all blasting equipment to the Chilean Mining Corporation. He then ventured into arms brokering, though initially without success. In 1979, he applied to [[SIBAT]], the Foreign Defense Sales Office of the [[Israel|Israeli]] Ministry of Defense, for a license to sell [[Israel|Israeli]] arms in [[South America]]. His request was denied due to his lack of experience and established political connections.[^1]
|
||||
Cardoen later resigned and became a private contractor, securing a deal to supply all blasting equipment to the Chilean Mining Corporation. He then ventured into arms brokering, though initially without success. In 1979, he applied to [[SIBAT]], the Foreign Defense Sales Office of the [[Israel|Israeli]] Ministry of Defense, for a license to sell Israeli arms in [[South America]]. His request was denied due to his lack of experience and established political connections.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After being rejected by [[Israel]], Cardoen obtained a brokering license from the [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] (South Africa's government weapons manufacturer) with the help of the Chilean ambassador to [[South Africa]]. He then secured loans from Chilean banks and began operating as an arms producer and broker.[^1]
|
||||
After being rejected by Israel, Cardoen obtained a brokering license from the [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] (South Africa's government weapons manufacturer) with the help of the Chilean ambassador to [[South Africa]]. He then secured loans from Chilean banks and began operating as an arms producer and broker.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
By 1985, Cardoen was selling arms to [[Iraq]], with the help of [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]] and support from individuals connected to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], such as [[Alan Sanders]] of [[ITICO]]. He received blueprints for cluster bombs from Sanders and, despite a [[United Nations]] arms embargo against [[Chile]], produced these bombs with a covert [[United States|U.S.]] license. [[Israel]] was interested in acquiring these bombs.[^1]
|
||||
By 1985, Cardoen was selling arms to [[Iraq]], with the help of ARMSCOR and support from individuals connected to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], such as [[Alan Sanders]] of [[ITICO]]. He received blueprints for cluster bombs from Sanders and, despite a [[United Nations]] arms embargo against Chile, produced these bombs with a covert U.S. license. Israel was interested in acquiring these bombs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1985, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] approached [[Alan Sanders]] to purchase cluster bombs for [[Israel]], and was informed that Cardoen would sell to anyone who paid him. A few weeks later, [[Israel]] received cluster bombs from [[Santiago]] via diplomatic crate.[^1]
|
||||
In 1985, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] approached Alan Sanders to purchase cluster bombs for Israel, and was informed that Cardoen would sell to anyone who paid him. A few weeks later, Israel received cluster bombs from Santiago via diplomatic crate.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Gates]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] deputy director for intelligence, was approached by [[Nachum Admoni]] ([[Mossad]] director) regarding [[United States|U.S.]] support for Cardoen. Admoni expressed [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns about the support for [[Iraq]], especially through [[Chile]] and [[South Africa]]. By this time, Cardoen owned two chemical weapons plants in [[Santiago]], a cluster bomb factory in cooperation with [[Chile]]'s military, and a third chemical weapons plant in [[Paraguay]]. He was also building a chemical weapons plant outside [[Baghdad]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Robert Gates]], then CIA deputy director for intelligence, was approached by [[Nachum Admoni]] ([[Mossad]] director) regarding U.S. support for Cardoen. Admoni expressed Israeli concerns about the support for Iraq, especially through Chile and South Africa. By this time, Cardoen owned two chemical weapons plants in Santiago, a cluster bomb factory in cooperation with Chile's military, and a third chemical weapons plant in [[Paraguay]]. He was also building a chemical weapons plant outside [[Baghdad]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen's [[Santiago]]-produced chemical weapons and those from [[Paraguay]] used artillery cups from [[West Germany]], procured by [[Ihsan Barbouti]]. These materials were shipped to [[Baghdad]] by [[Iraqi Airways]] cargo planes. Cardoen used [[United States|U.S.]] banks, such as the [[Valley National Bank of Arizona]], to finance his sales and obtained raw materials for chemical manufacturing from a factory in [[Boca Raton]], [[Florida]]. The [[Gamma Corporation]], a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] cut-out, sold fuses for the cluster bombs to Cardoen.[^1]
|
||||
Cardoen's Santiago-produced chemical weapons and those from Paraguay used artillery cups from [[West Germany]], procured by [[Ihsan Barbouti]]. These materials were shipped to Baghdad by [[Iraqi Airways]] cargo planes. Cardoen used U.S. banks, such as the [[Valley National Bank of Arizona]], to finance his sales and obtained raw materials for chemical manufacturing from a factory in [[Boca Raton]], [[Florida]]. The [[Gamma Corporation]], a CIA cut-out, sold fuses for the cluster bombs to Cardoen.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In late 1986, [[Israel]] expressed concern about arms shipments to [[Iraq]], with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] threatening to go to [[United States|Congress]]. [[Robert Gates]] called a meeting in [[Santiago]] to calm the [[Israel|Israelis]]. Attendees included Cardoen, Gates, Senator [[John Tower]], [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]] (South African Military Intelligence), and [[Rodolfo Stange|Gen. Rodolfo Stange]] (Chilean Carabineros). At this meeting, [[United States|U.S.]] officials made it clear they intended to maintain the arms channel to [[Iraq]] to bring [[Iraq]] into their sphere of influence, assuring [[Israel]] it would not be harmed. Cardoen continued to supply chemical weapons and cluster bombs to [[Iraq]] despite [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns.[^1]
|
||||
In late 1986, Israel expressed concern about arms shipments to Iraq, with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] threatening to go to Congress. Robert Gates called a meeting in Santiago to calm the Israelis. Attendees included Cardoen, Gates, Senator [[John Tower]], [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]] (South African Military Intelligence), and [[Rodolfo Stange|Gen. Rodolfo Stange]] (Chilean Carabineros). At this meeting, U.S. officials made it clear they intended to maintain the arms channel to Iraq to bring Iraq into their sphere of influence, assuring Israel it would not be harmed. Cardoen continued to supply chemical weapons and cluster bombs to Iraq despite Israeli concerns.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In September 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was sent to [[Chile]] to confront Cardoen. Ben-Menashe offered Cardoen a deal: [[Israel]] would license him to produce [[Uzi]]s, [[Galil assault rifles]], artillery shells, and mortars, and exclusively sell these materials throughout [[South America]], in exchange for stopping his chemical trade with [[Iraq]]. Cardoen was given two weeks to consider the offer. During this visit, Cardoen introduced Ben-Menashe to [[Mark Thatcher]], implying Thatcher was involved in his business.[^1]
|
||||
In September 1988, Ari Ben-Menashe was sent to Chile to confront Cardoen. Ben-Menashe offered Cardoen a deal: Israel would license him to produce [[Uzi]]s, [[Galil assault rifles]], artillery shells, and mortars, and exclusively sell these materials throughout South America, in exchange for stopping his chemical trade with Iraq. Cardoen was given two weeks to consider the offer. During this visit, Cardoen introduced Ben-Menashe to [[Mark Thatcher]], implying Thatcher was involved in his business.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen was furious about [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] visit to his plant in [[Paraguay]] and his attempts to stop the trade. He claimed to have the backing of the [[United States|Americans]] and the Chilean government, and threatened [[Israel]] if they interfered. He also revealed that [[Robert Gates|Gates]]'s office provided technology directly from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], and that [[Ihsan Barbouti]] was a key link in his operations. He mentioned [[Alan Bond]] and British investors as backers.[^1]
|
||||
Cardoen was furious about Ben-Menashe's visit to his plant in Paraguay and his attempts to stop the trade. He claimed to have the backing of the Americans and the Chilean government, and threatened Israel if they interfered. He also revealed that Gates's office provided technology directly from the CIA, and that Ihsan Barbouti was a key link in his operations. He mentioned [[Alan Bond]] and British investors as backers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1989, [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]]'s plant in [[Paraguay]] was not closed down, thanks to [[Andres Rodriguez|President Andres Rodriguez]], who continued to rule the country with [[United States|U.S.]] blessing. Charges were filed against Cardoen in [[Miami]] in April 1992 by the [[United States|U.S.]] Customs Service following newspaper exposés of his involvement with [[Iraq]].[^1]
|
||||
In February 1989, Cardoen's plant in Paraguay was not closed down, thanks to [[Andres Rodriguez|President Andres Rodriguez]], who continued to rule the country with U.S. blessing. Charges were filed against Cardoen in [[Miami]] in April 1992 by the U.S. Customs Service following newspaper exposés of his involvement with Iraq.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Iquique and Baghdad
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen's plant at [[Iquique]] turned out about a thousand cluster bombs a month with labor paid the equivalent of ninety dollars a month, and he priced them at about 7,000 dollars each, some 19,000 dollars below his European competitors. "I'll have to build [[Jimmy Carter]] a statue," he said. "If it hadn't been for the U.S. embargo we would never have invested in arms production here." His agent for Iraq, [[Nasser Beydoun]], who later sued him for 30 million dollars in commissions, carried his offer to Baghdad: "We can provide you with our cluster bombs at the lowest possible price." The first shipment, worth 21 million dollars, reached Iraq early in 1984, and Iraq came to supply about three quarters of his arms exports of 100 million dollars a year. Two American munitions plants were classified by American officials as scrap metal so that they could be exported to Chile. His Washington representative, Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Rickertson, said: "It should have been quite evident to them that this was U.S. equipment because the placards on the bomb-making presses identified them."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
A former contractor for the CIA described Cardoen as "an all-purpose asset, designed to be one of those offshore stockpilers of military equipment who could be used by the CIA to ship arms to the Afghan rebels, to the boys in Angola, or anywhere the U.S. needed some help." [[Howard Teicher]] of the [[National Security Council]] staff said of Robert Gates: "He was tight with Casey and with the [[White House]]. He was one of those who helped get things done." An associate of Cardoen, Robert Johnson, said he saw Gates arrive at Cardoen's house near Miami in the summer of 1986: "He and Cardoen had a series of meetings in 1986 and 1987. We needed an offshore supplier, and the Chileans were very cooperative." The White House said in July 1991: "The whole story is unfounded. There never were any sales, overt or covert, to Iraq or Iran through a third country. Mr. Gates never met with Carlos Cardoen." A subcontractor of his bought 330,000 power supplies from [[International Signal and Control|ISC]] and sent them on to a proximity fuse factory near Baghdad. The British journalist [[Jonathan Moyle]], who was inquiring into Cardoen's helicopter project, was found dead in a Santiago hotel on March 31, 1990.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 46-54, 64.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -2,12 +2,28 @@
|
|||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CherylBentov
|
||||
- Mossad
|
||||
- MordechaiVanunu
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym) was a Mossad agent."
|
||||
- Florida
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Cheryl Bentov
|
||||
- Cheryl Hanin
|
||||
- Cindy
|
||||
summary: "Florida-born Mossad agent Cheryl Hanin Bentov, who under the name Cindy lured Mordechai Vanunu from London to Rome in September 1986, identified by the Sunday Times through a London hotel register."
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym) was a [[Mossad]] agent. She enticed [[Mordecai Vanunu]] to leave [[London]] for [[Rome]] a few days before the publication of his story in the *London Sunday Times*. Once in [[Rome]], Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial.[^1]
|
||||
Cheryl Hanin Bentov, who used the name Cindy, was a [[Mossad]] agent. She enticed [[Mordecai Vanunu]] to leave [[London]] for [[Rome]] a few days before the publication of his story in the *London Sunday Times*. Once in Rome, Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Identification
|
||||
|
||||
The passenger list of the flight to Rome on September 30, 1986, showed Vanunu in seat 6F and "a Miss C. Hanin" beside him. A Cynthia Hanin of Longwood, [[Florida]], was found and proved to be a different woman, who had married a Randy Hanin a month after the abduction. [[Peter Hounam]] of [[The Sunday Times]] then found that "a Cheryl Hanin had stayed at the Eccleston Hotel in London just before [[Oscar Guerrero]] had checked in," giving the Hanin family address and American nationality. "The woman who lured Vanunu to Rome used a false identity, that of her sister-in-law."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Cheryl Hanin, Randy's sister, was the daughter of Stanley Hanin, owner of Allied District Tire Stores, who later sold the business for 32 million dollars. She "returned to Israel in 1978 and enlisted for the Israeli Army," joined a kibbutz in [[Galilee]], and in March 1985 married [[Ofer Bentov]], "a former major in Israeli military intelligence" who "had been active in West Africa." A family acquaintance said: "Presumably, she was recruited into Mossad from the army." Asked about his service, Bentov said: "It is not true. I was a chauffeur in the army." Her father told the newspaper: "I haven't seen her for years. Where is she, what's she doing?" Vanunu petitioned Israel's High Court to have investigated "the possibility that Cindy was an American citizen working for the CIA." People close to the case in Israel held that one reason for the secrecy around it was "the fear that an American involvement in the abduction might be exposed." She has not returned to [[United Kingdom|Britain]], where she could be charged with conspiracy to kidnap.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
|
||||
[^2]: Hounam, Peter. *The Woman from Mossad: The Story of Mordechai Vanunu and the Israeli Nuclear Program*. Vision Paperbacks, 1999, pp. 88-98, 127-129.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ updated: 2026-05-22
|
|||
summary: "Conor Climo was a Las Vegas white supremacist and Feuerkrieg Division member sentenced to two years in federal prison in 2020 for possessing bomb-making components after an FBI undercover operation documented his plans to attack a Las Vegas synagogue and LGBTQ bar."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Conor Climo was a resident of [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] who communicated with members of [[Feuerkrieg Division]] beginning in late 2017 and developed plans to conduct arson and explosive attacks against Jewish and LGBTQ targets in the Las Vegas area. He was arrested on 8 August 2019 by the [[FBI]]'s [[Las Vegas Joint Terrorism Task Force]] and pleaded guilty in February 2020 to federal charges in the [[District of Nevada]]. He was sentenced to two years in federal prison on 13 November 2020 by U.S. District Judge [[James Mahan]].[^1]
|
||||
Conor Climo was a resident of [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] who communicated with members of [[Feuerkrieg Division]] beginning in late 2017 and developed plans to conduct arson and explosive attacks against Jewish and LGBTQ targets in the [[Las Vegas]] area. He was arrested on 8 August 2019 by the [[FBI]]'s [[Las Vegas Joint Terrorism Task Force]] and pleaded guilty in February 2020 to federal charges in the [[District of Nevada]]. He was sentenced to two years in federal prison on 13 November 2020 by U.S. District Judge [[James Mahan]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background and FKD Contact
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -66,11 +66,11 @@ The Bua Report, completed in March 1993, concluded that the physical evidence "s
|
|||
|
||||
FBI task force members assigned to examine Casolaro's death privately "questioned the conclusion of suicide" and recommended further investigation; expressing doubt about the ruling reportedly "risked one's career" within the Bureau as of December 1992. FBI documents related to Casolaro remain partially withheld from public release under national security exemptions, while the Bureau simultaneously claims the files are missing - a contradiction noted by MuckRock journalists who filed FOIA requests.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1994, the Department of Justice announced it was opening "a nationwide investigation" into Casolaro's death, ordered by associate attorney general [[Webb Hubbell]]. Shortly thereafter, Hubbell pleaded guilty to crimes committed while an Arkansas lawyer and resigned from DOJ. Whether the Casolaro investigation proceeded or produced findings was never made public.[^3]
|
||||
In early 1994, the Department of Justice announced it was opening "a nationwide investigation" into Casolaro's death, ordered by associate attorney general [[Webster Hubbell|Webb Hubbell]]. Shortly thereafter, Hubbell pleaded guilty to crimes committed while an Arkansas lawyer and resigned from DOJ. Whether the Casolaro investigation proceeded or produced findings was never made public.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Dark Alliance Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
Casolaro's investigation intersected with the drug-trafficking networks documented by journalist Gary Webb. He was investigating connections between the Cabazon Indian tribe, Wackenhut International, and weapons manufacturing for Third World armies including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua. He had told friends he was convinced that "spies, arms merchants and others were using the reservation as a low-profile site on which to develop weapons for Third World armies, including the Nicaraguan Contras." The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle reported that Contra leader [[Eden Pastora]] had visited a firing range near the reservation for a weapons demonstration in 1981. Casolaro's notebooks also contained the name of former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]] in connection with activities at the Cabazon reservation.[^3]
|
||||
Casolaro's investigation intersected with the drug-trafficking networks documented by journalist Gary Webb. He was investigating connections between the Cabazon Indian tribe, [[Wackenhut International]], and weapons manufacturing for Third World armies including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua. He had told friends he was convinced that "spies, arms merchants and others were using the reservation as a low-profile site on which to develop weapons for Third World armies, including the Nicaraguan Contras." The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle reported that Contra leader [[Eden Pastora]] had visited a firing range near the reservation for a weapons demonstration in 1981. Casolaro's notebooks also contained the name of former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]] in connection with activities at the Cabazon reservation.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Bibliography
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Lawyer
|
||||
summary: "E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. served as chief counsel for the House October Surprise Task Force from 1992 to 1993, reportedly urging a three-month extension of the investigation when substantial new evidence arrived in the final weeks, a request that Task Force co-chair Lee Hamilton declined."
|
||||
---
|
||||
E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. is a Washington, D.C. attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release.
|
||||
[[E. Lawrence Barcella]], Jr. is a Washington, D.C. attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release.
|
||||
|
||||
### October Surprise Task Force
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Edward Gerrity.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Edward Gerrity.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- EdwardGerrity
|
||||
- ITT
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- WilliamBroe
|
||||
- Graymail
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Edward J. Gerrity
|
||||
- Ned Gerrity
|
||||
- E.J. Gerrity
|
||||
summary: "ITT senior vice president to whom the CIA's William Broe proposed economic pressure on Chile in September 1970, charged in 1978 with lying to the Senate in a case dropped on national security grounds."
|
||||
location: "New York City"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Edward J. Gerrity Jr. of [[Larchmont, New York]], was senior vice president of the [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]] for corporate relations and advertising and its chief lobbyist.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Meeting of September 29, 1970
|
||||
|
||||
[[William Broe]], chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], testified in 1973 that he called on Gerrity in [[New York City|New York]] on the instruction of Director [[Richard Helms]]. "I explored with Mr. Gerrity the feasibility of possible actions to apply some economic pressure on Chile." The measures were banks "not renewing credits or delaying in doing so," companies "dragging their feet in spending money and making deliveries and in shipping spare parts," "creating pressure on savings and loan institutions in Chile so that they would have to shut their doors," and "withdrawing all technical help." Broe gave him a list of companies that could "participate." The purpose, he said, was to sway Christian Democratic congressmen about to vote for [[Salvador Allende]]. "There was a thesis that additional deterioration in the economic situation could influence a number of Christian Democratic Congressmen." Asked whether the object was unrest that would bring in the military, he answered: "No." He said Gerrity was negative about the plan. "I told Mr. Gerrity that ITT was the only company that contacted the Agency and expressed an interest in the current situation in Chile."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Gerrity cabled [[Harold Geneen]] the same day that [[John Guilfoyle]] of ITT had sounded other companies, which "had been given advice which is directly contrary to the suggestions I received." Guilfoyle testified that he had called William Quigley of [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]]. Quigley swore he had been in Missouri with his mother and was never called. [[John McCone]], the former director then on ITT's board, testified that such ideas were "never approved by Mr. Helms" and said of Broe: "I think he was exploring." Gerrity had earlier reported to Geneen that the recommendations of [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]] had "been confirmed." The agency's review of the hearings named him and [[William Merriam]] "the two most evasive and stumbling witnesses."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### United States v. Gerrity
|
||||
|
||||
On March 20, 1978, at 54, he was charged with six counts of perjury, obstruction, and false statements. Geneen was not. In August the government declined to pursue three of the counts, one of them inducing another ITT officer to lie, because "the protection of the information is vital to safeguard national security and U.S. foreign intelligence interests." The rest were dropped on March 7, 1979, a month after the case against Berrellez.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Volz, Joseph. "2 Top ITT Aides Charged With Perjury on Chile Acts," *New York Daily News,* March 21, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030068-8.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 250-252 and testimony of March 27, 1973.
|
||||
[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings: 20, 21 and 22 March 1973," March 26, 1973.
|
||||
[^4]: "3 Charges Dropped Against ITT Executive," *Washington Star,* August 9, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030079-6; Babcock, Charles R. "ITT Indictment Is Cut Back," *Washington Post,* August 19, 1978; "U.S. Drops ITT Official's Perjury Case," *Washington Post,* March 8, 1979.
|
||||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ Bermúdez commanded the FDN throughout the Contra war and was a close friend of
|
|||
|
||||
Before the revolution, Bermúdez served in the Nicaraguan National Guard under Somoza.[^4] In 1965 he was deputy commander of an infantry company Somoza sent to support a [[United States|U.S.]]-led invasion of the [[Dominican Republic]] to suppress a leftist political movement.
|
||||
|
||||
Bermúdez had been in the U.S. since 1975, first as a student attending courses on subversion and counterinsurgency at the Inter-American Defense College in Washington and later as the Nicaraguan government's liaison to the American military. The Americans considered him one of six Guardia officers they recommended to head the National Guard during the final days of the Somoza regime. The [[State Department]] considered Bermúdez a safe choice because he had spent most of the revolution in Washington and could not be held responsible for the Guardia's human rights violations. Somoza picked someone else. When the Somoza government collapsed, Bermúdez began a new career as a truck driver, delivering Newsweek magazines.[^4]
|
||||
Bermúdez had been in the U.S. since 1975, first as a student attending courses on subversion and counterinsurgency at the [[Inter-American Defense College]] in Washington and later as the Nicaraguan government's liaison to the American military. The Americans considered him one of six Guardia officers they recommended to head the National Guard during the final days of the Somoza regime. The [[State Department]] considered Bermúdez a safe choice because he had spent most of the revolution in Washington and could not be held responsible for the Guardia's human rights violations. Somoza picked someone else. When the Somoza government collapsed, Bermúdez began a new career as a truck driver, delivering Newsweek magazines.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Recruitment by the CIA
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ born: 1926-08-13
|
|||
died: 2016-11-25
|
||||
location: "Birán, Oriente, Cuba"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Fidel Castro was the leader of [[Cuba]]. In 1960, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] initiated a series of assassination attempts against him. These operations involved [[Robert Maheu]] as a "cut-out," who contacted organized-crime leaders [[Sam Giancana]], [[Johnny Rosselli]], and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]]. These individuals, in turn, enlisted the direct assistance of Cuban exiles in the assassination plots.[^1]
|
||||
Fidel Castro was the leader of [[Cuba]]. In 1960, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] initiated a series of assassination attempts against him. These operations involved [[Robert Maheu]] as a "cut-out," who contacted organized-crime leaders [[Sam Giancana]], [[Johnny Roselli|Johnny Rosselli]], and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]]. These individuals, in turn, enlisted the direct assistance of Cuban exiles in the assassination plots.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Dark Alliance Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,11 +14,11 @@ location: "North Bay, Ontario, Canada"
|
|||
|
||||
### Israeli Artillery Contracts
|
||||
|
||||
[[Israel]] had contracted with Dr. Gerald Bull for the supply of specially configured artillery shells whose range was extended as much as 25 percent. American weapons experts understood that given the inaccuracy of an artillery shell fired at such long range, [[Israel]]'s real goal had to be the use of nuclear weapons. One American expert noted that if a shell is going forty-five miles and precision is three percent of range, it would hit nothing much with a high explosive shell, implying the need for a nuclear weapon. This information, including suggestions that [[Israel]] had targeted [[Damascus]] with these special cannons during the [[Yom Kippur War]], was reported to U.S. intelligence.[^2]
|
||||
[[Israel]] had contracted with Dr. Gerald Bull for the supply of specially configured artillery shells whose range was extended as much as 25 percent. American weapons experts understood that given the inaccuracy of an artillery shell fired at such long range, Israel's real goal had to be the use of nuclear weapons. One American expert noted that if a shell is going forty-five miles and precision is three percent of range, it would hit nothing much with a high explosive shell, implying the need for a nuclear weapon. This information, including suggestions that Israel had targeted [[Damascus]] with these special cannons during the [[Yom Kippur War]], was reported to U.S. intelligence.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### South African Connections
|
||||
|
||||
In 1981, Bull approached [[Israel Military Industries]] in [[Israel]] hoping to sell his project, but they were more interested in missile technology. In 1983, [[Mark Thatcher]], son of British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]], introduced Bull to [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]], chief of [[South African Defense Force]], who in turn connected him with [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]]. ARMSCOR contracted Bull for his artillery project.[^1]
|
||||
In 1981, Bull approached [[Israel Military Industries]] in Israel hoping to sell his project, but they were more interested in missile technology. In 1983, [[Mark Thatcher]], son of British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]], introduced Bull to [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]], chief of [[South African Defense Force]], who in turn connected him with [[Armscor|ARMSCOR]]. ARMSCOR contracted Bull for his artillery project.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and Relocation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,14 +26,25 @@ Bull was later arrested by the [[United States|U.S.]] Attorney for the Southern
|
|||
|
||||
### Iraqi Supergun Project
|
||||
|
||||
He was commissioned to develop his supergun for [[Iraq]], with funding channeled through [[Carlos Cardoen|Carlos Cardoen's]] financial network. Bull believed his supergun would work and would bring peace by creating a balance of terror, arguing that [[Iraq]] only sought to defend itself against potential attacks from the [[United States|Americans]] and [[Israel|Israelis]].[^1]
|
||||
He was commissioned to develop his supergun for [[Iraq]], with funding channeled through [[Carlos Cardoen|Carlos Cardoen's]] financial network. Bull believed his supergun would work and would bring peace by creating a balance of terror, arguing that Iraq only sought to defend itself against potential attacks from the Americans and Israelis.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Space Research and Baghdad
|
||||
|
||||
After working for the Pentagon in the 1960s on a gun-launch project Bull set up the [[Space Research Corporation]] in northern [[Vermont]] to sell a long-range "base-bleed" artillery shell. According to one account the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "contacted Bull and asked him to sell advanced weaponry to South Africa in order to preserve Western strategic interests," and he took a development contract with Armscor. "As the CIA came under greater Congressional scrutiny in the late 1970s, however, it appears that they abandoned Bull. He was arrested for breaking the UN arms embargo on South Africa and sentenced to six months in jail."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
His first contact with Iraq was in 1982, when the arms dealer [[Sarkis Soghanalian]] took him to [[Baghdad]]. He came to know Lieutenant General [[Amir al-Saadi]], and put his idea to al-Saadi's superior, [[Hussein Kamel]]. "For just $10 million, Bull told Hussein Kamil, the gun could be built right in his own country." Kamel signed for four. The large version had a bore of 1,000 millimeters and a barrel over 107 meters long and needed ten tons of propellant for a shot. Bull said he had the drawings of the German "Paris Gun" of 1918 "from the daughter of one of the German engineers who designed it." He set up branches of his company in Brussels, [[Geneva]], and [[Montreal]], a shell called the Advanced Technology Institute, and sold 45 percent of SRC International to the Belgian explosives maker [[Poudreries Réunies de Belgique]].[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The Iraqi holding company in [[London]], the [[Technology Development Group]], which owned [[Matrix Churchill]], "had a partnership with Dr. Gerald Bull's Space Research Corporation, and it financed purchases for Bull thanks to loans from BNL Atlanta." An executive of Matrix Churchill, [[Mark Gutteridge]], "first told [[MI5]] about Bull and his supergun in May 1988," and his reports "had been passed straight to the CIA." A plan agreed between Bull and the British fuse maker [[Allivane]] was "replete with references to detonators, fuses, and artillery projectiles." "We informed the Defence Ministry of exactly what we were doing," a former Allivane manager said. "Somebody up there in the government loved us." On February 6, 1990, the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] opened a credit of 2.9 million dollars through Space Research to an American fuse maker. Bull was shot dead at his door in Brussels the next month.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Israeli Intervention and Assassination
|
||||
|
||||
In late November 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] met with Bull in his [[Brussels]] apartment to persuade him to stop his supergun project. Ben-Menashe offered Bull $5 million to scrap the project, but Bull refused. Ben-Menashe warned him about the "terrible accidents" happening to various people involved in similar activities.[^1]
|
||||
In late November 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] met with Bull in his Brussels apartment to persuade him to stop his supergun project. Ben-Menashe offered Bull $5 million to scrap the project, but Bull refused. Ben-Menashe warned him about the "terrible accidents" happening to various people involved in similar activities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Gerald Bull]] was named as an enemy of the state by an [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, along with [[Ihsan Barbouti]] and 12 other scientists. He was killed in March 1990 in his [[Brussels]] apartment, an act attributed to [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence.[^1]
|
||||
Gerald Bull was named as an enemy of the state by an Israeli intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, along with [[Ihsan Barbouti]] and 12 other scientists. He was killed in March 1990 in his Brussels apartment, an act attributed to Israeli intelligence.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16.
