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---
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- SaudiArabia
- HarkenEnergy
- GeorgeWBush
- Oil
- Investor
alias:
- Abdullah Bakhsh
- Sheikh Abdullah Taha Bakhsh
summary: "Jeddah investor who from 1987 held about 11 percent of Harken Energy, the Texas oil company of which George W. Bush was a director, through Netherlands Antilles companies."
location: "Jeddah, Saudi Arabia"
relations:
- type: owned
with: "[[Harken Energy]]"
role: "11.66 percent through Traco International N.V. and Atherstone Corporation N.V. (April 1994)"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Abdullah Taha Bakhsh is a [[Saudi Arabia|Saudi]] investor based in [[Jeddah]] who became one of the largest shareholders of [[Harken Energy]], the Texas oil company of which [[George W. Bush]] was a director and consultant. In its proxy statement of April 1994 Harken listed his address as the Bakhashab Building, Jeddah, and his holding as 6,935,364 shares, or 11.66 percent of its common stock, second only to the [[Harvard University|Harvard]] endowment's [[Aeneas Venture Corporation]] at 15.27 percent.[^1]
### Harken
*[[Time (magazine)|Time]]* reported in 1991: "The year after Bush came aboard, a reclusive Saudi named Abdullah Taha Bakhsh bought an 11% stake in Harken through a Netherlands Antilles shell company. The Saudi, a tycoon with global interests in oil, real estate and jewelry, hoped Harken could someday serve as a vehicle for moving Saudi crude into the U.S. But the strategy would never come to pass." Bush's association with the company had begun in 1986.[^2]
Harken's 1994 proxy recorded that the shares were "owned of record by Traco International, NV. ('Traco') and Atherstone Corporation N.V. ('Atherstone'). According to a Schedule 13D filed with Harken, Traco is wholly-owned by Mr. Bakhsh, and Atherstone is indirectly owned by Mr. Bakhsh. The basis for certain of this information is Amendment 8 to the report on Schedule 13D filed by Abdullah Taha Bakhsh dated August 7, 1992." The same filing listed as a director since 1987 [[Talat Othman|Talat M. Othman]], chairman and chief executive of the investment company Dearborn Financial, Inc. since 1983, and stated that "Dearborn Financial, Inc., of which Mr. Othman is the President, is an affiliate of Traco and Atherstone, significant record stockholders of Harken." In 1993 Othman and Bush made up Harken's audit committee until Bush resigned from the board on October 26, 1993.[^1]
In January 1990 Harken obtained an exclusive production sharing agreement for most of [[Bahrain]]'s offshore territory. The *[[Houston Chronicle]]*, reporting in June 1992 on a federal review of the Houston businessman [[James R. Bath]], an investor in Bush's earlier oil partnerships, noted that Harken "has been granted lucrative offshore drilling rights off the coast of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf" and that "One of the top shareholders of Harken, a public company, is Saudi businessman Abdullah Taha Bakhsh."[^3][^4]
The journalist [[Lucy Komisar]] wrote in 2007 that when Harken got into financial difficulty in 1987, [[Jackson Stephens]] helped it obtain 25 million dollars in financing from the [[Union Bank of Switzerland]], and that "as part of that deal, a place on the board was given to Harken shareholder Sheik Abdullah Taha Bakhsh, whose chief banker was BCCI shareholder Bin Mahfouz," referring to [[Khalid bin Mahfouz]].[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Harken Energy Corporation. Proxy statement (Schedule 14A), filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission April 25, 1994, pp. 2-7. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/313478/0000950134-94-000454.txt
[^2]: Behar, Richard. "Global Intrigue: The Wackiest Rig in Texas." *Time,* October 28, 1991. https://time.com/archive/6718865/global-intrigue-the-wackiest-rig-in-texas/
[^3]: Urban, Jerry. "Bush Said Friend's Arbusto Investment Was His Own, Not Saudi Money." *Houston Chronicle,* June 4, 1992. Reproduced at https://911timeline.s3.amazonaws.com/1990s/houstonchronicle060492.html
[^4]: Harken Energy Corporation. Annual report on Form 10-K for 1993, filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission March 29, 1994. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/313478/0000950134-94-000289.txt
[^5]: Komisar, Lucy. "Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI." Inter Press Service, April 4, 2007. https://www.ipsnews.net/2007/04/finance-questions-linger-about-bushes-and-bcci/

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---
category: "Technologists"
tags:
- Person
- OpenAI
- Quora
- Facebook
- Asana
summary: "Founder and chief executive of Quora and Facebook's chief technology officer from 2006 to 2008, an OpenAI director since 2018 who voted to remove Sam Altman in 2023 and kept his seat."
relations:
- type: founded
with: "[[Quora]]"
start: 2009-06
fn: 1
- type: head_of
with: "[[Quora]]"
role: "chief executive officer"
start: 2009-06
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Facebook]]"
role: "senior roles, including chief technology officer from November 2006"
start: 2005-06
end: 2008-06
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[OpenAI]]"
role: "director"
start: 2018-04
fn: 3
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Adam D'Angelo founded [[Quora]], the question-and-answer platform, and has been its chief executive since June 2009. From June 2005 to June 2008 he held "a variety of senior roles" at [[Facebook]], now [[Meta Platforms]], including chief technology officer from November 2006 to June 2008.[^1]
### Asana
D'Angelo was a director of [[Asana]], the software company founded by the Facebook co-founder [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and [[Justin Rosenstein]], from December 2008. The company's proxy statement of April 2026 reported that he had "informed the Company that he will not stand for re-election." The same statement listed among related-person transactions for the year to January 31, 2026, 300,000 dollars of AI services Asana bought from [[OpenAI]], noting that "Adam D'Angelo, a member of our Board, is a member of OpenAI's Board of Directors," and subscriptions it sold to Quora.[^1] In October 2023 *[[Politico]]*, describing the network of AI-policy grantees of Moskovitz's [[Open Philanthropy]], noted that in 2016 [[Sam Altman]] had led a 50-million-dollar investment in Asana, that Open Philanthropy had given OpenAI 30 million dollars in 2017, and that "Asana and OpenAI also share a board member in Adam D'Angelo."[^2]
### OpenAI
D'Angelo joined OpenAI's board in April 2018, writing at the time: "I continue to think that work toward general AI (with safety in mind) is both important and underappreciated." In January 2023 he told *[[Forbes]]* that one of OpenAI's strengths was its capped-profit structure under nonprofit control: "There's no outcome where this organization is one of the big five technology companies. This is something that's fundamentally different, and my hope is that we can do a lot more good for the world than just become another corporation that gets that big." According to OpenAI's own description of its structure, its directors held no equity in the company and received no other compensation.[^3]
On November 17, 2023, OpenAI announced that Altman would leave as chief executive and leave the board after "a deliberative review process by the board, which concluded that he was not consistently candid in his communications with the board, hindering its ability to exercise its responsibilities." The announcement gave the board as "OpenAI chief scientist [[Ilya Sutskever]], independent directors Quora CEO Adam D'Angelo, technology entrepreneur [[Tasha McCauley]], and [[Center for Security and Emerging Technology|Georgetown Center for Security and Emerging Technology]]'s [[Helen Toner]]," and stated that [[Greg Brockman]] would step down as chairman while remaining at the company; [[Mira Murati]] was named interim chief executive.[^4]
On November 29, 2023, Altman announced his return and wrote that "the new initial board will consist of [[Bret Taylor]] (Chair), [[Larry Summers]], and Adam D'Angelo." He thanked "Adam, Tasha, and Helen for working with us to come to this solution that best serves the mission," and added: "I'm excited to continue to work with Adam and am sincerely thankful to Helen and Tasha for investing a huge amount of effort in this process." He also thanked [[Emmett Shear]], who had "a key and constructive role in helping us reach this outcome." Of the four directors who had removed Altman, D'Angelo was the only one on the new board; Sutskever, McCauley and Toner left it.[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Asana, Inc. Schedule 14A definitive proxy statement, filed April 20, 2026, U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1477720/000162828026025998/asan-20260420.htm
[^2]: Bordelon, Brendan. "How a billionaire-backed network of AI advisers took over Washington." *Politico,* October 13, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20250902172514/https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/13/open-philanthropy-funding-ai-policy-00121362
[^3]: Konrad, Alex, and Sarah Emerson. "These Are The People That Fired OpenAI CEO Sam Altman." *Forbes,* November 17, 2023, archived November 18, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231118075941/https://www.forbes.com/sites/alexkonrad/2023/11/17/these-are-the-people-that-fired-openai-ceo-sam-altman/
[^4]: OpenAI. "OpenAI announces leadership transition." November 17, 2023, archived November 17, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231117210540/https://openai.com/blog/openai-announces-leadership-transition
[^5]: OpenAI. "Sam Altman returns as CEO, OpenAI has a new initial board." November 29, 2023, archived November 30, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231130020514/https://openai.com/blog/sam-altman-returns-as-ceo-openai-has-a-new-initial-board

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@ -22,40 +22,54 @@ relations:
with: "[[Robert Morgenthau]]"
reverse: true
start: 1991-07-29
fn: 20
fn: 26
---
Agha Hasan Abedi was a Pakistani financier who founded the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] in 1972, with the intention of creating the Third World's first multinational bank. He is described as a diminutive man, the son of petty bureaucrats, who handcrafted BCCI into one of the most powerful private organizations globally by the early 1980s.[^1] Abedi was a visionary and a romantic, a Muslim who drifted into the secretive Sufi sect, which influenced his unique business style. He incorporated Islamic mysticism into the bank's driving force, emphasizing spiritual progress and a democratic theory of management, which eventually devolved into corruption. He was known for his ability to build relationships with ruling elites and for his philanthropic efforts in the Third World.[^2]
BCCI's growth was fueled by petrodollars, particularly from [[OPEC]] nations, and Abedi was among the first to recognize the opportunity in these vast deposits.[^3] He cultivated relationships with powerful figures, including [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Sheikh Zayed]] of [[Abu Dhabi]], who became a key supporter and later owner of BCCI.[^4] Abedi's strategy involved using nominees and a complex offshore network, primarily in the [[Cayman Islands]], to conceal the bank's true ownership and illicit activities.[^5]
He suffered a heart attack in February 1988, which ended his direct control of BCCI.[^6] The journalists Jonathan Beaty and S. C. Gwynne wrote that he spent his later years in [[Pakistan]], living quietly in the affluent Defense Officers' Society section of [[Karachi]], entertaining occasional visitors and maintaining his innocence regarding the bank's unraveling. Despite the allegations of fraud and the bank's collapse, Abedi remained a towering figure to many Pakistanis, revered as a courageous Third World entrepreneur.[^7]
He suffered a heart attack in February 1988, which ended his direct control of BCCI.[^6] The journalists [[Jonathan Beaty]] and [[S. C. Gwynne]] wrote that he spent his later years in [[Pakistan]], living quietly in the affluent Defense Officers' Society section of [[Karachi]], entertaining occasional visitors and maintaining his innocence regarding the bank's unraveling. Despite the allegations of fraud and the bank's collapse, Abedi remained a towering figure to many Pakistanis, revered as a courageous Third World entrepreneur.[^7]
### Early Life and Career
Born in 1922 in Mahmudabad, [[India]], Abedi grew up in a culture steeped in the Moghul raj and the struggle against British conquest.[^8] His family served the rajahs of Mahmudabad as administrators and private secretaries. He began his banking career in [[Bombay]] at Habib Bank, an Islamic institution.[^9] In 1947, he migrated to Pakistan and in 1959, founded [[United Bank Limited]], which became the third-largest bank in Pakistan under his leadership.[^10] United Bank was known for its innovation, customer service, and lending to small farmers and businesses.[^11]
Born in 1922 in Mahmudabad, [[India]], Abedi grew up in a culture steeped in the Moghul raj and the struggle against British conquest.[^8] His family served the rajahs of Mahmudabad as administrators and private secretaries. He began his banking career in [[Bombay]] at Habib Bank, an Islamic institution.[^9] In 1947, he migrated to Pakistan and in 1959, founded [[United Bank Limited]], which became the third-largest bank in Pakistan under his leadership.[^10] United Bank was known for its innovation, customer service, and lending to small farmers and businesses.[^11] An internal BCCI history written in 1982 by Khusro Karamat Elley stated that Abedi left Habib Bank in 1958 to gather investors for the new bank; the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate Report]] dated its formation to 1959 and described it as the second largest bank in Pakistan within ten years.[^12]
### Relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Abedi's bank was nationalized by [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] in 1972, leading to Abedi's temporary house arrest.[^12] This event spurred him to establish BCCI with international reach. Despite the political feud, Abedi later found ways to profit from Bhutto's socialist policies, with BCCI becoming a conduit for capital flight from Pakistan.[^13]
Abedi's bank was nationalized by the government of [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]], leading to Abedi's temporary house arrest.[^13] The Banks (Nationalization) Act, 1974, which listed United Bank Limited as item ten in its schedule of fourteen banks, was deemed to have taken effect on January 1, 1974.[^14] According to the Senate report, Bhutto had been threatening to nationalize the banks from the time he took power, and on learning that Abedi had begun forming BCCI outside Pakistan he "not only went ahead with plans for nationalizing the United Bank, but promptly placed Abedi under house arrest." The report found that the nationalization gave BCCI its founding staff, "a group of like-minded Pakistanis to operate the bank," and gave clients such as the [[Saigol family]] and the [[Gokal brothers]] reason to bank outside Pakistan's control.[^12] This event spurred him to establish BCCI with international reach. Despite the political feud, Abedi later found ways to profit from Bhutto's socialist policies, with BCCI becoming a conduit for capital flight from Pakistan.[^15]
### Strategic Alliances and Controversies
Abedi's influence grew through strategic alliances, including with [[Zia ul-Haq|General Zia ul-Haq]], who became a trusted confidant.[^14] BCCI played a significant role in Pakistan's nuclear weapons program, brokering technology and financing.[^15] Abedi's network extended to high-level officials in various countries, often involving bribes, loans, and charitable contributions to gain influence. He cultivated relationships with figures like [[Jimmy Carter]] and [[James Callaghan]], using their prestige to further BCCI's image as a philanthropic institution.[^16]
Abedi's influence grew through strategic alliances, including with [[Zia ul-Haq|General Zia ul-Haq]], who became a trusted confidant.[^16] BCCI played a significant role in Pakistan's nuclear weapons program, brokering technology and financing.[^17] Abedi's network extended to high-level officials in various countries, often involving bribes, loans, and charitable contributions to gain influence. He cultivated relationships with figures like [[Jimmy Carter]] and [[James Callaghan]], using their prestige to further BCCI's image as a philanthropic institution.[^18]
BCCI's operations were deeply intertwined with intelligence agencies, including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], and were involved in arms dealing, drug trafficking, and money laundering on a global scale.[^17] Abedi's ability to operate with apparent immunity from law enforcement in the [[United States]] was attributed to these high-level connections and a probable cover-up by government officials.[^18]
BCCI's operations were deeply intertwined with intelligence agencies, including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], and were involved in arms dealing, drug trafficking, and money laundering on a global scale.[^19] Abedi's ability to operate with apparent immunity from law enforcement in the [[United States]] was attributed to these high-level connections and a probable cover-up by government officials.[^20]
### United Bank and Political Patronage
When United Bank was formed, Abedi appointed as chairman of its board [[I. I. Chundrigar]], a former prime minister and a close confidant of [[Ayub Khan]], and he later hired Ayub Khan's minister of information as "publisher" of the BCCI magazine *South*. He took the account of the Saigol family, one of Pakistan's leading industrial groups, from Habib Bank to United Bank, where the Saigols became the principal shareholders; [[Price Waterhouse]] later found that Abedi had rescheduled millions in their loans "whenever they found it inconvenient to repay them." United Bank had a protocol department "responsible for taking care of the personal needs of VIPs," the forerunner of BCCI's protocol department in Karachi.[^12] By one account Abedi flew to Abu Dhabi in 1966 with one assistant and an oriental rug and obtained Sheikh Zayed's permission for United Bank to open a branch there; by another he won Zayed over by arranging his first bustard hunting and falconry trip in Pakistan. By 1967, according to the Senate report, Abedi was running the Sheikh's financial life.[^12]
In July 1978 the government of Zia ul-Haq issued a White Paper on the March 1977 elections which stated that "the other large source of funds" for Bhutto's [[Pakistan People's Party]] "was the money brought in by Agha Hasan Abdi [sic]," amounting to "two or three crores of rupees," and described Abedi's "travels . . . loaded as he used to be with bagfuls of money."[^12]
### Zia and the BCCI Foundation
The Senate report found that after Bhutto's overthrow Abedi "swiftly changed allegiances" to Zia, who "did the most for BCCI." [[Nazir Chinoy]], BCCI's branch chief in Pakistan from 1978 to 1982, told Senate staff that Abedi called on Zia at night on every visit, meeting him for two to three hours after official dinners, and that "Abedi used Zia and Zia used Abedi also for the gulf countries." BCCI's branch in the [[United Arab Emirates]] paid Zia 40 million Pakistani rupees in May 1985; the report's text gives the date as May 26 and its footnote cites a check dated May 25. In 1979, according to Chinoy, Abedi and [[Swaleh Naqvi]] had 50 million dollars placed with BCCI Karachi through the Kuwaiti affiliate [[Kuwait International Finance Company|KIFCO]] so that Pakistan could report higher dollar reserves to the [[World Bank]].[^21]
The Pakistani BCCI Foundation, created to shelter BCCI's Pakistani profits from tax, received tax-free status in 1981 while [[Ghulam Ishaq Khan]] was minister of finance; Ishaq Khan chaired it through the 1980s, had close ties to Abedi, and became president of Pakistan after Zia's death in August 1988. The report stated that BCCI provided 10 million dollars in grants in the late 1980s to a science and technology institute named for Ishaq Khan and directed by [[A.Q. Khan]], and that the foundation made a 3 million dollar "investment" in [[Attock Cement]], a company "ostensibly owned by BCCI front-man Ghaith Pharaon, but in fact a front for BCCI itself." BCCI also held interests through nominees in [[Attock Oil]], which the report called "BCCI's oil company."[^21][^22]
The Senate report also stated that BCCI Canada financed Pakistan's attempt to procure nuclear materials in the United States, "as documented in the Parvez case." That claim rests solely on the testimony of [[Alan Kreczko]], a [[State Department]] deputy legal adviser (S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 599); the Third Circuit's opinion in the prosecution of [[Arshad Pervez]], who sought maraging steel and beryllium for Pakistan and whose convictions for conspiracy and attempting to export beryllium it vacated in 1989, makes no mention of BCCI or of any bank.[^23][^24]
### Rahman's Account
[[Masihur Rahman]], BCCI's chief financial officer, who worked with Abedi for nearly two decades, told Senator [[John Kerry]]'s subcommittee that Abedi had explained the bank's purpose to him at its founding: "Up to that stage in the early 1970's there were mostly national banks and savings banks. The few banks which are international are indeed the colonial banks from Britain, France, Germany, and lately from America." Rahman described the early quarters in Abu Dhabi as "mess-type flats," the command structure as "Mr. Abedi at the very top, there was Mr. Naqvi who was like a chief operating officer, who converted... Mr. Abedi's ideas and things into practical shapes. And then there was a big gap," and the bank's compartmentalization as "Chinese walls" that were "getting very, very watertight." Of Abedi himself he said: "I remember looking into his eyes and seeing God and the Devil balanced equally in them."[^19]
[[Masihur Rahman]], BCCI's chief financial officer, who worked with Abedi for nearly two decades, told Senator [[John Kerry]]'s subcommittee that Abedi had explained the bank's purpose to him at its founding: "Up to that stage in the early 1970's there were mostly national banks and savings banks. The few banks which are international are indeed the colonial banks from Britain, France, Germany, and lately from America." Rahman described the early quarters in Abu Dhabi as "mess-type flats," the command structure as "Mr. Abedi at the very top, there was Mr. Naqvi who was like a chief operating officer, who converted... Mr. Abedi's ideas and things into practical shapes. And then there was a big gap," and the bank's compartmentalization as "Chinese walls" that were "getting very, very watertight." Of Abedi himself he said: "I remember looking into his eyes and seeing God and the Devil balanced equally in them."[^25]
### Illness
The accounts of Abedi's collapse differ in form and date. Beaty and Gwynne dated it to a heart attack in February 1988; the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate Report]] described "Abedi's stroke in early 1989, which led to Carter arranging an emergency heart transplant for him," and said it "had a substantial impact on BCCI's ability to survive the drug money laundering indictments in Tampa." Associated Press obituaries in 1995 reported two heart attacks that led him to step back from the bank in 1988, a heart transplant the same year, and a stroke that caused brain damage.[^6][^19][^20][^21]
The accounts of Abedi's collapse differ in form and date. Beaty and Gwynne dated it to a heart attack in February 1988; the Kerry-Brown Senate Report described "Abedi's stroke in early 1989, which led to Carter arranging an emergency heart transplant for him," and said it "had a substantial impact on BCCI's ability to survive the drug money laundering indictments in Tampa." Associated Press obituaries in 1995 reported two heart attacks that led him to step back from the bank in 1988, a heart transplant the same year, and a stroke that caused brain damage.[^6][^25][^26][^27]
### Prosecutions and Death
Abedi was indicted in New York County by [[Robert Morgenthau]] on July 29, 1991. Pakistan refused extradition requests from the [[United Arab Emirates]] and the United States. An Abu Dhabi court that tried BCCI's former executives from October 1993 to April 1994 convicted him in absentia in June 1994, while he was reported to be "bedridden in his home" in Pakistan; United Press International reported his sentence as six years and the *American Banker* as eight. The court ordered the convicted executives to pay more than 9.13 billion dollars to the Abu Dhabi government and the bank's former majority shareholders.[^20][^22][^23] Abedi died of heart failure at the [[Aga Khan University Hospital|Aga Khan Hospital]] in Karachi on August 5, 1995, aged 74, five days after he was admitted with chest pains; his wife was with him.[^20][^21]
Abedi was indicted in New York County by [[Robert Morgenthau]] on July 29, 1991. Pakistan refused extradition requests from the United Arab Emirates and the United States. An Abu Dhabi court that tried BCCI's former executives from October 1993 to April 1994 convicted him in absentia in June 1994, while he was reported to be "bedridden in his home" in Pakistan; United Press International reported his sentence as six years and the *American Banker* as eight. The court ordered the convicted executives to pay more than 9.13 billion dollars to the Abu Dhabi government and the bank's former majority shareholders.[^26][^28][^29] Abedi died of heart failure at the [[Aga Khan University Hospital|Aga Khan Hospital]] in Karachi on August 5, 1995, aged 74, five days after he was admitted with chest pains; his wife was with him.[^26][^27]
### Footnotes
@ -70,15 +84,21 @@ Abedi was indicted in New York County by [[Robert Morgenthau]] on July 29, 1991.
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 160.
[^10]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 161-162.
[^11]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 162.
[^12]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 164.
[^13]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 320.
[^14]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 324.
[^15]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 329.
[^16]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 227-228.
[^17]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 16-17.
[^18]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 17.
[^19]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 3, "The Origin and Early Years of BCCI" (citing the testimony of Masihur Rahman, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 1, pp. 489-491). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/03hist.htm
[^20]: "Key Figure In International Bank Scandal Dies At 74," Associated Press, *The Spokesman-Review,* August 6, 1995. https://www.spokesman.com/stories/1995/aug/06/key-figure-in-international-bank-scandal-dies-at/
[^21]: "BCCI founder dies after seeing his empire collapse in fraud," Associated Press, *Deseret News,* August 6, 1995. https://www.deseret.com/1995/8/6/19185992/bcci-founder-dies-after-seeing-his-empire-collapse-in-fraud/
[^22]: Hussain, Thomas. "UAE jails and fines BCCI executives," United Press International, June 14, 1994. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1994/06/14/UAE-jails-and-fines-BCCI-executives/7650771566400/
[^23]: "Abu Dhabi gives former BCCI execs prison sentences of up to 14 years," *American Banker,* June 1994. https://www.americanbanker.com/news/abu-dhabi-gives-former-bcci-execs-prison-sentences-of-up-to-14-years
[^12]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 3, "The Origin and Early Years of BCCI" (citing Khusro Karamat Elley, "Growth of International Banking: Case Study of Bank of Credit and Commerce Intl," October 27, 1982; testimony of Masihur Rahman, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 1, pp. 489-491, 540; and White Paper on the General Elections, Government of Pakistan, July 1978, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, pp. 314-317). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/03hist.htm
[^13]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 164.
[^14]: The Banks' (Nationalization) Act, 1974 (Act XIX of 1974), sections 1 and 2 and Schedule. http://nasirlawsite.com/laws/bna.htm
[^15]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 320.
[^16]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 324.
[^17]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 329.
[^18]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 227-228.
[^19]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 16-17.
[^20]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 17.
[^21]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 5, "BCCI's Relationship with Foreign Governments, Central Banks, and International Organizations," section "Pakistan" (citing staff interviews with Nazir Chinoy, March 9 to 16, 1992, and S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 2, pp. 510-511, and pt. 3, p. 599). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/05foreign.htm
[^22]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 6, "BCCI in the United States: Initial Entry and FGB and NBG Takeovers." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/06early.htm
[^23]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality" (citing testimony of Alan Kreczko, Deputy Legal Adviser, Department of State, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 599). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm
[^24]: *United States v. Pervez*, 871 F.2d 310 (3d Cir. 1989), No. 88-1109, decided March 6, 1989. https://static.case.law/f2d/871/cases/0310-01.json
[^25]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 3, "The Origin and Early Years of BCCI" (citing the testimony of Masihur Rahman, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 1, pp. 489-491). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/03hist.htm
[^26]: "Key Figure In International Bank Scandal Dies At 74," Associated Press, *The Spokesman-Review,* August 6, 1995. https://www.spokesman.com/stories/1995/aug/06/key-figure-in-international-bank-scandal-dies-at/
[^27]: "BCCI founder dies after seeing his empire collapse in fraud," Associated Press, *Deseret News,* August 6, 1995. https://www.deseret.com/1995/8/6/19185992/bcci-founder-dies-after-seeing-his-empire-collapse-in-fraud/
[^28]: Hussain, Thomas. "UAE jails and fines BCCI executives," United Press International, June 14, 1994. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1994/06/14/UAE-jails-and-fines-BCCI-executives/7650771566400/
[^29]: "Abu Dhabi gives former BCCI execs prison sentences of up to 14 years," *American Banker,* June 1994. https://www.americanbanker.com/news/abu-dhabi-gives-former-bcci-execs-prison-sentences-of-up-to-14-years

