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@ -12,21 +12,22 @@ location: "Tel Aviv, Israel"
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The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] was established in the fall of 1980 by [[Menachem Begin|Prime Minister Begin]], who ordered [[Yehoshua Sagi|Director of Israel Defense Forces/Military Intelligence Yehoshua Sagi]] and [[Nachum Admoni|acting Director of Mossad Nachum Admoni]] to appoint it. This committee coordinated the efforts of both [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence services and was assigned the task of supplying [[Iran]] with arms in its war with [[Saddam Hussein|Saddam Hussein's]] [[Iraq]].[^1]
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The rationale for helping the [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] government was that if the [[Iran|Iranians]] fought the [[Iraq|Iraqis]], their soldiers would be killed instead of [[Israel|Israeli]] soldiers. Additionally, the war diverted [[Arab]] attention away from [[Israel]] and drained [[Arab countries]] of money. From the [[Likud Party|Likud's]] perspective, the rise of [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] was beneficial as he was radical, anti-[[United States|American]], and anti-[[Arab]], aligning with [[Israel|Israel's]] national security interest to support him.[^1]
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The rationale for helping the [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] government was that if the Iranians fought the Iraqis, their soldiers would be killed instead of Israeli soldiers. Additionally, the war diverted [[Arab]] attention away from Israel and drained [[Arab countries]] of money. From the [[Likud Party|Likud's]] perspective, the rise of Khomeini was beneficial as he was radical, anti-[[United States|American]], and anti-Arab, aligning with Israel's national security interest to support him.[^1]
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The initial members of the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] included [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Moshe Hebroni]], and [[Rafi]]. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was appointed to the committee on November 28, 1980, as the youngest member, responsible for carrying out the committee's initiatives due to his fluency in Farsi and personal contacts in [[Iran]].[^1]
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The initial members of the Iran-Israel Joint Committee included [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Moshe Hebroni]], and [[Rafi]]. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was appointed to the committee on November 28, 1980, as the youngest member, responsible for carrying out the committee's initiatives due to his fluency in Farsi and personal contacts in Iran.[^1]
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By March 1981, the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] had established mechanisms for handling secret arms sales to [[Iran]], as promised in the October [[Paris Summit Meeting]]. [[Israel]] operated under a general agreement of cooperation secretly reached in principle between [[Menachem Begin|Prime Minister Begin]] and [[William J. Casey]] in August 1980. [[David Kimche]] dealt directly with [[Robert Gates]] on the implementation of these sales. In early 1981, [[Robert Gates|Gates]] approved the sale of unsophisticated weapons to [[Iran]].[^1]
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By March 1981, the Iran-Israel Joint Committee had established mechanisms for handling secret arms sales to Iran, as promised in the October [[Paris Summit Meeting]]. Israel operated under a general agreement of cooperation secretly reached in principle between Prime Minister Begin and [[William J. Casey]] in August 1980. David Kimche dealt directly with [[Robert Gates]] on the implementation of these sales. In early 1981, Gates approved the sale of unsophisticated weapons to Iran.[^1]
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The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] became self-sufficient, with its operating budget derived from the profits of arms sales, overseen by the [[Mossad]] comptroller. Profits rapidly grew into a huge extra-budgetary slush fund. Disbursements were requested from the [[Mossad]] comptroller through either the heads of the intelligence community or directly from the [[Prime Minister's Office]].[^1]
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The Iran-Israel Joint Committee became self-sufficient, with its operating budget derived from the profits of arms sales, overseen by the [[Mossad]] comptroller. Profits rapidly grew into a huge extra-budgetary slush fund. Disbursements were requested from the Mossad comptroller through either the heads of the intelligence community or directly from the [[Prime Minister's Office]].[^1]
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The committee used various trading companies and a flagship holding company called [[Ora Group|Ora]] to manage the slush fund. It also employed smokescreen operations involving private arms brokers like [[John Hortrich]] (alias [[John de Laroque]]) and [[Nicholas Davies]] to obscure its activities. The committee's operations included the sale of [[TOW missile]]s, [[T-80 tank]]s, and other military equipment to [[Iran]].[^1]