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 16.
|
||||
[^3]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 96-97, 283-284, 298-299.
|
||||
[^4]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 78-79, 116, 250.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -44,9 +44,11 @@ On May 18, 1992, he said: "When the BNL offices were raided in Atlanta in August
|
|||
|
||||
On September 25 he described a brass factory worth 40 million dollars sold to Iraq by [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] under a contract negotiated with [[Safa al-Habobi]] and financed by the Atlanta branch. Its owner had told the committee in April 1991 that the brass was "solely for commercial uses." Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing that the Iraqi purchaser meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses, and quoted the owner's remark to the [[Indianapolis Star]] in August 1992: "Probably the only thing they are doing is melting the brass down." President [[George H.W. Bush]]'s report to Congress of September 1991 had stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
In the White House he was dismissed as a "flake." He told the House: "We are obstructed blatantly, premeditatedly and coldly, and in defiance of the plain constitutional prerogative of the Congress to know." When he learned that lawyers from the National Security Council staff and other agencies were meeting under [[C. Nicholas Rostow|Nicholas Rostow]] to coordinate what Congress would be given, he named them "the Rostow gang." "It used to be that cover-ups were sort of ad hoc events, a mad scramble to provide damage control for the moment. The Rostow gang advances the notion that cover-up mechanisms have become an integral cog in the machinery of this administration." His chief investigator, [[Dennis Kane]], recalled Rostow telling him "it would be a cold day in hell before Congress got NSD 26 or any of those documents."[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Ethics Resolution
|
||||
|
||||
His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^6]
|
||||
His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994, for investigating, "regardless of the attempts to strip him of his committee chairmanship, the involvement of high-level officials in the Reagan and Bush Administrations in the sale of U.S. arms to Iraq." Of the war of 1991 he had said: "Not only did our own service men and women face military material that had been exported from the U.S., the U.S. military itself relied on these Iraqi front companies for some of the military goods they used." He lost the chairmanship to [[Jim Leach|James Leach]] in 1995 and did not run in 1998. His son Charles succeeded him.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -57,4 +59,5 @@ The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994,
|
|||
[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, May 18, 1992; index of statements, 102nd Congress, second session, February 24 to September 28, 1992.
|
||||
[^4]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "United States Policy to Arm Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, July 21, 1992.
|
||||
[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502.
|
||||
[^6]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
|
||||
[^6]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 206, 216, 221.
|
||||
[^7]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -34,12 +34,19 @@ The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[
|
|||
|
||||
On March 6, 1992, the paper reported that a Houston jury had found Haidar Barbouti and three family companies liable for more than 12 million dollars to Munden, whose pipe-coating technology, with "military and nuclear as well as industrial uses," had been taken and exported. Judge [[Scott Brister]] did not allow the jury to be told that the destinations were Libya and Iraq. Munden was described as a grand jury witness in a federal investigation of father and son. Haidar Barbouti, then 24, sued the newspaper for libel, swearing that he had promised no assistance to the pesticide enterprise. The Texas court of appeals, sitting en banc in 1996, held both articles substantially true.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Homs and Boca Raton
|
||||
|
||||
Barbouti "had made a fortune in Libya and Iraq, supplying industrial complexes through an international network called IBI Industries." He told Moshe Tal, whose rocket fuel company he was trying to buy, "that IBI stood for Ihsan Barbouti International and that he generally modeled his logo after IBM," and that his many companies existed "merely to hold ostensible ownership of individual investment properties," while "the real ownership of the investment property always went into the Barbouti family trust." Tal said that Barbouti, drunk, told him that "Colonel Qaddafi wanted a plant to produce heavy water in order to be able to construct an atom bomb," and was "considering a scheme whereby Qaddafi would smuggle an atomic device into United States waters aboard a commercial shipping vessel and blow up an American port city with a nuclear blast, in retaliation for the United States' raid on Tripoli." Barbouti was working on a heavy water plant at [[Homs, Libya|Homs]] and had put together the Rabta plant with [[Jürgen Hippenstiel-Imhausen]] of [[West Germany]]. Among those at his London meetings in the fall of 1987 was [[Sabawi Ibrahim al-Tikriti]], a half-brother of [[Saddam Hussein]]. Tal's account went to the attorney general of [[Arizona]], then to Senator [[Dennis DeConcini]], who passed it to William Webster. The Belgian shipper Josef Gedopt was arrested in January 1989.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
At [[Boca Raton, Florida|Boca Raton]] Barbouti put 5.3 million dollars into Product Ingredient Technology, a company of [[Louis Champon]]. A byproduct of his process was ferric ferrocyanide, which can be converted to hydrogen cyanide. "Dr. Barbouti kept insisting that we take the byproduct and ship it to West Germany," Champon said. "I kept refusing, and then the money stopped."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Ben-Menashe
|
||||
|
||||
The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in [[West Germany]] for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^3]
|
||||
The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in West Germany for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: TK-7 Corp. v. Estate of Barbouti, 993 F.2d 722 (10th Cir. 1993).
|
||||
[^2]: Barbouti v. Hearst Corp., 927 S.W.2d 37 (Tex. App. 1996), reproducing Urban, Jerry. "Letter triggers new probe of Barbouti," *Houston Chronicle,* February 21, 1992, and "Barbouti's son found liable in technology theft scheme," *Houston Chronicle,* March 6, 1992.
|
||||
[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
[^3]: Timmerman, Kenneth R. *The Death Lobby: How the West Armed Iraq*. Houghton Mifflin, 1991, pp. 264-273, 296, and note at p. 412.
|
||||
[^4]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
53
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/James Eastland.md
Normal file
53
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/James Eastland.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- JamesEastland
|
||||
- USSenate
|
||||
- Mississippi
|
||||
- SenateInternalSecuritySubcommittee
|
||||
- Segregation
|
||||
- JohnBirchSociety
|
||||
- HuntFamily
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- James O. Eastland
|
||||
- James Oliver Eastland
|
||||
summary: "Mississippi senator from 1941 to 1978 and Delta planter who chaired the Internal Security Subcommittee and the Judiciary Committee, buried over a hundred civil rights bills, and drew 100,000 dollars a year in farm subsidies."
|
||||
born: 1904-11-28
|
||||
died: 1986-02-19
|
||||
location: "Doddsville, Mississippi"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
James Oliver Eastland (November 28, 1904 to February 19, 1986) was born at [[Doddsville, Mississippi]], "only months after his father had orchestrated the gruesome lynching of a Black woman and her lover, who was accused of murdering Woods's twenty-one-year-old brother, James, in whose memory the newborn was named." His grandfather had bought more than 2,000 acres of [[Sunflower County, Mississippi|Sunflower County]] "for speculative purposes," and his father, Woods Eastland, a personal injury lawyer, made it a plantation. He studied at the [[University of Mississippi]], [[Vanderbilt University|Vanderbilt]], and the [[University of Alabama]], was admitted to the bar in 1927, and sat in the state legislature as a supporter of Governor [[Theodore G. Bilbo]]. When Senator [[Pat Harrison]] died in 1941, Woods Eastland declined the appointment and suggested his son. "The boy'll do it," said Governor [[Paul B. Johnson Sr.|Paul Johnson]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Plantation
|
||||
|
||||
On the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry he "zealously guarded the interests of southern farmers, especially the planters of his native Delta, who reaped millions of dollars in annual subsidies. His own plantation, which eventually grew to nearly 6,000 acres, consistently received more than $100,000 a year in price supports until Congress capped the payments at $50,000."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Committees
|
||||
|
||||
He left the Democratic ticket for the [[Dixiecrats]] in 1948. In 1953 he became chairman of the [[Senate Internal Security Subcommittee]], "a forum from which to hound suspected domestic subversives, especially those involved in civil rights activities and the labor movement," and in 1956 chairman of the [[United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary|Judiciary Committee]], which he made the "graveyard of civil rights legislation," blocking "more than one hundred civil rights measures." He told white audiences "that he once had special pockets sewn into his trousers so he could carry civil rights bills around with him to make sure no one called them up for consideration in his absence." Senator [[Herbert Lehman]] called him "a symbol of racism in America." The Episcopal Diocese of New York charged him with "subversion just as real and, because it comes from a U.S. Senator, far more dangerous than any perpetrated by the Communist Party." Senator [[Ted Kennedy]] praised the "scrupulously fair and even-handed manner in which he presided." [[Aaron Henry]] told him: "You have a master-servant philosophy with regard to blacks."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Welch
|
||||
|
||||
On March 31, 1961, [[Robert Welch]] of the [[John Birch Society]] telegraphed Eastland asking the subcommittee to investigate the society. "None of our members will plead the Fifth Amendment." On July 3, 1962, Welch wrote that the society had spent "several thousand dollars" to send its members Eastland's speech "Is the Supreme Court Pro-Communist?" and closed "with admiration for both your patriotism and your courage."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Wickliffe Draper]]'s money for the campaign against the Civil Rights Act went through the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] of Eastland's state.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Hunts
|
||||
|
||||
"[[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Nelson Bunker]] and his father met President Nixon at the celebrated barbecue at [[John Connally]]'s Floresville ranch in the autumn of 1972. Soon after, Nelson Bunker huddled with [[Richard Kleindienst]], then the new boss of the Justice Department, at the plantation of Mississippi Senator James Eastland." The account came from Hunt sources. The wiretapping indictments of the [[Hunt brothers]] followed regardless.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Succession
|
||||
|
||||
Eastland became president pro tempore of the Senate in 1972 and "twice came within a heartbeat of the oval office," when [[Spiro Agnew]] resigned in 1973 and when [[Gerald Ford]] succeeded [[Richard Nixon]] in 1974. He resigned on December 27, 1978, days before his term ended, so that the Republican senator-elect, [[Thad Cochran]], could be appointed early and gain seniority. "I voted my convictions on everything," he said. In 1991 he entered the Mississippi Hall of Fame on the same day as [[Medgar Evers]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "James Oliver Eastland," *Mississippi Encyclopedia*. Center for Study of Southern Culture, University of Mississippi.
|
||||
[^2]: Morgan, Chester M. "James O. Eastland," *Mississippi History Now,* Mississippi Department of Archives and History, April 2011.
|
||||
[^3]: Welch, Robert. Telegram to James O. Eastland, March 31, 1961, and letter, July 3, 1962, in Federal Bureau of Investigation files on the John Birch Society, compiled by Ernie Lazar from Freedom of Information Act releases.
|
||||
[^4]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
|
||||
[^5]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975.
|
||||
|
|
@ -30,13 +30,13 @@ He was a large man - six foot six - and a skilled public speaker, qualities that
|
|||
|
||||
Garrison's Kennedy assassination investigation began in November 1966, triggered by his encounter with Senator [[Russell Long]], who expressed skepticism about the [[Warren Commission]]'s lone-gunman conclusion. Garrison began reviewing materials available in the public record and became interested in the New Orleans network of anti-Castro Cuban exile operatives, intelligence figures, and associated individuals who had been active in the city in 1963.
|
||||
|
||||
His investigation focused on three figures: [[David Ferrie]], [[Guy Banister]], and eventually [[Clay Shaw]]. Garrison believed this network had organized Kennedy's assassination using [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] as the designated patsy. Ferrie died on February 22, 1967, days after Garrison's investigation became public. Banister had died in June 1964. Shaw became the only remaining figure Garrison could charge.
|
||||
His investigation focused on three figures: [[David Ferrie]], [[Guy Banister]], and eventually Clay Shaw. Garrison believed this network had organized Kennedy's assassination using [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] as the designated patsy. Ferrie died on February 22, 1967, days after Garrison's investigation became public. Banister had died in June 1964. Shaw became the only remaining figure Garrison could charge.
|
||||
|
||||
The investigation attracted controversy from its earliest stages. Garrison's methods - which included granting immunity to questionable witnesses, using sodium pentothal (truth serum) in interrogations, and making claims he could not prove - were criticized by mainstream journalists and legal observers. He also alleged, and produced evidence for, active obstruction of his investigation by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Shaw Trial
|
||||
|
||||
Garrison arrested Clay Shaw on March 1, 1967, charging him with conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Shaw - a prominent New Orleans businessman, founder of the International Trade Mart, and pillar of the city's cultural establishment - denied any connection to the alleged conspiracy.
|
||||
Garrison arrested Clay Shaw on March 1, 1967, charging him with conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Shaw - a prominent New Orleans businessman, founder of the [[International Trade Mart]], and pillar of the city's cultural establishment - denied any connection to the alleged conspiracy.
|
||||
|
||||
The trial began in January 1969. Garrison's central witnesses included [[Perry Russo]], who testified he had attended a meeting at which Shaw, Ferrie, and Oswald discussed killing Kennedy, and a hypnosis patient whose testimony about Shaw was later challenged on the grounds that it had been shaped by hypnotic suggestion. The defense demolished much of the prosecution's witness testimony.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -44,6 +44,10 @@ The jury acquitted Shaw on March 1, 1969, after less than an hour of deliberatio
|
|||
|
||||
Post-trial, documents released through the [[Assassination Records Review Board|JFK Assassination Records Collection]] confirmed that Shaw had been a CIA domestic contact - a fact denied by CIA Director [[Richard Helms]] under oath during the trial. The documents also showed CIA active involvement in monitoring Garrison's investigation and, according to some researchers, working to undermine it.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Federal Court
|
||||
|
||||
Two days after Shaw's acquittal Garrison charged him with perjury. Shaw's lawyers sued in federal court, and after a three-day hearing in January 1971 Judge [[Herbert Christenberry]] enjoined the prosecution as brought in bad faith. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] affirmed in 1972. The court found that the investigation had been paid for in large part by a private fund, [[Truth or Consequences (New Orleans)|Truth or Consequences]], formed by three businessmen in February 1967, whose money passed through an unaudited account on which Garrison drew at will. "When Shaw was arrested the money came in; when he was acquitted, it stopped." It credited the testimony of the detective [[William Gurvich]], who had worked on the investigation for six months and resigned on June 27, 1967, calling it a "fraudulent, criminal act." It found that the chief witness, Perry Russo, had been given sodium pentothal and hypnotized before he implicated Shaw, that he had told a police polygraph examiner in June 1967 that "if pressed" he would say Shaw was not present, and that the examiner's report was withheld from the defense. It found that Garrison had a contract for three books. In July 1967 Garrison had charged the [[NBC]] reporter [[Walter Sheridan]] with bribing a witness after the network's critical broadcast, and Sheridan, it later emerged, had been passing information from inside Garrison's office to the general counsel of the CIA.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Legacy
|
||||
|
||||
Garrison's investigation was widely dismissed as a conspiracy fantasy at the time of the Shaw acquittal. The 1991 Oliver Stone film *JFK*, based on Garrison's memoirs *On the Trail of the Assassins* (1988) and Jim Marrs's *Crossfire*, brought the investigation back to public attention and contributed to the political pressure that produced the [[JFK Records Act]] of 1992, which mandated declassification of assassination-related government records.
|
||||
|
|
@ -53,4 +57,5 @@ Garrison served as a Louisiana appeals court judge from 1978 until shortly befor
|
|||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Garrison, Jim. *On the Trail of the Assassins.* Sheridan Square Press, 1988. Davy, William. *Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation.* Jordan Publishing, 1999.
|
||||
[^2]: DiEugenio, James. *Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
|
||||
[^2]: DiEugenio, James. *Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992. Melanson, Philip H. *Spy Saga: Lee Harvey Oswald and U.S. Intelligence.* Praeger, 1990.
|
||||
[^3]: Shaw v. Garrison, 328 F. Supp. 390 (E.D. La. 1971), affirmed, 467 F.2d 113 (5th Cir. 1972); Sheridan v. Garrison, 415 F.2d 699 (5th Cir. 1969); Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ born: 1924
|
|||
died: 2004-10-29
|
||||
location: "Massachusetts"
|
||||
---
|
||||
John W. Finney was a reporter for the *New York Times*, covering nuclear issues and the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]]. In December 1960, he broke a major story revealing that [[Israel]], with French help, had secretly built a nuclear reactor in the [[Negev Desert|Negev]] to produce plutonium. This information was leaked to him by [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the AEC, who was angered by [[Israel]]'s and [[France]]'s secrecy.[^1]
|
||||
John W. Finney was a reporter for the *New York Times*, covering nuclear issues and the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]]. In December 1960, he broke a major story revealing that [[Israel]], with French help, had secretly built a nuclear reactor in the [[Negev Desert|Negev]] to produce plutonium. This information was leaked to him by [[John McCone|John A. McCone]], then chairman of the AEC, who was angered by [[Israel]]'s and [[France]]'s secrecy.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Finney's article, published on December 19, 1960, on the front page of the *Times*, informed the American public about what [[Arthur C. Lundahl]] and [[Dino A. Brugioni]] had been reporting to the [[White House]] for over two years. He was used by the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration to publicly address the issue of [[Dimona]], which senior officials were apprehensive about doing themselves.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
37
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Lawrence Eagleburger.md
Normal file
37
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Lawrence Eagleburger.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- LawrenceEagleburger
|
||||
- KissingerAssociates
|
||||
- StateDepartment
|
||||
- BNLScandal
|
||||
- Iraq
|
||||
- Yugoslavia
|
||||
- MatrixChurchill
|
||||
summary: "President of Kissinger Associates while Banca Nazionale del Lavoro was its client, director of a Yugoslav bank that did a fifth of its business with BNL, and deputy secretary of state during the Iraq loans."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Lawrence Eagleburger was president of [[Kissinger Associates]] from 1984 to 1989 and deputy secretary of state under [[James Baker]] from 1989. He was secretary of state in the last weeks of the administration of [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### BNL and LBS
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] was a client of Kissinger Associates while he was its president. In 1986 he helped establish LBS, the [[New York City|New York]] subsidiary of [[Ljubljanska Banka]] of [[Yugoslavia]], and sat on its board until he returned to government. Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] quoted a [[Federal Reserve]] inspection report showing that from 1986 to 1989 the Italian bank supplied more than 20 percent of LBS's New York business. At a meeting in New York in 1987 [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]], [[Brent Scowcroft]], Eagleburger, and the firm's economist [[Alan Stoga]] advised the bank's officers. Between 1985 and 1989 its [[Atlanta]] branch lent [[Iraq]] some five billion dollars off its books.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The State Department
|
||||
|
||||
As acting secretary on May 10, 1989, Eagleburger signed the certificate that allowed the Iraqi-owned [[Matrix Churchill]] Corporation of [[Ohio]] to open a branch in [[Baghdad]]. That fall, when the [[United States Department of the Treasury|Treasury]] and the [[Office of Management and Budget]] opposed a further billion dollars in [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|agricultural credit guarantees]] for Iraq, he "made phone calls and sent letters to his counterparts" to overcome them.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Before the [[House Banking Committee]] in 1992 he said: "Quite frankly, the selective disclosure, out of context, of classified documents has led, knowingly or otherwise, to distortions of the record, half-truths, and outright falsehoods, all combined into spurious conspiracy theories and charges of a cover-up." Of the bank he said: "Although the records at Kissinger Associates indicate that I may have attended one luncheon in 1986 at which two representatives of BNL Rome were present, I do not recall this luncheon nor any substantive meetings, conversations, or other contacts with anyone from BNL." Representative [[Bernie Sanders]] asked him about a transfer of American bombs from [[Saudi Arabia]] to Iraq in 1986. He answered "No, I am not aware of anything," conferred with an aide, and said he would reply in writing. "The answer, when it was eventually supplied in writing, confirmed the Saudi transfer." The special counsel [[Frederick Lacey]] reported in December 1992 that Scowcroft and Eagleburger "came into contact with BNL management" at the firm and that he had seen nothing to suggest they knew of the Atlanta loans.[^2][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701.
|
||||
[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 145, 223-225.
|
||||
[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Details on Iraq's Procurement Network," *Congressional Record,* House, August 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^4]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15.
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,4 +26,5 @@ During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptia
|
|||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
|
|
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ Earlier that year, on March 7, 1963, Gordon had sent a memorandum to [[McGeorge
|
|||
|
||||
Gordon was the central U.S. Embassy figure in the intelligence and diplomatic preparation for the April 1964 military coup against President Joao Goulart. His role included:
|
||||
|
||||
As early as March 16, 1964, he was approached by Army Chief of Staff [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] with a "white paper" rationale for a military uprising. Gordon allegedly replied that President [[Lyndon Johnson]] was prepared to recognize any rebel government on Brazilian territory that proclaimed itself in opposition to Goulart and communism and could hold out for forty-eight hours. He suggested Minas Gerais, home of the Fourth Army, as the best locale from which to launch such a rebellion.[^4]
|
||||
As early as March 16, 1964, he was approached by Army Chief of Staff [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] with a "white paper" rationale for a military uprising. Gordon allegedly replied that President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] was prepared to recognize any rebel government on Brazilian territory that proclaimed itself in opposition to Goulart and communism and could hold out for forty-eight hours. He suggested Minas Gerais, home of the Fourth Army, as the best locale from which to launch such a rebellion.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
On March 27, 1964, Gordon sent a top-secret cable (received in the Department that evening; logged in FRUS as Document 187 with a dateline of March 28) to Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, CIA Director [[John McCone]], and General [[Maxwell Taylor]]. In it he assessed that Goulart was "definitely engaged on campaign to seize dictatorial power, accepting the active collaboration of the [[Brazilian Communist Party]]," and characterized Castelo Branco as leading organized democratic resistance "with strong loyalty to legal and constitutional principles." He warned that without U.S. backing, Brazil might become "the China of the 1960s" and urged that "no loss of time can be afforded in preparing for such action." Gordon recommended "that measures be taken soonest to prepare for a clandestine delivery of arms of non-US origin, to be made available to Castello Branco supporters in Sao Paulo," with delivery via "unmarked submarine to be off-loaded at night in isolated shore spots in the state of Sao Paulo south of Santos." He also recommended positioning a US naval task force off the Brazilian coast and arranging petroleum supplies for rebel military units.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -30,20 +30,27 @@ The agency told Contreras at the outset that it would not support activities of
|
|||
|
||||
General Vernon Walters came to Santiago to confer with Pinochet on the agency's help, and Pinochet told him he had "hand-picked Contreras." The CIA gave Contreras a long lunch with Walters and officers of the Western Hemisphere Division. The State Department's Chile desk noted that "Colonel Manuel Contreras considers himself a bosom buddy of the general." On Saturday, July 5, 1975, the two met secretly at a CIA office at [[Fort Myer]], where Contreras asked how Chile might get American arms despite the congressional ban: "Wonder if there is any way they could get it indirectly via [[Spain]], [[Brazil]], or the Republic of Korea." They lunched again at Langley on August 25. On November 4, 1977, Pinochet removed him, with promotion to brigadier general, in favor of General [[Odlanier Mena]]. A CIA source said he was "completely shocked," like "a cuckolded husband who is the last to realize his wife was being unfaithful." In 1978 the agency reported that he planned to defend himself by claiming "that Michael Townley and the Cuban exiles implicated were all under CIA control, and that the Agency ordered Letelier's assassination to throw blame on Pinochet," and to implicate Ambassador [[George Landau]]. "While this defense is of course fabricated completely of whole cloth, it could cause us embarrassment."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Contreras gave his own account of the beginning. "In the year 1974, in the month of March, the president sent me to the United States. I met with Vernon Walters about how to do national intelligence. So the CIA promised to help us," he said, and "he sent us eight high-level CIA agents to organize courses or seminars here in Chile, which lasted until the middle of August of 1974." He named [[Stewart Burton]], the station chief, as the officer he dealt with. The disappeared numbered seventeen in June of that year, forty-six in July, forty-nine in August, and forty in September. On May 20, 1974, the agency ordered a "covert name trace" on him, a step that precedes a close and often paid relationship with a source. The agency's statement was that it "made clear to Contreras that no training or support which could aid internal repression could be given," but did "brief Contreras on the fundamentals of intelligence organization and management." A former DINA agent said: "I thought Contreras was some kind of genius to have built up such a large, complicated apparatus in such a short time."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Of the 1975 visit he told a Chilean reporter: "Vernon Walters proposed that we take on a lobby of North American senators, to get them to stop harassing Chile in the international arena," five senators of both parties "who would be paid $2 million a year so that they will act in favor of Chile." The memorandum of the August 25 conversation says only that Walters "took the opportunity to express concern over the human rights situation in Chile." Contreras said he had refused an offer from Walters to station CIA officers inside DINA. He testified in court that [[Robert Scherrer]] of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] was in "permanent contact" with Condor's representative in [[Buenos Aires]] "and received the information that he asked for." Scherrer said he learned that the CIA had provided DINA with the computer systems and training he presumed were used for the Condor data bank.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
An American intelligence officer described him: "Contreras is mild-mannered and polite. When you talk to him he seems gentle and disarming." As a young officer he was known as a beato. His military specialty was engineering.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Condor
|
||||
|
||||
Within a year of the coup the agency knew of cooperation among the security services of the region "to track the activities of and, in at least a few cases, kill political opponents." [[Operation Condor]], the formal arrangement among [[Chile]], [[Argentina]], Brazil, [[Paraguay]], and [[Uruguay]], was established in 1975. "By October 1976 there was sufficient information that the CIA decided to approach Contreras on the matter. Contreras confirmed Condor's existence as an intelligence-sharing network but denied that it had a role in extra-judicial killings."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Letelier
|
||||
|
||||
In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^3][^4]
|
||||
In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that Augusto Pinochet personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^5]
|
||||
The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that Augusto Pinochet personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
|
||||
[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 158-167, 172, 213-215, 401-402.