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---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- EffectiveAltruism
- OpenPhilanthropy
- CoefficientGiving
- GiveWell
- StanfordUniversity
alias:
- Alexander Berger
summary: "Stanford-trained GiveWell researcher who cofounded Open Philanthropy, became its co-CEO in 2021 and sole CEO in 2023, and holds the same titles at its 501(c)(4) Action Fund."
location: "San Francisco, California"
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[GiveWell]]"
role: "researcher"
start: 2011
fn: 1
- type: founded
with: "[[Open Philanthropy]]"
role: "cofounder, first leading its policy philanthropy work"
start: 2011
fn: 4
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Alexander Berger is the chief executive of [[Open Philanthropy]], renamed Coefficient Giving in November 2025, the grantmaker funded chiefly by [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and [[Cari Tuna]] through their foundation [[Good Ventures]]. He joined [[GiveWell]] from [[Stanford University]], cofounded Open Philanthropy when it was still GiveWell Labs, became co-chief executive with [[Holden Karnofsky]] in June 2021 and sole chief executive in July 2023. He has been a director of the couple's 501(c)(4), the [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]], since 2018, and its returns have carried his Open Philanthropy officer titles since 2021.[^1][^2][^3][^4][^5]
### Stanford
Berger graduated from Stanford in 2011 with a B.A. in philosophy and also holds a Stanford M.A. in education policy.[^2] As a freshman he heard the political scientist [[Rob Reich]] as a guest lecturer, took Reich's courses over the next two years, and completed the Honors Program in Ethics in Society with Reich, the faculty director of the [[McCoy Family Center for Ethics in Society]], as his thesis advisor. In an honors seminar in his junior year he read a paper noting how safe kidney donation had become; the same year he came across GiveWell, the charity evaluator Karnofsky and [[Elie Hassenfeld]] had founded in 2007, and began volunteering for it. After graduating he worked there as a researcher "conducting evidence reviews and cost-effectiveness analyses for potential top charities." A second alumna of the same honors program, [[Claire Zabel]] of the 2013-14 cohort, went on to lead Open Philanthropy's grantmaking on effective altruism.[^1][^2]
### The Kidney Op-Ed
On December 5, 2011, about six months after graduating, Berger published "Why Selling Kidneys Should Be Legal" in *[[New York Times|The New York Times]]*, datelined [[San Francisco]]: "On Thursday, I will donate one of my kidneys to someone I've never met." He gave his age as 21. "When I first told some friends and family that I wanted to donate a kidney, they assumed I'd gone off my rocker," he wrote. "They saw it as a crazy act of self-sacrifice, rather than what it is," which he called "one of the many ways a reasonably altruistic person can help others." He argued that the 1984 federal ban on compensating kidney donors left more than 34,000 people joining the waiting list in 2010 against fewer than 17,000 transplants, that "the victims of the current ban are disproportionately African-American and poor," and that a regulated market in which "only the government or a chosen nonprofit would be allowed to purchase the kidneys," at a price "somewhere in the ballpark of $50,000," paid by insurers or [[Medicare]], "could actually save the government money" against the cost of dialysis. He cited a ruling of the previous week by the [[Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals]] allowing compensation for bone marrow donors.[^6]
### Open Philanthropy
Berger was, in Open Philanthropy's own biography of him, "a cofounder of Open Philanthropy" who "led our initial process for selecting focus areas and hiring and training program officers within them."[^2] In 2018 he told the *[[Stanford Social Innovation Review]]* writer [[Marc Gunther]], who counted seven entities around Tuna (among them the Open Philanthropy Project LLC, the Action Fund, two donor-advised funds at the [[Silicon Valley Community Foundation]], the Good Ventures Foundation and Good Ventures LLC), that "each has a reason for being" and that "tax considerations are key."[^7]
On June 16, 2021, Karnofsky announced that Berger "has been promoted to co-CEO," writing that he had "for some time" been "the primary leader for most of our work on causes focused on maximizing verifiable impact within our lifetimes." The same post renamed that portfolio "Global Health and Wellbeing" in place of "near-termism" and stated: "We now have a dual-CEO structure, with both of us reporting directly to the board." Karnofsky kept biosecurity and pandemic preparedness and "potential risks from advanced AI"; Berger took global health and development "(including to GiveWell-recommended charities)," scientific research, farm animal welfare and criminal justice reform.[^3]
On July 27, 2023, Karnofsky wrote "on behalf of Open Philanthropy's board" that Berger "is now sole CEO," that Berger had run the organization during Karnofsky's leave of absence, and that the two had worked together since 2011; Berger "co-founded Open Philanthropy (back when it was GiveWell Labs), initially leading our policy philanthropy work." Karnofsky's own title changed "from co-CEO to Director of AI Strategy," and [[Emily Oehlsen]] was promoted to managing director over Global Health and Wellbeing. Tuna, styled in the post as president, said: "Dustin and I have worked closely with Alexander for many years, and he's helped us think through many of the toughest questions we've faced as philanthropists." Berger said the mission "resonates just as much with me today as it did when Holden, Cari, Dustin and I were starting to think about it together."[^4]
In 2026 Coefficient Giving listed Berger as chief executive, Tuna as chair and Oehlsen as president.[^8] Berger said that year that the organization had spent about a tenth of the [[Gates Foundation]]'s budget in 2025 and more than twice that so far in 2026, and, of its standing with [[Anthropic]], whose president [[Daniela Amodei]] is married to Karnofsky: "We're definitely not the Anthropic Foundation."[^9]
### The Action Fund
The Open Philanthropy Action Fund, EIN 81-2644663, files in care of [[Apercen Partners]] LLC at 314 Lytton Avenue, [[Palo Alto]], the address of the Good Ventures Foundation. Berger first appears on its return for 2018 as a director, alongside Tuna as president, Karnofsky as chief executive, Moskovitz, [[Divesh Makan]] and Hassenfeld. He was listed as co-CEO and director for 2021 and 2022, as chief executive and director "(co-CEO thru 7/23/23)" for 2023, and as chief executive and director for 2024, when Karnofsky was listed only as a director. None of the fund's officers or directors was paid by it.[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Aguilera, Diana. "Accomplishing as Much Good as Possible: Honors Alum Alexander Berger Paves the Way for More Effective Giving." McCoy Family Center for Ethics in Society, Stanford University, November 12, 2021. https://ethicsinsociety.stanford.edu/news/accomplishing-much-good-possible-honors-alum-alexander-berger-paves-way-more-effective-giving
[^2]: Open Philanthropy, "Alexander Berger," team biography, archived November 12, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251112031533/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/about/team/alexander-berger/
[^3]: Karnofsky, Holden. "Open Philanthropy's New Co-CEO." Open Philanthropy blog, June 16, 2021, archived May 31, 2022. http://web.archive.org/web/20220531031049/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/blog/open-philanthropys-new-co-ceo
[^4]: Karnofsky, Holden. "Alexander Berger is Now Sole CEO of Open Philanthropy." Open Philanthropy, July 27, 2023, republished by Coefficient Giving, archived March 17, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260317060608/https://coefficientgiving.org/research/alexander-berger-is-now-sole-ceo-of-open-philanthropy/
[^5]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Coefficient Giving Action Fund" (formerly Open Philanthropy Action Fund), EIN 81-2644663, Form 990 Part VII officer listings for fiscal years 2016 to 2024, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/812644663
[^6]: Berger, Alexander. "Why Selling Kidneys Should Be Legal." *The New York Times,* December 5, 2011, archived October 24, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251024084715/https://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/06/opinion/why-selling-kidneys-should-be-legal.html
[^7]: Gunther, Marc. "Giving in the Light of Reason." *Stanford Social Innovation Review,* Summer 2018. https://ssir.org/articles/entry/giving_in_the_light_of_reason
[^8]: Coefficient Giving, "Team," accessed September 2026. https://coefficientgiving.org/about-us/team/
[^9]: Smith, Ben. "Coefficient Giving's CEO on Silicon Valley's $40 billion philanthropy boom." *Semafor,* September 3, 2026. https://www.semafor.com/article/09/03/2026/coefficient-givings-ceo-on-silicon-valley-40-billion-philanthropy-boom

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---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
aliases:
- "Benjamin Buchanan"
tags:
- Person
- CSET
- NationalSecurityCouncil
- ArtificialIntelligence
- ExportControls
- Anthropic
- OpenPhilanthropy
- Cybersecurity
summary: "Georgetown CSET cyber and AI scholar hired into the Biden White House under the Intergovernmental Personnel Act, who became its first Special Advisor for AI and later an outside advisor to Anthropic."
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Center for Security and Emerging Technology]]"
role: "director of the CyberAI Project and senior faculty fellow"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Georgetown University]]"
role: "assistant teaching professor, School of Foreign Service"
fn: 1
- type: appointed
with: "[[Jason Matheny]]"
reverse: true
role: "hired under the Intergovernmental Personnel Act"
start: 2021
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[National Security Council]]"
role: "staff; first White House Special Advisor for Artificial Intelligence"
start: 2021
end: 2025
fn: 4
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Johns Hopkins University]]"
role: "Dmitri Alperovitch Assistant Professor, School of Advanced International Studies"
start: 2025
fn: 3
- type: contractor_to
with: "[[Anthropic]]"
role: "outside advisor"
fn: 4
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Ben Buchanan received a Ph.D. in war studies from [[King's College London]], where he was a [[Marshall Scholarship|Marshall Scholar]], and master's and undergraduate degrees from [[Georgetown University]]. At Georgetown he was director of the CyberAI Project and a senior faculty fellow at the [[Center for Security and Emerging Technology]] (CSET), and an assistant teaching professor at the [[Walsh School of Foreign Service|School of Foreign Service]], researching "the intersection of cybersecurity and statecraft." He wrote *The Cybersecurity Dilemma* ([[Oxford University Press]], 2017) and *The Hacker and the State: Cyber Attacks and the New Normal of Geopolitics* ([[Harvard University Press]], 2020), contributed regularly to *[[War on the Rocks]]* and *[[Lawfare]]*, and published op-eds in *[[The Washington Post]]*.[^1] As a CSET senior faculty fellow he testified in October 2019 before the [[House Homeland Security Committee|House Homeland Security]] Subcommittee on Cybersecurity, Infrastructure Protection, and Innovation, at its hearing "Preparing for the Future: An Assessment of Emerging Cyber Threats." His CSET work of 2020 and 2021 included "The AI Triad and What It Means for National Security Strategy" (August 2020), "Automating Cyber Attacks" (November 2020) and "Truth, Lies, and Automation" (May 2021), a study of whether natural language models such as [[OpenAI]]'s GPT-3 could be used to generate automated disinformation at scale.[^1]
### White House
According to documents the *[[Washington Examiner]]* obtained under the [[Freedom of Information Act]], CSET's founding director, [[Jason Matheny]], while serving in senior [[White House]] roles between March 2021 and June 2022, hired Buchanan, "then a top staffer at CSET," under the [[Intergovernmental Personnel Act]] and tasked him with helping the administration craft its AI policies. Georgetown continued to pay Buchanan's salary and benefits as director of the CyberAI Project, and the federal government reimbursed them at the end of each month. The paper wrote that CSET "was funded almost entirely by [[Open Philanthropy]], receiving $97 million from the charitable foundation between 2019 and 2021," that Open Philanthropy was funded primarily by [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and [[Cari Tuna]], and that Moskovitz "was a major investor in Anthropic's initial $124 million fundraising round, which occurred in early 2021," around the time Matheny and Buchanan entered the administration.[^2]
Buchanan worked in the White House from 2021 to 2025, on the [[National Security Council]] and as the first White House Special Advisor for Artificial Intelligence, "responsible for coordinating the Biden Administration actions on AI."[^3][^4] He worked on [[National Security Memorandum 25]], which in his words "aimed to catalyze the use of AI for national security purposes and to prevent strategic surprise to the United States."[^4] The *Washington Examiner*, citing *[[Semafor]]*, described him as "one of the key architects" of the [[Joe Biden|Biden]] administration's restrictions on exports of advanced chips to China. Shortly after [[Donald Trump]] took office in 2025, [[Anthropic]] wrote to his administration urging it to keep the export controls in place; the Trump administration rescinded the rule.[^2]
Asked by the *Washington Examiner* about the arrangement, Buchanan said: "For my entire career, I have worked to ensure that the United States," not China, "leads the world in AI and that the technology is safe, secure, and trustworthy. It was an honor to take a leave from my professorship at Georgetown University to advance this mission in the White House. I scrupulously complied with all legal and ethics rules and answered only to President Biden and the senior White House staff. Congress passed the Intergovernmental Personnel Act to bring technical academics into government to work on pressing issues." He added: "Both President Biden and President Trump have used this authority to hire AI experts, and I was proud to be one of them."[^2]
### Johns Hopkins and Anthropic
Buchanan became the [[Dmitri Alperovitch]] Assistant Professor at the [[Johns Hopkins University]] [[School of Advanced International Studies]] in Washington.[^3] On April 7, 2025, at the university's Emerging Technologies symposium, he defended the [[AI diffusion rule]], issued in the last days of the Biden administration, which sorted countries into tiers for access to advanced chips and placed the [[United Arab Emirates]], [[Saudi Arabia]] and [[India]] in the second tier. [[Microsoft]] and [[Nvidia]] were lobbying the Trump administration to reverse it. "If computing power is so fundamental to AI, and the US and our allies are at such an extraordinary advantage in the design, production and use of that computing power, then we should be careful where we send this," he said. Of the companies' objection, he said: "The argument was that we were limiting who these US companies can sell these chips to and therefore limiting the revenue of these companies. Nvidia's stock, prior to the tariffs at least, did very well and they've done just fine, because there's extraordinary demand for AI chips."[^5]
On July 21, 2026, testifying before the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence]] at the hearing "25 Years After 9/11: Confronting the Next Generation of Threats," Buchanan described himself as "a professor at Johns Hopkins University, the author of four books on cybersecurity and AI, and an outside advisor to AI and cybersecurity companies, such as Anthropic." He told the committee that the United States "must continue to take actions, such as denying advanced chips and chipmaking equipment to China, that ensure this lead endures." As evidence of AI's role in cyber operations he cited Anthropic's report of November 2025 that "a Chinese state-sponsored group had used its Claude model to run a largely automated cyber-espionage campaign against roughly thirty companies and government agencies across several countries, with the AI carrying out an estimated 80-90 percent of the tactical operation on its own," a [[Google]] report that Russian military intelligence had deployed malware in [[Ukraine]] that "uses AI mid-operation to write its own attack commands," and Anthropic's August 2025 exposure of a criminal extortion operation. He cited Anthropic's statement that "the vast majority of its production code is written by AI but overseen by humans," and told the committee that AI "will also raise new and grave concerns in areas as diverse as cybersecurity, biology, and accidental loss of control."[^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Center for Security and Emerging Technology, "Ben Buchanan," staff biography and related publications. https://cset.georgetown.edu/staff/ben-buchanan/
[^2]: Schmad, Robert. "Documents show how a tech-connected nonprofit shaped Biden-era AI policy." *Washington Examiner,* April 17, 2026. https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/investigations/4532389/
[^3]: Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, "Ben Buchanan," faculty biography, archived October 10, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251010173145/https://sais.jhu.edu/users/bbuchan8
[^4]: Buchanan, Ben. Testimony before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, "25 Years After 9/11: Confronting the Next Generation of Threats," July 21, 2026. https://www.congress.gov/119/meeting/house/119472/witnesses/HHRG-119-IG00-Wstate-BuchananB-20260721.pdf
[^5]: Combs, Cody. "'Nvidia has done just fine': Former Biden AI adviser defends chip export policy." *The National,* April 7, 2025. https://www.thenationalnews.com/future/technology/2025/04/07/chip-exports-trump-biden-uae/

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---
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- Pakistan
- PakistanPeoplesParty
- Assassination
alias:
- Benazir
summary: "Daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, leader of the Pakistan People's Party and twice prime minister of Pakistan, assassinated at a Rawalpindi election rally on December 27, 2007."
died: 2007-12-27
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: relative_of
with: "[[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]]"
role: "daughter"
fn: 1
- type: spouse_of
with: "[[Asif Ali Zardari]]"
fn: 2
- type: head_of
with: "[[Pakistan]]"
role: "prime minister, first term"
start: 1988
end: 1990
fn: 2
- type: head_of
with: "[[Pakistan]]"
role: "prime minister, second term"
start: 1993
end: 1996
fn: 2
- type: head_of
with: "[[Pakistan People's Party]]"
role: "leader"
end: 2007-12-27
fn: 2
---
Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]], the [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] prime minister whom [[Zia ul-Haq]] deposed in 1977 and hanged in 1979, and the leader of his [[Pakistan People's Party]] (PPP). She was prime minister from 1988 to 1990 and from 1993 to 1996, the first woman to head the government of an Islamic state, and was dismissed twice by the president on corruption charges. She was killed in [[Rawalpindi]] on December 27, 2007, as she left an election rally.[^1][^2]
### Opposition to Zia
She and her mother visited her father in Rawalpindi jail at 11:30 on the morning of April 3, 1979, without knowing the day or hour of his execution, and she spent the night that followed confined and apart from him; he was hanged shortly after two the next morning.[^3] She returned to Pakistan in April 1986 after two years of self-imposed exile, vowing to remove Zia and restore democracy; hundreds of thousands of supporters met her, but she did not gather enough support to topple him. On August 17, 1988, the day Zia died, she filed a petition in the [[Supreme Court of Pakistan]] asking that the elections he had called for November 16 be held on a party basis. Told of the crash that killed him, she said: "Life and death are in God's hands and we should accept it as such. There were apprehensions that martial law might have been imposed after the death of Zia, but the constitutional path has been followed and that augurs well for the country."[^1]
### Governments
The acting president who announced Zia's death, [[Ghulam Ishaq Khan]], had been deputy defense minister under her father and Zia's minister of finance from 1977 to 1984.[^1] He became president after Zia, having served, according to the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate report]], as chairman of the BCCI Foundation in Pakistan throughout the 1980s. She became prime minister later in 1988.[^1][^4]
She ordered the arrest of General [[Fazle Haq]], the former governor of the North-West Frontier Province, on drug charges; the journalists [[Jonathan Beaty]] and [[S. C. Gwynne]] wrote that she meant it as a demonstration of action against the drug trade and that the charges disappeared after the generals removed her from power.[^5]
### Return and Assassination
She spent five years in prison and later lived outside Pakistan, where she faced corruption charges. In October 2007 she returned under a power-sharing agreement with President [[Pervez Musharraf]], who had granted an amnesty covering the court cases against her; on the day of her arrival a double suicide attack on her motorcade through [[Karachi]] killed about 130 people. In 2006 she had formed an alliance with another former prime minister, [[Nawaz Sharif]].[^2]
On December 27, 2007, after addressing a rally in Rawalpindi's Liaqat Bagh park ahead of elections set for January 8, she was shot in the neck and chest as her convoy left by the rear gate onto Murree Road, and the gunman then detonated a bomb. At least 20 other people died. She was pronounced dead at Rawalpindi General Hospital at 18:16 local time. It was the second suicide attack against her in recent months. Musharraf declared three days of mourning; Sharif announced that his party would boycott the elections and called on Musharraf to resign. Protests in the PPP's home province of [[Sindh]] left at least 11 dead, four of them in Karachi, where more than 100 cars were burned. Her husband, [[Asif Ali Zardari]], flew in from [[Dubai]] to escort her coffin, which was flown to [[Sukkur]] for burial in her home town, [[Larkana]].[^2]
She was educated at [[Harvard University|Harvard]] and [[Oxford University|Oxford]].[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Barnetson, Denholm. "President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel and...," United Press International, August 17, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/17/President-Mohammad-Zia-ul-Haq-US-Ambassador-Arnold-Raphel-and/3467587793600/
[^2]: "Benazir Bhutto killed in attack," BBC News, December 27, 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7161590.stm
[^3]: Aziz, Shaikh. "A leaf from history: The prime minister is hanged," *Dawn*, February 1, 2015. https://www.dawn.com/news/1160422
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 5, "BCCI's Relationship with Foreign Governments, Central Banks, and International Organizations," section "Pakistan." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/05foreign.htm
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 75.

