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The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] was established in the fall of 1980 by [[Menachem Begin|Prime Minister Begin]], who ordered [[Yehoshua Sagi|Director of Israel Defense Forces/Military Intelligence Yehoshua Sagi]] and [[Nachum Admoni|acting Director of Mossad Nachum Admoni]] to appoint it. This committee coordinated the efforts of both [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence services and was assigned the task of supplying [[Iran]] with arms in its war with [[Saddam Hussein|Saddam Hussein's]] [[Iraq]].[^1]
The rationale for helping the [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] government was that if the [[Iran|Iranians]] fought the [[Iraq|Iraqis]], their soldiers would be killed instead of [[Israel|Israeli]] soldiers. Additionally, the war diverted [[Arab]] attention away from [[Israel]] and drained [[Arab countries]] of money. From the [[Likud Party|Likud's]] perspective, the rise of [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] was beneficial as he was radical, anti-[[United States|American]], and anti-[[Arab]], aligning with [[Israel|Israel's]] national security interest to support him.[^1]
The rationale for helping the [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] government was that if the Iranians fought the Iraqis, their soldiers would be killed instead of Israeli soldiers. Additionally, the war diverted [[Arab]] attention away from Israel and drained [[Arab countries]] of money. From the [[Likud Party|Likud's]] perspective, the rise of Khomeini was beneficial as he was radical, anti-[[United States|American]], and anti-Arab, aligning with Israel's national security interest to support him.[^1]
The initial members of the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] included [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Moshe Hebroni]], and [[Rafi]]. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was appointed to the committee on November 28, 1980, as the youngest member, responsible for carrying out the committee's initiatives due to his fluency in Farsi and personal contacts in [[Iran]].[^1]
The initial members of the Iran-Israel Joint Committee included [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Moshe Hebroni]], and [[Rafi]]. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was appointed to the committee on November 28, 1980, as the youngest member, responsible for carrying out the committee's initiatives due to his fluency in Farsi and personal contacts in Iran.[^1]
By March 1981, the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] had established mechanisms for handling secret arms sales to [[Iran]], as promised in the October [[Paris Summit Meeting]]. [[Israel]] operated under a general agreement of cooperation secretly reached in principle between [[Menachem Begin|Prime Minister Begin]] and [[William J. Casey]] in August 1980. [[David Kimche]] dealt directly with [[Robert Gates]] on the implementation of these sales. In early 1981, [[Robert Gates|Gates]] approved the sale of unsophisticated weapons to [[Iran]].[^1]
By March 1981, the Iran-Israel Joint Committee had established mechanisms for handling secret arms sales to Iran, as promised in the October [[Paris Summit Meeting]]. Israel operated under a general agreement of cooperation secretly reached in principle between Prime Minister Begin and [[William J. Casey]] in August 1980. David Kimche dealt directly with [[Robert Gates]] on the implementation of these sales. In early 1981, Gates approved the sale of unsophisticated weapons to Iran.[^1]
The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] became self-sufficient, with its operating budget derived from the profits of arms sales, overseen by the [[Mossad]] comptroller. Profits rapidly grew into a huge extra-budgetary slush fund. Disbursements were requested from the [[Mossad]] comptroller through either the heads of the intelligence community or directly from the [[Prime Minister's Office]].[^1]
The Iran-Israel Joint Committee became self-sufficient, with its operating budget derived from the profits of arms sales, overseen by the [[Mossad]] comptroller. Profits rapidly grew into a huge extra-budgetary slush fund. Disbursements were requested from the Mossad comptroller through either the heads of the intelligence community or directly from the [[Prime Minister's Office]].[^1]
The committee used various trading companies and a flagship holding company called [[Ora Group|Ora]] to manage the slush fund. It also employed smokescreen operations involving private arms brokers like [[John Hortrich]] (alias [[John de Laroque]]) and [[Nicholas Davies]] to obscure its activities. The committee's operations included the sale of [[TOW missile]]s, [[T-80 tank]]s, and other military equipment to [[Iran]].[^1]
The committee used various trading companies and a flagship holding company called [[Ora Group|Ora]] to manage the slush fund. It also employed smokescreen operations involving private arms brokers like [[John Hortrich]] (alias [[John de Laroque]]) and [[Nicholas Davies]] to obscure its activities. The committee's operations included the sale of [[TOW missile]]s, [[T-80 tank]]s, and other military equipment to Iran.[^1]
From March 1981 to the end of 1987, [[Iran]] spent over $82 billion on equipment from the [[United States|United States]], [[Israel]], [[Europe]], [[South America]], and [[South Africa]], with the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] making substantial profits. These profits were used to finance activities of [[Yitzhak Shamir|Yitzhak Shamir's]] faction of the [[Likud Party]], fund "black" operations (including those involving [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] and the [[Achille Lauro]] attack), and finance housing projects in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]] for Jewish settlers.[^1]
From March 1981 to the end of 1987, Iran spent over $82 billion on equipment from the United States, Israel, [[Europe]], [[South America]], and [[South Africa]], with the Iran-Israel Joint Committee making substantial profits. These profits were used to finance activities of [[Yitzhak Shamir|Yitzhak Shamir's]] faction of the Likud Party, fund "black" operations (including those involving [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]] and the [[Achille Lauro]] attack), and finance housing projects in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]] for Jewish settlers.[^1]
The government of [[Sweden]] under Prime Minister [[Olof Palme]] sold military equipment to Iran through Israel until Palme refused to continue the sales.[^1]
In 1984, political chaos in [[Israel]] led to a coalition government between the [[Labor Party]] and [[Likud Party|Likud]]. [[Shimon Peres]], as prime minister, attempted to open a competing arms channel to [[Iran]] through [[Amiram Nir]], which led to the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] scandal. The [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] actively worked to thwart this second channel, including leaking information about [[Jonathan Pollard]] and the [[Oliver North|North]]-[[Amiram Nir|Nir]] operation.[^1]
In 1984, political chaos in Israel led to a coalition government between the [[Labor Party]] and Likud. [[Shimon Peres]], as prime minister, attempted to open a competing arms channel to Iran through [[Amiram Nir]], which led to the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] scandal. The Iran-Israel Joint Committee actively worked to thwart this second channel, including leaking information about [[Jonathan Pollard]] and the [[Oliver North|North]]-Nir operation.[^1]
In September 1987, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and three other members of the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] were dismissed due to pressure on [[Yitzhak Shamir]] following the leaking of the [[Iran-Contra Affair]] story. Prior to this, some funds were set aside for their futures, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] money controlled by [[Israel]] was transferred to the [[East Bloc]].[^1]
In September 1987, Ari Ben-Menashe and three other members of the Iran-Israel Joint Committee were dismissed due to pressure on Yitzhak Shamir following the leaking of the Iran-Contra Affair story. Prior to this, some funds were set aside for their futures, and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] money controlled by Israel was transferred to the [[East Bloc]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.