|
||||
[^3]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
|
||||
[^4]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
|
||||
[^5]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
|
||||
[^3]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 63-70, 103-104, 121-124.
|
||||
[^4]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
|
||||
[^5]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
|
||||
[^6]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Mariana Callejas.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Mariana Callejas.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- MarianaCallejas
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- MichaelTownley
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- CarlosPrats
|
||||
- PatriaYLibertad
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Ines Callejas
|
||||
- Inés Callejas
|
||||
- Ines Townley
|
||||
summary: "Chilean wife of Michael Townley, hired with him by DINA in 1974, who travelled as an equal member of his assassination team to Buenos Aires, Mexico, and Rome."
|
||||
location: "Santiago, Chile"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Inés Callejas, called Mariana, was the daughter of the registrar of births and deaths of Rapel, in [[Coquimbo]] province. In July 1961 she married the American [[Michael Townley]] against his father's wishes. A friend said of Townley's politics in the Allende years that he "sounded like a regurgitation of Ines Callejas repeating [[Pablo Rodriguez Grez|Pablo Rodriguez]]," the leader of [[Patria y Libertad]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
At seventeen, in 1950, she left school in secret after her favorite teachers, Jewish refugees from Europe, were dismissed, and married. Her father "banished her instantly from the family" on learning of the marriage and her "conversion to Zionist socialism." The marriage was annulled after three months. She sailed for [[Israel]] and joined a kibbutz in the [[Negev]], where she "carried a Sten gun on regular night patrols before her eighteenth birthday." She had three children by a later marriage when Townley, then seventeen, met her in 1960.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1974 Colonel [[Pedro Espinoza]] of [[DINA]] "hired both Michael Townley and Ines Callejas for a combined salary of about $600 a month." She went with Townley to [[Buenos Aires]] that September to kill General [[Carlos Prats]]. Her attempt to fire the bomb failed, and a second attempt killed Prats and his wife. In 1975 she, Townley, and [[Virgilio Paz]] "set off on a nine-month, eight-country DINA mission to terrorize targeted Chilean exiles and the enemies of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]," in which she "participated as an equal member of the DINA team." They prepared six detonators for an attempt in [[Mexico]], stopped at [[Munich]], "where DINA had cultivated contacts with former Nazi sympathizers associated with [[Christian Social Union]] leader [[Franz Josef Strauss]]," and in [[Rome]] engaged the Italian fascists who shot [[Bernardo Leighton]]. In September 1976, from [[National Airport]] in Washington, Townley telephoned her "a coded message to pass on to DINA: the bomb was in place."[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 21, 95-96, 106, 130, 152-157.
|
||||
[^2]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 483-486.
|
||||
[^3]: National Security Archive, "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofia Cuthbert," October 1, 2024.
|
||||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Marlin Fitzwater was the White House press secretary under President R
|
|||
born: 1942-11-24
|
||||
location: "Salina, Kansas"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Marlin Fitzwater was the [[White House]] press secretary under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, he confirmed the revelation made by [[Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure[^1].
|
||||
Marlin Fitzwater was the [[White House]] press secretary under President [[Ronald Reagan]]. In May 1988, he confirmed the revelation made by [[Donald Regan|Donald T. Regan]], former White House chief of staff, that President Reagan had sought the advice of a private astrologer during his tenure[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Fitzwater stated that "President Reagan and his wife, Nancy, are both deeply interested in astrology," thereby publicly acknowledging the role of [[Joan Quigley]], the San Francisco socialite and astrologer, in the President's decision-making process[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,6 +22,15 @@ Norman Casper was a private detective in [[Miami]], formerly an agent of the [[W
|
|||
|
||||
Casper was used for his "good contacts in the Miami and [[Caribbean]] areas." In October 1972 he met [[Samuel Pierson]], president of the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]], at the Miami airport while posing as a federal narcotics agent. The Castle Bank had been organized by the Miami lawyer [[Paul Helliwell]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Briefcase Caper
|
||||
|
||||
In late October 1972 Special Agent [[Richard Jaffe]] of the revenue service's Jacksonville office asked Casper for the names of the depositors of the Castle Bank. Casper cultivated the bank's officer [[Michael Wolstencroft]] and introduced him to a private investigator, Sybol Kennedy, whom he later called a member of his "spy network." Learning that Wolstencroft would be in Miami on January 15, 1973, he planned what he called "the briefcase caper," clearing each step with Jaffe, who cleared it with the chief of IRS intelligence in Jacksonville and supplied a "trusted" locksmith. While Wolstencroft and Kennedy dined at Key Biscayne, Casper entered her apartment with her key, took the briefcase to the house of an IRS agent, had some 400 documents photographed, and replaced it. "The entire 'caper' lasted approximately one and one-half hours." Two weeks later Kennedy stole a Rolodex from Wolstencroft's office in the Bahamas. Jaffe testified "that he had not cared how the rolodex file had been obtained." "The IRS paid Casper $8,000 in cash," of which about 1,000 went to Kennedy. His standing fee was put at 5,000 dollars on every million recovered.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
A federal judge found in 1977 that "the activities of the Government agents Jaffe and Casper were outrageous," and that they had probably committed a felony under [[Florida]] law. The government did not call Kennedy as a witness. Casper said that a name on the depositor printout was Richard M. Nixon: "There's no way to know if that's the Richard M. Nixon. I can't believe he'd be so stupid as to use his own name on an account like that." After the cases were dropped he said: "Now, I'm just trying to pay my bills (the IRS is dunning me for eight hundred dollars in back taxes). And trying not to get killed." [[CBS]] reported in 1980 that he was "out of a job, broke, yet sure of what he's done."[^2][^3][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, p. 383 and the chapter on Intertel.
|
||||
[^2]: United States v. Payner, 447 U.S. 727 (1980), including the dissent of Marshall, J.; United States v. Payner, 434 F. Supp. 113 (N.D. Ohio 1977).
|
||||
[^3]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 237-242.
|
||||
[^4]: "Castle Bank: Update," *60 Minutes,* CBS, August 3, 1980, transcript, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200021-5.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Caldwell expressed significant concern about the Soviet advancements in parapsychology and psychic warfare."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Oliver J. Caldwell was a former [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] officer who was known to run operations for the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. He is cited in [[John L. LaMothe]]'s 1972 report, *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, regarding the perceived [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] psychoenergetic threat[^1].
|
||||
Oliver J. Caldwell was a former [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] officer who was known to run operations for the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. He is cited in [[John LaMothe|John L. LaMothe]]'s 1972 report, *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, regarding the perceived [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] psychoenergetic threat[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Caldwell expressed significant concern about the Soviet advancements in [[Parapsychology|parapsychology]] and psychic warfare. He told LaMothe, "I am really disturbed... because if the [[United States]] does not make a serious effort to move forward on this new frontier, in another ten years it may be too late"[^1]. His statement underscored the urgency felt by some within the U.S. intelligence community to counter perceived Soviet capabilities in [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis|PK]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
34
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando Bosch.md
Normal file
34
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando Bosch.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- OrlandoBosch
|
||||
- CubanExiles
|
||||
- CORU
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- Terrorism
|
||||
- LuisPosadaCarriles
|
||||
summary: "Cuban exile pediatrician trained by the CIA in 1960 who turned to bombing, lived under the protection of Pinochet's Chile, founded CORU in 1976, and was named that October in the Cubana airliner bombing."
|
||||
location: "Miami, Florida"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Orlando Bosch was a Cuban pediatrician, trained in [[Toledo, Ohio]], who fought briefly against [[Fulgencio Batista]] in the Escambray and then left [[Cuba]]. "In 1960 the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had placed him and his followers in the [[Everglades]] for training." After the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] he denounced the agency. "We have a right to work for Cuba here or anywhere in the world," he said in 1966. "If the CIA breaks the laws, and Kennedy broke the laws, why can't we do the same?"[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Miami and Caracas
|
||||
|
||||
In the summer of 1967 federal officers caught Bosch and his men firing a bazooka at a Polish freighter in [[Miami]] harbor. He served four years and was paroled in 1972. His next organization, Cuban Action, set out to raise ten million dollars, three of them for the killing of [[Fidel Castro]]. Arrested in [[Caracas]] in November 1974 and linked to two bombings, he was offered to the [[United States]], which "declined [[Venezuela]]'s offer to expel him to serve the rest of his sentence." The Venezuelan secret police, [[DISIP]], was then headed by his friend Orlando Garcia, with [[Rafael Rivas Vasquez]] as deputy and [[Luis Posada Carriles]] as chief of operations. "All had received CIA training."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Chile
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and was reported to have met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### October 1976
|
||||
|
||||
Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9, 148, 246-250, quoting Bosch's interview with Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.
|
||||
30
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pastor Coronel.md
Normal file
30
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pastor Coronel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PastorCoronel
|
||||
- Paraguay
|
||||
- AlfredoStroessner
|
||||
- OperationCondor
|
||||
- Narcotics
|
||||
- Torture
|
||||
summary: "Chief of detectives of Stroessner's Paraguay, classed by the Drug Enforcement Administration as a Class I narcotics violator, whose interrogations of captured revolutionaries were attended by foreign military attachés."
|
||||
location: "Asunción, Paraguay"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Pastor Coronel was chief of detectives of the police of [[Paraguay]] under President [[Alfredo Stroessner]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
"He has acquired, for example, an informal title as the patron of all heroin and cocaine smugglers moving through Paraguay, and he protects them tenaciously as long as they pay him." The [[Drug Enforcement Administration]] classified him as a Class I narcotics violator. Ambassador [[George Landau]] "has forbidden any official of the American embassy to have any contact whatsoever with Coronel," and worked against him through Stroessner's chief of protocol, [[Conrado Pappalardo]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Tribunals
|
||||
|
||||
Coronel interrogated arrested members of the [[Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria]] before an audience. "High officials from Stroessner's government and foreign military attaches were invited to attend the secret sessions. Dark-suited waiters serving coffee and snacks circulated among the dozen or so officers seated in semicircle rows around the prison." One prisoner "was convinced that Stroessner himself was in the room for his interrogation." [[Robert Scherrer]], the legal attaché of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in [[Buenos Aires]], wrote to his principal police source in [[Chile]], General [[Ernesto Baeza]], about the arrests, in what has been called "the first documented case of U.S. official participation in the multicountry operations against the JCR." When the letter came to light the bureau called it a "routine and traditional form of cooperation." By Scherrer's account the Paraguayan interrogations led French agents to a [[Paris]] apartment where they expected an Argentine using the alias Carlos and found [[Carlos the Jackal]], who shot his way out.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
A group of former members of the [[Colorado Party (Paraguay)|Colorado Party]], students, and Marxists trained in [[Argentina]], led by [[Agustín Goiburú]], twice parked a van holding a bomb built by the [[Montoneros]] on the president's route, and twice it failed to go off. The CIA called it "the most sophisticated of many attempts to oust the President since he came to power twenty years ago."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, p. 4.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 84-85, 90-94, 97.
|
||||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Patricia Cloherty worked for Patricof and Company in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President Carter to be Deputy Administrator of the Small Business Administration (SBA)."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Patricia Cloherty worked for [[Patricof and Company]] in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] to be Deputy Administrator of the Small Business Administration (SBA). After leaving the SBA around 1980, she worked at Tessler & Cloherty, Inc., an investment management company she ran with her husband, [[Daniel Tessler]]. In February 1988, Cloherty returned to Patricof and Company.
|
||||
Patricia Cloherty worked for [[Patricof and Company]] in New York from about 1970 until 1977, when she was appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] to be Deputy Administrator of the [[Small Business Administration]] (SBA). After leaving the SBA around 1980, she worked at Tessler & Cloherty, Inc., an investment management company she ran with her husband, [[Daniel Tessler]]. In February 1988, Cloherty returned to Patricof and Company.
|
||||
|
||||
Cloherty's involvement with [[INSLAW|Inslaw]] began in 1984 when she and her husband took over management of 53rd Street Ventures, which had a small investment in [[INSLAW|Inslaw]]. [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit alleged that Cloherty told [[Richard D'Amore]] that she "knew all about" [[Earl Brian]]'s role in the Inslaw matter. However, Cloherty denied ever making such a statement to D'Amore or anyone else. She maintained that she knows nothing about Earl Brian's connection, if any, to Inslaw. She stated that she knows Earl Brian, having met him in the 1980s when they both served on the board of the National Association of Small Business Investment Companies. In 1990, Brian contacted Patricof and Company with a deal proposal regarding UPI, but Cloherty did not meet with him directly, and the firm decided not to pursue the deal. Cloherty stated she has never heard of and has had no involvement with Hadron or Simeon, and does not know [[Dominic Laiti]], [[Edwin Meese]], or [[Lowell Jensen]]. She denied discussing 53rd Street Ventures' investment in Inslaw with Brian, Jensen, Meese, Laiti, or any officials from the DOJ or the Reagan or Bush administrations. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support Hamilton's claims regarding Cloherty's knowledge of a conspiracy.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Percy Foreman.md
Normal file
36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Percy Foreman.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PercyForeman
|
||||
- JamesEarlRay
|
||||
- MartinLutherKing
|
||||
- HuntFamily
|
||||
- JackRuby
|
||||
- Houston
|
||||
summary: "Houston defense lawyer who took James Earl Ray's literary rights as his fee and delivered his guilty plea in 1969, briefly represented Jack Ruby, and was indicted with the Hunt brothers in 1975."
|
||||
born: 1902-06-21
|
||||
died: 1988-08-25
|
||||
location: "Houston, Texas"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Percy Foreman (June 21, 1902 to August 25, 1988) was born in a log cabin near [[Livingston, Texas]], the son of the sheriff of [[Polk County, Texas|Polk County]]. After some years as an assistant district attorney he practiced criminal defense in [[Houston]] for six decades. He claimed as many as 2,000 murder cases and one client executed. He often took "diamonds, cars and houses in lieu of cash payments." "I'd rather try a murder case than any other type criminal case," he said. "There's one less witness." In 1963 he won for Cecil Blaffer Hudson what was then the largest divorce settlement on record, 6.5 million dollars in cash and 3 million in property, from [[E.J. Hudson]], chairman of Hudson Engineering Corporation. He represented [[Jack Ruby]] for a few days and withdrew "because of a dispute with the Ruby family over fees."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Ray
|
||||
|
||||
[[James Earl Ray]]'s first lawyer, [[Arthur Hanes]], had contracted on July 8, 1968, with the writer [[William Bradford Huie]] for a book on Ray and the murder of [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King]], Huie to pay Ray and Hanes each 30 percent of his receipts. Ray dismissed Hanes for Foreman, and "on February 3, 1969, Ray assigned all his rights under the various contracts to Foreman as the latter's fee." On February 13 Foreman wrote Ray that there was "a little more than a 99 per cent chance" of a death sentence and a "100 per cent chance of a guilty verdict." On March 9, the day before the plea, he wrote: "If the plea is entered and the sentence accepted and no embarrassing circumstances take place in the court room, I am willing to assign to any bank, trust company or individual selected by you all my receipts under the above agreement in excess of $165,000.00." A second letter advanced 500 dollars to Ray's brother on condition that the plea go through "without any unseemly conduct on your part in court." Huie's magazine contract was amended in anticipation of the plea and paid Foreman 1,000 dollars for an article, "Against Conspiracy."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
At the hearing in [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] on March 10, 1969, Ray interrupted: "The only thing I have to say is that I can't agree with Mr. Clark." Foreman supplied: "[[Ramsey Clark]]." Ray went on: "Mr. [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. I agree with all these stipulations, and I am not trying to change anything." The court asked whose theories he rejected. "Mr. Canale's, Mr. Clark's and Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's about the conspiracy." Foreman told the judge: "I think that what he said is that he doesn't agree with Ramsey Clark that Ramsey Clark is right or that J. Edgar Hoover is right. I didn't argue that as evidence in this case." Ray received 99 years and within days repudiated the plea. His suit against Foreman, Huie, and Hanes was dismissed, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit|Sixth Circuit]] affirmed in 1971, leaving open the question whether such contracts "are void as a matter of public policy." In 1976 the same court found "a potential conflict of interest" in the arrangement, and a district court finding that the fee "would be unreasonable if there were money to pay it," and upheld the plea.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Hunts
|
||||
|
||||
On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "Famed trial lawyer Percy Foreman, who defended James Earl Ray," United Press International, August 25, 1988; "Outspoken lawyer Percy Foreman called legal 'warrior,'" United Press International, August 26, 1988.
|
||||
[^2]: *Ray v. Foreman,* 441 F.2d 1266 (6th Cir. 1971).
|
||||
[^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976).
|
||||
[^4]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,14 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
summary: "National security figure connected to the Carter and Reagan administrations who attended the October 1980 Washington meeting on Iran."
|
||||
born: 1936-01-01
|
||||
died: 2024-11-16
|
||||
location: "Collingswood, New Jersey"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Richard Allen]] was a figure with connections to the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration. He was part of the [[United States|American]] delegation at the [[Washington meeting (October, 1980)|Washington meeting]] in October 1980, which included [[Robert McFarlane]] and [[Lawrence Silberman]]. [[Richard Allen|Allen]] had a deal with the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] camp that assured him the position of national security adviser for [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
@ -8,12 +8,19 @@ summary: "Allen personally relayed the message to Ariel Sharon in the fall of 19
|
|||
born: 1936-01-01
|
||||
died: 2024-11-16
|
||||
location: "Collingswood, New Jersey"
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Richard Allen
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Richard V. Allen was the National Security Advisor to President [[Ronald Reagan]]. He was informed of the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981. Allen immediately telephoned Reagan, who privately expressed delight at the attack. Allen was present at a meeting of Reagan's high command where [[Caspar Weinberger]] proposed canceling F-16 aircraft sales to [[Israel]], but Reagan had no intention of taking such a step.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Allen personally relayed the message to [[Ariel Sharon]] in the fall of 1981 that the [[United States]] would no longer permit [[Israel]] to get [[KH-11]] imagery of the [[Soviet Union]] or any other country outside the hundred-mile limit, re-enforcing the initial 1979 restrictions. Allen was not intimidated by Sharon's bellowing about American aid being "Band-Aids and mustard plaster."[^1]
|
||||
Allen personally relayed the message to [[Ariel Sharon]] in the fall of 1981 that the [[United States]] would no longer permit Israel to get [[KH-11]] imagery of the [[Soviet Union]] or any other country outside the hundred-mile limit, re-enforcing the initial 1979 restrictions. Allen was not intimidated by Sharon's bellowing about American aid being "Band-Aids and mustard plaster."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### October 1980
|
||||
|
||||
Richard Allen was a figure with connections to the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration. He was part of the American delegation at the [[Washington meeting (October, 1980)|Washington meeting]] in October 1980, which included [[Robert McFarlane]] and [[Lawrence Silberman]]. Allen had a deal with the Reagan camp that assured him the position of national security adviser for Reagan.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 1, 21.
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 1, 21.
|
||||
[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Robert Berrellez.md
Normal file
36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Robert Berrellez.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RobertBerrellez
|
||||
- ITT
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- AssociatedPress
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Graymail
|
||||
summary: "Associated Press correspondent turned ITT public relations man in Latin America, coauthor of the September 1970 memorandum against Allende, charged in 1978 with lying to the Senate in a case dropped to protect CIA secrets."
|
||||
location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert Berrellez was born at [[Nogales, Arizona|Nogales]] and educated in [[Arizona]]. He joined the [[Associated Press]] in [[Phoenix, Arizona|Phoenix]] and became its roving correspondent for [[Latin America]], based in [[Mexico City]]. "He was in Cuba when Fidel Castro came to power, and spent six months in jail for the crime of being an American newsman." He went to the [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]] as its public relations man for Latin America, working from [[Buenos Aires]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### September 1970
|
||||
|
||||
With [[Hal Hendrix]] he sent headquarters the memorandum of September 17, 1970, which recommended that ITT and other firms "pump some advertising into *[[El Mercurio|Mercurio]]*," revive some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly paid by "the Matte and Edwards groups," and relocate the families of "key persons involved in the fight" to [[Argentina]]. He had told [[Arturo Matte]], of the camp of [[Jorge Alessandri]], that ITT was "ready to contribute with what was necessary" to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from office. Before the Senate subcommittee on multinational corporations in March 1973 he explained the phrase as "essentially a courteous expression of concern." A [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer, [[Jonathan Hanke]], wrote the next day: "Berrellez apparently got safely over the question of his discussion with Arturo Matte reported in 17 September message." The agency's own review of the hearings found him "crisper and more solid in his answers" than his superiors.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### United States v. Berrellez
|
||||
|
||||
On March 20, 1978, the last day before the statute of limitations ran, the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] charged Berrellez, then 58, of [[Chatsworth, California|Chatsworth]], and ITT's southwest regional public relations director, and [[Edward Gerrity]] with perjury, obstruction, and false statements. [[Harold Geneen]] was not charged. [[Benjamin Civiletti]] said the plea bargain given [[Richard Helms]] for the same offense had been accepted "because of fear that national security secrets might be disclosed if a trial were held," and that the two ITT men "did not have the same access to the nation's secrets." Attorney General [[Griffin Bell]] said: "You cannot decide never to prosecute these cases that might involve national security. To do so gives people a license."[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
The prosecutors struck from the charge a reference to [[Hernán Cubillos]], formerly of *El Mercurio* and by then foreign minister of [[Chile]]. Berrellez's lawyer, Patrick Wall, protested that the CIA had censored his own notes. "The government said there was no national security in this case." Judge [[Aubrey Robinson]] said: "The government plays games at its peril." He refused an order confining the testimony, and the jury was dismissed the day after it was sworn. The government dropped the case on February 8, 1979. Sealed transcripts of a closed hearing of October 1978, sent anonymously to *[[The Nation]]*, recorded the allegation that Berrellez had "lied at the behest and with the aid of the C.I.A." One reporter wrote that the Hanke memorandum raised "the question of whether the CIA helped organize the effort to mislead the subcommittee."[^3][^5][^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "Bad Deal For Berrellez," *Phoenix Republic,* April 2, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030015-6.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973.
|
||||
[^3]: Ignatius, David. *Wall Street Journal,* 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030007-5; Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings," March 26, 1973.
|
||||
[^4]: Volz, Joseph. "2 Top ITT Aides Charged With Perjury on Chile Acts," *New York Daily News,* March 21, 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030068-8.
|
||||
[^5]: Kaplan, Carl, and Randall Rothenberg. "The Black Art of Graymail: The Berrellez Case," *The Nation,* February 24, 1979.
|
||||
[^6]: Babcock, Charles R. "ITT Indictment Is Cut Back," *Washington Post,* August 19, 1978; "Trial of Berrellez Is Delayed as U.S. Fears Disclosures," *Wall Street Journal,* 1978. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030002-0.
|
||||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Chasen supervised the Wackenhut Corporation's Indio facility from Cora
|
|||
|
||||
### Involvement with Wackenhut and Controversies
|
||||
|
||||
Chasen supervised the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]'s Indio facility from Coral Gables, Florida. He confirmed the "horrendous properties" of a "virus" he encountered at the Indio facility, stating that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] was "running amuck." He claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Peter Zokosky]] attempted to sell biological warfare technology (developed in cow uteri) through [[Wackenhut Corporation]], using [[Robert Frye]] as a front man. Chasen alleged that Frye went behind his back in facilitating this project, and when Chasen learned of it, he shut it down. Due to the projects underway at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], Chasen chose not to visit the property directly, instead meeting with Indio executives in Palm Springs.[^1]
|
||||
Chasen supervised the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]'s Indio facility from [[Coral Gables, Florida]]. He confirmed the "horrendous properties" of a "virus" he encountered at the Indio facility, stating that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] was "running amuck." He claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Peter Zokosky]] attempted to sell biological warfare technology (developed in cow uteri) through [[Wackenhut Corporation]], using [[Robert Frye]] as a front man. Chasen alleged that Frye went behind his back in facilitating this project, and when Chasen learned of it, he shut it down. Due to the projects underway at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], Chasen chose not to visit the property directly, instead meeting with Indio executives in Palm Springs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Chasen was evasive on the subject of [[PROMIS]], despite his background suggesting he would be knowledgeable about it. He had worked in the same department as [[Peter Videnieks]] at [[U.S. Customs|Customs]] for at least three years, yet claimed not to know him. He also stated that [[Wackenhut Corporation]] had "run a check" on [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and could not learn anything about his background, which bothered Chasen. He believed Nichols worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and was a "slippery guy," expressing surprise that Frye and [[Dick Wilson]] were "dazzled" by Nichols for so long.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Safa al-Habobi.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Safa al-Habobi.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- SafaAlHabobi
|
||||
- Iraq
|
||||
- MatrixChurchill
|
||||
- TechnologyDevelopmentGroup
|
||||
- BNLScandal
|
||||
- HusseinKamel
|
||||
- ArmsToIraq
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Safa Haji al-Habobi
|
||||
- Safa Al-Habobi
|
||||
- Dr. Safa al-Habobi
|
||||
summary: "Iraqi official who ran the London front companies of Hussein Kamel's military industry ministry, chaired Matrix Churchill, was indicted in Atlanta in 1991 with Christopher Drogoul, and was named Iraq's oil minister in 1993."