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@ -0,0 +1,68 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- ArtificialIntelligence
- EffectiveAccelerationism
- AIPolicy
- Lobbying
- Journalism
- EffectiveAltruism
summary: "Canadian olympiad mathematician who founded the anti-regulation AI think tank Alliance for the Future, left it in 2025, then founded Effort, a publication investigating Coefficient Giving's funding of journalists and policy staff."
relations:
- type: founded
with: "[[Alliance for the Future]]"
fn: 4
- type: head_of
with: "[[Alliance for the Future]]"
role: "executive director"
end: 2025-03-05
fn: 6
- type: founded
with: "[[Effort News]]"
fn: 8
- type: head_of
with: "[[Effort News]]"
role: "founder and chief executive"
fn: 8
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Brian Chau represented [[Canada]] at the 2017 [[International Olympiad in Informatics]], held in [[Tehran]] from July 28 to August 4, 2017, and won a gold medal, placing 17th of 304 contestants.[^1] The [[University of Waterloo]]'s Faculty of Mathematics, whose staff led the Canadian team, reported that he was "just about to begin Grade 10 at Woburn Collegiate Institute in [[Toronto]]."[^2] [[Alliance for the Future]] later described him as having "a background in Pure Mathematics," as "a former machine learning engineer" and as the author of the newsletter *AI Pluralism*, published on his Substack *From the New World*.[^3]
### Alliance for the Future
Chau founded and directed Alliance for the Future (AFTF), which *[[Transformer]]* called a "new AI think tank" in May 2024.[^4] AFTF describes itself as a [[Washington, D.C.]] nonprofit and "a coalition of entrepreneurs, technologists, and policy experts who believe that artificial intelligence will transform our world for the better," formed "to oppose the escalating panic around AI." Its chairman is the computer scientist [[Perry Metzger]]; its board members are [[Jon Askonas]], an assistant professor of politics at the [[Catholic University of America]] and a senior fellow at the [[Foundation for American Innovation]], and [[Guillaume Verdon]], a founder of the [[Effective Accelerationism]] movement and founder and chief executive of the AI hardware company [[Extropic AI|Extropic]]. The intellectual property lawyer [[Van Lindberg]] is its distinguished scholar and [[Neil Siefring]], a former senior staffer in the [[House of Representatives|U.S. House of Representatives]], its senior fellow.[^3]
In 2024 AFTF campaigned against California Senator [[Scott Wiener]]'s AI bill, [[SB 1047]]. *Transformer* wrote that the campaign made "several false claims," among them that the bill would create an "unaccountable Frontier Model Division ... with police powers" able to "throw model developers in jail for the thoughtcrime of doing AI research," and that Wiener had rejected Chau's claim that the bill had been "fast tracked."[^4]
On February 18, 2025, the firm Hilltop Advocacy of [[Rancho Mission Viejo, California]], whose contact was Erin Siefring, registered under the [[Lobbying Disclosure Act]] to lobby for AFTF, naming Neil Siefring as its lobbyist. Its six quarterly reports from the first quarter of 2025 through the second quarter of 2026 each disclosed 20,000 dollars in income from AFTF and each listed a single issue: "Artificial intelligence and federal preemption."[^5]
On March 5, 2025, Chau announced that he was stepping down as executive director. "Of the major regulatory challenges to AI we initially set out to face, almost all have been defeated," he wrote. "I'm tired of winning." He wrote that AFTF had "played an important role in defeating SB 1047, ensuring the [[National Defense Authorization Act]] did not threaten open source AI, advocating for the repeal of the Biden Executive Order on AI, advocating for the revision of [[Office of Management and Budget|OMB]] memoranda limiting public sector AI use, and charting out a strategy for AI diplomacy."[^6]
### Transformer investigation
On May 23, 2024, *Transformer*, the in-house publication of the [[Tarbell Center for AI Journalism]], which stated in 2026 that "as of 2025, the majority of our funding originates with a single funder, [[Open Philanthropy|Coefficient Giving]],"[^7] published an article by [[Shakeel Hashim]] stating that Chau "has a history of expressing racist and sexist remarks." Hashim wrote that in a January 2024 post about AI deepfakes Chau had written "George Floyd was a deepfake," adding that [[George Floyd]]'s "life is a rounding error when determining the fakeness of the video," and that in December 2023 he had joked about a "dark comedy version of Ratatouille where the Harvard president is a [sic] affirmative action hire black woman" who would "beg a white guy to feed her answers through a brain implant," when Harvard's president was [[Claudine Gay]]. Hashim quoted posts in which Chau called single women "leftover," said a "pretty large subset of [Gen Z] women are literally undateable," called diversity "often used as a euphemism for anti-white and anti-male bias," described the [[United States]] as a "Black Supremacist country," and wrote that "mentally ill people stole 'woman.'" Hashim wrote that Chau had hosted [[Curtis Yarvin]] and [[Richard Hanania]] on his podcast, calling Hanania "a brilliant analyst and policy thinker" and Yarvin's episode "among the best," and that Chau had referred to other journalists as "retards." Chau did not respond to *Transformer*'s request for comment. The article noted that Chau had been featured in *[[Politico]]* and endorsed by [[Adam Thierer]] of the [[R Street Institute]], adding that "there is no suggestion that Politico or Thierer knew about Chau's remarks," and that Verdon, on AFTF's board, "has said that he is indifferent to the idea of human extinction."[^4]
### Effort
Chau then founded *Effort*, published by Effort News, Inc., and serves as its founder and chief executive. Describing its origins, Chau wrote: "It all started when I was experimenting with using AI for financial auditing," and "I founded Effort on the principle that no diligence will be spared for an investigation." It states that it is "a subscriber-funded publication" whose subscribers "do not receive control over findings, subjects or publication decisions."[^8]
On September 2, 2026, *Effort* published "How [[Effective Altruism]] Bought the Media," which stated that all six participants in a *[[The Guardian|Guardian]]* article on the forecast "[[AI 2027]]," including the reporter and the publisher, were paid by Coefficient Giving, [[Jaan Tallinn]]'s [[Survival and Flourishing Fund]] or [[Effective Ventures]]; that Coefficient paid the reporter through the Tarbell Fellowship and had given the *Guardian* more than 3 million dollars; that "Coefficient pays the salaries of two dozen journalists at major news outlets through the Tarbell Fellowship program"; and that "58/100" of the *[[Time (magazine)|Time]] 100* profiles were written by Tarbell-paid journalists.[^9] Chau promoted it on X the same day: "BREAKING: AI Doomers Are Buying Potemkin Articles."[^10]
On September 19, 2026, *Effort* published "Effective Altruism is Buying Political Staff," written in the first person, which stated that an archived Open Philanthropy grant table "shows a concerted 'placement' strategy by Open Philanthropy to put their hand-picked employees in US and UK government offices," and that "multiple sources tell me they continue to employ this strategy within the Trump administration." It stated that [[Dustin Moskovitz]] had been the third-largest Democratic donor in 2020 and the second-largest in 2024, and [[Sam Bankman-Fried]] the third-largest in 2022; that "EA fellowships have placed over 50 staffers in Congress and the administrative branch," drawing on biographies from the [[Horizon Institute for Public Service]], the [[Institute for Progress]] and the Foundation for American Innovation; and that several senior employees of the [[AI Security Institute|UK AI Safety Institute]] had previously been employed or funded by Moskovitz or Bankman-Fried. It quoted an unnamed senior staffer in a Republican senator's office on a Horizon fellow: "He went to Democrat policy meetings, and tried to hand Democrat policies to [the Senator he worked for]."[^11]
### Footnotes
[^1]: International Olympiad in Informatics, "Brian Chau," results statistics. https://stats.ioinformatics.org/people/6182
[^2]: Pretti, J. P. "IOI 2017." University of Waterloo, Faculty of Mathematics, August 3, 2017. https://uwaterloo.ca/math/news/ioi-2017
[^3]: Alliance for the Future, "About Us." https://www.affuture.org/about
[^4]: Hashim, Shakeel. "Alliance for the Future director Brian Chau has history of racist, sexist remarks." *Transformer,* May 23, 2024. https://www.transformernews.ai/p/alliance-for-the-future-director
[^5]: U.S. Senate, Lobbying Disclosure Act database, filings by Hilltop Advocacy for client Alliance for the Future: registration of February 18, 2025, and quarterly reports for 2025 Q1 through 2026 Q2. https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=Alliance%20for%20the%20Future ; registration https://lda.gov/filings/public/filing/cb26cf73-865a-4bc5-bbd1-b6434f255b89/print/ ; 2026 Q2 report https://lda.gov/filings/public/filing/f56498bc-b77f-4c3e-954e-a123d0beee38/print/
[^6]: Chau, Brian. "I'm Tired of Winning." *From the New World,* March 5, 2025. https://www.fromthenew.world/p/im-tired-of-winning
[^7]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026. https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards
[^8]: Effort News, "About." https://www.effort.news/about
[^9]: Effort Investigations Desk. "How Effective Altruism Bought the Media." *Effort,* September 2, 2026. https://www.effort.news/tarbell
[^10]: Chau, Brian (@brianchau57). Post on X, September 2, 2026. https://x.com/brianchau57/status/2095128785955987698
[^11]: Effort. "Effective Altruism is Buying Political Staff." September 19, 2026. https://www.effort.news/aisi

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@ -1,21 +1,84 @@
---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
created: 2024-04-25
updated: 2026-05-01
updated: 2026-09-23
tags:
- Person
- October Surprise
- OctoberSurprise
- Lawyer
summary: "E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. served as chief counsel for the House October Surprise Task Force from 1992 to 1993, reportedly urging a three-month extension of the investigation when substantial new evidence arrived in the final weeks, a request that Task Force co-chair Lee Hamilton declined."
- Prosecutor
- BCCI
alias:
- Lawrence Barcella
- Larry Barcella
- E. Lawrence Barcella
- Ernest Lawrence Barcella Jr.
born: 1945-05-23
died: 2010-11-04
location: "Washington, D.C."
summary: "Former federal prosecutor who built the case against Edwin Wilson, coordinated BCCI's defense after its 1988 Tampa indictment, and was chief counsel of the House October Surprise Task Force in 1992 and 1993."
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
role: "Assistant United States Attorney, District of Columbia; deputy chief, major crimes division"
end: 1986
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[Edwin Wilson]]"
role: "prosecutor who gathered the evidence and arranged the 1982 arrest"
fn: 1
- type: represented
with: "[[Lyn Nofziger]]"
start: 1988
fn: 1
- type: represented
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
role: "defense coordinator, Tampa money-laundering case"
start: 1988
fn: 2
- type: investigated
with: "[[October Surprise]]"
role: "chief counsel, House October Surprise Task Force"
start: 1992
end: 1993
fn: 5
---
[[E. Lawrence Barcella]], Jr. is a Washington, D.C. attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release.
E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr. was a [[Washington, D.C.]] attorney and former federal prosecutor. He served as chief counsel for the House [[October Surprise]] Task Force, the bipartisan investigative panel co-chaired by Rep. [[Lee Hamilton]] (D-Indiana) and Rep. [[Henry Hyde]] (R-Illinois) that investigated allegations that the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] campaign had secretly negotiated with [[Iran]] to delay the 1980 hostage release. Before taking that post he had been one of the Washington lawyers of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI).
### Prosecutor
Ernest Lawrence Barcella Jr. was born in Washington on May 23, 1945, to Ernest and Louise Berniere Barcella; his father was a reporter and news executive for [[United Press International]]. He graduated from [[Dartmouth College|Dartmouth]] in 1967 and received his law degree from [[Vanderbilt University|Vanderbilt]] in 1970, and soon afterwards was hired as a clerk in the United States Attorney's office in Washington.[^1]
His first major international case was the government's initial investigation of the September 21, 1976, car-bomb assassination in Washington of [[Orlando Letelier]], the former Chilean foreign minister, and his aide [[Ronni Moffitt|Ronni Karpen Moffitt]], which was traced to the Chilean intelligence service [[DINA]]; the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]] pleaded guilty in the [[United States]] in 1978. With a fellow prosecutor, [[Carol Bruce]], Barcella spent four years gathering evidence against [[Edwin Wilson]], a former [[Central Intelligence Agency]] operative who had supplied the Libyan government of [[Muammar Qaddafi]] with 21 tons of C-4 plastic explosive and had fled to [[Libya]]. In 1982, when Barcella was deputy chief of the major crimes division, Wilson was lured to the [[Dominican Republic]] by a former associate who proposed a deal involving support for the clandestine war against the government of [[Nicaragua]], and was arrested on arrival in [[Santo Domingo]]. Wilson then plotted to have Barcella and Bruce killed. He was sentenced to 52 years; in 2003 a federal judge in [[Texas]] vacated his conviction for selling explosives to Libya, ruling that prosecutors had used false testimony. The case was the subject of the 1986 book *Manhunt* by [[Peter Maas]]. Barcella also worked on the inquiries into the 1983 bombings of the American embassies in [[Beirut]] and [[Kuwait]] and the Marine barracks in Beirut, and into the 1985 hijacking of the *[[Achille Lauro]]*.[^1]
He left federal service in 1986. In private practice he conducted internal investigations for corporations and defended clients charged with securities fraud, antitrust violations, tax evasion and money laundering. His client [[Lyn Nofziger]], a political adviser to President Reagan, was convicted of illegal lobbying in 1988; an appeals court overturned the conviction the following year.[^1]
### BCCI
The Senate subcommittee of Senator [[John Kerry]] listed Barcella with [[Lawrence Wechsler]] and [[Raymond Banoun]] as the former federal prosecutors in BCCI's Washington "cadre of professional help," which also included [[Clark Clifford]]. He was brought onto the case shortly after BCCI's indictment in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]] in October 1988; Wechsler, with whom he had worked at the [[Department of Justice]], recruited him "to coordinate the bank's defense." The report stated that "the full extent of Barcella's activities on behalf of BCCI remains unknown" and recorded the following. In 1988 he tried to persuade the lead partner of his firm, former Senator [[Paul Laxalt]], to meet BCCI's chief executive, [[Swaleh Naqvi]], in [[London]] and to lobby for the bank on Capitol Hill; the subcommittee could not determine what, if anything, Laxalt did for BCCI. In 1989 and 1990 he joined [[John Vardaman]] of [[Williams & Connolly]] and [[Robert Altman]] in warning the journalist [[Larry Gurwin]], then writing about BCCI and [[First American Bank|First American]] for *Regardie's* magazine, that it would be improper to link the two institutions, and called Gurwin's allegations "absurd." In early 1990, after members of Congress criticized the bank's plea bargain as too lenient, he met Senator [[Dennis DeConcini]], one of the critics, "in an effort to persuade him that BCCI was not the corrupt institution that he and others had claimed."[^2]
In mid-December 1989 Barcella and Wechsler represented BCCI in the meetings with the Tampa prosecutors at which the bank offered to plead guilty to money laundering in return for an end to its exposure for all offenses then known to the government; the agreement was reached in January 1990. After the United States Attorney in Tampa, [[Robert Genzman]], told Florida regulators on January 31, 1990, that he took no position on BCCI's state license, "BCCI's lawyers, principally former federal prosecutors Lawrence Wechsler, Lawrence Barcella, and Raymond Banoun, dissatisfied with this result, decided to talk to others in the Justice Department to bring about a different result." Two weeks later [[Charles Saphos]] of the Criminal Division wrote to the Florida comptroller, [[Gerald Lewis]], asking that BCCI be permitted to operate. Genzman's first assistant, [[Greg Kehoe]], testified that "[they] tried to go behind my back."[^3]
### Antigua
In April 1989 a network of Israeli arms traffickers operating out of [[Miami]] shipped 500 Israeli-made machine guns through the Caribbean island of [[Antigua and Barbuda|Antigua]] for members of the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellin cartel]]; one was later used in the assassination of the Colombian presidential candidate [[Luis Carlos Galan]]. The principals included [[Yair Klein]], [[Pinchas Shahar]] and [[Maurice Sarfati]]. The government of Antigua commissioned an investigation of the affair from Barcella, which, according to the Senate report, "left many questions unanswered." The shipment had grown out of a "melon farm" set up in Antigua in 1983 by Sarfati and financed by a two million dollar loan from the [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]], granted partly on financial references supplied by BCCI's Miami branch.[^4]
### October Surprise Task Force
The Task Force operated from 1992 through January 1993, conducting over 250 interviews. Barcella and his staff directed the investigative work and managed the documentary record. As the investigation drew toward its close, Barcella reportedly requested that Hamilton extend the probe by three months, citing substantial new evidence that had arrived in the final weeks of the investigation. Hamilton declined the request, a decision that Barcella and others subsequently cited as a significant limitation on the Task Force's completeness.[^1]
The Task Force operated from 1992 through January 1993, conducting over 250 interviews. Barcella and his staff directed the investigative work and managed the documentary record. As the investigation drew toward its close, Barcella reportedly requested that Hamilton extend the probe by three months, citing substantial new evidence that had arrived in the final weeks of the investigation. Hamilton declined the request, a decision that Barcella and others subsequently cited as a significant limitation on the Task Force's completeness.[^5]
The Task Force's final report, released January 1993, concluded there was "no credible evidence" of a secret deal. Barcella's request to extend the investigation was not reflected in the public report, and only emerged through subsequent reporting by journalist [[Robert Parry]], who obtained information about the Task Force's internal deliberations.[^1]
The Task Force's final report, released January 1993, concluded there was "no credible evidence" of a secret deal. Barcella's request to extend the investigation was not reflected in the public report, and only emerged through subsequent reporting by journalist [[Robert Parry]], who obtained information about the Task Force's internal deliberations.[^5]
The Senate BCCI report, issued in December 1992, noted that Barcella had been hired by the House Foreign Affairs Committee to investigate the October Surprise allegations, and that Greg Kehoe was on leave from the Justice Department to assist him; Kehoe was "the Justice Department official with whom BCCi lawyers, including Barcella, negotiated the bank's plea agreement in Tampa."[^2]
### Death
Barcella died of bladder cancer on November 4, 2010, at a hospital near his home in Washington, at 65. He was survived by his wife of 40 years, Mary Lashley, from whom he was separated, his daughter, Laura Barcella, and his sister, Andrea Kelleher.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, October Surprise Task Force. *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*. 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, January 1993; Parry, Robert. "Inside the October Surprise Cover-up." *Consortium News*, July 12, 2011.
[^1]: Hevesi, Dennis. "E. Lawrence Barcella, Prosecutor of Terrorism Cases, Dies at 65." *The New York Times,* November 17, 2010 (corrected November 23, 2010). https://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/18/us/18barcella.html (archived: http://web.archive.org/web/20240709144843/https://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/18/us/18barcella.html)
[^2]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 17, "BCCI's Lawyers and Lobbyists." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/17law.htm
[^3]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 8, "BCCI and Law Enforcement: The Justice Department and the U.S. Customs Service." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm
[^5]: U.S. House of Representatives, October Surprise Task Force. *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*. 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, January 1993; Parry, Robert. "Inside the October Surprise Cover-up." *Consortium News*, July 12, 2011.