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The committee used various trading companies and a flagship holding company called [[Ora Group|Ora]] to manage the slush fund. It also employed smokescreen operations involving private arms brokers like [[John Hortrich]] (alias [[John de Laroque]]) and [[Nicholas Davies]] to obscure its activities. The committee's operations included the sale of [[TOW missile]]s, [[T-80 tank]]s, and other military equipment to Iran.[^1]
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From March 1981 to the end of 1987, [[Iran]] spent over $82 billion on equipment from the [[United States|United States]], [[Israel]], [[Europe]], [[South America]], and [[South Africa]], with the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] making substantial profits. These profits were used to finance activities of [[Yitzhak Shamir|Yitzhak Shamir's]] faction of the [[Likud Party]], fund "black" operations (including those involving [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] and the [[Achille Lauro]] attack), and finance housing projects in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]] for Jewish settlers.[^1]
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From March 1981 to the end of 1987, Iran spent over $82 billion on equipment from the United States, Israel, [[Europe]], [[South America]], and [[South Africa]], with the Iran-Israel Joint Committee making substantial profits. These profits were used to finance activities of [[Yitzhak Shamir|Yitzhak Shamir's]] faction of the Likud Party, fund "black" operations (including those involving [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] and the [[Achille Lauro]] attack), and finance housing projects in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]] for Jewish settlers.[^1]
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The government of [[Sweden]] under Prime Minister [[Olof Palme]] sold military equipment to Iran through Israel until Palme refused to continue the sales.[^1]
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In 1984, political chaos in [[Israel]] led to a coalition government between the [[Labor Party]] and [[Likud Party|Likud]]. [[Shimon Peres]], as prime minister, attempted to open a competing arms channel to [[Iran]] through [[Amiram Nir]], which led to the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] scandal. The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] actively worked to thwart this second channel, including leaking information about [[Jonathan Pollard]] and the [[Oliver North|North]]-[[Amiram Nir|Nir]] operation.[^1]
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In 1984, political chaos in Israel led to a coalition government between the [[Labor Party]] and Likud. [[Shimon Peres]], as prime minister, attempted to open a competing arms channel to Iran through [[Amiram Nir]], which led to the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] scandal. The Iran-Israel Joint Committee actively worked to thwart this second channel, including leaking information about [[Jonathan Pollard]] and the [[Oliver North|North]]-Nir operation.[^1]
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In September 1987, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and three other members of the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] were dismissed due to pressure on [[Yitzhak Shamir]] following the leaking of the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] story. Prior to this, some funds were set aside for their futures, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] money controlled by [[Israel]] was transferred to the [[East Bloc]].[^1]
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In September 1987, Ari Ben-Menashe and three other members of the Iran-Israel Joint Committee were dismissed due to pressure on Yitzhak Shamir following the leaking of the Iran-Contra Affair story. Prior to this, some funds were set aside for their futures, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] money controlled by Israel was transferred to the [[East Bloc]].[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
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@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ The Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA) was a wartime US
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The agency began as the Office for Coordination of Commercial and Cultural Relations between the American Republics (OCCCRBAR) and was formally placed within the [[White House|Executive Office of the President]] by Executive Order 8840, signed July 30, 1941, by President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]. The office was renamed the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) by Executive Order 9532 on March 23, 1945, under incoming director [[Wallace Harrison]], and dissolved by Executive Order 9710 on April 10, 1946, effective May 20, 1946, when all remaining functions and subsidiary corporations were transferred to the [[State Department]].[^2]
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The CIAA spent approximately $140 million between 1940 and 1946, far beyond its initial $3.5 million authorization. By 1942 its annual budget had reached $38 million with 1,500 employees. The agency produced radio broadcasts throughout Latin America, subsidized press access to CIAA-controlled newsprint, produced newsreels, political cartoons, and films, and published the monthly magazine *En Guardia* (750,000 copies per issue at peak circulation). The operation was staffed by American corporate executives and coordinated with the Rockefeller family's business interests in the hemisphere.[^3]