|
||||
location: "Baghdad, Iraq"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Safa Haji al-Habobi was the director general of one of the weapons plants of [[Iraq]]'s [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], the [[Nassr State Enterprise]], and "a director at several Iraqi front companies, including TDG and the British and U.S. branches of [[Matrix Churchill]]." Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] described the ministry's buying organization, the [[Al-Arabi Trading Company]] of [[Baghdad]], as nominally private and in fact run from day to day by al-Habobi, "one of [[Hussein Kamel|Hussein Kamil]]'s former [[Special Security Organization (Iraq)|Secret Security Organization]] cronies." Its [[London]] holding company, the [[Technology Development Group]], bought Matrix Churchill in 1987, and its [[Paris]] arm, [[Babil International]], was listed in his name.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
On June 14, 1989, his network contracted with [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] for a brass recovery plant, financed like its other American purchases by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. The indictment returned in Atlanta on February 28, 1991, against the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], named al-Habobi as a defendant with [[Sadik Taha]] and Abdul Munim Rasheed of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and [[Raja Hassan Ali]] of the ministry.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Al-Habobi told [[Paul Henderson]], the managing director of Matrix Churchill, who was reporting to British intelligence, "not only that [[Rome]] was fully aware of the Atlanta loans but that these were an extension of a government-to-government agreement between [[Italy]] and Iraq." [[Saddam Hussein]] named him oil minister in the summer of 1993.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 185, 281.
|
||||
[^2]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements of August 10 and September 25, 1992, *Congressional Record,* House; United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga.), indictment.
|
||||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,16 @@ Wafai Dajani is a businessman of [[Amman]], owner of Amman Resources, Wafai Daja
|
|||
|
||||
The Atlanta prosecutors' draft of the indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|BNL case]] named him as a defendant. On February 28, 1991, the day the indictment was returned, a [[Department of State|State Department]] memorandum said the department had "no objections" to the indictment of anyone on the list and recorded "reservations about proceeding against him in light of his connections." He and [[Hussein Kamel]], the son-in-law of [[Saddam Hussein]], appeared in the indictment as unindicted co-conspirators. Gonzalez told the House on March 30, 1992, that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] had discouraged the indictment of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and of "a prominent Jordanian with close ties to the King of Jordan" on grounds of foreign policy. The branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], testified that a "Mr. Dejani" had told him of [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]: "Kissinger, of course, he said, is the architect of foreign policy in the [[United States]]. You know that."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Grain Trade and the Agency
|
||||
|
||||
During the 1980s Dajani's companies "unloaded, stored, often packaged or repackaged, and then trucked nearly 80 percent of all the U.S. agricultural commodities that were destined for Iraq and financed with U.S. government loan guarantees," about four billion dollars' worth. His Amman Resources kept a 60,000-ton ship, the Tanga, at [[Aqaba]] as a floating Iraqi silo. With the Iraqi official [[Sadik Taha]] he advised Drogoul "and sometimes steered him." Of the commissions he said: "If you wanted the business, you had to provide after-sales services. Otherwise you would get no business." Accused of dealing in arms, he answered: "I couldn't be involved in arms. I am too big and easy to watch."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
An American intelligence officer described him as "the intermediary for German, Italian, and French companies that were selling into Iraq's nuclear and missile programs. He was everywhere, he dealt with everybody." [[Paul Von Wedel]] of the Atlanta branch said: "We knew that Dajani was doing work for the CIA, for The Company. He told us in Washington during one of his visits." [[Howard Teicher]], formerly of the [[National Security Council]] staff, said: "Dajani was involved in our dirty policy. He performed services for the CIA and was involved in the CCC program." Dajani said: "I don't work for anybody. I work for myself."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The State Department under [[James Baker]] advised the prosecutors that "Wafai Dajani is a Jordanian businessman, not a government official. His brother is a former Minister of the Interior, and Wafai himself is considered well connected to the King and to U.S. grain exporters. His indictment would be seen as a further U.S. attempt to punish Jordan." Drogoul's lawyers later complained that "the Government failed to interview Wafai Dajani, despite evidence of his substantial involvement with the scheme, when he was in Atlanta and had agreed to meet with the prosecution." Within weeks of the end of the [[Gulf War]], according to one account, he and others close to King [[Hussein of Jordan|Hussein]] were again shipping goods into Iraq.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements on the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, *Congressional Record,* House, March 30 and August 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^2]: "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun,* April 28, 1992; House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, hearing, Serial No. 103-95, testimony of Christopher Drogoul.
|
||||
[^3]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 112-114, 196-200, 217, 294.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
44
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Broe.md
Normal file
44
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Broe.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,44 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- WilliamBroe
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- WesternHemisphereDivision
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- ProjectFUBELT
|
||||
- ITT
|
||||
- 40Committee
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- William V. Broe
|
||||
summary: "Chief of the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division who supervised the 1970 task force against Allende, put to ITT a plan to induce economic collapse in Chile, and ordered a stonewall after Schneider was shot."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
William V. Broe was chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in 1970. With the deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]], he supervised the task force formed that September to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from the presidency of [[Chile]], whose military unit was headed by [[David Atlee Phillips]]. The operation was [[Project FUBELT]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Program
|
||||
|
||||
On September 9, six days before President [[Richard Nixon]]'s order, Broe cabled the [[Santiago]] station chief, [[Henry Hecksher]]: "The only prospect with any chance of success whatsoever is a military golpe either before or immediately after Allende's assumption of power." On September 28 he and Phillips told the station: "We conclude that it is our task to create such a climate climaxing with a solid pretext that will force the military and the president to take some action in the desired direction." The program had three parts, economic, political, and psychological warfare, and was meant to "(a) force Frei to act or go; (b) create an atmosphere in which he or others can act successfully; (c) assist in creating the flashpoint for action." On October 7 they directed the station to "begin at once a rumor campaign, based whenever possible on tangible peg, which will help create this climate."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On September 29 Broe met [[Edward Gerrity]], senior vice president of [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], to "explore the feasibility of possible actions to apply some economic pressure on Chile." Gerrity reported to [[Harold Geneen]] that the CIA man had presented a plan "aimed at inducing economic collapse."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Under oath before Senator [[Frank Church]] in 1973, Broe said he had called on Gerrity on the instruction of Director [[Richard Helms]] and "in full knowledge" of his superiors. He confirmed each measure discussed: banks "not renewing credits or delaying in doing so," companies "dragging their feet in spending money and making deliveries and in shipping spare parts," "creating pressure on savings and loan institutions in Chile so that they would have to shut their doors," and "withdrawing all technical help." He gave Gerrity a list of companies that could "participate." Asked whether the object was unrest that would lead the military to stop Allende, he answered: "No." The purpose, he said, was the Christian Democratic vote in Congress. "There was a thesis that additional deterioration in the economic situation could influence a number of Christian Democratic Congressmen who were planning to vote for Allende." He had not told Gerrity of "other steps the Agency might be taking."
|
||||
|
||||
The subcommittee summarized his evidence in four points. On July 16, 1970, at the [[Sheraton-Carlton Hotel]], Geneen "offered to assemble a substantial election fund" for [[Jorge Alessandri]], "controlled and channeled through the C.I.A.," which Broe refused. The contacts "derived from an initiative taken by Mr. McCone with Mr. Helms." Broe proposed to Gerrity "a plan of action designed to create or accelerate economic instability in Chile." And throughout he "was acting with the knowledge and in accordance with instructions given him by his superiors at the C.I.A., specifically including Mr. Helms." [[John McCone]], a director of ITT and still a consultant to the agency, testified that such ideas were "never approved by Mr. Helms" and that Broe "was exploring."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Schneider
|
||||
|
||||
Broe and Phillips asked Hecksher whether there was "anything we or Station can do to effect the removal of Schneider," the army commander, and on October 18 approved the station's request for three submachine guns. They ordered Hecksher "not, repeat not," to tell Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] of the "impending coup" and, "should it occur," to "appear surprised and stonewall any and all queries." General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot on October 22. After briefing Director Richard Helms they cabled: "The Station has done excellent job of guiding Chileans to point today where a military solution is at least an option for them." If any "points of compromise" reached the press, "absolute denial will be the order of the day even with Ambassador and other embassy colleagues," and the agency's "position will be stonewall all the way." On November 5 Broe cabled his concern that the American "hardware could ultimately be discovered."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On November 19, 1970, he presented the agency's new covert program against Allende's government to the [[40 Committee]]. Before testifying to the Senate's multinationals subcommittee in 1973 on his dealings with ITT, he met Senator Frank Church and the staff on March 15 to settle the scope of his testimony.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 2, 10, 17-19, 22, 29-31, 87, and notes at p. 511.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations. *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71. 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 250-252; Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum for Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, "Text of Senate ITT Hearings: 20, 21 and 22 March 1973," March 26, 1973.
|
||||
[^3]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *The International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1970-71,* 1973.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,11 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
title: William Colby
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- William Colby
|
||||
- William Egan Colby
|
||||
- Bill Colby
|
||||
- William E. Colby
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -16,6 +16,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- PhoenixProgram
|
||||
- 1960s
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "William Egan Colby served as Director of Central Intelligence from 1973 to 1976, dismissing James Angleton, cooperating with the Church Committee, and revealing the Family Jewels, having earlier directed the Vietnam-era Phoenix Program under the CORDS framework."
|
||||
born: 1920-01-04
|
||||
died: 1996-04-27
|
||||
|
|
@ -46,9 +47,14 @@ Colby's tenure established institutional patterns in deniable covert operations
|
|||
|
||||
On April 27, 1996, Colby disappeared from his weekend home in Rock Point, Maryland, on the Wicomico River. His canoe was found overturned. His body was recovered nine days later. The death was ruled an accidental drowning. DeCamp, whose personal relationship with Colby was extensive and who described Colby as having indicated he was preparing to reveal further information about the Franklin case and other matters, publicly questioned the official ruling. No physical evidence was found to contradict the accidental drowning determination. Colby was 76 years old at the time of his death and had been known to canoe alone on the river frequently.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Israel
|
||||
|
||||
William E. Colby served as the Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1973 to 1976. He shared the assumption that [[Israel]] had a few nuclear weapons and that if there was a collapse during the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], there was a possibility that Israel would use them. Colby believed that nuclear weapons would be used "only in an extreme situation."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Powers, Thomas. *The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA*. Knopf, 1979. Hersh, Seymour M. "Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces." New York Times, December 22, 1974.
|
||||
[^2]: Church Committee, S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976.
|
||||
[^3]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion*. Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
|
||||
[^5]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,17 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "Director of the CIA from 1973 to 1976 who believed Israel possessed nuclear weapons and might use them in an extreme situation."
|
||||
born: 1920-01-04
|
||||
died: 1996-04-27
|
||||
location: "Saint Paul, Minnesota"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
William E. Colby served as the Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1973 to 1976. He shared the assumption that [[Israel]] had a few nuclear weapons and that if there was a collapse during the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], there was a possibility that [[Israel]] would use them. Colby believed that nuclear weapons would be used "only in an extreme situation."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
26
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Gurvich.md
Normal file
26
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/William Gurvich.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "JFK Assassination"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- WilliamGurvich
|
||||
- JimGarrison
|
||||
- ClayShaw
|
||||
- PrivateInvestigators
|
||||
- NewOrleans
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Bill Gurvich
|
||||
summary: "New Orleans private detective who joined Jim Garrison's Kennedy investigation in December 1966, resigned in June 1967 calling it a fraudulent, criminal act, and took two boxes of its files to Clay Shaw's lawyers."
|
||||
location: "New Orleans, Louisiana"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
William Gurvich was "Executive Director of an established detective agency in [[New Orleans]]." District Attorney [[Jim Garrison]] asked for his help in the Kennedy assassination investigation "on or about December 23, 1966." He worked on it for about six months and resigned on June 27, 1967, stating his belief that "the investigation was a 'fraudulent, criminal act.'" A federal judge who heard him in 1971 called him "an experienced investigator whom this court believed."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After leaving Garrison he turned his files over to the lawyers of the defendant, [[Clay Shaw]]. About two boxes of the papers of Shaw's attorney [[Edward Wegmann]], now in the Kennedy collection at the [[National Archives and Records Administration|National Archives]], are described as "Investigative Files of William Gurvich, Investigator for the District Attorney of the City of New Orleans." They include a stenographic record of his interviews with the defense in the summer of 1967. [[Joseph Oster]], who had worked for [[Guy Banister]], named Gurvich in 1996 among those who might have taken Banister's files after his death.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Shaw v. Garrison, 328 F. Supp. 390 (E.D. La. 1971), affirmed, 467 F.2d 113 (5th Cir. 1972).
|
||||
[^2]: National Archives and Records Administration, finding aid to the Papers of Edward F. Wegmann, John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection; DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997.
|
||||
[^3]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files.
|
||||
|
|
@ -38,7 +38,7 @@ The PLO under Arafat developed a quasi-state presence in [[Jordan]]'s Palestinia
|
|||
|
||||
In [[Lebanon]], Arafat navigated the tensions between PLO military necessity and Lebanese political stability, a balance that ultimately failed as Lebanon descended into civil war in 1975. PLO factions were involved in and contributed to the Lebanese Civil War's escalation. Arafat's strategy sought to maintain PLO political and diplomatic relevance while managing the military activities of constituent factions he could not fully control, including the PFLP and the breakaway [[Abu Nidal]] organization, which Arafat formally expelled from the PLO in 1974.
|
||||
|
||||
The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon forced the PLO out of its Lebanese positions. After negotiation mediated by U.S. diplomat Philip Habib, Arafat and approximately 15,000 PLO personnel evacuated Beirut by sea in August 1982 to Tunis and other Arab capitals.[^1]
|
||||
The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon forced the PLO out of its Lebanese positions. After negotiation mediated by U.S. diplomat [[Philip Habib]], Arafat and approximately 15,000 PLO personnel evacuated Beirut by sea in August 1982 to Tunis and other Arab capitals.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Tunis and the Oslo Process
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Armando Fernandez Larios.md
Normal file
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Armando Fernandez Larios.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- ArmandoFernandezLarios
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- OrlandoLetelier
|
||||
- CaravanOfDeath
|
||||
- PleaBargain
|
||||
- ImmigrationAndCustomsEnforcement
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Armando Fernández Larios
|
||||
- Alejandro Romeral
|
||||
summary: "Chilean army officer of the 1973 Caravan of Death and DINA's advance man in the Letelier murder, who defected to the United States in 1987, served five months, and was detained by ICE in 2025."
|
||||
location: "Florida, United States"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Armando Fernández Larios was an officer of the [[Chile|Chilean]] army and of [[DINA]]. He left the army in January 1987 with the rank of major and has lived since in the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Caravan of Death
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1973 he was one of the squad of General [[Sergio Arellano Stark]] that toured provincial garrisons removing prisoners for execution. A federal appeals court recorded that on October 17 at [[Copiapó]] the squad chose thirteen prisoners, "drove the thirteen prisoners ten minutes outside of Copiapo toward the City of La Serena, ordered the prisoners out of the truck, and executed each by gunfire or by stabbing." The economist [[Winston Cabello]] "refused to leave the truck and was stabbed to death by Fernandez who slashed Cabello with a corvo, a short, curved knife that is designed to inflict fatal wounds while causing a prolonged and painful death." Fernández denied at trial that he had been present. In 2003 a federal jury awarded Cabello's family four million dollars under the [[Alien Tort Claims Act]] and the [[Torture Victim Protection Act]], and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit|Eleventh Circuit]] affirmed in 2005.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Letelier
|
||||
|
||||
In July 1976 Fernández and [[Michael Townley]] went to [[Paraguay]] for false passports in the names Alejandro Romeral and Juan Williams, which Ambassador [[George Landau]] photographed. That September he went ahead of Townley to Washington to watch [[Orlando Letelier]], and met Townley at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] on September 9. Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] were killed on September 21. A Washington grand jury indicted Fernández in 1978 with [[Manuel Contreras]] and [[Pedro Espinoza]], and Chile refused to extradite them.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The 1987 Arrangement
|
||||
|
||||
In mid-January 1987 he met American officials secretly in [[Santiago]] for ten hours. He left for [[Brazil]] on January 22, was questioned there by officers of the [[Department of State|State Department]] and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], and was brought to the United States. Polygraph examinations found "consistent signs of deception" in his denial that he had known the purpose of the mission. A [[State Department]] memorandum of January 26 declared that "Fernandez is not a murderer" and that "the foreign policy benefits are substantial." On February 4 he pleaded guilty before Judge [[Barrington Parker]] to being an accessory after the fact. The government promised that it "would neither seek to deport [him] to Chile nor to cooperate in his extradition to Chile." Parker sentenced him on May 6 to up to seven years. In July the State Department's lawyer [[Michael Kozak]] wrote to the parole commission: "I personally have come to know Mr. Fernandez Larios and his character well." He was paroled on September 11, 1987, after five months.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In 2005 he applied without success for the visa given to foreign informants. On October 27, 2025, agents of [[Immigration and Customs Enforcement]] detained him in [[Florida]] and held him at the [[Krome Detention Center]], and in January 2026 the [[Department of Homeland Security]] put him on a published list of the "worst of the worst." He petitioned for habeas corpus on February 20, pleading the promise of 1987. Chief Judge [[Cecilia Altonaga]] ordered the government to answer by March 19. It released him that day instead, and she dismissed the case as moot on March 30.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Cabello v. Fernandez-Larios, 402 F.3d 1148 (11th Cir. 2005).
|
||||
[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, and Sebastian Santana. "'Worst of the Worst': ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios," National Security Archive, July 10, 2026. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2026-07-10/worst-worst-ice-and-case-chilean-intelligence-operative-armando
|
||||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ died: 1974-04-12
|
|||
location: "Glasgow, Kentucky"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Arthur Krock was a prominent Washington columnist for the *New York Times*. In December 1960, he served as an intermediary, directing [[John W. Finney]] to [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission]], to get a story about [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]]. Krock's role indicated that the administration was looking to plant the story publicly.[^1]
|
||||
Arthur Krock was a prominent Washington columnist for the *New York Times*. In December 1960, he served as an intermediary, directing [[John W. Finney]] to [[John McCone|John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission]], to get a story about [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]]. Krock's role indicated that the administration was looking to plant the story publicly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ August B. Kreis III was a white supremacist activist and self-appointed director
|
|||
|
||||
### Background and Aryan Nations Leadership
|
||||
|
||||
Kreis had a long history in the white supremacist movement before his South Carolina period. He served as "minister of information" for the main Aryan Nations under [[Richard Butler]] before Butler's death in 2004, and subsequently assumed leadership of a splinter faction that continued under the Aryan Nations name from [[Lexington County, South Carolina]]. In this role he operated out of the same geographic and social environment as Sutter.
|
||||
Kreis had a long history in the white supremacist movement before his [[South Carolina]] period. He served as "minister of information" for the main Aryan Nations under [[Richard Butler]] before Butler's death in 2004, and subsequently assumed leadership of a splinter faction that continued under the Aryan Nations name from [[Lexington County, South Carolina]]. In this role he operated out of the same geographic and social environment as Sutter.
|
||||
|
||||
### The Al-Qaeda Statements and FBI Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
32
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Bernardo Leighton.md
Normal file
32
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Bernardo Leighton.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Political Figure"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- BernardoLeighton
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- ChristianDemocraticParty
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- OperationCondor
|
||||
- Rome
|
||||
- MichaelTownley
|
||||
summary: "Founder of Chile's Christian Democratic Party and former interior minister, exiled in Rome, who was shot with his wife on October 6, 1975, by Italian fascists engaged by DINA's agent Michael Townley."
|
||||
location: "Rome, Italy"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Bernardo Leighton was a founder of the [[Christian Democratic Party (Chile)|Christian Democratic Party]] of [[Chile]] and minister of the interior under President [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]]. After the coup of 1973 the Italian [[Democrazia Cristiana|Christian Democrats]] invited him to live in [[Rome]], where he worked for an understanding between his party and the exiled left.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In the fall of 1975 [[Michael Townley]], his wife [[Mariana Callejas]], and [[Virgilio Paz]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] were in Europe on a mission for [[DINA]] that Townley called "Operation Open Season." To the Italian fascists he put the case this way: "In Rome, right now, there lives a Chilean exile who embodies that threat of left-center alliance. Behind this incipient Christian Democratic-leftist alliance is Bernardo Leighton. His elimination would prove of immeasureable benefit to anticommunist movements all over the world." Paz proposed the cover: "The Italians would kill the Chilean target, and the Cuban exile movement would claim credit."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On October 6, 1975, a gunman shot Leighton in the back of the head with a 9mm Beretta. The bullet came out above his left ear. A second shot passed through his wife at the shoulder and grazed her spine, and she did not recover the full use of her legs. Both lived. On November 4 a Cuban exile group calling itself Zero sent the [[Associated Press]] in [[Miami]] a communiqué naming the weapon. "The FBI gave credence to the Zero communique about Leighton because it provided details of the attack that only the assassins could know." Its agents "reasoned that the Leighton attack had been a 'contract' from the Chilean military government and that Zero had served as Chile's hired gun." The members of Zero included [[Guillermo Novo]], his brother Ignacio, and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]], three of the men later charged in the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The name had been added to Townley's list by Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] of DINA, who ordered him to enlist the organization of [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]]. Delle Chiaie advised against exiles such as [[Carlos Altamirano]], who were too well protected. "Leighton was a better, and easier target." The gunman was [[Pierluigi Concutelli]]. "Townley and the Italians celebrated with dinner at Delle Chiaie's apartment, thinking that the Leightons were dead." A few weeks later General [[Augusto Pinochet]] flew to [[Madrid]] for the funeral of [[Francisco Franco]]. "Delle Chiaie was given a private audience with Pinochet in his hotel room. Contreras also presented Delle Chiaie with the $5,000 payment."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
An Italian court convicted Townley in his absence in 1993.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 152, 158-162, 240.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 130-133.
|
||||
[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Dictatorship Declassified: Confessions of a DINA Hit Man," National Security Archive, November 22, 2023.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,19 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
title: Bill Harvey
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Bill Harvey
|
||||
- William Harvey
|
||||
- William King Harvey
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
summary: "Redirect - see William Harvey."
|
||||
born: 1915-09-13
|
||||
died: 1976-06-09
|
||||
location: "Indianapolis, Indiana"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
See [[William Harvey]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -17,13 +17,13 @@ Bill Moser is an [[FBI]] Special Agent assigned to the [[FBI Columbia Field Offi
|
|||
|
||||
### Identification in Trial Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Moser was identified by name through Sutter's own testimony at the September 2021 trial of [[Kaleb Cole]] in [[United States v. Shea et al.]], 2:20-cr-00032 ([[Western District of Washington|W.D. Wash.]], Judge [[John C. Coughenour]]). Sutter testified that "on the direction of his FBI handler, Special Agent Bill Moser of the Columbia, South Carolina, field office, Sutter became part of the underground militant group," referring to [[Atomwaffen Division]].[^1] This testimony was corroborated in the reporting of journalist [[Ali Winston]], drawing on trial transcripts.[^1]
|
||||
Moser was identified by name through Sutter's own testimony at the September 2021 trial of [[Kaleb Cole]] in [[United States v. Shea et al.]], 2:20-cr-00032 ([[Western District of Washington|W.D. Wash.]], Judge [[John C. Coughenour]]). Sutter testified that "on the direction of his FBI handler, Special Agent Bill Moser of the Columbia, [[South Carolina]], field office, Sutter became part of the underground militant group," referring to [[Atomwaffen Division]].[^1] This testimony was corroborated in the reporting of journalist [[Ali Winston]], drawing on trial transcripts.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
No additional information about Moser, his rank, tenure, other cases, or supervisory chain within the Columbia office, has been confirmed in publicly available sources. Former and current FBI agents from the Columbia field office either did not recall Sutter or declined comment when asked by journalists.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Operational Direction
|
||||
|
||||
According to Sutter's trial testimony, Moser directed Sutter to join Atomwaffen Division from his existing position within [[Tempel ov Blood]] and the [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A) network. Moser's direction encompassed Sutter attending the [[2018 AWD Death Valley Hate Camp]] (February 2018) and the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] (September 2019). Rolling Stone reported that FBI funds were used to cover member travel and lodging for the Las Vegas gathering.[^1]
|
||||
According to Sutter's trial testimony, Moser directed Sutter to join Atomwaffen Division from his existing position within [[Tempel ov Blood]] and the [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A) network. Moser's direction encompassed Sutter attending the [[2018 AWD Death Valley Hate Camp]] (February 2018) and the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in [[Las Vegas, Nevada]] (September 2019). Rolling Stone reported that FBI funds were used to cover member travel and lodging for the [[Las Vegas]] gathering.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Moser's field office began an intensified payment period to Sutter specifically from February 7, 2018, the start of the documented $78,133.20 payment tranche that "almost entirely coincides with his work on the investigation into Mr. Cole" per the Cole defense motion.[^3] This payment timeline places Moser's direction of the AWD infiltration operation within a window bookended by the February 2018 Hate Camp and the September 2019 Nuclear Congress.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in Washington D.C."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in [[Washington, D.C.]] in the late 1950s and later became ambassador in 1965. At a 1962 Washington dinner party, he was publicly reprimanded by [[John A. McCone]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, for [[France]]'s role in the Israeli bomb. When McCone asked if [[France]] was building a reprocessing plant for the Israelis, Lucet replied with [[France]]'s public position: "No, we are building a reactor." McCone then turned his back on Lucet and did not speak to him for the rest of the evening, a pointed rebuff given [[France]]'s high standing with President [[John F. Kennedy]] and his wife.[^1]
|
||||
Charles Lucet was a senior French foreign ministry official who served as deputy ambassador in [[Washington, D.C.]] in the late 1950s and later became ambassador in 1965. At a 1962 Washington dinner party, he was publicly reprimanded by [[John McCone|John A. McCone]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, for [[France]]'s role in the Israeli bomb. When McCone asked if [[France]] was building a reprocessing plant for the Israelis, Lucet replied with [[France]]'s public position: "No, we are building a reactor." McCone then turned his back on Lucet and did not speak to him for the rest of the evening, a pointed rebuff given [[France]]'s high standing with President [[John F. Kennedy]] and his wife.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
32
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Claude Kirk.md
Normal file
32
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Claude Kirk.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Political Figure"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- ClaudeKirk
|
||||
- Florida
|
||||
- Wackenhut
|
||||
- PrivatePolice
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
- RepublicanParty
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Claude R. Kirk Jr.
|
||||
- Governor Kirk
|
||||
summary: "Governor of Florida from 1967 to 1971 who put George Wackenhut and his company's detectives in charge of a war on crime paid for by private donors, which the FBI refused to recognize."