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@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
aliases:
- "Jeffrey Alstott"
tags:
- Person
- RAND
- IARPA
- NationalSecurityCouncil
- ArtificialIntelligence
- AIGovernance
- OpenPhilanthropy
summary: "IARPA program manager and National Security Council technology director who became founding director of RAND's Technology and Security Policy center and helped shape the compute thresholds in Biden's AI executive order."
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity]]"
role: "program manager"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[National Science Foundation]]"
role: "expert; ran a program on technology forecasting"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[National Security Council]]"
role: "director for technology and national security"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Office of Science and Technology Policy]]"
role: "assistant director for technology competition and risks"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[RAND Corporation]]"
role: "senior information scientist; founding director of the Center for Technology and Security Policy"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Jeff Alstott holds a Ph.D. from the [[University of Cambridge]], where he studied complex networks, and an M.B.A., a B.S. and a B.A. from [[Indiana University]]. He worked in academia for the [[Massachusetts Institute of Technology]], the [[Singapore University of Technology and Design]], the [[World Bank]] and the [[University of Chicago]], publishing research on animal behavior, computational neuroscience, complex networks, design science, statistical methods and science and technology forecasting.[^1]
### Intelligence community and White House
Alstott was a program manager at the [[Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity]] (IARPA), with a portfolio covering artificial intelligence, analytic methods, biosecurity, and science and technology forecasting. He "helped lead intelligence working groups on AI intelligence collection and analysis, and was part of an award-winning team on technology counterintelligence." At the [[National Science Foundation]] he ran a program on technology forecasting and improving returns on research investment. In the [[White House]] he was director for technology and national security at the [[National Security Council]] and assistant director for technology competition and risks at the [[Office of Science and Technology Policy]].[^1] *[[Politico]]* described him as having worked in the White House alongside [[Jason Matheny]], the former IARPA director.[^2]
### RAND
Alstott moved to the [[RAND Corporation]], whose president and chief executive since July 2022 has been Matheny,[^3] as a senior information scientist and founding director of its Center for Technology and Security Policy (TASP), which "performs policy R&D on technology competition and risks." He is also a professor of policy analysis at the [[Pardee RAND Graduate School|RAND School of Public Policy]].[^1] [[Open Philanthropy]] gave RAND 5.5 million dollars in April 2023 and 10.5 million dollars in October 2023, in each case "to be spent at the discretion of RAND president and CEO Jason Matheny."[^4]
In an email of April 19, 2023 to members of the [[Omidyar Network]], Alstott circulated a proposal for licensing advanced AI that he said he had shared with about "40 Hill staffers of both parties," asking recipients to "keep this document and attribution off the public internet." A RAND spokesperson, Jeffrey Hiday, confirmed the email to *Politico*.[^2] On September 19, 2023, Alstott testified before the [[Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee|Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs]] Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and Spending Oversight, in testimony RAND published as "Preparing the Federal Response to Advanced Technologies."[^1] According to *Politico*, RAND personnel including Alstott helped draft the reporting requirements in Section 4 of President [[Joe Biden]]'s executive order on AI of October 30, 2023, which set the reporting threshold for advanced models at more than 10^26 operations, the figure Alstott had proposed, and all six of the recommendations he made at the September hearing appeared in Section 4 "in some fashion." Hours before the order was released, Alstott emailed RAND colleagues what he called "a version [of the order] from a week ago." Hiday confirmed the email.[^5] In a letter to Matheny of September 2024, Senator [[Ted Cruz]] wrote that the order "captures all six of the policy recommendations a senior RAND official provided in congressional testimony last year."[^6] Alstott was a co-author of RAND's report "Securing AI Model Weights: Preventing Theft and Misuse of Frontier Models" (May 2024).[^1]
In an October 2025 interview with *[[ChinaTalk]]*, whose hosts [[Jordan Schneider]] and Phoebe Chow introduced him as "the fairy godfather of D.C. AI policy," Alstott described TASP as "a team of between 50 and 100 people" whose "mission is tech competition and tech risks. It's beat China and don't die. That has predominantly meant frontier AI issues." He described RAND's classified work as "a central institutional comparative advantage," naming the "Overmatch Brief," a classified analysis of a [[Taiwan]] conflict, then in its third version, as "the briefing that goes to the White House when the White House asks, 'All right, how would this happen?'" He said he had come to RAND "nearly three years ago to create a thriving, vibrant ecosystem of policy and technology R&D on frontier AI issues and how they affect national security," and that "within a few months, I'll be stepping down as director of the TASP center." He gave his "median prediction for an AGI that can do every economically and militarily relevant task as well as a human" as "the early 2040s."[^7] By September 2026 RAND listed him as the center's former founding director.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: RAND Corporation, "Jeff Alstott," staff profile and publications list, archived September 17, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260917062102/https://www.rand.org/about/people/a/alstott_jeffrey.html
[^2]: Bordelon, Brendan. "How a billionaire-backed network of AI advisers took over Washington." *Politico,* October 13, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20250902172514/https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/13/open-philanthropy-funding-ai-policy-00121362
[^3]: RAND Corporation, "Jason Matheny," staff biography. https://www.rand.org/about/people/m/matheny_jason.html
[^4]: Open Philanthropy, "RAND Corporation, Emerging Technology Initiatives," gift of October 2023, with the related April 2023 gift, archived January 22, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20250122041729/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/rand-corporation-emerging-technology-initiatives/
[^5]: Bordelon, Brendan. "Think tank tied to tech billionaires played key role in Biden's AI order." *Politico,* December 15, 2023, archived February 11, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260211112614/https://www.politico.com/news/2023/12/15/billionaire-backed-think-tank-played-key-role-in-bidens-ai-order-00132128
[^6]: U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, "Sen. Cruz Sounds Alarm Over Industry Role in AI Czar Harris's Censorship Agenda," September 16, 2024, quoting Cruz's letter to Matheny. https://www.commerce.senate.gov/press/rep/release/sen-cruz-sounds-alarm-over-industry-role-in-ai-czar-harriss-censorship-agenda/
[^7]: Schneider, Jordan, and Phoebe Chow. "RAND's Jeff Alstott on Facts and Policymaking." *ChinaTalk,* October 6, 2025. https://www.chinatalk.media/p/how-facts-matter-for-tech-policymaking

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@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- Journalist
- BCCI
- TimeMagazine
- InvestigativeJournalism
- 1990s
summary: "Time journalist who with S. C. Gwynne wrote the July 29, 1991 cover story describing BCCI's 'black network' and the 1993 book The Outlaw Bank."
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Time]]"
start: 1991
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
start: 1991
fn: 1
- type: partner_of
with: "[[S. C. Gwynne]]"
role: "co-author of the 1991 Time cover story on BCCI and of The Outlaw Bank"
start: 1991
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Jonathan Beaty is an American journalist who, with [[S. C. Gwynne]], wrote the *[[Time]]* cover story of July 29, 1991, "B.C.C.I.: The Dirtiest Bank of All," published after regulators in July 1991 closed the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI), and the book *The Outlaw Bank*, published by [[Random House]] in 1993.[^1][^2]
### "The Dirtiest Bank of All"
The article carried the byline "Jonathan Beaty and S.C. Gwynne/New York" and a deck describing "How B.C.C.I. and its black network became a financial supermarket for crooks and spies" and "how the U.S. is trying to cover up its role." It opened with two unnamed sources. A former senior officer of the bank said: "I could tell you what you want to know, but I must worry about my wife and family," adding that "they could be killed." A Manhattan investigator said: "We better not talk about this over the phone. We've found some bugs in offices that haven't been put there by law enforcement."[^1]
The story called BCCI "the $20 billion rogue empire that regulators in 62 countries shut down early this month," and stated that "From interviews with sources close to B.C.C.I., TIME has pieced together a portrait of a clandestine division of the bank called the 'black network,'" which it described as a 1,500-employee unit "operating primarily out of the bank's offices in [[Karachi]], [[Pakistan]]," that used "sophisticated spy equipment and techniques, along with bribery, extortion, kidnapping and even, by some accounts, murder." It reported, citing its own earlier reporting that month, that the [[National Security Council]] had used BCCI "to funnel money for the Iran-contra deals" and that the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] "maintained accounts in B.C.C.I. for covert operations," and that investigators had said the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] kept "a slush-fund account" at the bank.[^1]
A self-described former operative, given the pseudonym "Mustafa," told the magazine: "I was recruited by the black network in the early 1980s." He described training in Pakistan and an operation of April 1989 in which crates from a Colombian container ship were unloaded at Karachi and flown out aboard an unmarked 707 to [[Czechoslovakia]] and then to the [[United States]], supervised by an American the operatives believed to be a CIA agent. The article quoted the Manhattan district attorney, [[Robert Morgenthau]]: "We have had no cooperation from the Justice Department since we first asked for records in March 1990. In fact they are impeding our investigation, and Justice Department representatives are asking witnesses not to cooperate with us." It also stated that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s main probe of BCCI was "being handled by a sole Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]], who has recently been assigned another major case," and that "one of B.C.C.I.'s Washington representatives distributed millions of dollars in payoffs to U.S. officials during the past decade."[^1][^3]
### The Senate Response
The report of Senators [[John Kerry]] and [[Hank Brown]] to the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] addressed the story directly, dating it "a Time magazine cover-story on BCCI on August 15, 1991." The report stated that "None of the BCCI officers interviewed by the Senate claimed to have knowledge of a 'black network' of intelligence operatives, arms dealers, drug traffickers, burglars, or assassins employed by BCCI," and that "They declared, to a person, that they did not believe such a network existed at the bank," though several suggested that a smaller team "carrying out Abedi's most secret missions" could have existed.[^4] The former United States Attorney in Miami, [[Dexter Lehtinen]], whose request to bring BCCI-related indictments in Miami was held back by the Justice Department until November 1991, told the subcommittee, implying that the reversal was the result of Congressional and media pressure: "There had been significant, Time Magazine and New York Times articles, very critical of the Department."[^5] See [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report]].
### The Outlaw Bank
*The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*, by Beaty and Gwynne, was published by Random House in New York in 1993 (ISBN 0679413847). Its catalogued subjects are the corrupt practices of BCCI and of international finance, money laundering, bank failures and criminal investigation in the United States.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. "B.C.C.I.: The Dirtiest Bank of All," *Time,* July 29, 1991. https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,973481,00.html ; archive copy https://time.com/archive/6718229/b-c-c-i-the-dirtiest-bank-of-all/
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* New York: Random House, 1993. Internet Archive catalogue record, identifier outlawbank00jona. https://archive.org/details/outlawbank00jona
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. "B.C.C.I.: The Dirtiest Bank of All," *Time,* July 29, 1991, p. 8 of the online edition. https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,973481-8,00.html
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm
[^5]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 8, "BCCI and Law Enforcement: The Justice Department and the US Customs Service." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm

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---
category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
tags:
- Person
- Lawyer
- Arkansas
- ClintonFundraising
summary: "Lawyer with Arnold Grobmyer & Haley and godson of Jackson Stephens who did legal work for Stephens Inc., sat on the Clinton-Gore Arkansas Finance Council in 1992 and introduced Clinton to Al Gore in 1988."
relations:
- type: represented
with: "[[Stephens Inc.]]"
role: "outside counsel with Arnold Grobmyer & Haley"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Mark Grobmyer is a lawyer with the firm of [[Arnold Grobmyer & Haley]]. He is a godson of [[Jackson Stephens]] and often did legal work for [[Stephens Inc.]][^1]
### Clinton and Gore
Grobmyer was a law student at the [[University of Arkansas]] while [[Bill Clinton]] taught there. A longtime friend of [[Al Gore|Albert Gore]] and [[Tipper Gore]], he introduced Clinton to Gore in 1988. During the 1992 presidential election he was a member of the Clinton-Gore Arkansas Finance Council. He and his wife, Libby, were profiled in a 1996 report by the [[Center for Public Integrity]] on overnight guests of the Clinton [[White House]]; he did not respond to the Center's inquiries.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ebrahim, Margaret. "Fat Cat Hotel." Center for Public Integrity, August 1, 1996. https://publicintegrity.org/accountability/fat-cat-hotel/ (archived: https://web.archive.org/web/20260211100300/https://publicintegrity.org/accountability/fat-cat-hotel/)

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---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- Prosecutor
- IranContra
- OperationCChase
alias:
- Robert W. Genzman
summary: "United States Attorney in Tampa from 1988 to 1993 whose office took BCCI's 1990 guilty plea to money laundering, a settlement the Kerry-Brown Senate report criticized for ending the prosecution of the bank."
born: 1951-09-13
died: 1998-05
location: "Orlando, Florida"
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
role: "United States Attorney, Middle District of Florida"
start: 1988-09
end: 1993-06
fn: 1
- type: prosecuted
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
role: "Tampa money-laundering case and 1990 plea agreement"
start: 1988
end: 1990
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]"
role: "staff counsel"
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[Iran-Contra Affair]]"
role: "Republican minority counsel, House Iran-Contra committee"
start: 1987
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Robert W. Genzman was the United States Attorney for the [[Middle District of Florida]], based in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]], from September 1988 to June 1993. His office prosecuted the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) and its officers in the money-laundering case that grew out of the [[U.S. Customs|Customs]] undercover operation [[Operation C-Chase]], and in January 1990 accepted the bank's plea of guilty.[^1][^2]
### Career
Genzman held degrees from the [[University of Pennsylvania]] and the [[London School of Economics]] and a 1977 law degree from [[Cornell University]]. After college he was a staff counsel to the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]], which investigated the killing of President [[John F. Kennedy]]. He worked as a congressional aide and was a prosecutor in the United States Attorney's office in [[Orlando, Florida|Orlando]] from 1980 to 1983. He was in private practice when Representative [[Bill McCollum]] chose him in 1987 as a Republican minority counsel on the House committee that investigated the [[Iran-Contra Affair]].[^1]
He succeeded [[Robert Merkle]] as United States Attorney in September 1988, after Merkle resigned to run for the Senate. Under Genzman the office doubled in size. He stepped down in June 1993, when President [[Bill Clinton]] replaced Republican appointees, and joined the Orlando law firm of [[Akerman, Senterfitt & Eidson]].[^1]
### RICO
In 1988 the Tampa office told the Customs Service that "probative evidence exists to establish corporate criminality against BCCI as an institution" and that "current plans for prosecution are to indict BCCI as an institution under the provisions of the RICO statutes." The [[Department of Justice]] did not approve a racketeering prosecution in the fall of 1988, and the case was brought as a narrower money-laundering indictment in October 1988. Genzman told the Senate subcommittee of Senator [[John Kerry]]: "Put simply, we believed that RICO charges would have added nothing, and would have greatly complicated the case. It is absolutely, untrue, as has been suggested, that the entire bank could have somehow been forfeited out the U.S. government had RICO charges been brought in Tampa. There was simply insufficient evidence to support such a sweeping international forfeiture."[^2]
The subcommittee's report replied that his "position also fails to take into account the obvious potential, if Justice had indeed decided to make a RICO case, of seeking plea agreements with the individual officers as a means of securing a broader RICO case against the bank itself in a superseding indictment."[^2]
### Resources and Follow-Up
Genzman testified that the prosecution had not been substantially impeded by a lack of resources, since BCCI had pleaded guilty, its officers had been convicted and the bank had paid a 14 million dollar forfeiture, then the largest imposed on a financial institution in a money-laundering case. He acknowledged that his office had been stretched by the complexity of the sting, by the "scorched earth" strategy of BCCI's lawyers, who "filed hundreds of motions and briefs on every imaginable subject," and by the transcription of some 2,000 taped conversations.[^2]
He told the subcommittee that "[I]t was never our intention to simply stop investigating BCCI after the first indictment." His assistant, [[Mark Jackowski]], told it that the grand jury investigation had been suspended "due to a lack of available leads and the press of the upcoming trial," a pause Jackowski calculated at thirteen months. The Customs undercover agent [[Robert Mazur]] testified that leads went unpursued, officers went uninterviewed and superseding indictments were not issued.[^2]
### The Plea Agreement
In mid-December 1989 BCCI's lawyers, the former federal prosecutors [[Lawrence Wechsler|Lawrence H. Wechsler]] and [[E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr.]], met the Tampa prosecutors and offered a guilty plea by the bank to money laundering, with its cooperation, in return for an end to its criminal exposure for all offenses then known to the government. The bank agreed to a 14 million dollar forfeiture. Genzman testified: "We made that determination in the district ...[a]s a courtesy, we advised the Department of Justice of what we were about to do, and received no opposition." He listed his reasons, among them: "First, the Government secured the conviction of the bank, one of its principle objectives. Second, eliminating the corporation from the trial prevented a recurrence of a problem confronted in the 1986 case against the Bank of New England, where the corporation was convicted, but all the individual defendants were acquitted."[^2]
The report found that "Genzman's rationale, while understandable from a technical point of view, missed the underlying point. Long before the trial, the Tampa prosecutors had before them information that BCCI secretly owned First American, that BCCI's lawyers, Clark Clifford and Robert Altman, might well have committed crimes, and that BCCI itself might well be a host for criminality activity on a global basis." It named [[Amjad Awan]], [[Akbar Bilgrami]] and [[Nazir Chinoy]] among the Tampa defendants who could have supplied that information. Genzman testified that BCCI had cooperated during the seven-month trial of the individual defendants in 1990; the report stated that he "may not have been aware that while the bank was allegedly cooperating, it was also paying the astronomical lawyer's fees" of the defendants, which reached upwards of 20 million dollars, "providing for their housing, and working to insure that they could continue to stay silent about what they knew concerning the bank."[^2]
Of the 200 million dollar assessment later levied by the [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]], he testified that those who used it as a measure of what the Justice Department should have obtained were "confusing apples with oranges."[^2]
### Double Jeopardy
Genzman testified that the agreement contained "relatively standard language, committing the US Attorney's office for our district not to prosecute BCCI for any other Federal criminal offense then known to the government. . . It does not prevent the US Attorney in Tampa, or any other prosecutor, state or federal, from prosecuting any individual from the President of BCCI on down." His first assistant, [[Greg Kehoe]], said the question had been discussed at length within the Department. The United States Attorney in [[Miami]], [[Dexter Lehtinen]], testified that in September 1991, when he was ready to indict BCCI on tax fraud charges, the Department told his office each week that it was "blocked from bringing the indictment because of the Tampa plea and the Tampa double jeopardy."[^2]
### The Florida License
Lehtinen had advised that BCCI's Florida license should be in jeopardy after a successful prosecution. Genzman took a neutral position, and on January 31, 1990, the Tampa prosecutors wrote to the state regulators that the office had no position on whether BCCI should be closed or stay open. BCCI's lawyers, principally Wechsler, Barcella and [[Raymond Banoun]], then approached the Criminal Division in Washington, and on February 13, 1990, [[Charles Saphos]] wrote to Florida's comptroller, [[Gerald Lewis]], asking that BCCI be permitted to operate. Kehoe testified that "[O]bviously the attorneys for BCCI were talking to Mr. Saphos" and "[they] tried to go behind my back." Genzman told the subcommittee that "... in this case we told the Comptroller's office that we were taking no position."[^2]
### Morgenthau
Answering criticism from the Manhattan District Attorney, [[Robert Morgenthau]], that the Justice Department had refused to share information, Genzman testified that "all sorts of problems crop up" in joint efforts and that "because of the differing systems of immunity, giving up information [to a county DA] might taint the Federal investigation." The federal indictment of BCCI in September 1991 closely followed Morgenthau's and came nearly six weeks after it.[^2]
### Death
Genzman died of kidney cancer at his home in Orlando in May 1998, at 46. He was survived by his wife, Martha, and twin children.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Leusner, Jim. "Robert Genzman" (obituary). *Orlando Sentinel,* May 13, 1998, reproduced on the Find a Grave memorial for Robert W. Genzman. https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/138851192/robert-w_-genzman (The memorial gives birth on September 13, 1951, and death on May 12, 1998; the reproduced obituary, dated May 13, says he "died Thursday." The day of death is left unresolved here.)
[^2]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 8, "BCCI and Law Enforcement: The Justice Department and the U.S. Customs Service." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm

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---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- Journalist
- Author
- BCCI
- TimeMagazine
- Banking
alias:
- Sam Gwynne
- S.C. Gwynne
summary: "Former international banker and Time correspondent, bureau chief and senior editor who co-wrote Time's 1991 BCCI cover story and The Outlaw Bank, later executive editor of Texas Monthly and a historian."
location: "Austin, Texas"
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Time]]"
role: "correspondent, bureau chief, national correspondent and senior editor"
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
start: 1991
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Texas Monthly]]"
role: "executive editor"
start: 2000
end: 2008
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
S. C. "Sam" Gwynne is an American journalist and author who worked as an international banker before joining *[[Time]]*, where he was a correspondent, bureau chief, national correspondent and senior editor. With [[Jonathan Beaty]] he wrote *Time*'s July 29, 1991, cover story on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI), "B.C.C.I.: The Dirtiest Bank of All," and the book *The Outlaw Bank* (1993). He was executive editor of *[[Texas Monthly]]* from 2000 to 2008 and later wrote several histories, among them *Empire of the Summer Moon*.[^1][^2][^3]
### Banking and Selling Money
Before his career in journalism Gwynne was a French teacher and an international banker. An earlier book, *Selling Money*, concerned what his own biography calls "Sam's adventures in the international loan trade." He holds a bachelor's degree in history from [[Princeton University]] and a master's degree in writing from [[Johns Hopkins University]], where he studied under the novelist [[John Barth]].[^1]
### Time and BCCI
At *Time* Gwynne reported from across the [[United States]] and from England, Austria, France, Belgium, Spain and Russia. The cover story he wrote with Beaty, bylined from New York, stated that "From interviews with sources close to B.C.C.I., TIME has pieced together a portrait of a clandestine division of the bank called the 'black network,'" which it said operated "primarily out of the bank's offices in [[Karachi]], [[Pakistan]]." The report of Senators [[John Kerry]] and [[Hank Brown]] later stated that none of the BCCI officers the Senate interviewed claimed knowledge of such a network.[^1][^2][^4]
*The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*, written with Beaty, was published by [[Random House]] in 1993.[^3] Gwynne's biography lists among the awards for his *Time* work the Gerald Loeb Award, the Jack Anderson Award "as the best investigative reporter," the John Hancock Award for Distinguished Financial Writing, and a National Headliners Award for his coverage of the [[Columbine High School massacre|Columbine High School shootings]].[^1]
### Later Career
At *Texas Monthly* Gwynne wrote cover stories on the [[White House]] adviser [[Karl Rove]], [[NASA]], the [[King Ranch]], the football player Johnny Manziel and [[Southwest Airlines]]; his 2005 story on the [[Houston]] surgeon Eric Scheffey was reprinted in *The Best American Crime Writing, 2006*, and in 2008 he won the National City and Regional Magazine Award as writer of the year. He has written for *Outside*, *[[The New York Times]]*, *Harper's*, the *[[Los Angeles Times]]* and other publications.[^1]
His *Empire of the Summer Moon* spent 82 weeks on the *New York Times* bestseller list and was a finalist for the [[Pulitzer Prize]] and the National Book Critics Circle Award. It was followed by *Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson* (2014), *The Perfect Pass: American Genius and the Reinvention of Football* (2016) and *His Majesty's Airship* (2023). He lives in [[Austin, Texas]], with his wife, the artist [[Katie Maratta]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gwynne, S. C. "S. C. Gwynne," author biography, scgwynne.com, accessed September 23, 2026. https://scgwynne.com/author/s-c-gwynne
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. "B.C.C.I.: The Dirtiest Bank of All," *Time,* July 29, 1991. https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,973481,00.html
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* New York: Random House, 1993. Internet Archive catalogue record, identifier outlawbank00jona. https://archive.org/details/outlawbank00jona
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm

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---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- AbuDhabi
- Nominee
- FirstAmerican
- FinancialGeneral
alias:
- Sultan bin Zayed
- Sheikh Sultan bin Zayed
- Sultan Bin Zaid Al Nahyan
- Sultan bin Zaied al Nahyan
summary: "Son of Sheikh Zayed of Abu Dhabi in whose name BCCI bought Financial General Bankshares stock in 1978; auditors later cited evidence that its four such shareholders concealed BCCI's role."
location: "Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates"
relations:
- type: relative_of
with: "[[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan]]"
role: "son"
fn: 1
- type: owned
with: "[[Financial General Bankshares]]"
role: "shareholder of record, described by Price Waterhouse as a BCCI nominee"
start: 1978-02
end: 1978-10-18
fn: 2
- type: represented
with: "[[Clark Clifford]]"
reverse: true
start: 1978
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Sheikh Sultan bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a son of Sheikh [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan]], ruler of [[Abu Dhabi]] and President of the [[United Arab Emirates]], was in early 1978 one of four Middle Eastern "investors" in whose names the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) bought close to 20 percent of the voting shares of [[Financial General Bankshares]] (FGB), the Washington bank holding company later renamed [[First American Bank|First American Bankshares]]. The [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate Report]] called him "the crown prince of the Abu Dhabi royal family," and a chronology entered in the record of the [[House Banking Committee]]'s hearing of September 11, 1991 called him "the crown prince of Abu Dhabi."[^1][^2]
### The Sami Memorandum
From December 1977 through February 1978 BCCI, acting through [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], [[Abdus Sami]] and other agents, bought almost 20 percent of FGB, stating in filings with American regulators that it had bought the shares for four foreign clients: [[Kamal Adham]] of [[Saudi Arabia]]; [[Abdullah Darwaish]], for the benefit of Sheikh [[Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan]], described in the House chronology as "a minor and son of the ruler of Abu Dhabi"; [[Faisal Saud al-Fulaij]] of [[Kuwait]]; and Sultan bin Zayed.[^2] In a telex to Abedi of January 30, 1978, Sami wrote: "We have already given the names of Sheikh Kamal Adham and Mr. Fulaig [sic]. We want two other names immediately." The same telex, reproduced in the House hearing record, referred to "our desire to keep individual ownership to below 5 percent" and warned that BCCI had "to be careful that our name does not appear as financier" for most of the buyers.[^3][^4]
"Within a matter of days following the writing of the Sami memorandum," the Senate report stated, "BCCI added the crown prince of the Abu Dhabi royal family, Sheik Sultan bin Zayed al Nahyan, and Abdulah Darwaish, financial adviser to the Abu Dhabi royal family, as the two additional shareholders for the purpose of the takeover referred to by Sami."[^1] According to Abu Dhabi, Abedi had solicited their participation and they understood it to be a passive investment in a bank with high growth potential. The Senate report observed that "little if any investigation could have been done by the Abu Dhabi investors into the proposed investment between the time of the Sami memorandum and the time of their share purchases."[^3]
### Litigation
Financial General's management sued the Arab buyers, BCCI and Abedi in 1978, and the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] opened an inquiry in mid-February of that year. [[Clark Clifford]] later told the Senate that his firm had been "retained to represent Bert Lance, Agha Hasan Abedi, BCCI, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zaied al Nahyan, Sheikh Sultan bin Zaied al Nahyan, Faisal al Fulaij, and Abdullah Darwaish."[^1]
In July and August 1978 BCCI formed [[Credit and Commerce American Holdings]] (CCAH) in the [[Netherlands Antilles]] and its subsidiary Credit and Commerce American Investment B.V. in [[Amsterdam]] as vehicles for acquiring FGB. On October 18, 1978, according to the House chronology, "Sheik Sultan Bin Zaid Al Nahyan sold his shares in FG to Adham." The next day CCAH, CCAI and a new holding company applied to the [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]] to become bank holding companies by acquiring all the voting shares of FGB.[^2]
### Nominee Findings
In its report to the [[Bank of England]] of June 1991 under section 41 of the Banking Act, [[Price Waterhouse]] wrote: "We have . . . seen evidence to suggest . . . that the four investors [Kamal Adham, Faisal al Fulaij, Sheikh Sultan Bin Zayed and Abdullah Darweish on behalf of Sheikh Mohammed Bin Zayed] were used to keep individual ownership below 5% and to ensure that BCCI's name did not appear." According to information the Senate subcommittee obtained from "a Pakistani national familiar with the transaction," Sultan bin Zayed's shares and those held by Darwaish for Sheikh Mohammed "were 'allocated' by BCCI for the purpose of avoiding the SEC filing requirement that would have had to have been undertaken if the Abu Dhabi interests were combined together."[^3]
Abu Dhabi "vigorously denied that it was involved in any nominee arrangements with BCCI." The Senate report answered that "given the fact that BCCI had nominee arrangements with the leaders of three other emirates in the United Arab Emirates, as well as with all of the other principal Arab 'investors' involved with BCCI, the lack of involvement of Abu Dhabi in nominee arrangements would have been contrary to BCCI's practice."[^3]
### Political Agenda
[[Bert Lance]] described to the Senate subcommittee a meeting with Sheikh Zayed and Abedi in [[Islamabad]] in late 1977: "Abedi was concerned about the shifting tides towards the Soviets in Afghanistan, Iran, India and the Mideast. Both Abedi and Zayed each expressed their concerns about the Arab worlds lack of ties to the US. They wanted to do something about it." Answering a written question from the subcommittee chairman, [[John Kerry]], Abu Dhabi's representative [[Ahmed Al Sayegh]] stated: "The shares that were purchased for Sheikh Sultan and Sheikh Mohammed were solely intended as a passive commercial investment, not to acquire influence in the United States."[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 6, "BCCI in the United States: Initial Entry." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/06early.htm
[^2]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs. *Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) Investigation, Part 1.* Hearing, 102nd Cong., 1st sess., September 11, 1991, Serial No. 102-69, "Full Chronology of BCCI and First American Bankshares, Inc.," pp. 665-666, 670. https://archive.org/details/BCCIHearingsBeforeTheCommitteeOnBankingFinanceAndUrbanAffairs
[^3]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 14, "Abu Dhabi: BCCI's Founding and Majority Stockholders." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/14abudhabi.htm
[^4]: House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 102-69, telex of Abdus Sami to Agha Hasan Abedi, 1978, pp. 966-967. https://archive.org/details/BCCIHearingsBeforeTheCommitteeOnBankingFinanceAndUrbanAffairs

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---
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- Pakistan
- BCCI
- Nationalization
- PakistanPeoplesParty
alias:
- Ali Bhutto
- Z. A. Bhutto
summary: "Pakistani prime minister whose government nationalized Agha Hasan Abedi's United Bank in 1974, who was deposed by Zia ul-Haq in 1977 and hanged in 1979."
died: 1979-04-04
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Pakistan]]"
role: "prime minister"
end: 1977
fn: 1
- type: appointed
with: "[[Zia ul-Haq]]"
role: "chief of army staff"
start: 1976
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Pakistan People's Party]]"
fn: 2
- type: funded
with: "[[Agha Hasan Abedi]]"
reverse: true
role: "campaign funds for the PPP in the March 1977 elections, per the Zia government's July 1978 White Paper"
start: 1977
fn: 2
---
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the elected prime minister of [[Pakistan]] until 1977, when the army chief he had appointed, [[Zia ul-Haq]], removed him in a pre-dawn coup and put him on trial for the murder of a political opponent. He was hanged in [[Rawalpindi]] on April 4, 1979.[^1] His government nationalized Pakistan's banks, among them [[United Bank Limited]], founded by [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], and the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate report]] traced the founding of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) to Abedi's attempt to move beyond Bhutto's reach.[^2][^3]
### Nationalization and Abedi
Bhutto came to power after the war that separated East Pakistan as [[Bangladesh]]. The Senate report described Abedi as "just as cozy with Pakistani 'socialist' Ali Bhutto," the ideological opposite of [[Ayub Khan]], whose government Abedi had cultivated at United Bank.[^2][^4] According to the report, from the time he took power Bhutto "was threatening to nationalize the banks, as he already had nationalized other sectors," and Abedi began the first steps toward forming BCCI as a Pakistani-managed bank outside Pakistan. "When Bhutto in turn learned about Abedi's attempt to circumvent his new socialist order, he not only went ahead with plans for nationalizing the United Bank, but promptly placed Abedi under house arrest." Abedi explained his plan for a global bank to [[Masihur Rahman]], later BCCI's chief financial officer, while under house arrest.[^2]
The report dated to 1972 the nationalization of a substantial portion of the businesses of the [[Saigol family]], United Bank's principal shareholders. The banks themselves were taken by the Banks (Nationalization) Act, 1974 (Act XIX of 1974), which came into force at once and was "deemed to have taken effect on the 1st day of January, 1974," overriding any contrary law, contract or articles of association. Its schedule listed fourteen banks, including [[Habib Bank]], where Abedi had begun his career, the [[National Bank of Pakistan]], [[Muslim Commercial Bank]] and, as item ten, United Bank Limited.[^2][^3]
The Senate report found that nationalization gave BCCI its founding staff, "a group of like-minded Pakistanis to operate the bank," who "were now widely available as a result of Bhutto's nationalization of their banks," and gave Pakistani businessmen such as the Saigols and the [[Gokal brothers]] "powerful motivation to find a bank that could not be controlled by the Pakistani government."[^2]
### Election Funds
In July 1978 Zia's government issued a White Paper on "The Conduct of the General Elections in March 1977." In its section on illegal funding of the campaign of Bhutto's [[Pakistan People's Party]], it stated that "the other large source of funds was the money brought in by Agha Hasan Abdi [sic]," amounting to "two or three crores of rupees," and referred to Abedi's "travels . . . loaded as he used to be with bagfuls of money." The Senate report reproduced the White Paper in its hearing record and wrote that Zia "later executed Bhutto for financial crimes, in which Abedi, among others, was clearly involved."[^2][^4] The charge on which Bhutto was hanged was murder.[^1][^5]
### Coup, Trial and Execution
In 1976 Bhutto appointed Zia chief of army staff over ten more senior officers. After three months of street fighting by anti-Bhutto rioters, Zia deposed him in 1977 and made himself president and chief martial law administrator.[^1] [[Ghulam Ishaq Khan]], who had been deputy defense minister under Bhutto, became Zia's minister of finance from 1977 to 1984.[^1]
On March 18, 1978, the [[Lahore High Court]] ordered Bhutto hanged for the murder of Nawab Mohammad Ahmad Khan. The [[Supreme Court of Pakistan]] rejected his appeal on February 6, 1979, and his review petition on March 24, 1979. On the evening of April 3, 1979, the superintendent of Rawalpindi jail read him the execution order, which stated that "the president of Pakistan has decided not to interfere in this matter." According to Lieutenant Colonel Rafiuddin, the jail's security officer, whose account appeared in his book *Bhutto Kay Aakhri 323 Din*, Bhutto objected that he had not been given 24 hours' notice, tried to write a will and burned the pages, and was carried to the scaffold on a stretcher. The executioner, Tara Masih, sprang the trap at four minutes past two on the morning of April 4. The body was taken to [[Chaklala]] air base and flown toward [[Jacobabad]] on a [[C-130]]; the first aircraft turned back with a fault after an hour and a second completed the flight.[^5] United Press International reported that the jail was a short walk from Zia's official residence.[^1]
Bhutto's daughter, [[Benazir Bhutto]], returned from exile in April 1986 to oppose Zia and was regarded by her supporters as her father's political heir.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Barnetson, Denholm. "President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel and...," United Press International, August 17, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/17/President-Mohammad-Zia-ul-Haq-US-Ambassador-Arnold-Raphel-and/3467587793600/
[^2]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 3, "The Origin and Early Years of BCCI," sections "Abedi As Pakistani Political Paymaster," "Impact of Nationalization" and "Critical Elements of BCCI's Creation" (citing testimony of Masihur Rahman, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 1, pp. 489-491, and White Paper on the General Elections, Government of Pakistan, July 1978, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, pp. 314-317). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/03hist.htm
[^3]: The Banks' (Nationalization) Act, 1974 (Act XIX of 1974), sections 1 and 2 and Schedule. http://nasirlawsite.com/laws/bna.htm
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 5, "BCCI's Relationship with Foreign Governments, Central Banks, and International Organizations," section "Pakistan." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/05foreign.htm
[^5]: Aziz, Shaikh. "A leaf from history: The prime minister is hanged," *Dawn*, February 1, 2015. https://www.dawn.com/news/1160422

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---
category: "Nuclear Scientists & Programs"
tags:
- Person
- Pakistan
- NuclearProliferation
- BCCI
- Kahuta
alias:
- Abdul Qadeer Khan
- A. Q. Khan
- A. Qadir Khan
summary: "Pakistani scientist associated with Pakistan's nuclear bomb program and its procurement network, and project director of the Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute, which received BCCI grants."
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: director_of
with: "[[Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute]]"
role: "project director"
fn: 4
---
Abdul Qadeer Khan was a [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] scientist "closely associated with Pakistan's efforts to build a nuclear bomb," in the words of the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate report]]. [[United States]] officials in the 1980s referred to the "Khan Laboratory's" gas centrifuge program and to a nuclear procurement network under his name, and tracked its purchases for the enrichment plant at [[Kahuta]]. They identified a [[Lahore]] firm, Multinational, as a procurement agent for his network, and in 1987 the arrest of its buyer [[Arshad Pervez]] in the United States exposed an attempt to obtain maraging steel and beryllium for Pakistan's program.[^1][^2][^3] Khan was project director of the Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology, to which, according to the Senate report, the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) gave 10 million dollars in grants in the late 1980s.[^3][^4]
### Kahuta and the Procurement Network
In 1979 the administration of [[Jimmy Carter]] suspended aid to Pakistan under the Symington amendment after discovering the Kahuta enrichment plan; in 1981 the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administration obtained a five-year waiver from Congress because of Pakistan's role in channeling U.S. aid to the [[Mujahideen]] in [[Afghanistan]]. State Department telegrams of September and November 1985 show U.S. officials pressing [[West Germany]] over Pakistani agents seeking aluminum tubes for the Khan Laboratory's centrifuge program, and by fall 1986 the U.S. government regarded Multinational Inc. as a "procurement agent" for Khan's network. In May 1986 Representative [[Stephen Solarz]] told [[Zia ul-Haq]] that U.S. intelligence indicated Kahuta was enriching uranium to weapons grade, which Pakistani officials denied.[^2]
### The Pervez Case
Arshad Pervez, a native of Pakistan who had moved to [[Canada]] in 1967, ran an import-export business, A.P. Enterprises, in [[Toronto]]. In October 1986 he sought "maraging 350 steel," a high-strength steel used in gas centrifuge enrichment plants, from [[Carpenter Technology Corporation]] of Pennsylvania, whose staff alerted the [[Nuclear Regulatory Commission]] and the [[U.S. Customs|United States Customs Service]]. Pervez named his client as Inam Ul-Haq of Multinational Corporation of Lahore. He offered a series of end uses, among them a research project of [[Karachi]] University's engineering program, rocket motors and antitank weapons, and paid 1,000 dollars to an undercover Customs agent posing as a [[United States Department of Commerce|Commerce Department]] licensing officer. In 1987 he added a request for beryllium and proposed commingling it with the steel. When the undercover agent suggested that other metals were for "another application in the plant at Kahuta," Pervez answered, "Could be," and at the end of the meeting said that "the Kahuta client is ready." He was arrested in [[Philadelphia]] in July 1987 while arranging the first shipment.[^1]
A federal grand jury indicted Pervez and Inam Ul-Haq on July 28, 1987. Pervez was convicted of conspiracy to defraud the United States, attempting to export beryllium and making false statements to the Commerce Department, acquitted on the bribery counts after claiming entrapment, and sentenced to five years' imprisonment on the conspiracy count. On March 6, 1989, the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit]] vacated the conspiracy and beryllium convictions and ordered a new trial on those counts under *Mathews v. United States*, which entitles a defendant who denies elements of the offense to an entrapment instruction whenever the evidence could support one, and remanded for a hearing on entrapment on the false statement counts.[^1] According to the [[National Security Archive]], Inam Ul-Haq, whom it called "a key figure in the A. Q. Khan nuclear procurement network," left the United States before he could be arrested.[^2]
A State Department intelligence memorandum of December 29, 1987, linked [[Khan Research Laboratories]] to the maraging steel and the [[Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission]] to the beryllium, and concluded that the network "could not exist without the umbrella of government approval, protection, and funding." An [[Arms Control and Disarmament Agency]] memorandum stated that "there is no plausible end-use for 25 tons of grade 350 maraging steel other than in the manufacture of centrifuges." President Reagan certified to Congress on December 17, 1987, that "Pakistan does not possess a nuclear explosive device," and in January 1988 invoked and then waived the Solarz amendment.[^2]
### BCCI and the Pervez Claim
The Senate report stated that "arms trafficking involving BCCI included the financing of Pakistan's procurement of nuclear weapons through BCCI Canada, as documented in the Parvez case, involving a Pakistani who attempted to procure nuclear related materials financed by BCCI through the United States," and that in the late 1980s "other BCCI officials were assisting Pakistanis in purchasing nuclear technologies paid for by Pakistani-front companies through BCCI-Canada." Both statements rest on a single source, the testimony of [[Alan Kreczko]], Deputy Legal Adviser of the [[State Department]], in the Senate hearing record (S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 599).[^3][^5] The Third Circuit's opinion in the Pervez case, which recounts the negotiations, payments and shipping arrangements, contains no reference to BCCI, to any bank, or to how the purchase was to be financed.[^1]
In a letter of November 22, 1991, the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] told the Subcommittee that "the Agency did have some reporting [as of 1987] on BCCI being used by third world regimes to acquire weapons and transfer technology," but declined to elaborate in public.[^5] The report's executive summary stated that documents on BCCI's use "to assist the builders of a Pakistani nuclear bomb" had been "sealed in the United Kingdom by British intelligence," and listed "the extent of BCCI's involvement in Pakistan's nuclear program" among its unanswered questions.[^6]
### Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute
The Pakistani BCCI Foundation, created to shelter BCCI's Pakistani profits from tax, received tax-free status in 1981 while [[Ghulam Ishaq Khan]] was minister of finance; Ishaq Khan chaired the foundation through the 1980s and became president of Pakistan after Zia's death in 1988. The Senate report stated that BCCI "provided $10 million in grants in the late 1980's to finance an officially 'private' science and technology institute named for Pakistani President Ishaq Khan, whose director, A. Qadir Khan, has been closely associated with Pakistan's efforts to build a nuclear bomb," and that the institute "is believed by some experts to be the headquarters for Pakistan's efforts to build an Islamic bomb."[^3]
According to the [[Federation of American Scientists]], the institute was formed in December 1985, its parent body, the Society for the Promotion of Engineering Sciences and Technology in Pakistan (SOPREST), was registered in June 1988, and a group of scientists and engineers under Khan's leadership produced its feasibility study in 1989. Khan agreed to be project director, civil works began at the campus at [[Topi]], in the North-West Frontier Province at the foot of the [[Tarbela Dam]] reservoir, in early 1990, and the first students entered in October 1993. The FAS listed its main donors as the Infaq Foundation, Chiniot Anjuman-e-Islamia, the Dawood Group and the provincial government, which gave the land.[^4]
The institute's own history does not name Khan. It dates the project to December 1985, when "the Benevolent Community Care and Infaq Foundation donated Rs. 50 million," records that Ghulam Ishaq Khan, then president, was elected president of SOPREST for life, with H. U. Beg as honorary executive director and Samiullah Marwat as secretary, and attributes the planning of the institute to "a group of eminent scientists and engineers." It credits a further 750 million rupees to the Infaq Foundation.[^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: *United States v. Pervez*, 871 F.2d 310 (3d Cir. 1989), No. 88-1109, decided March 6, 1989, opinion of Scirica, J. https://static.case.law/f2d/871/cases/0310-01.json
[^2]: Burr, William, ed. "The Pervez Case and Reagan Administration Nuclear Nonproliferation Policy, 1987," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 446, November 22, 2013. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb446/
[^3]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 5, "BCCI's Relationship with Foreign Governments, Central Banks, and International Organizations," section "Pakistan" (citing S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 599). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/05foreign.htm
[^4]: "Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute (GIKI)," Federation of American Scientists, Special Weapons Guide: Pakistan, updated February 4, 2000. https://nuke.fas.org/guide/pakistan/agency/giki.htm
[^5]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality" (citing testimony of Alan Kreczko, Deputy Legal Adviser, Department of State, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 599, and S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, p. 601). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm
[^6]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 1, "Executive Summary." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/01exec.htm
[^7]: "About GIK Institute," Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology. https://giki.edu.pk/institute/