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The CIAA spent approximately $140 million between 1940 and 1946, far beyond its initial $3.5 million authorization. By 1942 its annual budget had reached $38 million with 1,500 employees. The agency produced radio broadcasts throughout Latin America, subsidized press access to CIAA-controlled newsprint, produced newsreels, political cartoons, and films, and published the monthly magazine *En Guardia* (750,000 copies per issue at peak circulation). The operation was staffed by American corporate executives and coordinated with the [[Rockefeller family]]'s business interests in the hemisphere.[^3]
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CIAA records from 1937 to 1951 are held at the [[National Archives and Records Administration]] as Record Group 229 (Records of the Office of Inter-American Affairs), totaling 812 cubic feet including 45 reels of motion picture film, 24 sound recordings of radio broadcasts, 3,386 still photographs, 79 posters and drawings, and 55 maps of South American locations.[^4]
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@ -35,14 +35,14 @@ Later, during the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administration, it was learned that I
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### Early Connections
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[[Hal Puthoff]], a key figure in the [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] remote viewing program, had previously fulfilled his military service as a Navy officer at the NSA at [[Fort Meade]] in the early 1960s. He earned a Pentagon commendation for his work towards a future generation of high-speed optical computers.[^1]
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While the NSA's direct involvement in psi research was initially limited, it became a significant customer of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program. The agency tasked remote viewers with various intelligence collection missions, demonstrating a pragmatic interest in the potential of psychic abilities.[^1]
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While the NSA's direct involvement in psi research was initially limited, it became a significant customer of the Grill Flame program. The agency tasked remote viewers with various intelligence collection missions, demonstrating a pragmatic interest in the potential of psychic abilities.[^1]
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* Soviet Bug Detection: In 1980, an NSA liaison officer tasked [[Joe McMoneagle]] with locating a Soviet surveillance bug in a U.S. consulate. McMoneagle not only pinpointed the bug's location but also identified a Soviet listening post across the street and, surprisingly, an American NSA team counter-surveilling the Soviets.[^1]
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* Typhoon Submarine: The NSA was also a recipient of Joe McMoneagle's remote viewing data on the new Soviet Typhoon-class submarine. Despite initial skepticism from some within the NSA, McMoneagle's detailed descriptions of the submarine's construction and features were later confirmed by satellite photography.[^1]
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### Security Concerns and Later Involvement
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The NSA was at the center of the "Sugar Grove incident" in 1973. After [[Pat Price]] and [[Ingo Swann]] accurately remote-viewed a secret NSA facility in Sugar Grove, West Virginia, a security investigation was launched, highlighting the potential vulnerabilities of highly classified sites to psychic penetration. Despite this, the NSA later became directly involved in tasking remote viewers at both SRI and Fort Meade.[^1]
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The NSA was at the center of the "Sugar Grove incident" in 1973. After [[Pat Price]] and [[Ingo Swann]] accurately remote-viewed a secret NSA facility in Sugar Grove, [[West Virginia]], a security investigation was launched, highlighting the potential vulnerabilities of highly classified sites to psychic penetration. Despite this, the NSA later became directly involved in tasking remote viewers at both SRI and Fort Meade.[^1]
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### Connection to PROMIS
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Employed [[Bill Hamilton]] as a specialist in Vietnamese from 1962 through 1969.
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The [[U.S. Navy]] is the maritime warfare service branch of the [[United States]]. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, the Navy was involved in early rumors of a telepathy project with the USS Nautilus submarine, though this was later debunked as a fabrication or disinformation ploy.[^1]
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More directly, the Navy had small contracts with [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] for psi research. The book also mentions a U.S. Navy A-6 attack aircraft that crashed, which [[Ken Bell]] successfully remote-viewed. Additionally, the secret [[NSA]] facility at Sugar Grove, West Virginia, which [[Pat Price]] accurately remote-viewed, was ostensibly a U.S. Navy communications base.[^1]
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More directly, the Navy had small contracts with [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] for psi research. The book also mentions a U.S. Navy A-6 attack aircraft that crashed, which [[Ken Bell]] successfully remote-viewed. Additionally, the secret [[NSA]] facility at Sugar Grove, [[West Virginia]], which [[Pat Price]] accurately remote-viewed, was ostensibly a U.S. Navy communications base.[^1]
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