|
||||
location: "Tallahassee, Florida"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Claude R. Kirk Jr. was the governor of [[Florida]] from January 1967 to January 1971, the first Republican to hold the office since Reconstruction.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The War on Crime
|
||||
|
||||
In his inaugural address of January 3, 1967, Kirk announced a "war on crime" and named [[George R. Wackenhut]] its director at a dollar a year. The detectives and offices were supplied by the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] of [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]] under a contract reported at 500,000 dollars, to be paid not by the state but by the donations of citizens. Against what [[Time (magazine)|Time]] called "anguished cries of 'Nazism!' and 'Dictatorship!'" the experiment, the magazine wrote, "succeeded to the extent of pointing up the need for a regular state police force and led to formation of the first statewide law-enforcement bureau." It produced more than eighty indictments, some of them of local officials. Time put the unpaid bill owed to the company at more than 300,000 dollars.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On January 13, 1967, headquarters of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] instructed its Florida offices to give Kirk's men nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency." The order was repeated on April 3, after Kirk had called on the attorney general. That month the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], which had used Wackenhut's company since 1961 to give cover to its officers in [[Miami]], withdrew his covert security approval "due to the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida." The crime reporter [[Hank Messick]], hired from the [[Miami Herald]], resigned from the company after six weeks, calling the campaign "a cruel hoax" and objecting that Wackenhut kept as a client a former Bahamian minister with gambling interests. The company told the legislature that the "overlord of the whole state's criminal syndicates" was [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santo Trafficante]].[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "Florida: I, Claudius," *Time,* 1967. https://time.com/archive/6631431/florida-i-claudius/
|
||||
[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and memorandum recording the instruction of April 3, 1967, with press clippings, headquarters, Miami, and Tampa files on the Wackenhut Corporation. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation
|
||||
[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK record 104-10130-10454.
|
||||
|
|
@ -11,9 +11,9 @@ location: "Tyler, Texas"
|
|||
|
||||
[[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] was a powerful Texas oilman and a significant political figure, described as being cut from the same cloth as [[H.L. Hunt]]. He was the father of [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]], a director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]. Murchison, Sr. was a key organizer of pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] forces in Texas and an ardent supporter of Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]]'s anti-communist crusade.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Murchison, Sr. cultivated relationships with influential figures across the political spectrum, including [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], and [[Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil. He was known for his hospitality, often hosting [[J. Edgar Hoover]] at his exclusive Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California, and covering Hoover's expenses, which amounted to approximately $19,000 in free vacations between 1953 and 1959.[^1]
|
||||
Murchison, Sr. cultivated relationships with influential figures across the political spectrum, including [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], and [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil. He was known for his hospitality, often hosting [[J. Edgar Hoover]] at his exclusive Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California, and covering Hoover's expenses, which amounted to approximately $19,000 in free vacations between 1953 and 1959.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
His business dealings also intersected with organized crime. Nearly 20 percent of the Murchison Oil Lease Company in Oklahoma was owned by [[Gerardo Catena]], a chief lieutenant to the [[Genovese Crime Family]]. Furthermore, the Murchison family's affairs were tightly interwoven with the scandal surrounding [[Bobby Baker]], a close associate of [[Lyndon Johnson]], which involved numerous questionable deals with organized crime figures in Las Vegas, Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean.[^1]
|
||||
His business dealings also intersected with organized crime. Nearly 20 percent of the Murchison Oil Lease Company in Oklahoma was owned by [[Gerardo Catena]], a chief lieutenant to the [[Genovese Crime Family]]. Furthermore, the Murchison family's affairs were tightly interwoven with the scandal surrounding [[Bobby Baker]], a close associate of [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]], which involved numerous questionable deals with organized crime figures in [[Las Vegas]], Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,11 +11,11 @@ location: "Dallas, Texas"
|
|||
|
||||
[[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] was a Director of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] and the owner of the Dallas Cowboys NFL football team. He was the son of [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]], a figure described as being cut from the same political cloth as [[H.L. Hunt]], both known for their significant influence and connections.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
His family cultivated relationships not only with powerful figures on the far right but also with individuals such as [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], organized crime figures, and [[Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil.[^1]
|
||||
His family cultivated relationships not only with powerful figures on the far right but also with individuals such as [[J. Edgar Hoover]], [[Richard Nixon]], organized crime figures, and [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]]. The Murchison family's rise to power was closely tied to their connections in Texas oil.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]]'s father, [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]], was an ardent supporter of Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]]'s anti-communist crusade. McCarthy, [[Richard Nixon]], and [[J. Edgar Hoover]] were frequent visitors to the exclusive Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California, which Murchison, Sr. opened in the early 1950s. [[J. Edgar Hoover]]'s vacations at the hotel were often covered by Murchison, Sr.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Murchison family's business dealings also intersected with organized crime. A significant portion of the Murchison Oil Lease Company in Oklahoma was owned by [[Gerardo Catena]], a chief lieutenant to the [[Genovese Crime Family]]. Furthermore, [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] was involved in real estate dealings with [[Jimmy Hoffa]] in Florida, and his family's affairs were tightly interwoven with the scandal surrounding [[Bobby Baker]], a close associate of [[Lyndon Johnson]], which involved numerous questionable deals with organized crime figures in Las Vegas, Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean.[^1]
|
||||
The Murchison family's business dealings also intersected with organized crime. A significant portion of the Murchison Oil Lease Company in Oklahoma was owned by [[Gerardo Catena]], a chief lieutenant to the [[Genovese Crime Family]]. Furthermore, [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] was involved in real estate dealings with [[Jimmy Hoffa]] in Florida, and his family's affairs were tightly interwoven with the scandal surrounding [[Bobby Baker]], a close associate of [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]], which involved numerous questionable deals with organized crime figures in [[Las Vegas]], Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
His involvement with [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] placed him among a group of influential individuals with ties to government and intelligence, including [[Robert Maheu]], [[Michael A. McManus]], [[Robert Booth Nichols]], and [[George K. Pender]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ location: "Knokke-Heist, Belgium"
|
|||
---
|
||||
Leopold Raymond Maurice Francois Marie Ghislain Lippens was born on October 20, 1941, in Knokke, Belgium, into a prominent family with deep roots in the region's political and colonial history. His grandfather had served as governor-general of the Belgian Congo, and his father held the mayoral office of Knokke before him. His brother [[Count Maurice Auguste Lippens]] became a leading Belgian banker and businessman.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lippens served as mayor of Knokke-Heist for over forty years, from 1979 until his death in February 2021. He cultivated a public profile centered on the coastal resort's golf culture, claiming friendships with international figures including Jackie Kennedy, Ted Kennedy, and Donald Trump. He died on February 19, 2021, from leukemia, aged 79.[^1]
|
||||
Lippens served as mayor of Knokke-Heist for over forty years, from 1979 until his death in February 2021. He cultivated a public profile centered on the coastal resort's golf culture, claiming friendships with international figures including Jackie Kennedy, [[Ted Kennedy]], and Donald Trump. He died on February 19, 2021, from leukemia, aged 79.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### X-Dossier Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,13 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- DoJ
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- INSLAW
|
||||
summary: "See Lowell Jensen."
|
||||
---
|
||||
See [[Lowell Jensen]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Little Rock bond broker and Clinton associate convicted of drug trafficking, connected to Barry Seal's operations at Mena, Arkansas.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Danny Ray Lasater was a Little Rock, [[Arkansas]] bond broker and close friend and campaign contributor of Governor [[Bill Clinton]].[^1] Lasater was a major figure in the drug trafficking nexus surrounding [[Barry Seal]]'s operations at [[Mena, Arkansas]].
|
||||
Danny Ray Lasater was a [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], [[Arkansas]] bond broker and close friend and campaign contributor of Governor [[Bill Clinton]].[^1] Lasater was a major figure in the drug trafficking nexus surrounding [[Barry Seal]]'s operations at [[Mena, Arkansas]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking and Conviction
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
33
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Donald Kendall.md
Normal file
33
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Donald Kendall.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Other"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- DonaldKendall
|
||||
- PepsiCo
|
||||
- RichardNixon
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- AgustinEdwards
|
||||
- ProjectFUBELT
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Donald M. Kendall
|
||||
- Don Kendall
|
||||
summary: "Chairman of PepsiCo and benefactor of Richard Nixon who in September 1970 brought the Chilean publisher Agustín Edwards to the president's men the day before Nixon ordered a coup, and was later investigated for perjury."
|
||||
location: "New York"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kendall was chairman and chief executive of [[PepsiCo]], "which had extensive business activities in [[Latin America]]," and sat on the executive committee of the [[Business Group for Latin America]], organized in 1963 by [[David Rockefeller]] "at the express request of President Kennedy." He was one of those described as the "corporate benefactors" of [[Richard Nixon]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### September 1970
|
||||
|
||||
After [[Salvador Allende]]'s plurality on September 4, 1970, the publisher of [[El Mercurio]], [[Agustin Edwards|Agustín Edwards]], "flew within days to see Donald Kendall in Washington, who immediately hired him as a PepsiCo vice president and invited him to be a house guest." On September 14, by [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]'s account, Kendall saw Nixon privately, "a meeting that, like many others, did not appear on Nixon's daily log." The next morning Kissinger and Attorney General [[John Mitchell]], "at Nixon's direction, had breakfast with Kendall and Edwards." [[Richard Helms]] met the two at a Washington hotel, where they "appealed passionately for CIA help in blocking Allende." That afternoon Nixon ordered Helms to prevent Allende from taking office. Helms testified: "I have this impression that the President called this meeting where I have my handwritten notes because of Edwards' presence in Washington and what he heard from Kendall about what Edwards was saying about conditions in Chile."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Perjury Inquiry
|
||||
|
||||
"As late as December 1977, according to [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] documents made public under the [[Freedom of Information Act]], potential defendants in the case included not only [[Harold Geneen]] but two other corporate leaders, [[C. Jay Parkinson]] and Donald Kendall," each "under investigation on felony charges for perjury, obstruction of justice, and conspiracy" over their statements on [[Chile]]. "Parkinson and Kendall also escaped indictment."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House*. Summit Books, 1983, pp. 260, 268, 270, 273.
|
||||
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975, quoting Helms's testimony of July 15, 1975.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,14 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Acting director of defense programs at the Department of Energy who directed the Nuclear Intelligence Panel study of the 1979 Vela satellite flash, concluding it was a nuclear bomb."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr, Jr. served in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration as acting director of the defense programs at the [[Department of Energy]], making him responsible for [[America]]'s nuclear bombs. He directed the secret Nuclear Intelligence Panel (NIP) study into the 1979 [[VELA Satellite]] sighting. Kerr stated that the NIP had no doubt it was a nuclear bomb and believed the [[Jack P. Ruina|Ruina]] panel's mandate was driven by politics "to find a different explanation."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 20.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,15 +1,23 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Donald M. Kerr
|
||||
- Donald M. Kerr, Jr.
|
||||
category: "Psychics & Remote Viewers"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Stargate
|
||||
summary: "Director of Los Alamos National Laboratory who served on the science panel for the CIA's Sun Streak/Stargate remote viewing program."
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Acting director of defense programs at the Department of Energy who directed the Nuclear Intelligence Panel study of the 1979 Vela satellite flash, concluding it was a nuclear bomb."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr, Jr. served in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration as acting director of the defense programs at the [[Department of Energy]], making him responsible for [[America]]'s nuclear bombs. He directed the secret Nuclear Intelligence Panel (NIP) study into the 1979 [[VELA Satellite]] sighting. Kerr stated that the NIP had no doubt it was a nuclear bomb and believed the [[Jack P. Ruina|Ruina]] panel's mandate was driven by politics "to find a different explanation."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Sun Streak
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 20.
|
||||
[^2]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Las Vegas gambler and lieutenant of Meyer Lansky whose Fremont Hotel was financed through a Jimmy Hoffa loan, connecting Bobby Baker networks to organized crime."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Edward Levinson]] was a Las Vegas gambler and a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]]. His Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan. Levinson was one of the associates who brought a lawsuit against [[Bobby Baker]] in 1963, alleging that Baker failed to live up to certain bargains. Through Baker, Levinson also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Edward Levinson]] was a [[Las Vegas]] gambler and a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]]. His Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan. Levinson was one of the associates who brought a lawsuit against [[Bobby Baker]] in 1963, alleging that Baker failed to live up to certain bargains. Through Baker, Levinson also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ died: 1977-03-29
|
|||
location: "Manalapan, Florida"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
George Sergius de Mohrenschildt (April 17, 1911 - March 29, 1977) was a Russian-born petroleum geologist and Texas academic who befriended [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] in the summer of 1962 and remained his closest social contact until April 1963. De Mohrenschildt maintained a documented relationship with [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] Domestic Contact Service officer [[J. Walton Moore]] in Dallas spanning at least 1957 to 1961. Based on de Mohrenschildt's own statements to journalist [[Edward Jay Epstein]] shortly before his death, Moore had asked him to befriend Oswald and report on his experiences in the [[Soviet Union]], with CIA assistance on a [[Haiti|Haitian]] oil contract as the reciprocal arrangement. De Mohrenschildt obtained that Haitian oil exploration contract in March 1963 - immediately after his period of closest contact with Oswald - and moved to Haiti in June 1963. He was found dead of a shotgun wound on March 29, 1977, the same day that [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] (HSCA) investigator [[Gaeton Fonzi]] made his first attempt to contact him.[^1]
|
||||
George Sergius de Mohrenschildt (April 17, 1911 - March 29, 1977) was a Russian-born petroleum geologist and Texas academic who befriended [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] in the summer of 1962 and remained his closest social contact until April 1963. De Mohrenschildt maintained a documented relationship with [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] [[Domestic Contact Service]] officer [[J. Walton Moore]] in Dallas spanning at least 1957 to 1961. Based on de Mohrenschildt's own statements to journalist [[Edward Jay Epstein]] shortly before his death, Moore had asked him to befriend Oswald and report on his experiences in the [[Soviet Union]], with CIA assistance on a [[Haiti|Haitian]] oil contract as the reciprocal arrangement. De Mohrenschildt obtained that Haitian oil exploration contract in March 1963 - immediately after his period of closest contact with Oswald - and moved to Haiti in June 1963. He was found dead of a shotgun wound on March 29, 1977, the same day that [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] (HSCA) investigator [[Gaeton Fonzi]] made his first attempt to contact him.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr. (February 17, 1889 to November 29, 1974) was a [[Da
|
|||
|
||||
Hunt was born near [[Vandalia, Illinois]], the youngest of eight children, and was taught at home. He ran a cotton plantation in [[Arkansas]] until floods ended it in 1917, and in 1921 joined the oil boom at [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], as a lease broker. He claimed a fortune of 600,000 dollars by 1925, lost money in the Smackover field and the Florida land boom, and was reportedly broke again by 1930. An internal FBI memorandum of February 26, 1964, summarized the Bureau's file on these years: Hunt "was reportedly a professional gambler years ago, won an oil lease in a card game, and is also alleged to have operated prostitution activities in Arkansas several years ago." The same memorandum recorded an allegation that in 1943 he ran "a private horse race and gambling bookie establishment within his office in Dallas."[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
On November 26, 1930, Hunt bought the discovery well and surrounding leases of the 70-year-old wildcatter [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], whose [[Daisy Bradford No. 3]] had opened the [[East Texas Oil Field]] seven weeks earlier. Hunt had watched the drill-stem test at the well in September. He paid 50,000 dollars in cash, 45,000 dollars in notes, and a guarantee of 1.3 million dollars out of future production, and the first payment came from 30,000 dollars belonging to [[P.G. Lake]], an El Dorado clothier. The field proved to be 43 miles long and as much as nine miles wide, and Hunt's share of it eventually exceeded 100 million dollars. His [[Panola Pipe Line]] was carrying oil by December 1, 1930, and by 1932 [[Hunt Production Company]] operated 900 wells in East Texas. In 1935 H.L. Hunt, Inc., became Placid Oil, and its shares went into trusts for his six children by his first wife.[^1][^5]
|
||||
On November 26, 1930, Hunt bought the discovery well and surrounding leases of the 70-year-old wildcatter [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], whose [[Daisy Bradford No. 3]] had opened the [[East Texas Oil Field]] seven weeks earlier. Hunt had watched the drill-stem test at the well in September. He paid 50,000 dollars in cash, 45,000 dollars in notes, and a guarantee of 1.3 million dollars out of future production, and the first payment came from 30,000 dollars belonging to [[P.G. Lake]], an El Dorado clothier. The field proved to be 43 miles long and as much as nine miles wide, and Hunt's share of it eventually exceeded 100 million dollars. His [[Panola Pipe Line]] was carrying oil by December 1, 1930, and by 1932 [[Hunt Production Company]] operated 900 wells in [[East Texas]]. In 1935 H.L. Hunt, Inc., became Placid Oil, and its shares went into trusts for his six children by his first wife.[^1][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
In late 1936 Hunt bought the [[Excelsior Refining Company]] in [[Rusk County, Texas|Rusk County]] and renamed it [[Parade Refining Company|Parade Refining]]. Residue gas from the Parade plant was piped into the [[New London School explosion|New London school]], which exploded on March 18, 1937. Most of the families involved worked for Hunt.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -30,18 +30,21 @@ Hunt would not seek a medical deferment for him. He had two employees move Hassi
|
|||
|
||||
Hunt sent him to a psychiatric institution near [[Andover, Massachusetts]], where he was given electric shock. Back in [[Texas]] he did not know his relations. "You see that woman at the head of the table?" he said of his mother at dinner. "She's married to that fellow Hunt that you hear about." He threw a piece of fruit at her and broke her glasses, and challenged his father to fights. Hunt's aides hired women as companions for him and paid off those he injured. Hunt telephoned [[Clare Boothe Luce]] about new procedures, consulted Dr. [[Alton Ochsner]] of [[New Orleans]], and contacted or sent his son to [[Duke University]], the [[Menninger Clinic]], and the [[Institute of Living]] in [[Hartford, Connecticut|Hartford]]. One doctor offered an operation. "He said the operation would either be a success or Hassie would never be the same," Kirkpatrick recalled. The prefrontal lobotomy "was performed by a doctor up East" in the late 1940s. The surgeon is not named. The violence stopped. Hassie "did not 'get well,'" needed supervision at all hours, and was placed in an institution in [[New York]] State. Hunt kept an empty office for him next to his own.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
His brother [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]] recalled: "I had just gotten out of the navy. I went with my dad to visit Hassie in a hospital in Hartford. We met a doctor there whose son had had a prefrontal lobotomy. That was, at the time, the treatment for schizophrenia." He added: "My father felt that it wasn't a success. Thought it was a bad mistake, later on. He told me that. He said it was a shame that the lobotomy had been done." Another account places the operation at the hospital near Andover.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Return
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1965, at the suggestion of Hunt's second wife, [[Ruth Ray Hunt]], Hassie was brought home to [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], the family house on [[White Rock Lake]], and lived with nurses in the pool house and later in a neighboring mansion bought by his trust. "The lobotomy had muted Hassie's violence, but it had also left him a middle-aged man with a childlike mentality." He and his father, who looked alike and dressed alike, walked together along the lake. He did not attend the 1978 trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s suit, "because of the mental illness that had prevented him from appearing in public for over thirty years."[^4]
|
||||
In early 1965, at the suggestion of Hunt's second wife, [[Ruth Ray Hunt]], Hassie was brought home to [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], the family house on [[White Rock Lake]], and lived with nurses in the pool house and later in a neighboring mansion bought by his trust. "The lobotomy had muted Hassie's violence, but it had also left him a middle-aged man with a childlike mentality." He and his father, who looked alike and dressed alike, walked together along the lake. He did not attend the 1978 trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s suit, "because of the mental illness that had prevented him from appearing in public for over thirty years."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Trusts
|
||||
|
||||
Two trusts and a production company went on drilling in his name throughout his illness, and by the time of his return had built up production worth more than 200 million dollars, more than any of his brothers had found apart from [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]'s Libyan field. By 1978 the Hassie entities were worth more than 500 million dollars, including 8 percent of [[Placid Oil Company]] and 12 percent of [[Hunt Petroleum]]. The trustees were [[Margaret Hunt Hill]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline Hunt Schoellkopf]], [[Al Hill Sr.]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], [[Lamar Hunt]], and the family's financial man John Goodson. "On occasion, such as in their takeover bid for [[Great Western United]], the first family had provided itself with loans from Hassie's trusts." In settling the Lee case the first family obtained from Ruth Hunt's children and from the Lees an undertaking not to challenge Hassie's will.[^5]
|
||||
Two trusts and a production company went on drilling in his name throughout his illness, and by the time of his return had built up production worth more than 200 million dollars, more than any of his brothers had found apart from Nelson Bunker Hunt's Libyan field. By 1978 the Hassie entities were worth more than 500 million dollars, including 8 percent of [[Placid Oil Company]] and 12 percent of [[Hunt Petroleum]]. The trustees were [[Margaret Hunt Hill]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline Hunt Schoellkopf]], [[Al Hill Sr.]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], [[Lamar Hunt]], and the family's financial man John Goodson. "On occasion, such as in their takeover bid for [[Great Western United]], the first family had provided itself with loans from Hassie's trusts." In settling the Lee case the first family obtained from Ruth Hunt's children and from the Lees an undertaking not to challenge Hassie's will.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 47, 124-125, 134-135.
|
||||
[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, p. 135.
|
||||
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 135-137.
|
||||
[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 259-261.
|
||||
[^5]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 260, 391.
|
||||
[^4]: Hill, Margaret Hunt. *H.L. and Lyda*. August House, 1994, p. 227; Tuccille, Jerome. *Kingdom: The Story of the Hunt Family of Texas*. Jameson Books, 1984, p. 218.
|
||||
[^5]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 259-261.
|
||||
[^6]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 260, 391.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ The SRI protocol for Hammid and other subjects involved an outbound experimenter
|
|||
|
||||
### Project Deep Quest
|
||||
|
||||
Hammid participated in [[Project Deep Quest]] in the summer of 1977, a unique experiment testing whether remote viewing could be performed under extreme environmental conditions. The experiment, conducted in the Pacific Ocean near Catalina Island, used the deep-sea research submersible *Taurus I*.
|
||||
Hammid participated in [[Project Deep Quest]] in the summer of 1977, a unique experiment testing whether remote viewing could be performed under extreme environmental conditions. The experiment, conducted in the [[Pacific Ocean]] near Catalina Island, used the deep-sea research submersible *Taurus I*.
|
||||
|
||||
In one part of the experiment, Hammid worked with [[Ingo Swann]] to attempt to identify the locations of previously unidentified seafloor shipwrecks, using maps and dowsing-style intuitive technique. Both subjects independently marked a single location; when the *Taurus I* investigated, the submersible found an uncharted wreck.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
39
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Henry Hecksher.md
Normal file
39
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Henry Hecksher.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- HenryHecksher
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- ProjectFUBELT
|
||||
- ReneSchneider
|
||||
- EdwardKorry
|
||||
- StationChief
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Felix
|
||||
summary: "CIA station chief in Santiago in 1970 who advised against a coup, was recalled to Langley and told to stop objecting, ran the contacts with Chilean officers, and on instructions deceived his ambassador about them."
|
||||
location: "Santiago, Chile"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Henry Hecksher was the chief of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] station in [[Santiago]] during the agency's attempt in the fall of 1970 to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from the presidency of [[Chile]]. His cables were signed "Felix."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Objection
|
||||
|
||||
On September 9, 1970, [[William Broe]], chief of the Western Hemisphere Division, cabled him that "the only prospect with any chance of success whatsoever is a military golpe either before or immediately after Allende's assumption of power." Hecksher answered on September 23: "Forget about black operations and propagandistic conditioning of Armed Forces. They barely read," and warned that the "parameter of action is exceedingly narrow." He later testified in secret to the Senate: "I had left no doubt in the minds of my colleagues and superiors that I did not consider any kind of intervention in those constitutional processes desirable." In late September he was recalled to headquarters and told to cease his objections. On October 7 the head of the task force, [[David Atlee Phillips]], instructed him that the station's cables "should not contain analysis and argumentation but simply report on action taken."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Operation
|
||||
|
||||
With the army attaché, Colonel [[Paul Wimert]], and officers sent in under false nationalities, Hecksher made some two dozen approaches to Chilean military and police officers between late September and late October. The message was that the [[United States]] would cut off military aid unless they moved. On October 8 he and a senior officer of the [[Carabineros de Chile|Carabineros]] went over the "available means to remove" the army commander, General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]]. "Abduction attempt might lead to bloodshed," they concluded, and "Schneider's accidental death would rally army firmly behind flag of constitutionalism." He told a police official that "the U.S.G. did not really care as long as resulting chaos denied Allende the presidency." Broe and Phillips asked him: "anything we or Station can do to effect the removal of Schneider? We know this [is a] rhetorical question but want to inspire thought on both ends on this matter."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Ambassador [[Edward Korry]], who had not been told of the operation, learned of coup plotting from his own sources and ordered Hecksher and Wimert to keep away from the Chilean military. "I am appalled to discover that there is liaison for coup plotting," he cabled [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]. When Hecksher proposed using Korry to carry a message to President [[Eduardo Frei Montalva|Frei]], headquarters replied that this "would be tantamount to having Korry act as unwitting agent in implementing [[Project FUBELT|Track II]] of which he is not aware and is not to be made aware." Broe and Phillips ordered him "not, repeat not," to tell Wimert or Korry of the "impending coup," and "should it occur, COS Hecksher should appear surprised and stonewall any and all queries."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Schneider was shot on October 22. Headquarters cabled: "The Station has done excellent job of guiding Chileans to point today where a military solution is at least an option for them. COS [and others involved] are commended." Korry asked Hecksher directly whether the agency had been "engaged in activities of any kind" that would support charges that Wimert was involved. Hecksher "replied that 'charges could obviously be made. Since Station not involved, COS doubted that charges could be substantiated.'" He and Wimert drove seventy miles to [[Viña del Mar]] and threw the submachine guns into the [[Pacific Ocean]]. In December 1970 he was recalled to Langley to plan work with elements of the [[Christian Democratic Party (Chile)|Christian Democratic Party]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Wimert recalled that when [[Augusto Pinochet]], then at the military college, wanted a geography of Chile printed, "we went to CIA old Henry Hecksler and he just had 100 copies made."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability*. New Press, 2003, pp. 10, 15, 20, 22, 24, 29, 30, 33, 89, and notes at pp. 510-512.