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@ -0,0 +1,100 @@
---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- SavingsAndLoan
- KeatingFive
- BCCI
- Fraud
alias:
- Charles H. Keating Jr.
- Charles Humphrey Keating Jr.
- Charles Keating Jr.
summary: "Phoenix developer whose American Continental Corporation bought Lincoln Savings and Loan in 1984; its failure cost taxpayers billions, and the Senate BCCI inquiry flagged unresolved ties between BCCI figures and his companies."
born: 1923-12-04
died: 2014-03-31
location: "Phoenix, Arizona"
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[American Continental Corporation]]"
role: "chairman"
start: 1978
fn: 1
- type: owned
with: "[[Lincoln Savings and Loan]]"
role: "through American Continental Corporation"
start: 1984
end: 1989
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[American Financial Corporation]]"
role: "outside counsel, then executive vice president"
start: 1972
fn: 1
- type: appointed
with: "[[Richard Nixon]]"
reverse: true
role: "member, federal commission on pornography"
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[Alan Cranston]]"
role: "Keating Five"
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[Dennis DeConcini]]"
role: "Keating Five"
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[John Glenn]]"
role: "Keating Five"
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[John McCain]]"
role: "Keating Five"
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[Donald W. Riegle Jr.]]"
role: "Keating Five"
fn: 1
- type: founded
with: "[[Citizens for Community Values]]"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Charles Humphrey Keating Jr. was an American lawyer, homebuilder and financier whose company, [[American Continental Corporation]] of [[Phoenix, Arizona|Phoenix]], bought [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] of [[Irvine, California]], in 1984. The [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] put the cost of Lincoln's failure to taxpayers at 3.14 billion dollars; *[[The New York Times]]*, as cited by NBC News, at 3.4 billion. Five senators who intervened with regulators on its behalf became known as the Keating Five.[^1][^2][^3]
### Early Life and Cincinnati
Keating was born in [[Cincinnati]] on December 4, 1923, the first of two sons of Charles and Adele Keating. He started college at the [[University of Cincinnati]], served as a Navy fighter pilot in the Second World War, won a national collegiate swimming title, and graduated from the University of Cincinnati College of Law in 1948.[^1]
With his brother William he practiced at the Cincinnati firm of [[Keating Muething & Keating]]. In 1959 he helped the businessman [[Carl Lindner]] create [[American Financial Corporation]], serving as its outside counsel and, from 1972, as executive vice president. A [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] lawsuit accused the two men of self-dealing; without admitting guilt, they signed consent orders promising not to violate securities laws. Keating founded the Cincinnati anti-pornography group later called [[Citizens for Community Values]], with Lindner as a principal backer, and served on a federal commission on pornography as an appointee of President [[Richard Nixon]].[^1][^2] His brother William served in the House of Representatives from 1971 to 1974 and became chairman and publisher of *[[The Cincinnati Enquirer]]*.[^1]
### American Continental and Lincoln
In 1978 Keating bought a Phoenix homebuilding affiliate of American Financial, American Continental, and became its chairman. By 1983 it was the seventh-largest homebuilder in the country, with annual revenue of about 300 million dollars, and it paid 51 million dollars for Lincoln Savings and Loan. "We felt that it was time to diversify," Keating told *American Banker*. He grew Lincoln tenfold by soliciting brokered deposits from Wall Street firms and put the money into high-yield bonds and real estate development, among them The Phoenician resort in [[Scottsdale]].[^1] The economist [[Alan Greenspan]], later chairman of the [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]], wrote a report stating that Lincoln was sound and had "seasoned and expert" managers.[^2]
The [[San Francisco]] office of the [[Federal Home Loan Bank Board]] opened an investigation of Lincoln's growth in March 1986. Five senators, [[Alan Cranston]], [[Dennis DeConcini]], [[John Glenn]], [[Donald W. Riegle Jr.|Donald Riegle]] and [[John McCain]], met officials of the bank board on Lincoln's behalf; they had received a combined 1.3 million dollars in donations and gifts from Keating, his family and his companies. Asked whether his giving had caused politicians to take up his cause, Keating answered, "I certainly hope so." In May 1987 the San Francisco regulators recommended seizing Lincoln; the pursuit ended under the successor of the bank board's chairman [[Edwin Gray]], [[M. Danny Wall]], who said the proof was insufficient to justify a seizure. Lincoln was taken over in April 1989, after Keating put American Continental into bankruptcy. The [[Senate Ethics Committee]] investigated the five, and Cranston alone was formally reprimanded.[^1]
### Prosecution
Keating was indicted in California on state charges of misleading investors into buying high-risk bonds that were not federally insured; some investors lost their life savings when the bonds defaulted. He was convicted on 17 of 18 counts and sentenced by Judge [[Lance Ito]] to ten years, the maximum. A federal grand jury indicted him, his son Charles III and three others on 77 counts of fraud, racketeering and conspiracy, and he was sentenced to twelve and a half years, concurrent with the state term. He was freed in October 1996 after an appeals court overturned the state conviction for faulty jury instructions; the federal conviction was later thrown out because jurors had discussed the state verdict. In 1999 he pleaded guilty to four counts of fraud and was sentenced to the time he had served, four years and nine months, and the charges against his son were dropped.[^1][^2]
### BCCI
The Senate report of Senators [[John Kerry]] and [[Hank Brown]] on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) listed among matters requiring further investigation "The financial dealings of BCCI directors with Charles Keating and several Keating affiliates and front-companies, including the possibility that BCCI related entities may have laundered funds for Keating to move them outside the United States. The Subcommittee found numerous connections among Keating and BCCI-related persons and entities, such as BCCI director Alfred Hartman; CenTrust chief David Paul and CenTrust itself; Capcom front-man Lawrence Romrell; BCCI shipping affiliate, the Gokal group and the Gokal family; and possibly Ghaith Pharaon. The ties between BCCI and Keating's financial empire require further investigation."[^4]
The persons and entities named were [[Alfred Hartman]], [[David L. Paul]] and [[CenTrust Savings Bank]], [[Larry Romrell]] of BCCI's commodities affiliate [[Capcom]], the [[Gulf Group]] of the [[Gokal brothers]], and [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]]. The report's appendix, under BCCI's collusion in savings and loan fraud, cited CenTrust, Caprock Savings and Loan of Texas, and "the involvement of BCCI figures with Charles Keating and his business empire. In each case, BCCI's involvement cost the U. S. taxpayers money."[^4] The executive summary of the report listed the same dealings among the matters left for further investigation.[^5]
### Death
Keating died in a Phoenix hospital on March 31, 2014, at 90, after an illness of a few weeks. His lawyer, [[Stephen C. Neal]], chairman of [[Cooley LLP]], said that he had "faced adversity with great dignity, wit and courage."[^1][^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Charles Keating, Face of Savings and Loan Bust, Dies at 90." *American Banker,* April 2, 2014. https://www.americanbanker.com/news/charles-keating-face-of-savings-and-loan-bust-dies-at-90
[^2]: Burns, Frances. "Charles Keating Jr., who became face of savings and loan scandal, dies at 90." United Press International, April 2, 2014. https://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2014/04/02/Charles-Keating-Jr-who-became-face-of-savings-and-loan-scandal-dies-at-90/5631396444559/
[^3]: Arkin, Daniel. "Charles Keating, Center of Savings and Loan Scandal, Dies at 90." NBC News, April 2, 2014. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/charles-keating-center-savings-loan-scandal-dies-90-n69386
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, Appendices, "Matters for Further Investigation," items 8 and 12. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/24appendic.htm
[^5]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 1, "Executive Summary." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/01exec.htm

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@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
---
category: "Business & Finance"
tags:
- Person
- FamilyOffice
- VentureCapital
- SiliconValley
- MarkZuckerberg
- DustinMoskovitz
summary: "Former Goldman Sachs broker who met Mark Zuckerberg in 2004, heads the investment adviser ICONIQ Capital, and sits as a director of Dustin Moskovitz and Cari Tuna's Good Ventures Foundation."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[ICONIQ Capital]]"
role: "principal"
start: 2011
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Goldman Sachs]]"
role: "broker"
start: 2004
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Divesh Makan is one of the principals of [[ICONIQ Capital]], LLC, an investment adviser registered with the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] since December 1, 2011; its brochure of March 2026 names "Divesh Makan, [[Michael Anders]], [[Will Griffith]] and [[Matthew Jacobson]]" as its partners.[^1] In December 2014 *[[Forbes]]*, giving his age as 41, described the firm as "his otherwise run-of-the-mill registered investment advisory," turned into "an exclusive members-only [[Silicon Valley]] billionaires club that operates as a cross between a family office and a venture capital fund."[^2]
### Zuckerberg and the Client Roster
*Forbes* called [[Mark Zuckerberg]] Makan's "most famous client and the key to his success," and wrote that Makan met him "in 2004 when he was a broker at [[Goldman Sachs]]." Other clients it named were "[[Facebook]]'s [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and [[Sheryl Sandberg]], [[Twitter]]'s [[Jack Dorsey]] and [[LinkedIn]]'s [[Reid Hoffman]]." His board of directors, the magazine wrote, was "another power list, with nontech titans like [[Henry Kravis]] and [[David Bonderman]], [[Chase Coleman]] and steel tycoon [[Lakshmi Mittal]]'s son Aditya." Real-estate billionaires such as [[Sam Zell]] and [[Li Ka-shing]] had gained access through the firm to startups that "Makan & Co. advertise as being 'approved by Zuckerberg.'" In 2014 the firm had "full discretion over $1.4 billion in client funds" and advised "on another $7.6 billion," and its "$500 million Strategic Partners fund" was "Makan's flagship among 39 private investment vehicles."[^2]
By December 31, 2025, ICONIQ reported about 85.8 billion dollars of discretionary and 31.7 billion dollars of non-discretionary assets under management, and stated that it generally worked with managed-account clients "with net worths of $25,000,000 or more." An affiliate of [[Blue Owl Capital]] held a passive minority stake in the firm.[^1]
### Good Ventures
Makan is listed as a director of the [[Good Ventures|Good Ventures Foundation]], without pay, alongside its president and board chair [[Cari Tuna]] and her husband Moskovitz, its secretary and treasurer, on the foundation's returns filed from 2023 to 2026. The foundation reported total assets of 10,107,955,038 dollars on the return it filed on May 15, 2026.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: ICONIQ Capital, LLC. Form ADV Part 2A, Firm Brochure, March 26, 2026, CRD 159198, via the SEC Investment Adviser Public Disclosure system. https://files.adviserinfo.sec.gov/IAPD/Content/Common/crd_iapd_Brochure.aspx?BRCHR_VRSN_ID=1027115 ; firm record https://adviserinfo.sec.gov/firm/summary/159198
[^2]: Solomon, Brian. "The Spider Of Silicon Valley: Inside 'Zuck & Friends' Secret Billionaire Fund." *Forbes,* December 1, 2014, archived December 1, 2014. http://web.archive.org/web/20141201154053/http://www.forbes.com/sites/briansolomon/2014/12/01/the-spider-of-silicon-valley-inside-zuck-friends-secret-billionaire-fund/
[^3]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Good Ventures Foundation," EIN 46-1008520, Form 990-PF data, returns filed May 16, 2023, to May 15, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/461008520

View file

@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ relations:
with: "[[Future Forward]]"
start: 2020
role: "46.89 million dollars in 2019-2020, 3.3 million in 2021-2022, 50 million in 2023-2024"
fn: 22
fn: 24
- type: funded
with: "[[LCV Victory Fund]]"
start: 2016
@ -49,15 +49,15 @@ Moskovitz took part in Anthropic's first funding round of 124 million dollars in
Open Philanthropy set aside nearly 3 million dollars in 2022 for the first fellows of the [[Horizon Institute for Public Service]], which pays technology fellows placed in congressional offices, federal agencies and think tanks, among them the offices of Senators [[Martin Heinrich]], [[Mike Rounds]] and [[Todd Young]], whom [[Chuck Schumer]] had put in charge of AI legislation; *Politico* wrote that Open Philanthropy had "effectively created" Horizon.[^10] Matheny served in the Biden [[White House]] from March 2021 to June 2022. According to documents the *Washington Examiner* obtained under the [[Freedom of Information Act]], he hired [[Ben Buchanan]], director of CSET's CyberAI project, under the Intergovernmental Personnel Act, with Georgetown continuing to pay Buchanan's salary and the government reimbursing it; the paper noted that CSET had received 97 million dollars from Open Philanthropy between 2019 and 2021, and that Buchanan became an architect of the Biden export controls on advanced chips that Anthropic later urged the Trump administration to keep. Buchanan said he "scrupulously complied with all legal and ethics rules." Senator [[Ted Cruz]], who named Moskovitz in a 2024 letter, wrote that "large AI technology companies are influencing the Biden administration's AI policy from the inside."[^16]
The lobbying arm of the Center for AI Safety stated that it secured 10 million dollars from Congress in 2024 to establish the [[U.S. AI Safety Institute]], where Christiano became head of AI safety.[^18] The 501(c)(4) [[Americans for Responsible Innovation]], founded in late 2023 by the former congressman [[Brad Carson]], lists Coefficient Giving among its funders with the [[Omidyar Network]], and reported in-house lobbying expenses of 1.51 million dollars in 2025. The [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]] has paid outside lobbyists every year since 2021, the [[Kyle House Group]] since 2023.[^19]
The lobbying arm of the Center for AI Safety stated that it secured 10 million dollars from Congress in 2024 to establish the [[U.S. AI Safety Institute]], where Christiano became head of AI safety.[^18] The 501(c)(4) [[Americans for Responsible Innovation]], founded in late 2023 by the former congressman [[Brad Carson]], lists Coefficient Giving among its funders with the [[Omidyar Network]], and reported in-house lobbying expenses of 1.51 million dollars in 2025. The [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]] has paid outside lobbyists every year since 2021, the [[Kyle House Group]] since 2023.[^19] Moskovitz has been a director of the Action Fund, a 501(c)(4) that files from the Palo Alto address of Good Ventures, on every return since 2017, alongside Tuna as president, Makan, and Open Philanthropy's chief executives, Holden Karnofsky and Alexander Berger; it reported about 270.4 million dollars in contributions from 2016 to 2023.[^20] On October 29, 2019, the Action Fund gave 750,000 dollars to the non-contribution account of [[Real Justice PAC]], which Tuna had funded with 1.9 million dollars in her own name.[^21] The Kyle House Group filings describe its work as "education and advocacy regarding U.S. foreign assistance policies and programs," on the State and Foreign Operations appropriations bills, and the three firms the fund has retained reported about 1.53 million dollars in income from it between 2021 and mid-2026.[^19]
### The Press
By 2025 Coefficient Giving supplied most of the funding of the [[Tarbell Center for AI Journalism]], which pays journalists placed at *[[Time (magazine)|Time]]*, [[Bloomberg]], *[[The Verge]]* and other newsrooms and publishes the newsletter *Transformer*; Coefficient's director of communications, [[Naina Bajekal]], was a former executive editor of *Time*.[^20] In September 2026 the publication *Effort*, founded by [[Brian Chau]], wrote that "Coefficient pays the salaries of two dozen journalists at major news outlets," that Open Philanthropy had pursued a "placement" strategy "to put their hand-picked employees in US and UK government offices," and that Moskovitz was the third-largest Democratic donor in 2020 and the second-largest in 2024.[^21]
By 2025 Coefficient Giving supplied most of the funding of the [[Tarbell Center for AI Journalism]], which pays journalists placed at *[[Time (magazine)|Time]]*, [[Bloomberg]], *[[The Verge]]* and other newsrooms and publishes the newsletter *Transformer*; Coefficient's director of communications, [[Naina Bajekal]], was a former executive editor of *Time*.[^22] In September 2026 the publication *Effort*, founded by [[Brian Chau]], wrote that "Coefficient pays the salaries of two dozen journalists at major news outlets," that Open Philanthropy had pursued a "placement" strategy "to put their hand-picked employees in US and UK government offices," and that Moskovitz was the third-largest Democratic donor in 2020 and the second-largest in 2024.[^23]
### Political Giving
On September 8, 2016, Moskovitz and Tuna announced 20 million dollars in contributions to defeat [[Donald Trump]] and elect [[Hillary Clinton]], calling Trump's promises to voters who felt left behind "quite possibly a deliberate con." They named 5 million dollars each to the [[LCV Victory Fund]] and [[For Our Future PAC]], and wrote that "we have reservations about anyone using large amounts of money to influence elections."[^5] [[Federal Election Commission]] records itemize contributions from Moskovitz of about 18.0 million dollars in the 2015-2016 cycle, led by 6 million to [[Priorities USA Action]], 4.5 million to the LCV Victory Fund, 2.5 million to For Our Future and 1.65 million to [[Color of Change PAC]]; 5.7 million in 2017-2018, including 3 million to [[MoveOn]] and 2 million to the [[Senate Majority PAC]]; 51.8 million in 2019-2020, including 46.89 million to the Democratic super PAC [[Future Forward]] and 830,600 dollars to the [[Biden Victory Fund]]; 5.9 million in 2021-2022, including 3.3 million to Future Forward and 1.9 million to its affiliate FFPA; and 50.9 million in 2023-2024, of which 50 million went to Future Forward in eight payments between August 28 and October 22, 2024, 30 million of it in October, and 929,600 dollars to the [[Harris Victory Fund]]. None had been itemized for the 2025-2026 cycle by September 2026.[^22] In March 2024 *[[Puck]]*'s [[Theodore Schleifer]] wrote that Moskovitz had spent "up to $100 million to defeat Donald Trump last cycle" and was "leaning into his power... and his checkbook" to beat back "the Andreessens and Musks of the world."[^23]
On September 8, 2016, Moskovitz and Tuna announced 20 million dollars in contributions to defeat [[Donald Trump]] and elect [[Hillary Clinton]], calling Trump's promises to voters who felt left behind "quite possibly a deliberate con." They named 5 million dollars each to the [[LCV Victory Fund]] and [[For Our Future PAC]], and wrote that "we have reservations about anyone using large amounts of money to influence elections."[^5] [[Federal Election Commission]] records itemize contributions from Moskovitz of about 18.0 million dollars in the 2015-2016 cycle, led by 6 million to [[Priorities USA Action]], 4.5 million to the LCV Victory Fund, 2.5 million to For Our Future and 1.65 million to [[Color of Change PAC]]; 5.7 million in 2017-2018, including 3 million to [[MoveOn]] and 2 million to the [[Senate Majority PAC]]; 51.8 million in 2019-2020, including 46.89 million to the Democratic super PAC [[Future Forward]] and 830,600 dollars to the [[Biden Victory Fund]]; 5.9 million in 2021-2022, including 3.3 million to Future Forward and 1.9 million to its affiliate FFPA; and 50.9 million in 2023-2024, of which 50 million went to Future Forward in eight payments between August 28 and October 22, 2024, 30 million of it in October, and 929,600 dollars to the [[Harris Victory Fund]]. None had been itemized for the 2025-2026 cycle by September 2026.[^24] In March 2024 *[[Puck]]*'s [[Theodore Schleifer]] wrote that Moskovitz had spent "up to $100 million to defeat Donald Trump last cycle" and was "leaning into his power... and his checkbook" to beat back "the Andreessens and Musks of the world."[^25]
### Footnotes
@ -80,7 +80,9 @@ On September 8, 2016, Moskovitz and Tuna announced 20 million dollars in contrib
[^17]: Coacci, Jessica. "Meet the millennial Meta cofounder and his wife who are giving away $20 billion." *Fortune,* November 10, 2025, via Yahoo Finance, archived December 26, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251226183707/https://finance.yahoo.com/news/meet-millennial-meta-cofounder-wife-170849820.html
[^18]: Center for AI Safety Action Fund, "2024 Annual Impact Report." https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/66438c042d15b14b53b83006/68012dcfec6880aba24f528a_CAIS-ActionFund-ImpactReport_05.pdf
[^19]: Americans for Responsible Innovation, "About Us," https://ari.us/about-us/ ; U.S. Senate, Lobbying Disclosure Act database, filings for clients "Americans for Responsible Innovation" and "Open Philanthropy Action Fund," 2021 to 2026, retrieved September 2026. https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=Americans+for+Responsible+Innovation
[^20]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026, https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards ; Tani, Max. "AI critics funded AI coverage at top newsrooms." *Semafor,* December 7, 2025. https://www.semafor.com/article/12/07/2025/ai-critics-funded-ai-coverage-at-top-newsrooms
[^21]: Effort. "How Effective Altruism Bought the Media," September 2, 2026, https://www.effort.news/tarbell ; Effort. "Effective Altruism is Buying Political Staff," September 19, 2026. https://www.effort.news/aisi
[^22]: Federal Election Commission, itemized receipts (Schedule A, memo entries excluded) for contributor "Moskovitz, Dustin," two-year periods 2016 through 2026, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=Moskovitz%2C+Dustin
[^23]: Schleifer, Theodore. "DustinBucks." *Puck,* March 20, 2024, archived January 10, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20250110050826/https://puck.news/dustinbucks/
[^20]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Coefficient Giving Action Fund" (formerly Open Philanthropy Action Fund), EIN 81-2644663, organization record, Form 990 data and Part VII officer listings for fiscal years 2016 to 2024, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/812644663
[^21]: Federal Election Commission, Schedule A receipt from "Open Philanthropy Action Fund," 750,000 dollars, October 29, 2019, reported by Real Justice PAC (C00632554) on its 2019 year-end Form 3X, image 202007029244274196, retrieved September 23, 2026. http://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/fecimg/?202007029244274196
[^22]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026, https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards ; Tani, Max. "AI critics funded AI coverage at top newsrooms." *Semafor,* December 7, 2025. https://www.semafor.com/article/12/07/2025/ai-critics-funded-ai-coverage-at-top-newsrooms
[^23]: Effort. "How Effective Altruism Bought the Media," September 2, 2026, https://www.effort.news/tarbell ; Effort. "Effective Altruism is Buying Political Staff," September 19, 2026. https://www.effort.news/aisi
[^24]: Federal Election Commission, itemized receipts (Schedule A, memo entries excluded) for contributor "Moskovitz, Dustin," two-year periods 2016 through 2026, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=Moskovitz%2C+Dustin
[^25]: Schleifer, Theodore. "DustinBucks." *Puck,* March 20, 2024, archived January 10, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20250110050826/https://puck.news/dustinbucks/

View file

@ -9,32 +9,81 @@ tags:
- Longtermism
alias:
- Holden Karnofsky
summary: "Holden Karnofsky is the cofounder of the charity evaluator GiveWell and of Open Philanthropy, the largest sustained funder of effective altruism and AI-safety work, an early backer of Anthropic who later moved into AI-safety strategy and joined Anthropic in 2025, and the husband of Anthropic president Daniela Amodei."
summary: "Cofounder of GiveWell and Open Philanthropy and its co-CEO until 2023, a Redwood Research director, an OpenAI director from 2017 to 2021, Anthropic staff from 2025, and husband of Anthropic president Daniela Amodei."
born: 1981
location: "San Francisco, California"
created: 2026-06-19
updated: 2026-06-19
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: founded
with: "[[GiveWell]]"
role: "cofounder with Elie Hassenfeld"
start: 2007
fn: 3
- type: spouse_of
with: "[[Daniela Amodei]]"
fn: 18
- type: member_of
with: "[[OpenAI]]"
role: "director"
start: 2017
end: 2021
fn: 18
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Carnegie Endowment for International Peace]]"
role: "visiting scholar"
start: 2024-04-29
fn: 17
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Anthropic]]"
role: "member of technical staff, reporting to Jared Kaplan"
start: 2025-01
fn: 18
---
Holden Karnofsky (born 1981) is an American grantmaker who cofounded the charity evaluator [[GiveWell]] and the foundation [[Open Philanthropy]], the durable financial backbone of the [[Effective Altruism]] movement and of [[Longtermism|longtermist]] and AI-safety work. As Open Philanthropy's co-chief executive he directed the institutional patronage that sustained AI-existential-risk research, was an early backer of the AI company [[Anthropic]], and in 2025 left grantmaking to work at Anthropic directly. He is married to Anthropic cofounder and president [[Daniela Amodei]].[^1][^2]
Holden Karnofsky (born 1981) is an American grantmaker who cofounded the charity evaluator [[GiveWell]] and the foundation [[Open Philanthropy]], the durable financial backbone of the [[Effective Altruism]] movement and of [[Longtermism|longtermist]] and AI-safety work. As Open Philanthropy's co-chief executive he directed the institutional patronage that sustained AI-existential-risk research, was an early backer of the AI company [[Anthropic]], and left Open Philanthropy's staff in 2024 and joined Anthropic in 2025. He is married to Anthropic cofounder and president [[Daniela Amodei]].[^1][^2]
### GiveWell
Karnofsky and [[Elie Hassenfeld]] met as analysts at the hedge fund [[Bridgewater Associates]], where they were part of a group of eight finance-industry friends researching charitable giving in their spare time. In 2007 the two left their jobs, raised about 300,000 dollars from former coworkers, and founded GiveWell, an organization that rates charities by the measured cost-effectiveness of their interventions and recommends a short list of top picks. The model, evidence-based giving aimed at maximizing lives saved per dollar, became one of the two intellectual streams of effective altruism, alongside the Oxford moral philosophy of [[Toby Ord]] and [[William MacAskill]].[^3][^4]
Months after the launch, Karnofsky was caught promoting GiveWell anonymously: in December 2007 he posted a question soliciting charity recommendations on the community site Ask MetaFilter under a false identity, then answered it touting GiveWell without disclosing his role. The board removed him as executive director and board secretary effective January 3, 2008, cut 5,000 dollars from his salary, and required him to take a professional-development course; he was later restored to the leadership. GiveWell grew into a major channel for evidence-based giving, directing more than 1.45 billion dollars to its top charities between 2009 and 2024, with roughly half of that going to the [[Against Malaria Foundation]] at an estimated cost of about 5,500 dollars per life saved.[^7][^8]
Months after the launch, Karnofsky was caught promoting GiveWell anonymously: in December 2007 he posted a question soliciting charity recommendations on the community site Ask MetaFilter under a false identity, then answered it touting GiveWell without disclosing his role. The board removed him as executive director and board secretary effective January 3, 2008, cut 5,000 dollars from his salary, and required him to take a professional-development course; he was later restored to the leadership. GiveWell grew into a major channel for evidence-based giving, directing more than 1.45 billion dollars to its top charities between 2009 and 2024, with roughly half of that going to the [[Against Malaria Foundation]] at an estimated cost of about 5,500 dollars per life saved.[^5][^6]
### The Clear Fund
GiveWell's legal name is The Clear Fund, EIN 20-8625442, a 501(c)(3) with an [[Internal Revenue Service|IRS]] ruling date of July 1, 2007, filing from 1714 Franklin Street in [[Oakland]]. For 2023 it reported revenue of 219.6 million dollars and year-end assets of 208.6 million.[^7]
### Open Philanthropy
GiveWell's research into larger and riskier giving opportunities led to a partnership with Good Ventures, the foundation established in 2011 by [[Facebook]] cofounder [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and his wife [[Cari Tuna]]. The two efforts joined as the Open Philanthropy Project in 2014 and began independent operations in 2017, with Karnofsky as co-chief executive. Funded chiefly by Moskovitz and Tuna, Open Philanthropy directed more than four billion dollars in grants by 2025 across global health and "longtermism," the latter covering AI risk, pandemic preparedness, and the far future. Its AI-risk money flowed to the research community around the [[Machine Intelligence Research Institute]], the [[Future of Humanity Institute]], and the [[Rationalist Community]], making Open Philanthropy the principal patron of AI-safety work outside the technology companies. The organization renamed itself Coefficient Giving in 2025.[^1][^2]
GiveWell's research into larger and riskier giving opportunities led to a partnership with [[Good Ventures]], the foundation established in 2011 by [[Facebook]] cofounder [[Dustin Moskovitz]] and his wife [[Cari Tuna]]. The two efforts joined as the Open Philanthropy Project in 2014 and began independent operations in 2017, with Karnofsky as chief executive. Funded chiefly by Moskovitz and Tuna, Open Philanthropy directed more than four billion dollars in grants by 2025 across global health and "longtermism," the latter covering AI risk, pandemic preparedness, and the far future. Its AI-risk money flowed to the research community around the [[Machine Intelligence Research Institute]], the [[Future of Humanity Institute]], and the [[Rationalist Community]], making Open Philanthropy the principal patron of AI-safety work outside the technology companies. The organization renamed itself Coefficient Giving in 2025.[^1][^2]
The effort began inside GiveWell as "GiveWell Labs" before splitting off, with Karnofsky and [[Alexander Berger]] sharing the chief-executive role until Berger became sole chief executive on Karnofsky's 2023 departure. In March 2017 Karnofsky steered Open Philanthropy's 30-million-dollar grant to [[OpenAI]], a sum that bought a board seat he held until 2021, when he resigned it after his wife cofounded a competing lab. Between 2021 and 2023 Karnofsky wrote the "most important century" series on his blog Cold Takes, more than twenty essays arguing that the development of transformative AI could make the present century the most consequential in human history, a thesis that supplied the intellectual rationale for Open Philanthropy's concentration of money on AI risk.[^2][^9]
The effort began inside GiveWell as "GiveWell Labs" before splitting off. On June 16, 2021, Karnofsky announced that his fellow cofounder [[Alexander Berger]] had been "promoted to co-CEO," in "a dual-CEO structure, with both of us reporting directly to the board"; Karnofsky kept oversight of "biosecurity and pandemic preparedness and potential risks from advanced AI," and Berger took global health, scientific research, farm animal welfare and criminal justice reform.[^8] On July 27, 2023, writing "on behalf of Open Philanthropy's board," Karnofsky announced that Berger was sole chief executive and that his own title was changing "from co-CEO to Director of AI Strategy"; he stayed on the staff.[^9] In March 2017 Karnofsky steered Open Philanthropy's 30-million-dollar grant to [[OpenAI]], a sum that bought a board seat he held until 2021, when he resigned it after his wife cofounded a competing lab. Between 2021 and 2023 Karnofsky wrote the "most important century" series on his blog Cold Takes, more than twenty essays arguing that the development of transformative AI could make the present century the most consequential in human history, a thesis that supplied the intellectual rationale for Open Philanthropy's concentration of money on AI risk.[^2][^10]
### Anthropic and the Amodei Tie
Open Philanthropy was an early funder of Anthropic, the AI company founded in 2021 by former OpenAI researchers from the effective-altruism milieu, and Karnofsky held a seat associated with that early backing. Karnofsky married Daniela Amodei in 2017; she cofounded Anthropic with her brother [[Dario Amodei]] and serves as its president. In 2022 [[Sam Bankman-Fried]] invested roughly 500 million dollars of [[FTX]]-derived capital in Anthropic through [[Alameda Research]], placing the company at the intersection of the movement's two largest funders during the period Karnofsky's foundation and his wife's company were both tied to it. Karnofsky took a leave from his co-chief-executive role in 2023 to focus on AI strategy and joined Anthropic in January 2025 to work on its responsible-scaling and safety policies.[^2][^5][^6]
Open Philanthropy was an early funder of Anthropic, the AI company founded in 2021 by former OpenAI researchers from the effective-altruism milieu, and Karnofsky held a seat associated with that early backing. Karnofsky married Daniela Amodei in 2017; she cofounded Anthropic with her brother [[Dario Amodei]] and serves as its president. In 2022 [[Sam Bankman-Fried]] invested roughly 500 million dollars of [[FTX]]-derived capital in Anthropic through [[Alameda Research]], placing the company at the intersection of the movement's two largest funders during the period Karnofsky's foundation and his wife's company were both tied to it. Karnofsky took a leave from his co-chief-executive role in 2023 to focus on AI strategy, became Open Philanthropy's director of AI strategy in July 2023, left its staff for the [[Carnegie Endowment for International Peace]] in April 2024, and joined Anthropic in January 2025 to work on its responsible-scaling and safety policies.[^2][^11][^12]
The overlap drew the criticism that the largest funder of independent AI-safety research was led by a man married to the president of a frontier AI lab his foundation had financed. Karnofsky's OpenAI board seat from 2017 to 2021 had already placed him inside one leading lab before the marriage tie connected him to a second; commentators noted that the same small network of effective-altruism figures sat on the funding, governance, and research sides of the field at once. At Anthropic he took up work on the company's Responsible Scaling Policy, the framework of capability thresholds and safety commitments the company uses to govern the release of more powerful models.[^2][^6]
The overlap drew the criticism that the largest funder of independent AI-safety research was led by a man married to the president of a frontier AI lab his foundation had financed. Karnofsky's OpenAI board seat from 2017 to 2021 had already placed him inside one leading lab before the marriage tie connected him to a second; commentators noted that the same small network of effective-altruism figures sat on the funding, governance, and research sides of the field at once. At Anthropic he took up work on the company's Responsible Scaling Policy, the framework of capability thresholds and safety commitments the company uses to govern the release of more powerful models.[^2][^12]
### Redwood Research
When [[Nate Thomas]] announced [[Redwood Research]] on October 6, 2021, he wrote that "our board is Nate, [[Paul Christiano]] and Holden Karnofsky." Karnofsky, then co-chief executive of Open Philanthropy, was listed as Redwood's unpaid treasurer on its return for 2021 and as treasurer and CFO for 2022, with Christiano as secretary. Open Philanthropy recommended four grants totaling 9.42 million dollars to Redwood in November 2021, followed by 10.7 million dollars in August 2022 and 5.3 million in June 2023; the archived grant pages do not mention Karnofsky. Redwood's return for 2023 listed him as a director "thru 11/23," Christiano "thru 6/23," and Open Philanthropy's senior program officer for AI risk, [[Ajeya Cotra]], as a director.[^13][^14][^15]
### The Action Fund
Karnofsky was also an officer of the [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]], the 501(c)(4) of Moskovitz and Tuna, which files from the [[Palo Alto]] address of the Good Ventures Foundation. Its returns list him as executive director for 2017, chief executive and director for 2018 to 2020, co-CEO and director for 2021 and 2022, "co-CEO thru 7/23/23" for 2023, and a director only for 2024. None of its officers was paid by it.[^16]
### Carnegie Endowment
On April 29, 2024, Karnofsky wrote: "Effective today, I've left Open Philanthropy and joined the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace as a Visiting Scholar. At Carnegie, I will analyze and write about topics relevant to AI risk reduction." He named as his first subjects "what AI capabilities might increase the risk of a global catastrophe," how to "catch early warning signs of these capabilities," and what protective measures would be needed. He gave his reason for leaving: "my work no longer involves significant involvement in grantmaking, and given that I've overseen grantmaking historically, it's a significant problem for there to be confusion on this point. Philanthropy comes with particular power dynamics that I'd like to move away from, and I also think Open Philanthropy would benefit from less ambiguity about my role in its funding decisions (especially given the fact that I'm married to the President of a major AI company)." He wrote that he would "continue to serve on its board of directors (at least for the time being)," and named Carnegie's president, [[Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar|Tino Cuéllar]], and its scholar [[Matt Sheehan]], who "specializes in China's AI ecosystem."[^17]
In the comments a reader posting as Adam_Scholl suggested Karnofsky might be among the people "who stands to personally lose the most money in the event of an AI pause." Karnofsky replied: "My spouse isn't currently planning to divest the full amount of her equity. Some factors here: (a) It's her decision, not mine. (b) The equity has important voting rights, such that divesting or donating it in full could have governance implications." He added: "The bottom line is that I have a significant conflict of interest that isn't going away, and I am trying to help reduce AI risk despite that. My new role will not have authority over grants or other significant resources besides my time and my ability to do analysis and make arguments."[^17]
The first comment on the same post, posted anonymously by a writer whose description of the couple's giving matches Dustin Moskovitz and Cari Tuna, read: "I'm grateful that Cari and I met Holden when we did (and grateful to Daniela for luring him to San Francisco for that first meeting). The last fourteen years of our giving would have looked very different without his work."[^17]
### Anthropic Staff
*[[Fortune (magazine)|Fortune]]* reported in February 2025 that Anthropic described Karnofsky's title only as "a member of the technical staff" reporting to its chief science officer, [[Jared Kaplan]], and quoted a spokesperson: "He is working on the responsible scaling policy and other aspects around safety planning ahead of highly advanced AI systems." The magazine wrote that with his arrival "Anthropic now has three close family members holding influential roles at the company," and that he had served on OpenAI's board "between 2017 and 2021."[^18]
### Footnotes
@ -42,8 +91,17 @@ The overlap drew the criticism that the largest funder of independent AI-safety
[^2]: "Who Funds the AI Safety Watchdogs," Inside The Black Box, on Open Philanthropy's share of AI-safety funding, the Karnofsky-Amodei marriage, and Karnofsky's 2025 move to Anthropic. https://itbb.substack.com/p/who-funds-the-watchdogs
[^3]: "Our Story," GiveWell, on the 2007 founding by eight finance-industry friends and the 300,000-dollar startup raise. https://www.givewell.org/about/story
[^4]: "GiveWell Co-Founder Explains Effective Altruism Frameworks," *The Harvard Crimson,* December 4, 2015. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2015/12/4/givewell-founder-effective-altruism/
[^5]: "Effective Altruism After Sam Bankman-Fried," Seven Pillars Institute, 2023, on the 500 million dollar Anthropic investment via Alameda Research. https://www.sevenpillarsinstitute.org/effective-altruism-after-sam-bankman-fried/
[^6]: "The Making of Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei," Alex Kantrowitz, on Open Philanthropy as an early Anthropic funder and the Karnofsky tie. https://kantrowitz.medium.com/the-making-of-anthropic-ceo-dario-amodei-449777529dd6
[^7]: "GiveWell in turmoil after 'horrible lapse of judgement' by founders," *Alliance,* 2008, on the MetaFilter astroturfing and the board sanctions. https://www.alliancemagazine.org/news/givewell-in-turmoil-after-horrible-lapse-of-judgement-by-founders/
[^8]: "GiveWell's Fundraising and Grantmaking in 2023" and "GiveWell's 2024 Metrics and Impact," The GiveWell Blog, on the cumulative 1.45-billion-dollar total and the Against Malaria Foundation cost per life saved. https://blog.givewell.org/2025/08/13/givewells-2024-metrics-and-impact/
[^9]: "OpenAI General Support," Good Ventures, on the March 2017 30-million-dollar grant and Karnofsky's board seat through 2021; Karnofsky, Holden, "The Most Important Century," Cold Takes, 2021. https://www.cold-takes.com/the-most-important-century-in-a-nutshell/
[^5]: "GiveWell in turmoil after 'horrible lapse of judgement' by founders," *Alliance,* 2008, on the MetaFilter astroturfing and the board sanctions. https://www.alliancemagazine.org/news/givewell-in-turmoil-after-horrible-lapse-of-judgement-by-founders/
[^6]: "GiveWell's Fundraising and Grantmaking in 2023" and "GiveWell's 2024 Metrics and Impact," The GiveWell Blog, on the cumulative 1.45-billion-dollar total and the Against Malaria Foundation cost per life saved. https://blog.givewell.org/2025/08/13/givewells-2024-metrics-and-impact/
[^7]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "The Clear Fund," EIN 20-8625442, organization record and Form 990 data, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/208625442
[^8]: Karnofsky, Holden. "Open Philanthropy's New Co-CEO." Open Philanthropy blog, June 16, 2021, archived May 31, 2022. http://web.archive.org/web/20220531031049/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/blog/open-philanthropys-new-co-ceo
[^9]: Karnofsky, Holden. "Alexander Berger is Now Sole CEO of Open Philanthropy." Open Philanthropy, July 27, 2023, archived March 17, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260317060608/https://coefficientgiving.org/research/alexander-berger-is-now-sole-ceo-of-open-philanthropy/
[^10]: "OpenAI General Support," Good Ventures, on the March 2017 30-million-dollar grant and Karnofsky's board seat through 2021; Karnofsky, Holden, "The Most Important Century," Cold Takes, 2021. https://www.cold-takes.com/the-most-important-century-in-a-nutshell/
[^11]: "Effective Altruism After Sam Bankman-Fried," Seven Pillars Institute, 2023, on the 500 million dollar Anthropic investment via Alameda Research. https://www.sevenpillarsinstitute.org/effective-altruism-after-sam-bankman-fried/
[^12]: "The Making of Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei," Alex Kantrowitz, on Open Philanthropy as an early Anthropic funder and the Karnofsky tie. https://kantrowitz.medium.com/the-making-of-anthropic-ceo-dario-amodei-449777529dd6
[^13]: Thomas, Nate. "We're Redwood Research, we do applied alignment research, AMA." LessWrong, October 6, 2021. https://www.lesswrong.com/posts/qHvHvBR8L6oycnMXe/we-re-redwood-research-we-do-applied-alignment-research-ama
[^14]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Redwood Research Group Inc," EIN 87-1702255, Form 990 Part VII officer listings for fiscal years 2021 to 2024, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/871702255
[^15]: Open Philanthropy, "Redwood Research, General Support," November 2021, archived August 11, 2022, http://web.archive.org/web/20220811081927/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/redwood-research-general-support/ ; "Redwood Research, General Support (2022)," archived November 6, 2022, http://web.archive.org/web/20221106183007/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/redwood-research-general-support-2/ ; "Redwood Research, General Support (2023)," archived September 12, 2023, http://web.archive.org/web/20230912095528/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/redwood-research-general-support-2023/ ; "Ajeya Cotra," team biography, archived November 11, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231111135945/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/about/team/ajeya-cotra/
[^16]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Coefficient Giving Action Fund" (formerly Open Philanthropy Action Fund), EIN 81-2644663, Form 990 Part VII officer listings for fiscal years 2016 to 2024, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/812644663
[^17]: Karnofsky, Holden. "Joining the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace." EA Forum, April 29, 2024, with comments. https://forum.effectivealtruism.org/posts/7gzgwgwefwBku2cnL/joining-the-carnegie-endowment-for-international-peace
[^18]: Mathews, Jessica. "Anthropic hired president Daniela Amodei's husband to work on the company's AI safety strategy." *Fortune,* February 13, 2025. https://fortune.com/2025/02/13/anthropic-hired-president-daniela-amodei-husband-ai-safety-responsible-scaling/