|
||||
[^2]: "Interview with Paul Wimert," *Cold War,* episode 18, Cable News Network, transcript at the National Security Archive. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/coldwar/interviews/episode-18/wimert2.html
|
||||
|
|
@ -21,7 +21,7 @@ Donovan gave Murray and a distinguished group of colleagues only 15 days before
|
|||
|
||||
### Wartime Results
|
||||
|
||||
More than 30 years after the war, Murray remained modest in his claims for the assessment system, saying that it was only an aid in weeding out the "horrors" among OSS candidates. Nevertheless, the secret agency's leaders believed in its results, and Murray's system became a fixture in the OSS, testing Americans and foreign agents alike. Some of Murray's young behavioral scientists went on to become prominent in public affairs, including [[John Gardner]], a psychologist teaching at [[Mount Holyoke College]] who helped Murray set up the original program, went on to open the West Coast OSS assessment site at a converted beach club in [[San Juan Capistrano]], and would later become Secretary of HEW in the [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]] administration and founder of [[Common Cause]].[^1]
|
||||
More than 30 years after the war, Murray remained modest in his claims for the assessment system, saying that it was only an aid in weeding out the "horrors" among OSS candidates. Nevertheless, the secret agency's leaders believed in its results, and Murray's system became a fixture in the OSS, testing Americans and foreign agents alike. Some of Murray's young behavioral scientists went on to become prominent in public affairs, including [[John Gardner]], a psychologist teaching at [[Mount Holyoke College]] who helped Murray set up the original program, went on to open the West Coast OSS assessment site at a converted beach club in [[San Juan Capistrano]], and would later become Secretary of HEW in the [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] administration and founder of [[Common Cause]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Postwar Influence
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "House Subcommittee on Energy specialist who spent nearly fifteen years promoting intelligence claims about Israeli nuclear diversion via NUMEC."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Henry R. Myers was a specialist on energy issues for the House Subcommittee on Energy. He, along with [[Peter D. Stockton]], spent nearly fifteen years relaying the suspicions of [[Carl E. Duckett]] and [[John L. Hadden]] to journalists as the views of knowledgeable intelligence sources, leading many reporters to publish these beliefs as "facts." Myers believed that [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation|NUMEC]] had been set up solely for the diversion of uranium, and alleged reports of a secure telephone or teletype between NUMEC and the Israeli embassy. He also claimed that [[Richard M. Helms]] believed [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]] was the head of a group collecting information for [[Israel]].[^1]
|
||||
Henry R. Myers was a specialist on energy issues for the House Subcommittee on Energy. He, along with [[Peter D. Stockton]], spent nearly fifteen years relaying the suspicions of [[Carl E. Duckett]] and [[John L. Hadden]] to journalists as the views of knowledgeable intelligence sources, leading many reporters to publish these beliefs as "facts." Myers believed that [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation|NUMEC]] had been set up solely for the diversion of uranium, and alleged reports of a secure telephone or teletype between NUMEC and the Israeli embassy. He also claimed that [[Richard Helms|Richard M. Helms]] believed [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]] was the head of a group collecting information for [[Israel]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -40,6 +40,8 @@ Hunt was assigned to Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954 as chief of political acti
|
|||
|
||||
Hunt also managed the political exile leadership, working to maintain cohesion among the Guatemalan exile groups that would form the successor government. The experience gave Hunt a model he would attempt to apply in Cuba seven years later.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[David Atlee Phillips]], who worked under Hunt on the Guatemalan operation, found him "friendly, anxious to help me, and considerate," with credentials that "seemed impeccable: Brown University, O.S.S. in China, a successful and prolific writer," and "unusually conservative for a CIA officer." A colleague advised him: "Listen to the music when he sings, but don't pay any attention to his lyrics." Hunt described to him the suicide of the father of President Jacobo Arbenz, who had filled his mouth with water before firing a pistol into it: "Like a bomb. It's the water that does it. Really effective. Whole head is blown off."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Bay of Pigs
|
||||
|
||||
Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
|
||||
|
|
@ -47,14 +49,14 @@ Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, r
|
|||
The Bay of Pigs was a catastrophic failure, and Hunt's political operation collapsed along with the military operation. The exile political leadership was not told the operation was under way until it had already failed, and Hunt's management of their expectations was blamed by exile leaders for contributing to the political disorder. His role in the operation was not publicly acknowledged.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Domestic Operations Division
|
||||
A CIA security memorandum of 1972 gives Hunt's periods of overt employment as November 1949 to December 1950, November 1953 to January 1954, October 1956 to January 1957, and July 1960 to September 1966. His assistant [[Elizabeth McIntosh]] recorded in 1973 that when she returned from an overseas post "[[Tracy Barnes]] was setting up the [[Domestic Operations Division]] and Mr. Hunt was assigned Chief" of its covert action section, that she worked for him for three years, and that after his tour in [[Spain]] he came back as chief of covert action for the Europe division. [[Thomas Karamessines]] later distinguished for Senate investigators between the division's concept before and after his own appointment as deputy director for plans.[^2]
|
||||
A CIA security memorandum of 1972 gives Hunt's periods of overt employment as November 1949 to December 1950, November 1953 to January 1954, October 1956 to January 1957, and July 1960 to September 1966. His assistant [[Elizabeth McIntosh]] recorded in 1973 that when she returned from an overseas post "[[Tracy Barnes]] was setting up the [[Domestic Operations Division]] and Mr. Hunt was assigned Chief" of its covert action section, that she worked for him for three years, and that after his tour in [[Spain]] he came back as chief of covert action for the Europe division. [[Thomas Karamessines]] later distinguished for Senate investigators between the division's concept before and after his own appointment as deputy director for plans.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The Philadelphia filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview published in 2026 that between 1961 and 1965 he tapped telephones and committed burglaries as a freelance for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], and that a regular client introduced as "Mr. Smith" was Hunt. The CIA had granted [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] a covert security approval on November 21, 1961.[^3]
|
||||
The Philadelphia filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview published in 2026 that between 1961 and 1965 he tapped telephones and committed burglaries as a freelance for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], and that a regular client introduced as "Mr. Smith" was Hunt. The CIA had granted [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] a covert security approval on November 21, 1961.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Mullen Company and ITT
|
||||
Hunt retired on April 30, 1970, and went to work for the [[Robert R. Mullen Company]], a Washington public relations firm that had given cover to agency officers abroad since 1963. The agency's retirement office arranged the introduction and Director [[Richard Helms]] wrote a recommendation. Mullen told him of the cover arrangement without authorization, and the [[Central Cover Staff]] had him cleared as witting in June 1970. He told the staff in July 1971 that he had been assigned to the [[White House]].[^4]
|
||||
Hunt retired on April 30, 1970, and went to work for the [[Robert R. Mullen Company]], a Washington public relations firm that had given cover to agency officers abroad since 1963. The agency's retirement office arranged the introduction and Director [[Richard Helms]] wrote a recommendation. Mullen told him of the cover arrangement without authorization, and the [[Central Cover Staff]] had him cleared as witting in June 1970. He told the staff in July 1971 that he had been assigned to the [[White House]].[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1972, at the direction of [[Charles Colson]], he flew to [[Denver]] in a wig and with alias documents supplied by the agency to question the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] lobbyist [[Dita Beard]] in her hospital room. The House subcommittee that examined the agency's part in Watergate listed the visit among the misuses of its assistance. On July 26, 1973, the Watergate special prosecutor's office asked the agency whether it knew of "any intelligence or undercover activities performed by Howard Hunt and/or [[G. Gordon Liddy|Gordon Liddy]] for ITT," of arrangements between ITT and the Mullen firm, or of any employment of the ITT publicist [[Hal Hendrix]]. The released reply addresses only the Mullen firm and an ITT office in [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]].[^5]
|
||||
In March 1972, at the direction of [[Charles Colson]], he flew to [[Denver]] in a wig and with alias documents supplied by the agency to question the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] lobbyist [[Dita Beard]] in her hospital room. The House subcommittee that examined the agency's part in Watergate listed the visit among the misuses of its assistance. On July 26, 1973, the Watergate special prosecutor's office asked the agency whether it knew of "any intelligence or undercover activities performed by Howard Hunt and/or [[G. Gordon Liddy|Gordon Liddy]] for ITT," of arrangements between ITT and the Mullen firm, or of any employment of the ITT publicist [[Hal Hendrix]]. The released reply addresses only the Mullen firm and an ITT office in [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]].[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Watergate
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -62,7 +64,7 @@ By 1971, Hunt had been nominally retired from the CIA and was working as a consu
|
|||
|
||||
On the night of June 17, 1972, Hunt organized and directed the team that broke into the [[Democratic National Committee]] headquarters at the [[Watergate complex]] in Washington - the burglary that produced five arrests, triggered the Senate investigation and Special Prosecutor investigation, and ultimately led to Nixon's resignation in August 1974.
|
||||
|
||||
Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^6]
|
||||
Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Kennedy Assassination Statements
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -75,8 +77,9 @@ Hunt died of pneumonia on January 23, 2007, in [[Miami, Florida|Miami]].[^1]
|
|||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hunt, E. Howard. *American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond.* Wiley, 2007. Thomas, Evan. *The Very Best Men: Four Who Dared: The Early Years of the CIA.* Simon & Schuster, 1995.
|
||||
[^2]: McIntosh, Elizabeth, memorandum for the record, May 25, 1973, CIA Reading Room document C00609301; Central Cover Staff, "CIA Utilization of the Robert R. Mullen Company," June 20, 1972, C00573275; "Select Committee Testimony of 5 February 1974," C01474422.
|
||||
[^3]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49; Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454.
|
||||
[^4]: "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00660613; Gahagen, Robert D., "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, C00297384; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms," July 20, 1973, C00609297.
|
||||
[^5]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; Ruth, Henry S., Jr., letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, C01482382; "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
|
||||
[^6]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
|
||||
[^2]: Phillips, David Atlee. *The Night Watch: 25 Years of Peculiar Service*. Atheneum, 1977, pp. 35-38.
|
||||
[^3]: McIntosh, Elizabeth, memorandum for the record, May 25, 1973, CIA Reading Room document C00609301; Central Cover Staff, "CIA Utilization of the Robert R. Mullen Company," June 20, 1972, C00573275; "Select Committee Testimony of 5 February 1974," C01474422.
|
||||
[^4]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49; Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454.
|
||||
[^5]: "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00660613; Gahagen, Robert D., "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, C00297384; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms," July 20, 1973, C00609297.
|
||||
[^6]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; Ruth, Henry S., Jr., letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, C01482382; "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
|
||||
[^7]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
47
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hussein Kamel.md
Normal file
47
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hussein Kamel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- HusseinKamel
|
||||
- Iraq
|
||||
- SaddamHussein
|
||||
- MilitaryIndustrialization
|
||||
- BNLScandal
|
||||
- UNSCOM
|
||||
- WeaponsOfMassDestruction
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Hussein Kamel al-Majid
|
||||
- Hussein Kamil
|
||||
- Hussein Kamel Hassan
|
||||
summary: "Son-in-law of Saddam Hussein who ran Iraq's military industries and their Western procurement network, went unindicted in the BNL case, defected in 1995, and told United Nations inspectors that all the weapons had been destroyed."
|
||||
died: 1996-02-23
|
||||
location: "Baghdad, Iraq"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Hussein Kamel al-Majid was a son-in-law of [[Saddam Hussein]] and the head of [[Iraq]]'s [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], which directed its missile, chemical, biological, and nuclear programs in the 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Procurement
|
||||
|
||||
The ministry bought machine tools and technology in Europe and the [[United States]] through a network of front companies run from [[London]] by [[Safa al-Habobi]], whom Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] described as "one of Hussein Kamil's former [[Special Security Organization (Iraq)|Secret Security Organization]] cronies." Its holding company, the [[Technology Development Group]], bought the British toolmaker [[Matrix Churchill]] in 1987. The purchases were financed by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. When the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], was indicted on February 28, 1991, with al-Habobi and three other Iraqi officials, Kamel and the Jordanian trader [[Wafai Dajani]] were named as co-conspirators and not charged.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kamel held the nominal rank of lieutenant. "After Saddam Hussein himself, Hussein Kamel was regarded as the most powerful man in Iraq," and "the word was that Saddam trusted Hussein Kamel more than his own son." He controlled the [[Al-Arabi Trading Company]] of Baghdad, the owner of the London holding companies, which had a partnership with [[Gerald Bull]]'s [[Space Research Corporation]] and paid for Bull's purchases with the Atlanta loans. The head of the chemical industry and of the missile and chemical weapons programs, Lieutenant General [[Amir al-Saadi]], reported to him. In 1989 he received Drogoul in Baghdad, "offering him pomegranate juice and his gratitude for all that BNL was doing." When the [[Financial Times]] began printing articles on the bank he reprimanded the British ambassador.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Defection
|
||||
|
||||
On the night of August 7, 1995, Kamel drove to [[Jordan]] with his brother Colonel [[Saddam Kamel]] and crates of documents. On August 20 the Iraqi government handed the [[United Nations Special Commission]] a store of papers, said to have been found on Kamel's chicken farm, that showed a crash program to build a nuclear weapon. On August 22 he was questioned in [[Amman]] by the commission's chairman, [[Rolf Ekeus]], with Maurizio Zifferero of the [[International Atomic Energy Agency]] and Nikita Smidovich. The record of the interview, marked sensitive, was not published.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
"I ordered destruction of all chemical weapons," he told them. "All weapons, biological, chemical, missile, nuclear were destroyed." Asked by Smidovich whether weapons and agents had been destroyed, he said: "nothing remained." The destruction had followed the inspectors' visits: "You have important role in Iraq with this. You should not underestimate yourself. You are very effective in Iraq." Of the missiles: "not a single missile left but they had blueprints and molds for production." Of the nerve agent VX: "they put it in bombs during last days of the Iran-Iraq war. They were not used and the programme was terminated." He said of the government: "I can state publicly I will work against the regime."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
He returned to [[Baghdad]] with his brother in February 1996 and both were killed on February 23.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### 2002 and 2003
|
||||
|
||||
Vice President [[Dick Cheney]] said on August 26, 2002, that Kamel's case "should serve as a reminder to all that we often learned more as the result of defections than we learned from the inspection regime itself." President [[George W. Bush]] said on October 7 that the defection had forced Iraq to admit producing more than 30,000 liters of anthrax. Secretary of State [[Colin Powell]] cited it before the [[United Nations Security Council|Security Council]] on February 5, 2003, as the source of Iraq's admission of four tons of VX, and Prime Minister [[Tony Blair]] cited it in the [[House of Commons]] on February 25. The transcript of the Amman interview was obtained by [[Glen Rangwala]] of [[Cambridge University]] and reported by [[Newsweek]] in its issue of March 3.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statement of August 10, 1992, *Congressional Record,* House; "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95.
|
||||
[^2]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq*. Bantam, 1993, pp. 9, 114-117, 158.
|
||||
[^3]: Rangwala, Glen. "The interview with Hussein Kamel," briefing of February 2003, quoting the United Nations Special Commission and International Atomic Energy Agency note of the meeting of August 22, 1995, by page; Barry, John. "Exclusive: The Defector's Secrets," *Newsweek,* March 3, 2003.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,53 +1,53 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
---
|
||||
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- IgorKurganov
|
||||
- ElonMusk
|
||||
- Russia
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- ForeignInterference
|
||||
- Philanthropy
|
||||
- Counterintelligence
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Igor Kurganov
|
||||
summary: "Igor Kurganov is a Russian-born former professional poker player who gained operational influence over Elon Musk's charitable giving during the COVID-19 pandemic, slept in Musk's Austin home, and was the subject of FBI preliminary inquiries into foreign interference before being removed from Musk's inner circle by wealth manager Jared Birchall in May 2022."
|
||||
location: "Russia (born); Austin, Texas (Musk period)"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-18
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-18
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Igor Kurganov is a Russian-born former professional poker player who gained operational influence over [[Elon Musk|Elon Musk]]'s charitable giving during the COVID-19 pandemic. Kurganov was sleeping in Musk's [[Austin, Texas|Austin]] home during the pandemic period, advising Musk on philanthropic strategy, and became the subject of FBI preliminary inquiries into whether his access constituted a foreign-interference channel. [[Jared Birchall|Jared Birchall]], Musk's wealth manager and the head of Musk's family office, confronted Musk and removed Kurganov from the inner circle in May 2022.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Poker Career and the Musk Access
|
||||
|
||||
Kurganov built a public profile as a high-stakes professional poker player, accumulating over 18 million dollars in live tournament winnings across a career that placed him among the top German and Russian tournament players. His poker network overlaps with the high-roller gambling circuit whose principals move across national borders and whose venues (Macau, Las Vegas, Monte Carlo, the online high-stakes sites) are documented intelligence-collection environments.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The documented path to Musk ran through Kurganov's effective-altruism and philanthropic-strategy work. Kurganov entered Musk's circle during the pandemic period and gained influence over Musk's charitable giving, which had become a substantial operation as Musk's wealth grew through the [[Tesla|Tesla]] stock run-up and the [[SpaceX|SpaceX]] private valuations. Kurganov's access included sleeping in Musk's Austin home, placing him inside Musk's residential security perimeter rather than at arm's length as a professional advisor.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The FBI Preliminary Inquiry
|
||||
|
||||
The FBI's Los Angeles field office opened preliminary inquiries into whether Kurganov's access to Musk constituted a foreign-interference channel, per *The Guardian*'s reporting on the disclosures of former FBI agent [[Jonathan Buma]]. The inquiry ran under the counterintelligence portfolio that handles Russian foreign-influence operations targeting U.S. technology principals. Buma described the broader pattern of Russian targeting of Musk as "intense," and the [[Kyiv Post|Kyiv Post]] / [[ZDF|ZDF]] reporting on Buma's interview characterized the operation as [[GRU|GRU]]-run and Putin-approved, exploiting vulnerabilities including drug use, sexual entrapment, and luxury access.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The question of what Kurganov did with the access during the period he had it (advising on philanthropic strategy, residential access, proximity to Musk's decision-making on charitable and potentially other matters) is not fully resolved in the public record. The FBI inquiry was preliminary, meaning it was an assessment-stage investigation to determine whether full counterintelligence investigation was warranted.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Birchall Removal (May 2022)
|
||||
|
||||
Jared Birchall is the wealth manager who runs Musk's family office and who functions as Musk's gatekeeper on financial and security matters. *The Guardian* reported that Birchall confronted Musk about Kurganov's access and removed Kurganov from the inner circle in May 2022.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
What Kurganov did with his access during the period he had it, what he took with him when he was removed, and whether the access produced intelligence value for any Russian service are not documented in the public record.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Broader Targeting Pattern
|
||||
|
||||
Buma disclosed that the Kurganov case was one of multiple Russian targeting efforts directed at Musk and at [[Peter Thiel|Thiel]]. The [[The Guardian|Guardian]] reported Buma's May 2025 interview in which he characterized the efforts as "intense," and the Kyiv Post reporting on Buma's ZDF interview described the operation as GRU-run, Putin-approved, and exploiting vulnerabilities including drug use, sexual entrapment, and luxury access.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The Buma handling of Thiel as an FBI CHS from summer 2021 overlaps chronologically with the Kurganov-Musk access period (2020-2022). Buma told the Guardian he briefed Thiel on "what a targeting looks like" and that Thiel provided "helpful information to help us identify the nodes through which these outreaches have occurred." The overlap means the FBI's counterintelligence handling of the Thiel CHS relationship and the FBI's preliminary inquiry into Kurganov's access to Musk ran in the same Los Angeles field office during the same period.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Wall Street Journal|Wall Street Journal]] reported on October 25, 2024 that Musk had been in regular contact with [[Vladimir Putin|Putin]] since late 2022, after [[Starlink|Starlink]] became operationally significant in the Russia-Ukraine war. The Putin contact channel, the Buma-documented GRU targeting, the Kurganov infiltration, and the [[NLRB Data Exfiltration|NLRB data exfiltration]] with Russian IP access through [[Department of Government Efficiency|DOGE]] together form the evidentiary set on the Russian-influence question around the PayPal Mafia principals.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "FBI whistleblower claims he tried to get to Musk to warn him he was being targeted by Russia." *The Guardian,* May 22, 2025. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2025/may/22/fbi-whistleblower-musk-russia
|
||||
[^2]: For Kurganov's poker career earnings and ranking, see the [[Hendon Mob|Hendon Mob]] poker database and the live-tournament record.
|
||||
[^3]: "Russian Intelligence Used Sex, Drugs to Target Elon Musk." *Kyiv Post,* 2025. https://www.kyivpost.com/post/52742
|
||||
[^4]: Schwartz, Mattathias. "Exclusive: Tech billionaire Peter Thiel was an FBI informant." *Business Insider,* October 2023, on Thiel providing information to FBI agent Johnathan Buma as a confidential human source codenamed "Philosopher" beginning summer 2021, focused on foreign-influence approaches. https://www.businessinsider.com/peter-thiel-fbi-informant-2023-10
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- IgorKurganov
|
||||
- ElonMusk
|
||||
- Russia
|
||||
- FBI
|
||||
- ForeignInterference
|
||||
- Philanthropy
|
||||
- Counterintelligence
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Igor Kurganov
|
||||
summary: "Igor Kurganov is a Russian-born former professional poker player who gained operational influence over Elon Musk's charitable giving during the COVID-19 pandemic, slept in Musk's Austin home, and was the subject of FBI preliminary inquiries into foreign interference before being removed from Musk's inner circle by wealth manager Jared Birchall in May 2022."
|
||||
location: "Russia (born); Austin, Texas (Musk period)"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-18
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-18
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Igor Kurganov is a Russian-born former professional poker player who gained operational influence over [[Elon Musk|Elon Musk]]'s charitable giving during the COVID-19 pandemic. Kurganov was sleeping in Musk's [[Austin, Texas|Austin]] home during the pandemic period, advising Musk on philanthropic strategy, and became the subject of FBI preliminary inquiries into whether his access constituted a foreign-interference channel. [[Jared Birchall|Jared Birchall]], Musk's wealth manager and the head of Musk's family office, confronted Musk and removed Kurganov from the inner circle in May 2022.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Poker Career and the Musk Access
|
||||
|
||||
Kurganov built a public profile as a high-stakes professional poker player, accumulating over 18 million dollars in live tournament winnings across a career that placed him among the top German and Russian tournament players. His poker network overlaps with the high-roller gambling circuit whose principals move across national borders and whose venues (Macau, [[Las Vegas]], Monte Carlo, the online high-stakes sites) are documented intelligence-collection environments.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The documented path to Musk ran through Kurganov's effective-altruism and philanthropic-strategy work. Kurganov entered Musk's circle during the pandemic period and gained influence over Musk's charitable giving, which had become a substantial operation as Musk's wealth grew through the [[Tesla|Tesla]] stock run-up and the [[SpaceX|SpaceX]] private valuations. Kurganov's access included sleeping in Musk's Austin home, placing him inside Musk's residential security perimeter rather than at arm's length as a professional advisor.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The FBI Preliminary Inquiry
|
||||
|
||||
The FBI's Los Angeles field office opened preliminary inquiries into whether Kurganov's access to Musk constituted a foreign-interference channel, per *The Guardian*'s reporting on the disclosures of former FBI agent [[Jonathan Buma]]. The inquiry ran under the counterintelligence portfolio that handles Russian foreign-influence operations targeting U.S. technology principals. Buma described the broader pattern of Russian targeting of Musk as "intense," and the [[Kyiv Post|Kyiv Post]] / [[ZDF|ZDF]] reporting on Buma's interview characterized the operation as [[GRU|GRU]]-run and Putin-approved, exploiting vulnerabilities including drug use, sexual entrapment, and luxury access.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The question of what Kurganov did with the access during the period he had it (advising on philanthropic strategy, residential access, proximity to Musk's decision-making on charitable and potentially other matters) is not fully resolved in the public record. The FBI inquiry was preliminary, meaning it was an assessment-stage investigation to determine whether full counterintelligence investigation was warranted.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Birchall Removal (May 2022)
|
||||
|
||||
Jared Birchall is the wealth manager who runs Musk's family office and who functions as Musk's gatekeeper on financial and security matters. *The Guardian* reported that Birchall confronted Musk about Kurganov's access and removed Kurganov from the inner circle in May 2022.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
What Kurganov did with his access during the period he had it, what he took with him when he was removed, and whether the access produced intelligence value for any Russian service are not documented in the public record.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Broader Targeting Pattern
|
||||
|
||||
Buma disclosed that the Kurganov case was one of multiple Russian targeting efforts directed at Musk and at [[Peter Thiel|Thiel]]. The [[The Guardian|Guardian]] reported Buma's May 2025 interview in which he characterized the efforts as "intense," and the Kyiv Post reporting on Buma's ZDF interview described the operation as GRU-run, Putin-approved, and exploiting vulnerabilities including drug use, sexual entrapment, and luxury access.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The Buma handling of Thiel as an FBI CHS from summer 2021 overlaps chronologically with the Kurganov-Musk access period (2020-2022). Buma told the Guardian he briefed Thiel on "what a targeting looks like" and that Thiel provided "helpful information to help us identify the nodes through which these outreaches have occurred." The overlap means the FBI's counterintelligence handling of the Thiel CHS relationship and the FBI's preliminary inquiry into Kurganov's access to Musk ran in the same Los Angeles field office during the same period.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Wall Street Journal|Wall Street Journal]] reported on October 25, 2024 that Musk had been in regular contact with [[Vladimir Putin|Putin]] since late 2022, after [[Starlink|Starlink]] became operationally significant in the Russia-Ukraine war. The Putin contact channel, the Buma-documented GRU targeting, the Kurganov infiltration, and the [[NLRB Data Exfiltration|NLRB data exfiltration]] with Russian IP access through [[Department of Government Efficiency|DOGE]] together form the evidentiary set on the Russian-influence question around the PayPal Mafia principals.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "FBI whistleblower claims he tried to get to Musk to warn him he was being targeted by Russia." *The Guardian,* May 22, 2025. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2025/may/22/fbi-whistleblower-musk-russia
|
||||
[^2]: For Kurganov's poker career earnings and ranking, see the [[Hendon Mob|Hendon Mob]] poker database and the live-tournament record.
|
||||
[^3]: "Russian Intelligence Used Sex, Drugs to Target Elon Musk." *Kyiv Post,* 2025. https://www.kyivpost.com/post/52742
|
||||
[^4]: Schwartz, Mattathias. "Exclusive: Tech billionaire Peter Thiel was an FBI informant." *Business Insider,* October 2023, on Thiel providing information to FBI agent Johnathan Buma as a confidential human source codenamed "Philosopher" beginning summer 2021, focused on foreign-influence approaches. https://www.businessinsider.com/peter-thiel-fbi-informant-2023-10
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -40,7 +40,7 @@ Hoover was a frequent visitor to the Hotel Del Charro in La Jolla, California, a
|
|||
|
||||
### NUMEC Investigation and CIA Conflicts
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1965, the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] referred the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation|NUMEC]] losses to the FBI. However, Hoover saw no basis for an investigation, concluding that the situation was an administrative matter. He was in the midst of a bitter dispute with [[James Jesus Angleton]]'s counterintelligence shop over the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s handling of defectors and illegal spying inside the [[United States]]. Hoover chose to spar with [[Richard M. Helms|Helms]] over the [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro|Shapiro]] issue, telling the CIA to go to [[Israel]] and get inside [[Dimona]] to find evidence of the alleged uranium diversion.[^2]
|
||||
In October 1965, the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] referred the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation|NUMEC]] losses to the FBI. However, Hoover saw no basis for an investigation, concluding that the situation was an administrative matter. He was in the midst of a bitter dispute with [[James Jesus Angleton]]'s counterintelligence shop over the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s handling of defectors and illegal spying inside the [[United States]]. Hoover chose to spar with [[Richard Helms|Helms]] over the [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro|Shapiro]] issue, telling the CIA to go to [[Israel]] and get inside [[Dimona]] to find evidence of the alleged uranium diversion.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -96,7 +96,7 @@ King died January 27, 1977, in Washington, D.C. He was buried with his third wif
|
|||
[^8]: Spartacus Educational, "Joseph Caldwell King"; Colby and Dennett, Ch. 23.
|
||||
[^9]: CIA Cable, "Instructions to Arrange Accident," TOP SECRET RYBAT OPERATIONAL IMMEDIATE, July 21, 1960, co-signed Tracy Barnes and J.C. King. In National Security Archive, NSAEBB No. 757, "CIA Assassination Plot Targeted Cuba's Raul Castro," April 16, 2021. nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/cuba/2021-04-16/documents-cia-assassination-plot-targeted-raul-castro.
|
||||
[^10]: Ibid., citing Esterline statement.
|
||||
[^11]: National Security Archive, "Cuba: The Bay of Pigs Invasion 65 Years Later," April 16, 2026, describing CIA Task Force meeting March 9, 1960. nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/cuba-cuban-missile-crisis/2026-04-16/cuba-bay-pigs-invasion-65-years-later.
|
||||
[^11]: National Security Archive, "Cuba: The [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]] 65 Years Later," April 16, 2026, describing CIA Task Force meeting March 9, 1960. nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/cuba-cuban-missile-crisis/2026-04-16/cuba-bay-pigs-invasion-65-years-later.
|
||||
[^12]: FRUS 1961-63, Vol. X, Document 174, Memorandum for the Record, "Second Meeting of the Green Study Group," April 24, 1961. history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d174.
|
||||
[^13]: On Operation 40 post-Bay of Pigs wind-down: Church Committee, *Interim Report*, pp. 74-84. On JMWAVE station: NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 355, "The CIA and the Cuban Missile Crisis," October 4, 2012, nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB355/.
|
||||
[^14]: National Security Archive, NSAEBB No. 434, "CIA Covert Operations: The 1964 Overthrow of Cheddi Jagan in British Guiana," April 6, 2020. nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/intelligence/2020-04-06/cia-covert-operations-overthrow-cheddi-jagan-british-guiana-1964.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ After years of failed attempts to find a publisher, [[Michael J. Moynihan]] form
|
|||
|
||||
The book's second life began in 2015, when [[Iron March]] members began promoting it aggressively. The forum's global neo-Nazi and neo-fascist membership proved receptive in ways that the American white nationalist movement of the 1990s had not been. [[Brandon Russell]] announced [[Atomwaffen Division]] on Iron March in October 2015, and the new organization adopted *Siege* as its ideological foundation. AWD's activities, aesthetics, and strategic orientation all drew directly on Mason's writings.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Mason was personally drawn into the AWD orbit. He attended the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in Las Vegas, AWD's internal leadership gathering organized by [[Joshua Caleb Sutter]] of [[Tempel ov Blood]], delivering speeches calling for murder and lone-wolf attacks and making his first documented in-person appearance with the organization.[^3]
|
||||
Mason was personally drawn into the AWD orbit. He attended the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]] in [[Las Vegas]], AWD's internal leadership gathering organized by [[Joshua Caleb Sutter]] of [[Tempel ov Blood]], delivering speeches calling for murder and lone-wolf attacks and making his first documented in-person appearance with the organization.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Documented Influence
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
43
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Jesse Helms.md
Normal file
43
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Jesse Helms.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "New Right"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- JesseHelms
|
||||
- UnitedStatesSenate
|
||||
- NationalCongressionalClub
|
||||
- PioneerFund
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
- NelsonBunkerHunt
|
||||
- FairnessInMedia
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Jesse A. Helms
|
||||
- Senator Helms
|
||||
summary: "North Carolina broadcaster and senator whose direct-mail organization was built by two Pioneer Fund directors, took Nelson Bunker Hunt's money, tried to buy CBS, and was investigated in 1986 for a leak to Pinochet's government."
|
||||
location: "Raleigh, North Carolina"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Jesse Helms was a [[United States Senate|United States senator]] from [[North Carolina]] from 1973 to 2003. He worked for [[Raleigh, North Carolina|Raleigh]] newspapers and radio, went to Washington in 1951 as assistant to Senator [[Willis Smith]], and from 1953 to 1960 was executive director of the North Carolina Bankers Association. In 1960 he became executive vice president of the [[Capitol Broadcasting Company]], owner of the television station WRAL. His "Viewpoint" editorials closed its evening news from November 21, 1960, and were carried by the Tobacco Radio Network across the eastern half of the state. A study of his finances summarized them as "12 years railing against deadbeats, socialized medicine, the UN, 'shiftless Negroes,' and the 'moral degenerates' led by [[Martin Luther King Jr.]]" He changed his party registration to Republican in 1970 and was elected to the Senate in 1972.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Ellis and the Congressional Club
|
||||
|
||||
His 1972 campaign was managed by the Raleigh lawyer [[Thomas F. Ellis]], who in the late 1950s had "led a propaganda campaign to undermine the state's school desegregation plan," and who joined the board of the [[Pioneer Fund]] in 1973 with [[Marion Parrott]]. The club formed to pay the campaign's debt became the [[National Congressional Club]], and with its sister company, Jefferson Marketing Inc., it employed nearly 200 people by the middle 1980s. An insider called Ellis "the brains behind all the things that we do." The club spent 4.5 million dollars as an independent committee on behalf of [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980. Helms raised 8.1 million dollars for his reelection in 1978 and 15.9 million in 1984, when he and Governor [[Jim Hunt]] together spent 25.6 million, then the record for a Senate race and more than the presidential campaigns spent that year. Nearly two thirds of his money came in gifts under 200 dollars. The Pioneer Fund gave Ellis's [[Coalition for Freedom]] 195,000 dollars between 1983 and 1989.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] "heads the list of [[Texas]] oil moneymen giving to Helms," the same study found. "While his family gave $4,000 to Helms, he also dropped $90,000 into the Helms-related [[Institute for American Relations]]." Hunt said: "We're not as smart as other people, so we need every advantage." Other donors included [[Joseph Coors]] and [[Roger Milliken]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### CBS
|
||||
|
||||
On November 13, 1984, Ellis, [[Carter Wrenn]], and [[James Palmer Cain]] formed [[Fairness in Media]], and in January 1985 about a million letters over Helms's signature asked conservatives to buy stock in [[CBS]]. The lawyer was [[Harry Weyher]], president of the Pioneer Fund. CBS sued on February 15, alleging an attempt "to manipulate the market in CBS stock." Wrenn called the suit "an act of intimidation." [[Ted Turner]], who made his own offer for the network in April, testified that he had held "extensive discussions with Sen. Helms" and the group. CBS ended both campaigns that July by buying back a fifth of its own shares.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Chile
|
||||
|
||||
In July 1976 Helms spent three days in [[Chile]] as the guest of the Institute for American Relations, the first senator to visit in twelve years, and met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington that September. In the Senate Helms defended the Chilean government against suspicion and advanced the "far more plausible" theory that Letelier had been killed by his own allies. "Terrorism is most often an organized tool of the Left, used coldbloodedly for political aims. Leftist terrorists do not hesitate to use terrorism against the Left." Representative [[Larry McDonald]] of [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] denounced the dead man as a supporter of terrorism.[^4] Helms went again in July 1986. After a member of his staff was briefed by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] on the burning of [[Rodrigo Rojas]] by Chilean soldiers, the Chilean government learned of an American intelligence operation, and the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] to investigate whether Helms or an aide had disclosed it. "The CIA was angry about the release because it created a threat to the agency's ability to gather information in Chile," a wire report said. Helms answered: "The [[State Department]] and the Central Intelligence Agency are constantly trying to discredit me and they're not going to be able to do it. The real need is for the State Department and the CIA to clean up their acts."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hall, Bob. "Jesse Helms: The Meaning of His Money," *Southern Exposure,* vol. 13, no. 1, 1985, republished by Facing South, Institute for Southern Studies.
|
||||
[^2]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism; Tucker, William H. *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund.* University of Illinois Press, 2002.
|
||||
[^3]: "CBS sues Fairness in Media," United Press International, February 15, 1985; "Turner Discussed CBS Bid With Sen. Helms," *The Washington Post,* March 20, 1985; Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. CBS, Inc., 627 F. Supp. 901 (N.D. Ga. 1985).
|
||||
[^4]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, p. 55.
|
||||
[^5]: United Press International, report on the Justice Department inquiry into Senator Helms, August 2, 1986.
|
||||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ born: 1913-02-14
|
|||
died: 1975
|
||||
location: "Brazil, Indiana"
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Jimmy Hoffa]] was a prominent American labor union leader. A lot in Beverly Hills sold by [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] to [[Richard Nixon]] was financed through a Hoffa loan. [[Meyer Lansky]]'s Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was also financed through a Hoffa loan.[^1]
|
||||
[[Jimmy Hoffa]] was a prominent American labor union leader. A lot in Beverly Hills sold by [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] to [[Richard Nixon]] was financed through a Hoffa loan. [[Meyer Lansky]]'s Fremont Hotel in [[Las Vegas]] was also financed through a Hoffa loan.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] attempted to persuade the Senate Rules Committee in 1964 that his real estate dealings with Hoffa in Florida were "hardly relevant" to the [[Bobby Baker]] investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,21 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "McCone's leak was his parting shot as AEC commissioner, as he announced his resignation shortly after."
|
||||
born: 1902-01-04
|
||||
died: 1991-02-14
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
John A. McCone was a wealthy Republican businessman from [[California]] who served as chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC) and later as Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. In December 1960, he leaked information to *New York Times* reporter [[John W. Finney]] about [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]], expressing anger that [[Israel]] and [[France]] had "lied to us" about its purpose.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
McCone's leak was his parting shot as AEC commissioner, as he announced his resignation shortly after. He was committed to nuclear nonproliferation and was aware that the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration was nearing its end, making it an opportune time to act. He was also frustrated by the constant Israeli lying about [[Dimona]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
McCone was regularly briefed on the Israeli nuclear program after replacing [[Lewis L. Strauss]] as AEC commissioner in July 1958. As AEC chairman, he was a member of the U.S. Intelligence Advisory Committee, the top-level group at the time. He was labeled by some as anti-Semitic due to his actions, but there was no known basis for such allegations; he was simply dead set against any nuclear proliferation and offended by the Israeli and French deception.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 6, 7.
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ Kennedy continued to pressure [[David Ben-Gurion]] throughout 1962 about interna
|
|||
|
||||
Despite his tough stance, Kennedy's political needs, particularly the significant Jewish vote that contributed to his narrow victory in 1960, complicated his approach to Israeli issues. He appointed [[Myer Feldman]] as his presidential point man for Jewish and Israeli affairs, a position that created bureaucratic chaos due to Feldman's strong pro-Israel bias.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kennedy's relationship with [[David Ben-Gurion]] became increasingly strained due to the ongoing correspondence about [[Israel]]'s bomb program. Ben-Gurion's responses were often perceived as evasive and even rude by Kennedy. The President's apprehension about the Israeli bomb was a factor in his surprising appointment of [[John A. McCone]] as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, who shared Kennedy's strong views on nonproliferation.[^1]
|
||||
Kennedy's relationship with [[David Ben-Gurion]] became increasingly strained due to the ongoing correspondence about [[Israel]]'s bomb program. Ben-Gurion's responses were often perceived as evasive and even rude by Kennedy. The President's apprehension about the Israeli bomb was a factor in his surprising appointment of [[John McCone|John A. McCone]] as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, who shared Kennedy's strong views on nonproliferation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In mid-1962, Kennedy's administration authorized the sale of Hawk surface-to-air missiles to [[Israel]], a major departure from past policy of selling no weaponry to [[Israel]]. This decision was linked to [[Israel]]'s agreement to permit American inspection teams into [[Dimona]], though these inspections were largely a whitewash, with [[Israel]] controlling the visits and concealing the true nature of the facility.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,41 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
title: John L. LaMothe
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- John LaMothe
|
||||
- Captain John LaMothe
|
||||
- John L. LaMothe
|
||||
category: "Military"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- PSI
|
||||
- DIA
|
||||
- Soviet
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
summary: "John L. LaMothe was a U.S. Army Medical Intelligence Office captain who authored the 1972 classified report Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR, warning of Soviet psychoenergetics research capabilities and spurring U.S. government concerns about a psi gap."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Captain John L. LaMothe was an author and military intelligence officer with the Medical Intelligence Office of the [[U.S. Army]], Office of the Surgeon General. He was tasked with conducting a joint intelligence assessment of the "Soviet psychoenergetic threat," a term coined by the [[Pentagon]] to include all matters related to Soviet anomalous mental phenomena research and [[Electromagnetic Weapons|electromagnetic weapons]] programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
His two-year effort resulted in a 174-page classified report titled *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, published in 1972. The report aimed to aid in the development of countermeasures for the protection of U.S. or allied personnel, concluding that the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] were rapidly developing "methods of controlling or manipulating human behavior through subtle, non-identifiable means," including psychopharmacology, subliminal messaging, and electromagnetic weapons[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
LaMothe's report highlighted the "unusual, disproportionate interest" of Communist state authorities, the military, and the [[KGB]] in [[Parapsychology|parapsychology]], confirming military involvement in [[Psi]] research. He broke down the danger into four categories of existential threat posed by Soviet agents with psychoenergetic abilities[^1]:
|
||||
|
||||
1. "Disable, at a distance, US military equipment of all types, including space craft."
|
||||
2. "Know the contents of top secret US documents, the movements of our troops and ships and the location and nature of our military installations."
|
||||
3. "Mold the thoughts of key US military and civilian leaders, at a distance."
|
||||
4. "Cause the instant death of any US official, at a distance."
|
||||
|
||||
In essence, LaMothe argued that a Soviet agent could disrupt military technology, access state secrets, influence national leaders, and assassinate U.S. officials through targeted [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis|PK]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Citing scientists and experts like [[Oliver J. Caldwell]] and [[Sybil Leek]], LaMothe saw an immediate need for the U.S. to create a program to mirror the Soviets' psychic warfare undertakings. However, the alarmist nature of his text limited its distribution, and those in the know considered LaMothe's sources biased in favor of ESP research programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Despite the controversy, LaMothe's report circulated through the military and intelligence communities, prompting the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] to take action and escalate its own psychic research programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Publications
|
||||
* *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR* (1972)
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
@ -5,12 +5,42 @@ tags:
|
|||
- RemoteViewer
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Soviet
|
||||
summary: "LaMothe's report highlighted the perceived threat of Soviet ESP and Psychokinesis capabilities, suggesting they could be used to disable U.S."
|
||||
- PSI
|
||||
- DIA
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
summary: "John L. LaMothe was a U.S. Army Medical Intelligence Office captain who authored the 1972 classified report Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR, warning of Soviet psychoenergetics research capabilities and spurring U.S. government concerns about a psi gap."
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- John L. LaMothe
|
||||
- Captain John LaMothe
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[John LaMothe]] was a [[U.S. Army]] Captain and the author of the 1972 [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] report, "[[Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR]]." This 174-page classified report reviewed and evaluated Soviet research in the field of "revolutionary methods of influencing behavior," with a particular focus on [[Parapsychology|psi]] phenomena and its potential military applications.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
LaMothe's report highlighted the perceived threat of Soviet [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis]] capabilities, suggesting they could be used to disable U.S. military equipment, access top-secret documents, influence leaders, and even cause instant death. While some of his sources were considered biased in favor of psi research, the report contributed significantly to the U.S. intelligence community's concern about a "[[Psi Gap|psi gap]]" and spurred further U.S. investment in psychic research programs.[^1]
|
||||
Captain John L. LaMothe was an author and military intelligence officer with the Medical Intelligence Office of the [[U.S. Army]], Office of the Surgeon General. He was tasked with conducting a joint intelligence assessment of the "Soviet psychoenergetic threat," a term coined by the [[Pentagon]] to include all matters related to Soviet anomalous mental phenomena research and [[Electromagnetic Weapons|electromagnetic weapons]] programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
His two-year effort resulted in a 174-page classified report titled *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR*, published in 1972. The report aimed to aid in the development of countermeasures for the protection of U.S. or allied personnel, concluding that the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] were rapidly developing "methods of controlling or manipulating human behavior through subtle, non-identifiable means," including psychopharmacology, subliminal messaging, and electromagnetic weapons[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
LaMothe's report highlighted the "unusual, disproportionate interest" of Communist state authorities, the military, and the [[KGB]] in [[Parapsychology|parapsychology]], confirming military involvement in [[Psi]] research. He broke down the danger into four categories of existential threat posed by Soviet agents with psychoenergetic abilities[^1]:
|
||||
|
||||
1. "Disable, at a distance, US military equipment of all types, including space craft."
|
||||
2. "Know the contents of top secret US documents, the movements of our troops and ships and the location and nature of our military installations."
|
||||
3. "Mold the thoughts of key US military and civilian leaders, at a distance."
|
||||
4. "Cause the instant death of any US official, at a distance."
|
||||
|
||||
In essence, LaMothe argued that a Soviet agent could disrupt military technology, access state secrets, influence national leaders, and assassinate U.S. officials through targeted [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis|PK]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Citing scientists and experts like [[Oliver J. Caldwell]] and [[Sybil Leek]], LaMothe saw an immediate need for the U.S. to create a program to mirror the Soviets' psychic warfare undertakings. However, the alarmist nature of his text limited its distribution, and those in the know considered LaMothe's sources biased in favor of ESP research programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Despite the controversy, LaMothe's report circulated through the military and intelligence communities, prompting the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] to take action and escalate its own psychic research programs[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Publications
|
||||
* *Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR* (1972)
|
||||
|
||||
### The 1972 Report
|
||||
|
||||
John LaMothe was a U.S. Army Captain and the author of the 1972 [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] report, "[[Controlled Offensive Behavior - USSR]]." This 174-page classified report reviewed and evaluated Soviet research in the field of "revolutionary methods of influencing behavior," with a particular focus on psi phenomena and its potential military applications.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
LaMothe's report highlighted the perceived threat of Soviet ESP and Psychokinesis capabilities, suggesting they could be used to disable U.S. military equipment, access top-secret documents, influence leaders, and even cause instant death. While some of his sources were considered biased in favor of psi research, the report contributed significantly to the U.S. intelligence community's concern about a "[[Psi Gap|psi gap]]" and spurred further U.S. investment in psychic research programs.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
[^2]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,16 +6,19 @@ tags:
|
|||
- ColdWar
|
||||
- StandardOil
|
||||
- LatinAmerica
|
||||
alias: John A. McCone
|
||||
- Nuclear
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
summary: "Industrialist and former director of Standard Oil of California who served as CIA Director from 1961 to 1965, clashed with President Kennedy over the test-ban treaty and covert-operations control, shaped Johnson's Latin America team around Rockefeller allies, and later, as an ITT director, financed the effort to block Salvador Allende."
|
||||
born: 1902-01-04
|
||||
died: 1991-02-14
|
||||
location: San Francisco, California
|
||||
created: 2026-06-12
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-12
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- John A. McCone
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
John A. McCone (1902-1991) was an American industrialist who served as Director of the [[CIA]] from 1961 to 1965, appointed by President [[John F. Kennedy]] after the [[Bay of Pigs invasion]] and retained into the [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]] administration. A former director of [[Standard Oil|Standard Oil of California]] and a wealthy engineering contractor, he brought a corporate and oil-industry orientation to the Agency that repeatedly set him at odds with Kennedy and aligned him with the [[Nelson Rockefeller|Rockefeller]] network's interests in [[Latin America]].[^1]
|
||||
John A. McCone (1902-1991) was an American industrialist who served as Director of the [[CIA]] from 1961 to 1965, appointed by President [[John F. Kennedy]] after the [[Bay of Pigs invasion]] and retained into the [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] administration. A former director of [[Standard Oil|Standard Oil of California]] and a wealthy engineering contractor, he brought a corporate and oil-industry orientation to the Agency that repeatedly set him at odds with Kennedy and aligned him with the [[Nelson Rockefeller|Rockefeller]] network's interests in [[Latin America]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Conflicts with Kennedy
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -31,9 +34,18 @@ Under Johnson, McCone helped reorient US policy toward the hemisphere around fig
|
|||
|
||||
After leaving the CIA in 1965, McCone joined the board of the [[International Telephone and Telegraph|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]] (ITT). In 1970, working to prevent the election of [[Salvador Allende]] in Chile, McCone offered the CIA $2 million to finance an effort to stop him, connecting the corporate and intelligence campaigns against the Chilean left that the [[Rockefeller Brothers Fund]]'s earlier rural-education programs in Chile had been designed to undercut.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Atomic Energy Commission
|
||||
|
||||
John A. McCone was a wealthy Republican businessman from [[California]] who served as chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC) and later as Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. In December 1960, he leaked information to *New York Times* reporter [[John W. Finney]] about [[Israel]]'s secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]], expressing anger that Israel and [[France]] had "lied to us" about its purpose.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
McCone's leak was his parting shot as AEC commissioner, as he announced his resignation shortly after. He was committed to nuclear nonproliferation and was aware that the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration was nearing its end, making it an opportune time to act. He was also frustrated by the constant Israeli lying about Dimona.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
McCone was regularly briefed on the Israeli nuclear program after replacing [[Lewis L. Strauss]] as AEC commissioner in July 1958. As AEC chairman, he was a member of the U.S. Intelligence Advisory Committee, the top-level group at the time. He was labeled by some as anti-Semitic due to his actions, but there was no known basis for such allegations; he was simply dead set against any nuclear proliferation and offended by the Israeli and French deception.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "John A. McCone," Directors of Central Intelligence. https://www.cia.gov/legacy/headquarters/directors-of-central-intelligence/; Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 27.
|
||||
[^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27.
|
||||
[^3]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27; Ch. 28.
|
||||
[^4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 41.
|
||||
[^5]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 6, 7.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
45
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lawrence Houston.md
Normal file
45
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lawrence Houston.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- LawrenceHouston
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- GeneralCounsel
|
||||
- AssassinationPlots
|
||||
- RobertKennedy
|
||||
- GarrisonInvestigation
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Lawrence R. Houston
|
||||
- Larry Houston
|
||||
summary: "General counsel of the CIA from 1947 to 1973, who briefed Robert Kennedy on the Mafia plots in 1962 and in whose tenure the Justice Department let the agency decide which crimes to report."
|
||||
born: 1913
|
||||
died: 1995-08-15
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Lawrence Houston (1913 to August 15, 1995) "helped draft legislation that created and shaped the CIA, then served as the spy agency's general counsel from its founding in 1947 until his retirement in 1973." Director [[John Deutch]] said he had served "longer than the combined tenures of his eight successors" and "played a central role in virtually every significant Agency undertaking." He supervised the legal work of the exchange of [[Rudolf Abel]] for [[Francis Gary Powers]] and of the ransom of the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] prisoners. He held the [[National Security Medal]]. He died at [[Westport, Massachusetts]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Agreement of 1954
|
||||
|
||||
"In 1954, the CIA pointed out to the [[Department of Justice]] that, in many cases involving CIA, prosecution would require public disclosure of sensitive Agency operations and procedures." The department answered that the agency should investigate such allegations itself. "If, after investigation, it appeared that prosecution would be precluded by the need to reveal sensitive information, then the Agency should so indicate in its files and not refer the case to the Department of Justice." The presidential commission of 1975 found that the department had "abdicated its statutory duties and placed on the Director of Central Intelligence the responsibility for investigating criminal conduct and making the prosecutorial decision." The arrangement lasted until January 1975.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Kennedy
|
||||
|
||||
On May 7, 1962, Houston and the director of security, [[Sheffield Edwards]], briefed Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy|Robert Kennedy]] on the agency's use of [[Johnny Roselli]] and [[Sam Giancana]] against [[Fidel Castro]]. The occasion was the prosecution of [[Robert Maheu]]'s wiretappers in [[Las Vegas]], which the agency wished dropped. "If you have seen Mr. Kennedy's eyes get steely and his jaw set and his voice get low and precise you get a definite feeling of unhappiness," Houston testified. He recalled the instruction: "If we were going to get involved with Mafia personnel again he wanted to be informed first." [[J. Edgar Hoover]] recorded Kennedy's "great astonishment" two days later. The inspector general concluded in 1967 that "the Attorney General was not told that the gambling syndicate operation had already been reactivated." Houston sent Edwards's memorandum of record to Kennedy on May 15. On the agency's copy of his covering note [[Richard Helms]] wrote: "Sen. Kennedy read this on 8 March '67." Helms told Director [[John McCone]] on August 16, 1963, that Edwards's memorandum was the only written record of the agency's relationship with Giancana.[^3][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Nosenko and Garrison
|
||||
|
||||
The agency's own account of the confinement of [[Yuri Nosenko]] states that the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] "together with the Office of General Counsel became increasingly concerned with the illegality of the Agency's position," and that their representations to Helms ended it in October 1967.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
On March 3, 1967, two days after [[Jim Garrison]] arrested [[Clay Shaw]], the chief of the [[Domestic Contact Service]] in [[New Orleans]], [[Lloyd Ray]], recommended that Houston be briefed on Shaw's past reporting "to be on the safe side." On May 1 [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]], a former assistant attorney general, telephoned Houston with information "from within Garrison's office" supplied by [[Walter Sheridan]] of [[NBC]]. His memorandum of October 2, written as the agency's [[Garrison Group]] considered its response, recommended doing nothing beyond resisting subpoenas.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Statement by the Director on the Death of CIA's First General Counsel Lawrence R. Houston," August 16, 1995; "Lawrence Houston, helped create CIA," *Baltimore Sun,* August 18, 1995.
|
||||
[^2]: Commission on CIA Activities Within the United States. *Report to the President*. Government Printing Office, June 1975, pp. 15-16, 76-77.
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*. S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, pp. 133-134.
|
||||
[^4]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, Cuba, document 337, memorandum for the record by Sheffield Edwards, May 14, 1962, with source note.
|
||||
[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, p. 00023.
|
||||
[^6]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-01
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,10 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "D. Lowell Jensen served as Alameda County District Attorney, then as Associate Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General under Edwin Meese, and was named by INSLAW and the House Judiciary Committee as a key figure in the alleged conspiracy to steal and suppress the PROMIS software."
|
||||
born: 1928-06-03
|
||||
location: "Brigham City, Utah"
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- D. Lowell Jensen
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Delwen Lowell Jensen was born June 3, 1928, in Brigham City, Utah. He earned a BA from UC Berkeley in 1949 and a JD from UC Berkeley School of Law in 1952, then served as an Army Corporal from 1952 to 1954. He entered the Alameda County District Attorney's office in 1955 as a deputy, rising to Assistant District Attorney by 1966 and District Attorney by 1969, a position he held until 1981. Among his significant prosecutions as Alameda County DA were members of the Black Panthers and the Patty Hearst case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1981, Jensen was appointed Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division under Attorney General [[William French Smith]], then elevated to Associate Attorney General in 1983 and Deputy Attorney General in 1985 under [[Edwin Meese]]. He was appointed to the federal bench as a U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of California in June 1986, a position he held until senior status in 1997.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,7 +29,7 @@ As Associate Attorney General and subsequently Deputy Attorney General, Jensen o
|
|||
|
||||
[[George Francis Bason, Jr.|Bankruptcy Judge Bason]] concluded in his September 1987 findings that Jensen's "biased attitude toward Inslaw contributed to the situation in which Inslaw's complaints about Brewer and the administration of the PROMIS implementation contract went unheeded."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Edwin Meese|Meese]] recusal added further significance to Jensen's role: Meese reportedly recused himself from PROMIS matters upon becoming Attorney General in February 1985, given his association with [[Earl Brian]] from the Reagan California cabinet years. Jensen therefore handled all DOJ decision-making on PROMIS from February 1985 onward.[^4] It was Jensen's secretary who brought a letter to [[William Bradford Reynolds]] for signature during a period when Jensen was out of the building - a letter advising that PROMIS software was being provided to an Arab sheik for resale and general distribution, which Reynolds signed under the impression it required a signature from someone in Meese's inner circle.[^4]
|
||||
The Meese recusal added further significance to Jensen's role: Meese reportedly recused himself from PROMIS matters upon becoming Attorney General in February 1985, given his association with [[Earl Brian]] from the Reagan California cabinet years. Jensen therefore handled all DOJ decision-making on PROMIS from February 1985 onward.[^4] It was Jensen's secretary who brought a letter to [[William Bradford Reynolds]] for signature during a period when Jensen was out of the building - a letter advising that PROMIS software was being provided to an Arab sheik for resale and general distribution, which Reynolds signed under the impression it required a signature from someone in Meese's inner circle.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### House Judiciary Committee Findings
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,18 +4,28 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Person
|
||||
- WW2
|
||||
- Nazi
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
summary: "Johnson's ties to Israel were strong, influenced by his close advisers like Abe Fortas and Edwin L."
|
||||
born: 1908-08-27
|
||||
died: 1973-01-22
|
||||
location: "Stonewall, Texas"
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Lyndon Johnson
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Lyndon B. Johnson was the 36th President of the [[United States]], serving from 1963 to 1969. He was initially left in the dark on sensitive national security issues by President [[John F. Kennedy]] and his top aides, and reportedly went "berserk" upon being briefed in by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] after Kennedy's assassination.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Johnson's ties to [[Israel]] were strong, influenced by his close advisers like [[Abe Fortas]] and [[Edwin L. Weisl, Sr.]], and his knowledge of [[Abraham Feinberg]]'s fundraising skills. A deeper link stemmed from his visit to the Nazi concentration camp at [[Dachau]] at the end of World War II, which left him profoundly shaken. His sensitivity to the plight of European Jews began even before the war, when as a young congressman, he helped German refugees gain asylum in [[America]], circumventing red tape and preventing deportations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Johnson's strong emotional ties to [[Israel]] and his belief that Soviet arms were altering the balance of power in the [[Middle East]] drove him to become the first American President to supply [[Israel]] with offensive weapons and the first publicly to commit [[America]] to its defense. In the early years of his presidency, he echoed Kennedy's policy by urging [[Israel]] to submit [[Dimona]] to [[International Atomic Energy Agency|IAEA]] inspection, motivated by his belief that a nuclear [[Israel]] could lead to a nuclear [[Egypt]], increased Soviet involvement, and potentially war.[^1]
|
||||
Johnson's strong emotional ties to Israel and his belief that Soviet arms were altering the balance of power in the [[Middle East]] drove him to become the first American President to supply Israel with offensive weapons and the first publicly to commit America to its defense. In the early years of his presidency, he echoed Kennedy's policy by urging Israel to submit [[Dimona]] to [[International Atomic Energy Agency|IAEA]] inspection, motivated by his belief that a nuclear Israel could lead to a nuclear [[Egypt]], increased Soviet involvement, and potentially war.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Bobby Baker
|
||||
|
||||
Lyndon B. Johnson served as the 36th President of the United States. His rise to power emanated directly from his friends in Texas oil, including the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
As Senate Majority Leader, Johnson made [[Bobby Baker]] his secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955, referring to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning." A major scandal brewed around Baker in the autumn of 1963, involving numerous questionable deals that were tightly interwoven with the Murchison family and organized crime figures.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 9.
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 9.
|
||||
[^2]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,18 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politician
|
||||
summary: "As Senate Majority Leader, Johnson made Bobby Baker his secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955, referring to Baker as 'my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning.' A major scandal brewed around Baker in the autumn of 1963, involving numerous questionable deal"
|
||||
born: 1908-08-27
|
||||
died: 1973-01-22
|
||||
location: "Stonewall, Texas"
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Lyndon B. Johnson]] served as the 36th President of the [[United States]]. His rise to power emanated directly from his friends in Texas oil, including the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
As Senate Majority Leader, Johnson made [[Bobby Baker]] his secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955, referring to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning." A major scandal brewed around Baker in the autumn of 1963, involving numerous questionable deals that were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Mack McLarty.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Mack McLarty.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Political Figure"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- MackMcLarty
|
||||
- Arkla
|
||||
- BillClinton
|
||||
- WhiteHouse
|
||||
- WebsterHubbell
|
||||
- KissingerAssociates
|
||||
- Arkansas
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Thomas F. McLarty III
|
||||
- Thomas "Mack" McLarty
|
||||
summary: "Kindergarten classmate of Bill Clinton who succeeded Sheffield Nelson at the Arkla gas utility, became Clinton's first White House chief of staff, solicited consulting clients for Webster Hubbell, and went into business with Henry Kissinger."
|
||||
born: 1946-06-14
|
||||
location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Thomas Franklin McLarty III was born on June 14, 1946, at [[Hope, Arkansas]], where his family had an automobile dealership and where he attended Miss Mary Purkins's kindergarten with [[Bill Clinton]]. He was president of the student body at the [[University of Arkansas]], graduated in 1968, and was elected to the [[Arkansas House of Representatives]] at twenty-three for a single term.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arkla
|
||||
|
||||
He rose in the management of [[Arkla|Arkansas Louisiana Gas]] under [[Sheffield Nelson]], who on retiring on December 31, 1984, named him his successor, and he headed the company until 1992. Nelson had in 1982 bound the utility to buy three quarters of the gas of [[Jerry Jones]]'s Arkoma Production Company. In 1989 the state's [[Arkansas Public Service Commission|Public Service Commission]] opened an investigation on learning that Arkla had paid Arkoma 174.8 million dollars to be released from it. With [[Curt Bradbury]] of [[Worthen Bank]] he organized the [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] fundraisers for Clinton's presidential campaign in 1992.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The White House
|
||||
|
||||
McLarty was chief of staff in 1993 and 1994, and then counselor to the president and special envoy for the Americas. On March 13, 1994, the day before [[Webster Hubbell]] announced his resignation as associate attorney general, McLarty attended the [[White House]] meeting on Hubbell's difficulties and told the first lady: "We're going to be supportive of Webb." He and his staff director "telephoned Hubbell about once a week, telling him he still had friends in the White House," and he was one of those who "made calls on Hubbell's behalf" to prospective clients. Seventeen supporters of the president paid Hubbell more than 500,000 dollars in the following months.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
After leaving the administration in 1998 he formed [[Kissinger McLarty Associates]] with [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "Mack McLarty (1946-)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/mack-mclarty-3707/ ; "Sheffield Nelson (1941-)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.*
|
||||
[^2]: "Oily Deals: Pattern Emerging in Questionable Arkoma Gas Transactions," *Arkansas Business,* April 9, 1990; "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times,* January 31, 1993.
|
||||
[^3]: Office of the Independent Counsel, *Final Report of the Independent Counsel In Re: Madison Guaranty Savings and Loan Association,* vol. 3, part C, "Webster L. Hubbell's Billing Practices and Tax Filings." https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-ICREPORT-MADISON/pdf/GPO-ICREPORT-MADISON-3-2.pdf
|
||||
|
|
@ -30,7 +30,7 @@ The Birmingham Campaign of spring 1963 was the turning point of the civil rights
|
|||
|
||||
The March on Washington on August 28, 1963 drew approximately 250,000 people to the National Mall. King's address, improvising past his prepared remarks into the "I Have a Dream" sequence, became one of the defining speeches in American political history.
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] and the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]], signed by President [[Lyndon Johnson]], represented the legislative achievement of the movement's core demands - though King continued organizing for economic justice, fair housing, and against [[Vietnam War|Vietnam War]] escalation in the remaining years of his life.[^1]
|
||||
The [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] and the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]], signed by President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]], represented the legislative achievement of the movement's core demands - though King continued organizing for economic justice, fair housing, and against [[Vietnam War|Vietnam War]] escalation in the remaining years of his life.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Surveillance and COINTELPRO
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -50,7 +50,7 @@ King received the anonymous suicide letter and recognized its origin. He continu
|
|||
|
||||
### Vietnam and the Poor People's Campaign
|
||||
|
||||
King's public opposition to the Vietnam War, which he articulated comprehensively in his "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence" speech at [[Riverside Church]] on April 4, 1967 - exactly one year before his assassination - deepened the conflict with the [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]] administration and with mainstream civil rights organizations that feared alienating the president. King framed Vietnam as inseparable from the struggle for economic justice at home, arguing that the war consumed resources needed for the antipoverty programs of the Great Society while disproportionately drafting Black men to fight.
|
||||
King's public opposition to the Vietnam War, which he articulated comprehensively in his "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence" speech at [[Riverside Church]] on April 4, 1967 - exactly one year before his assassination - deepened the conflict with the [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] administration and with mainstream civil rights organizations that feared alienating the president. King framed Vietnam as inseparable from the struggle for economic justice at home, arguing that the war consumed resources needed for the antipoverty programs of the Great Society while disproportionately drafting Black men to fight.
|
||||
|
||||
In 1968, King was organizing the Poor People's Campaign - a planned encampment of impoverished Americans in [[Washington, D.C.]] demanding economic legislation - when he traveled to Memphis to support a strike by Black sanitation workers against the city government. He had spoken in Memphis on March 18 and returned on April 3. His April 3 speech at the Mason Temple, in which he said "I've been to the mountaintop," was delivered under threat of assassination; King was aware of specific threats against his life.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ There were social media posts made that suggested he was helping to connect sold
|
|||
### Personal Life
|
||||
Livelsberger was married twice (first divorced in 2018) and had a young daughter from his most recent merger. His latest wife allegedly broke up with him in the days preceding the explosion over Matthew’s adultery.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
On the drive to Las Vegas, he was texting [[Alicia Arritt]], an old girlfriend, about the cyber truck.
|
||||
On the drive to [[Las Vegas]], he was texting [[Alicia Arritt]], an old girlfriend, about the cyber truck.
|
||||
> “I rented a Tesla Cybertruck. It’s the shit”
|
||||
> "I feel like Batman or halo”
|
||||
> “I'm building drones in my new position”[^3]
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ born: 1902
|
|||
died: 1983
|
||||
location: "Grodno, Russian Empire (now Belarus)"
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Meyer Lansky]] was a prominent Florida mobster. His Fremont Hotel in Las Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan. [[Edward Levinson]], a Las Vegas gambler, was a lieutenant of Lansky. Through [[Bobby Baker]], Levinson became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Meyer Lansky]] was a prominent Florida mobster. His Fremont Hotel in [[Las Vegas]] was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan. [[Edward Levinson]], a Las Vegas gambler, was a lieutenant of Lansky. Through [[Bobby Baker]], Levinson became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ born: 1925
|
|||
location: "New York City, New York, USA"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Myron B. Kratzer was the director of international affairs for the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] in December 1960. He recalled being telephoned a few hours before [[John A. McCone]]'s farewell appearance on *Meet the Press* by a [[State Department]] colleague, who urged him to ask McCone to downplay the Israeli nuclear issue. McCone, however, refused, stating he would not "tell anything less than the truth."[^1]
|
||||
Myron B. Kratzer was the director of international affairs for the [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] in December 1960. He recalled being telephoned a few hours before [[John McCone|John A. McCone]]'s farewell appearance on *Meet the Press* by a [[State Department]] colleague, who urged him to ask McCone to downplay the Israeli nuclear issue. McCone, however, refused, stating he would not "tell anything less than the truth."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ By 1983, Moriarty faced legal troubles. The *Los Angeles Times* reported that he
|
|||
|
||||
In 1985, Moriarty pleaded guilty to mail fraud in what became the biggest political scandal in California in 30 years, leading to the indictment of over 10 prominent politicians for taking bribes from him.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Moriarty was subpoenaed to testify on behalf of [[Bo Gritz]] at his trial in Las Vegas. Moriarty's lawyer, [[Jan Lawrence Handzlik]], stated that Moriarty had paid Gritz to make business trips to [[China]], [[Singapore]], and other parts of [[Asia]]. Gritz claimed his July 1989 trip to [[Asia]] was to negotiate an oil interest he and Moriarty had set up between the [[People's Republic of China]] and [[Indonesia]].[^1]
|
||||
Moriarty was subpoenaed to testify on behalf of [[Bo Gritz]] at his trial in [[Las Vegas]]. Moriarty's lawyer, [[Jan Lawrence Handzlik]], stated that Moriarty had paid Gritz to make business trips to [[China]], [[Singapore]], and other parts of [[Asia]]. Gritz claimed his July 1989 trip to [[Asia]] was to negotiate an oil interest he and Moriarty had set up between the [[People's Republic of China]] and [[Indonesia]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Paul Helliwell.md
Normal file
40
10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Paul Helliwell.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PaulHelliwell
|
||||
- OSS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- CastleBank
|
||||
- SeaSupply
|
||||
- Proprietaries
|
||||
- Miami
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Paul L.E. Helliwell
|
||||
- Paul Lionel Edward Helliwell
|
||||
summary: "Miami lawyer and wartime OSS intelligence chief in China who set up the CIA front Sea Supply in 1951 and the Castle Bank in the Bahamas, and held Walt Disney's Florida land options."
|
||||
died: 1976-12-24
|
||||
location: "Miami, Florida"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Paul Lionel Edward Helliwell was a [[Miami]] lawyer who died on December 24, 1976, at 62. "During [[World War II]], he was chief of special intelligence in [[China]] for the [[Office of Strategic Services]]," [[The Wall Street Journal]] reported in 1980. Former colleagues told the paper that Helliwell, then a colonel, "regularly used to buy information with five-pound shipments of opium."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Sea Supply
|
||||
|
||||
"In 1951 Mr. Helliwell helped set up and run [[Sea Supply Corporation|Sea Supply Corp.]], a concern controlled by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] as a front. For almost 10 years, Sea Supply was used to supply huge amounts of weapons and equipment to 10,000 Nationalist Chinese troops in [[Burma]] as well as to [[Thailand]]'s police." The newspaper described him as "instrumental in helping to direct a network of CIA undercover operations and 'proprietaries.'" A former federal official told it that Helliwell "reputedly was one of the paymasters" for the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] invasion and was "deeply involved" in financing raids on [[Cuba]] from [[Andros Island]] between 1963 and 1975.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Disney
|
||||
|
||||
In the middle 1960s a lawyer for [[Walt Disney Productions]], Robert Price Foster, came to the firm of Helliwell, Melrose and DeWolf to arrange the secret purchase of land in central [[Florida]]. "All of the options we had taken on larger tracts were in Helliwell's name," Foster recalled. "And so to relieve him as the prolific generator of rumors that he had become, we created a family of corporations as repositories of titles to our purchases." They were Reedy Creek Ranch Lands, Bay Lake Properties, Ayefour Corporation, [[Latin America|Latin American]] Development and Management Corporation, and Tomahawk Properties.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Castle Bank
|
||||
|
||||
"[[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]] was set up and principally controlled by the late Paul Lionel Edward Helliwell." The foreign companies on its 1973 list of depositors traced back to concerns "mostly formed or controlled by Paul Helliwell and his associates." The bank, the paper reported, "was the conduit for millions of dollars earmarked by the CIA for the funding of clandestine operations against Cuba and for other covert intelligence operations directed at countries in Latin America and the [[Far East]]," and "pressure from the Central Intelligence Agency, rather than a legal problem, was what caused the Justice Department to drop what could have been the biggest tax-evasion case of all." The agency, the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]], and Helliwell's firm declined to comment. The [[Miami Herald]] reported the next day that "Helliwell may have used his CIA contacts to force an abrupt end to the investigation." Neither federal court that ruled on the case mentions the agency or Helliwell.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Drinkhall, Jim. "IRS vs. CIA: Big Tax Investigation Was Quietly Scuttled by Intelligence Agency," *The Wall Street Journal,* April 18, 1980, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-01208R000100100061-5.
|
||||
[^2]: Walt Disney Archives, "We Say It's Disney," D23. https://d23.com/we-say-its-disney/
|
||||
[^3]: "CIA May Have Ended Nassau Bank Probe," *The Miami Herald,* April 19, 1980, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200024-2; United States v. Payner, 447 U.S. 727 (1980); United States v. Payner, 434 F. Supp. 113 (N.D. Ohio 1977).
|
||||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ Hurkos's psychometric talents were observed by [[Bep Hermans]], Puharich's au pa
|
|||
|
||||
After the death of [[Alice Astor Bouverie]], Puharich and Hurkos traveled to Mexico in search of more *God's flesh* mushrooms. Despite the turmoil, the [[Round Table Foundation]] continued its activities, with Hurkos participating in experiments involving [[Telepathy]], [[Dowsing]], palmistry, and [[Eyeless Sight]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In the 1960s, Puharich and Hurkos traveled to the Sixth Naval District Personnel Conference in Charleston, South Carolina, to demonstrate [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and psychometry to submariners[^1].
|
||||
In the 1960s, Puharich and Hurkos traveled to the Sixth Naval District Personnel Conference in Charleston, [[South Carolina]], to demonstrate [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and psychometry to submariners[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
title: Richard Helms
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Richard McGarrah Helms
|
||||
|
|
@ -23,6 +23,7 @@ born: 1913-03-30
|
|||
died: 2002-10-22
|
||||
location: "St. Davids, Pennsylvania"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Richard McGarrah Helms (March 30, 1913 - October 22, 2002) served as [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] [[Director of Central Intelligence]] from June 30, 1966, to February 2, 1973 - the only career CIA clandestine officer ever to hold that position, and the only DCI ever convicted of a criminal offense related to his service. A professional intelligence officer who entered the [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] during [[World War II]] and spent thirty years in the CIA, Helms authorized [[Operation CHAOS]] domestic surveillance, approved continuation of the [[MKULTRA]] human experimentation program, ordered the destruction of both programs' records before congressional investigators could access them, and in 1977 pleaded no contest to making false statements to Congress about CIA operations against Chilean President [[Salvador Allende]]. He simultaneously held the personal conviction, disclosed to his deputies, that [[Israel]] was using American intelligence as "an open pipeline for pumping intelligence to [[Moscow]]" - a view he never officially reported.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### OSS and Early CIA Career
|
||||
|
|
@ -39,13 +40,13 @@ When the Warren Commission was established in November 1963 to investigate Kenne
|
|||
|
||||
### Operation CHAOS Authorization and Records Destruction
|
||||
|
||||
In August 1967, Helms received President Johnson's instruction to determine whether foreign powers were directing the American antiwar movement. He tasked [[James Jesus Angleton|James Angleton]]'s Counterintelligence Staff with establishing the Special Operations Group that became MHCHAOS. He subsequently expanded the program under President Nixon's administration, approving Project MERRIMAC (domestic infiltration of antiwar organizations) and Project RESISTANCE (coordination with campus administrators and local police to compile dossiers on student organizations).
|
||||
In August 1967, Helms received President Johnson's instruction to determine whether foreign powers were directing the American antiwar movement. He tasked [[James Jesus Angleton|James Angleton]]'s Counterintelligence Staff with establishing the Special Operations Group that became MHCHAOS. He subsequently expanded the program under President Nixon's administration, approving Project MERRIMAC (domestic infiltration of antiwar organizations) and [[Project RESISTANCE]] (coordination with campus administrators and local police to compile dossiers on student organizations).
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1972, knowing that Watergate-related congressional investigations were expanding, Helms ordered the operational records of MHCHAOS destroyed. A partial cache of budget and administrative documents survived only because it had been misfiled in a different location. In the same period, he ordered the destruction of records related to MKULTRA, the CIA's two-decade human experimentation program using LSD and other substances on unwitting subjects. The Church Committee found that these records destructions had permanently deprived investigators of a complete documentary record of both programs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Proposing and Protecting MKULTRA
|
||||
|
||||
Helms was the program's originator as much as its protector. On April 3, 1953 he formally proposed to Director [[Allen Dulles]] a program under [[Sidney Gottlieb]] for the "covert use of biological and chemical materials," arguing that "the development of a comprehensive capability in this field gives us a thorough knowledge of the enemy's theoretical potential" against "a foe who might not be as restrained ... as we are"; Dulles approved it as MKULTRA ten days later. Helms nurtured Gottlieb as his personal specialist and, bypassing the layers of command between them, dealt with him directly, embodying the conviction he later voiced in Senate testimony, that a clandestine operator "can't count on the honesty of your agent ... unless you own him body and soul." When the program needed a new charter in 1964 he agreed to rename it [[MKSEARCH]] on the condition that its substance remain the same.[^4]
|
||||
Helms was the program's originator as much as its protector. On April 3, 1953 he formally proposed to Director [[Allen Dulles]] a program under [[Sidney Gottlieb]] for the "covert use of biological and chemical materials," arguing that "the development of a comprehensive capability in this field gives us a thorough knowledge of the enemy's theoretical potential" against "a foe who might not be as restrained ... as we are"; Dulles approved it as MKULTRA ten days later. Helms nurtured Gottlieb as his personal specialist and, bypassing the layers of command between them, dealt with him directly, embodying the conviction he later voiced in Senate testimony, that a clandestine operator "can't count on the honesty of your agent ... unless you own him body and soul." When the program needed a new charter in 1964 he agreed to rename it [[MKSEARCH]] on the condition that its substance remain the same.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### MKULTRA Continuation and Psychic Research
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -65,7 +66,7 @@ In February 1973, when Helms testified before the [[Senate Foreign Relations Com
|
|||
|
||||
Helms developed a personal conviction, disclosed to his deputies, that Israel was providing American satellite intelligence to the [[Soviet Union]] as part of an undisclosed intelligence exchange - characterizing Israel as "an open pipeline for pumping intelligence to Moscow." He never officially reported this assessment or commissioned a formal investigation, and he took no documented action on it. His reluctance reflected both the sensitivity of accusing an ally and the particular weight of any assessment that ran against the interests managed by Angleton's [[KK MOUNTAIN]] Israeli liaison program.
|
||||
|
||||
When President Johnson sought an intelligence assessment of whether Israel had manufactured nuclear weapons, Helms provided the estimate (four warheads) and then obeyed Johnson's instruction that the finding be buried rather than formally reported. Johnson did not want intelligence conclusions that would require him to act on them politically. Helms's willingness to suppress an accurate intelligence product at presidential direction exemplified the institutional failure the Church Committee later documented.[^3]
|
||||
When President Johnson sought an intelligence assessment of whether Israel had manufactured nuclear weapons, Helms provided the estimate (four warheads) and then obeyed Johnson's instruction that the finding be buried rather than formally reported. Johnson did not want intelligence conclusions that would require him to act on them politically. Helms's willingness to suppress an accurate intelligence product at presidential direction exemplified the institutional failure the Church Committee later documented.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Iran, Retirement, and Memoirs
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -77,5 +78,5 @@ He published his memoirs, *A Look Over My Shoulder: A Life in the Central Intell
|
|||
|
||||
[^1]: Powers, Thomas. *The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA.* Knopf, 1979 (the essential biography, based on extensive interviews). Church Committee (Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities). Final Report, S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976.
|
||||
[^2]: Church Committee. "Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders." Senate Report No. 94-465, 1975 (documents ZR/RIFLE and the failure to disclose to Warren Commission). Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis.* Little, Brown, 2017.
|
||||
[^3]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991. Chapters 11, 14, 16.
|
||||
[^4]: John D. Marks, *The Search for the Manchurian Candidate*. Times Books, 1979, Chapters 1, 4, 12.
|
||||
[^3]: John D. Marks, *The Search for the Manchurian Candidate*. Times Books, 1979, Chapters 1, 4, 12.
|
||||
[^4]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991. Chapters 11, 14, 16.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,14 +0,0 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2026-05-15
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
title: Richard M. Helms
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Richard M. Helms
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
summary: "Redirect page - see [[Richard Helms]] for full content."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
See [[Richard Helms]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ Robert Lashbrook was [[Sidney Gottlieb]]'s deputy in the [[CIA]]'s [[TSS]] Chemi
|
|||
|
||||
### The Olson Case
|
||||
|
||||
After Olson's condition worsened, Lashbrook accompanied him and [[Vincent Ruwet]] to [[New York]] to see [[Harold Abramson]], the CIA-cleared allergist Gottlieb chose to treat Olson rather than following CIA regulations requiring notification of the Office of Security. Lashbrook thought a visit to [[John Mulholland]], a magician under TSS contract to develop ways of slipping drugs into drinks, might amuse Olson, but Olson became "highly suspicious." That night, Olson became upset during a performance of *Me and Juliet* and told Ruwet people were waiting outside the theater to arrest him. After Olson wandered the streets tearing up his money, Lashbrook and Ruwet found him in the hotel lobby at 5:30 A.M.[^1]
|
||||
After Olson's condition worsened, Lashbrook accompanied him and [[Vincent Ruwet]] to [[New York]] to see [[Harold Abramson]], the CIA-cleared allergist Gottlieb chose to treat Olson rather than following CIA regulations requiring notification of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]. Lashbrook thought a visit to [[John Mulholland]], a magician under TSS contract to develop ways of slipping drugs into drinks, might amuse Olson, but Olson became "highly suspicious." That night, Olson became upset during a performance of *Me and Juliet* and told Ruwet people were waiting outside the theater to arrest him. After Olson wandered the streets tearing up his money, Lashbrook and Ruwet found him in the hotel lobby at 5:30 A.M.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Death
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
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