View file

@ -0,0 +1,92 @@
---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- BankRegulator
- Comptroller
alias:
- John G. Heimann
summary: "New York banking superintendent who twice blocked BCCI's attempts to buy a New York bank through nominees, then as Comptroller of the Currency approved Ghaith Pharaon's 1978 purchase of the National Bank of Georgia."
born: 1929-04-01
died: 2024-01-31
location: "New York City"
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Office of the Comptroller of the Currency]]"
role: "24th Comptroller of the Currency"
start: 1977-07-21
end: 1981-05-15
fn: 1
- type: appointed
with: "[[Jimmy Carter]]"
reverse: true
role: "Comptroller of the Currency"
start: 1977
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
role: "New York Banking Superintendent; held nominee applications for New York banks"
fn: 3
- type: investigated
with: "[[Bert Lance]]"
role: "Comptroller's review of Lance's banking practices"
start: 1977
fn: 4
- type: investigated
with: "[[Ghaith R. Pharaon]]"
role: "OCC inquiry whether Pharaon fronted for BCCI at the National Bank of Georgia"
start: 1978
fn: 3
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Warburg Pincus]]"
role: "founding partner, E.M. Warburg Pincus & Co."
start: 1967
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Merrill Lynch]]"
role: "vice chairman of capital markets"
end: 1999
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
John G. Heimann was an American investment banker and bank regulator who served as Superintendent of Banks for the State of [[New York]] and then, from July 21, 1977, to May 15, 1981, as the 24th Comptroller of the Currency, appointed by President [[Jimmy Carter]].[^1][^2] In both posts he dealt with the attempts of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) to enter the [[United States]].[^3]
### Early Life and Career
Heimann was born in [[New York City]] on April 1, 1929, to Sydney and Dorothy Baright Heimann. His mother died in 1934 and his father, a lawyer, ten years later, after which he and his younger brother Richard were made wards of the court and sent to the [[New York Military Academy]]. He received a BA in economics from [[Syracuse University]] in 1950, was drafted into the Army during the [[Korean War]], and began his career at [[Smith Barney]], where he created the firm's pension fund business. In 1967 [[Lionel Pincus]] asked him to join his new firm, E.M. Warburg Pincus & Co., as a founding partner.[^2]
In 1975, during New York City's fiscal crisis, he became Superintendent of Banks for New York State in the administration of Governor [[Hugh Carey]], who later made him Commissioner of the Division of Housing and Community Renewal.[^2] As Comptroller he was the first chairman of the [[Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council]] and acting chairman of the [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]].[^1]
### BCCI in New York
BCCI's first attempt to acquire an American bank was a bid for the [[Chelsea National Bank]] in New York through a member of the [[Gokal brothers|Gokal]] family as nominee. Heimann testified to the Senate subcommittee of Senator [[John Kerry]]: "My first supervisory contact with BCCI occurred when I was New York Banking Superintendent. New York law requires the Superintended to approve the change of control of a New York chartered bank. . . A young Pakistani national was the proposed purchaser. His uncertified financial statement showed total assets of $4.5 million, of which $3 million was in the form of a loan from his sister. His reported annual income for the prior year was, as I recall, approximately $34,000."[^3]
He found that BCCI had no central regulator and divided its operations between two auditors, so that it had no consolidated financial report, and put a hold on the application. BCCI then applied through a second nominee for a second New York bank, with the same result. [[Agha Hasan Abedi]] then met Heimann directly. Heimann testified: "In each instance, Mr. Abedi attempted to convince us of the secure nature and correct operations of BCCI, its financial strength, etc. On each of these occasions, I expressed my concern that BCCI did not have a primary regulator, and that, until it did, my office was reluctant to permit entry into the US." The Senate report concluded: "New York, the most important U.S. banking market for BCCI, would be closed to BCCI so long as Heimann was its chief regulator."[^3]
Before the subcommittee he stated: "Early on in my government service, I learned one very important and fundamental lesson; namely, that those so inclined to manipulate banks for their own benefit find it easiest to do so if they operate between different supervisory regimes."[^4]
### Bert Lance and the National Bank of Georgia
As Comptroller, Heimann was, in the Senate report's words, "the principal person in the Carter Administration who determined that Bert Lance's banking practices were serious enough to warrant criminal investigation, and to require that Lance not remain as director of the Office of Management and Budget."[^4] His family's notice described the investigation of [[Bert Lance]] as his first challenge as Comptroller.[^2]
In January 1978 Lance sold his shares in the [[National Bank of Georgia]] to [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]]. In a memorandum to his files dated January 4, 1978, Heimann recorded that the bank's president, Guyton, "noted he was somewhat disturbed about the role played by the Pakistanis in this transaction," and that "He believes that Lance is presently on the BCCI payroll working with Addabi [sic] and Sami. As a matter of fact, Lance went to London last week and will be back today. The purpose of that trip, presumably, was to discuss further expansion of BCCI in the U.S." Within two weeks the OCC learned that Lance was receiving from BCCI "a tremendous salary," an airplane, office space and secretarial help.[^3][^4]
When BCCI's attempt, with Lance, to take over [[Financial General Bankshares]] became public, Heimann directed the OCC's enforcement staff to determine whether Pharaon, like Gokal before him, was a front for BCCI. [[Robert B. Serino]], director of enforcement and compliance, met Pharaon on March 30, 1978, and wrote to Heimann on April 3: "My conclusions from meeting with Pharaon are that he tells a convincing story; however, it appears that he is 'beholden' to or at least influenced by Abedi. I believe he could, in fact, be Abedi's alter ego in the United States." The Senate report found: "There is no evidence in OCC files to suggest that OCC sought to investigate further its suspicions about Pharaon acting as a front man for BCCI in the purchase of National Bank of Georgia."[^3]
The report described Heimann's position: "Heimann was faced with a difficult choice. Pharaon had agreed that Lance would have no further involvement with National Bank of Georgia if his application to buy it were approved." The OCC was preparing a fraud suit against Lance, and the bank had inadequate capital. "The OCC gave Pharaon permission to move forward and he concluded his tender offer to purchase a 60 percent interest in NBG on May 30, 1978." In the same period an OCC examiner in London, [[Joseph E. Vaez]], had found that BCCI used nominees in purchases of other banks; the report found that this information did not reach the examiners dealing with the Georgia bank, and that in 1981, when the [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]] was considering the purchase of Financial General Bankshares, the OCC failed, inadvertently, to pass on what it knew of BCCI's possible use of nominees.[^4]
### Later Career
Heimann returned to Wall Street in 1981 as deputy chairman of [[Warburg, Paribas, Becker]], and through its acquisition moved to [[Merrill Lynch]], where he was vice chairman of capital markets, chairman of the executive committee of Merrill Lynch Europe and Middle East, and chairman of its global financial institutions group. After leaving Merrill Lynch in 1999 he became founding chairman of the Financial Stability Institute at the [[Bank for International Settlements]]. He was a member of the [[Group of Thirty]] and chaired the 2020 Andean Commission of the [[Council on Foreign Relations]].[^2]
He died at his home in Manhattan in January 2024, at 94.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Office of the Comptroller of the Currency. "John G. Heimann, 24th Comptroller of the Currency." https://www.occ.gov/about/who-we-are/history/previous-comptrollers/bio-24-john-heimann.html
[^2]: "John G. Heimann" (paid death notice). *The New York Times,* February 4, 2024, via Legacy.com. https://www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/nytimes/name/john-heimann-obituary?id=54285685 (archived: http://web.archive.org/web/20260224062907/https://www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/nytimes/name/john-heimann-obituary?id=54285685). The notice states that he died "on Wednesday," which fell on January 31, 2024.
[^3]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 6, "BCCI in the United States: Initial Entry and FGB and NBG Takeovers" (citing Heimann's testimony, S. Hrg. 102-379, pp. 76-77, and OCC memoranda of January 4 and April 3, 1978). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/06early.htm
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 12, "The Regulators." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/12reg.htm

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@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
created: 2026-05-01
updated: 2026-05-01
updated: 2026-09-23
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
@ -27,6 +27,15 @@ relations:
start: 1992-07-01
end: 1993-12-23
fn: 2
- type: owned
with: "[[Skyway Aircraft Leasing]]"
role: "owner, per a court document"
fn: 7
- type: funded
with: "[[James R. Bath]]"
role: "1.4 million dollar loan toward the Express Auto Park garage, Hobby Airport"
start: 1990
fn: 7
---
Khalid Salim bin Mahfouz was born December 26, 1949, in Jeddah, [[Saudi Arabia]]. His father, Salem bin Mahfouz, was a Yemeni-born money-changer who founded the [[National Commercial Bank]] (NCB), the first and largest private bank in Saudi Arabia. Khalid succeeded his father in management of NCB and by the 1990s personally held a 75% stake in the institution, with his wife Naela Kaaki holding the remaining 25%. In 1999, following the collapse of [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]], the Saudi government purchased a controlling 50% stake in NCB for at least $1 billion, partly used to retire Khalid's personal debts, after which the Mahfouz family retained a 34% stake but Khalid surrendered all management positions. Khalid bin Mahfouz died August 16, 2009, in Jeddah.[^1]
@ -46,9 +55,25 @@ A document dated May 14, 1985, on [[Department of Justice]] letterhead and signe
The document placed bin Mahfouz alongside Ghorbanifar and Khashoggi, both of whom were simultaneously central to the arms-for-hostages pipeline that became the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], in a network brokering intelligence-modified software to the Middle East.
### The 1986 Share Agreement
The [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate Report]] described bin Mahfouz as "head of the National Commercial Bank of Saudi Arabia and the most powerful banker in the Middle East," and wrote that the "forced sale" BCCI later considered for First American was "first considered, and attempted, by BCCI, in 1986 in connection with the purchases of BCCI and CCAH stock" by him. He had bought the shares "under a complex agreement that would permit him to purchase both banks, or to hold his interests temporarily with BCCI guaranteeing to buy them back at no risk to bin Mahfouz." According to the report, "After auditors for National Commercial Bank raised questions about bin Mahfouz's actions regarding BCCI, the transactions were fully unwound by 1989, leaving the First American problem for BCCI unsolved."[^5]
In September 1990 [[Price Waterhouse]] learned that BCCI "had concealed further lending of over $500 million to its major customs by 'parking' that lending with a Middle Eastern bank, namely, the National Commercial Bank of Saudi Arabia controlled by Khalid bin Mahfouz." The practice had continued after the removal of [[Swaleh Naqvi]], "with the knowledge and approval of the Board representative of the controlling shareholders," the government of [[Abu Dhabi]].[^6]
### Houston
In June 1992 the *[[Houston Chronicle]]* reported that the [[Financial Crimes Enforcement Network]] and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] were reviewing accusations that the Houston businessman [[James R. Bath]] had guided Saudi money into Houston, and that Bath had said in a sworn deposition that he was "the sole director of Skyway Aircraft Leasing Ltd., a company that a court document shows is owned by Khaled bin Mahfouz." The newspaper reported that in 1990 Bath bought the Express Auto Park garage at Houston's [[William P. Hobby Airport|Hobby Airport]] for 8.4 million dollars, "which included a $1.4 million loan provided by Mahfouz, according to transaction documents," and that after Sheikh [[Salem bin Laden|Salem M. Binladen]], for whom Bath had bought Houston Gulf Airport in 1977, died in 1988, "his interests in the airport were taken over by Mahfouz, according to court documents." Bath had invested 50,000 dollars in the Arbusto '79 and Arbusto '80 oil partnerships of [[George W. Bush]].[^7]
The journalist [[Lucy Komisar]] wrote in 2007 that in 1976, when [[George H.W. Bush]] headed the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], the agency sold some of the planes of its proprietary airline [[Air America]] to Skyway, "a company owned by Bath and Bin Mahfouz." She also described bin Mahfouz as the "chief banker" of the Saudi investor [[Abdullah Taha Bakhsh]], who held about 11 percent of [[Harken Energy]], the oil company of which George W. Bush was a director.[^8]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S.C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* Random House, 1993.
[^2]: "Saudi to Pay $225 Million in BCCI Settlement." *The Washington Post*, December 24, 1993; "Top Saudi Banker Indicted in BCCI Fraud." United Press International, July 1, 1992.
[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
[^4]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
[^5]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 7, "BCCI in the United States: Later Acquisitions." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/07later.htm
[^6]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 10, "BCCI and Its Accountants." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/10accounta.htm
[^7]: Urban, Jerry. "Bush Said Friend's Arbusto Investment Was His Own, Not Saudi Money." *Houston Chronicle,* June 4, 1992. Reproduced at https://911timeline.s3.amazonaws.com/1990s/houstonchronicle060492.html
[^8]: Komisar, Lucy. "Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI." Inter Press Service, April 4, 2007. https://www.ipsnews.net/2007/04/finance-questions-linger-about-bushes-and-bcci/

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@ -0,0 +1,122 @@
---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- UnitedKingdom
- ConservativeParty
- HMTreasury
- BankingSupervision
- 1990s
alias:
- Lord Lamont of Lerwick
- Norman Stewart Hughson Lamont
summary: "Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1990 to 1993 who answered for the government after BCCI's July 1991 closure and, with the Bank of England's Governor, commissioned the Bingham inquiry."
born: 1942-05-08
location: "London, United Kingdom"
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[HM Treasury]]"
role: "Chancellor of the Exchequer"
start: 1990-11-28
end: 1993-05-27
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[HM Treasury]]"
role: "Chief Secretary to the Treasury"
start: 1989-07-24
end: 1990-11-28
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[HM Treasury]]"
role: "Financial Secretary"
start: 1986-05-21
end: 1989-07-23
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[House of Commons]]"
role: "Member of Parliament for Kingston upon Thames"
start: 1972-05-05
end: 1997-05-01
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[House of Lords]]"
role: "Lord Lamont of Lerwick"
start: 1998-07-24
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Conservative Party]]"
start: 1972-05-05
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[N. M. Rothschild & Sons]]"
role: "merchant banker"
start: 1968
end: 1979
fn: 4
- type: director_of
with: "[[N. M. Rothschild & Sons]]"
role: "non-executive director"
start: 1993
end: 1995
fn: 4
- type: appointed
with: "[[Thomas Bingham]]"
role: "jointly with the Governor of the Bank of England, to inquire into the supervision of BCCI"
start: 1991
fn: 3
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Norman Stewart Hughson Lamont, Lord Lamont of Lerwick (born May 8, 1942), is a British [[Conservative Party]] politician who sat as Member of Parliament for [[Kingston upon Thames]] from 1972 to 1997 and was [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] from November 28, 1990, to May 27, 1993. As Chancellor he answered in the [[House of Commons]] for the government after the [[Bank of England]] closed the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) in July 1991, and with the Governor of the Bank, [[Robin Leigh-Pemberton]], he commissioned the inquiry of Lord Justice [[Thomas Bingham]] into the supervision of the bank.[^1][^2][^3]
### Early Life and Banking
Lamont was born in [[Lerwick]], in the [[Shetland Islands]], where his father, [[Daniel Lamont]], a surgeon, was stationed during the [[World War II|Second World War]]; his mother was Helen Irene Lamont. He attended [[Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge|Fitzwilliam College]], [[University of Cambridge|Cambridge]], where he belonged to a group of young Conservatives known as the "Cambridge Mafia," among them [[Michael Howard]] and [[John Gummer]]. He was president of the Cambridge University Conservative Association and, in 1964, of the [[Cambridge Union]].[^4]
He was principal assistant to the Conservative member [[Duncan Sandys]] in 1965 and worked on the staff of the [[Conservative Research Department]] from 1966 to 1968. From 1968 to 1979 he was a merchant banker at [[N. M. Rothschild & Sons]]. He married Alice Rosemary White in 1971; they had two children, Hilaire and Sophie.[^4] He contested [[Kingston upon Hull East]] without success at the general election of June 18, 1970, and entered the Commons for Kingston upon Thames at a by-election in May 1972.[^1][^4]
### Parliamentary and Ministerial Career
In the Commons Lamont was parliamentary private secretary to [[Norman St John-Stevas]] in 1974, an opposition spokesman on prices and consumer affairs from 1975 to 1976 and on industry from 1976 to 1979.[^4] He sat on the Procedure Committee from November 1978 to June 1983 and on the [[Public Accounts Committee]] from June 1986 to July 1989.[^1]
His government posts, as recorded by Parliament, were:[^1]
- Parliamentary Under-Secretary, [[Department of Energy]], May 7, 1979, to September 5, 1981
- Minister of State, [[Department of Industry]], September 14, 1981, to June 12, 1983
- Minister of State, [[Department of Trade and Industry]], June 13, 1983, to September 2, 1985
- Minister of State for Defence Procurement, [[Ministry of Defence]], September 2, 1985, to May 20, 1986
- Financial Secretary, [[HM Treasury]], May 21, 1986, to July 23, 1989
- Chief Secretary to the Treasury, July 24, 1989, to November 28, 1990
- Chancellor of the Exchequer, November 28, 1990, to May 27, 1993
He contested [[Harrogate and Knaresborough]] at the general election of May 1, 1997, and left the Commons that day. He entered the [[House of Lords]] as Lord Lamont of Lerwick on July 24, 1998, and has served there on the [[European Union Committee]], the Economic Affairs Committee and, from January 2026, the International Relations and Defence Committee.[^1]
After leaving the Treasury he was a non-executive director of N. M. Rothschild & Sons from 1993 to 1995, and a director of RAB Capital, [[Balli PLC]] and several investment trusts; he was vice president of the [[Bruges Group]] from 1997, an adviser to the Romanian government in 1997 and 1998, and chairman of Conservatives Against a Federal Europe from 1998 to 1999. He wrote *Electoral Reform, No Reform* (1975), *Sovereign Britain* (1995) and *In Office* (1999), a memoir.[^4]
### Closure of BCCI, July 1991
On July 19, 1991, two weeks after the Bank of England closed BCCI, Lamont made a statement to the Commons. He told the House that "under the 1987 Banking Act the supervision of banks is unambiguously the duty of the Bank of England and not of the Government," that the [[Deposit Protection Board]] would write to depositors at once, and that "Our latest estimate is that the United Kingdom branches at the bank had some 50,000 sterling accounts, although some customers may have had more than one account." He had met [[Keith Vaz]] and a group of other members the day before.[^2]
He then announced the inquiry: "in the light of widespread public concern, the Governor and I have agreed that there should be an independent inquiry into the supervision, under the Banking Acts, of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, to establish the facts and to make such recommendations as arise from them. The report will be made public subject to such restrictions as may be needed to avoid prejudicing any criminal proceedings and subject to the provisions of the Banking Act." He added that the inquiry was "not to be taken as a criticism of the Bank of England. I have no reason to doubt that the Bank acted properly and promptly in the best interests of the depositors."[^2]
Replying to [[Gordon Brown]], Lamont said Brown's remarks "might have been more complete if he had referred to the massive, unprecedented fraud on a worldwide scale which is the real source of the problem facing us." Asked whether the [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Sheikh of Abu Dhabi]] should have been asked to put more money into the bank before its closure, he said the auditors' report "contained evidence ... of massive and widespread fraud," and that "it was the Bank's view that the bank should be closed down." On the timing he told the House: "I was informed in general terms that fraud had been uncovered on 26 June. I was given some details of the section 41 report on 28 June, and the Treasury sent a report to No. 10 on 28 June. The final decision was taken on 4 July."[^2]
In the debate of July 22, 1991, Vaz read a written ministerial answer given to him, that "the Chancellor had discussed a number of supervisory cases, including BCCI, with the Governors of the Bank of England on a number of occasions since becoming Chancellor, but was not aware until 26 June that fraud had been uncovered." Vaz set out a timeline: the final [[Price Waterhouse]] report "arrived on 25 June. By 26 June, the gist of the report had been given to a Treasury official, John Geeve. On 28 June, a special meeting was held at Downing street, which was attended by both the Prime Minister and the Chancellor." [[Michael Knowles]], member for Nottingham East, said of the auditors' 800-page report of June 26 that "It revealed not inefficiency or poor management but fraud on a massive scale. The phrase used was 'a bank within a bank.'"[^5] The Price Waterhouse report is described at [[Sandstorm Report]].
### The Bingham Report
Bingham's report was published on October 22, 1992, when Lamont presented it to the Commons; his statement is described at [[Bingham Report]]. In the full debate of November 6, 1992, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, [[Anthony Nelson]], spoke for the government. He called the report "the conclusion of an inquiry into the largest and most wide-ranging fraud in the history of banking" and said "The bank's guiding principle was divide and deceive." He gave the figures: BCCI had 25 branches in the United Kingdom with deposits of 1.85 billion pounds and "more than 53,000 sterling accounts"; the Deposit Protection Board had sent claim forms to some 42,000 depositors and had paid out more than 54 million pounds. He announced that the Bank had set up a special investigations unit under [[Ian Watt]] and a legal unit under [[Peter Peddie]], "a former partner in Freshfields," and closed with five rules for depositors, the last that "one should never confuse authorisation with a guarantee."[^3]
The Labour member [[Calum Macdonald]] quoted a letter Lamont had sent him: "my statements in July last year were about my willingness to reconsider the issue of compensation if evidence of negligence on the part of the supervisory authorities were to emerge. Lord Justice Bingham has found no such evidence." Macdonald wrote to Bingham, enclosing the letter, that "Mr. Lamont makes the bald statement that you found no evidence of negligence on the part of the Bank of England," and asked whether he agreed. He read Bingham's reply to the House: "Having been appointed to inquire and report by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Governor of the Bank of England, and having delivered my report, I do not feel that it would be right for me to comment on the interpretation which either of them put on it ... I am afraid that the answer to your question must be found in the report."[^3]
[[Alistair Darling]], for Labour, said that "Alarm bells should also have rung in respect of the Tampa indictment," the 1988 charges brought in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]] after [[Operation C-Chase]], and quoted Bingham's paragraph 2.162: "The likelihood of involvement in handling the proceeds of drug-trafficking could scarcely have eluded a competent and diligent banker contemplating such an investment, particularly if he had branches in Panama and agencies in Florida." [[Terence Higgins]], chairman of the Treasury and Civil Service Committee, recalled that the committee had written "We simply do not understand why BCCI should have been the only bank in the world to be given such preferential treatment," and that the Bank of England had replied that "The BCCI was a unique problem and the college a unique response to it."[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: UK Parliament, Members API, "Biography," Member ID 895 (Lord Lamont of Lerwick), accessed September 23, 2026. https://members-api.parliament.uk/api/Members/895/Biography
[^2]: House of Commons, "Bank of Credit and Commerce International," *Hansard,* July 19, 1991, vol. 195, cc. 714-727. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1991/jul/19/bank-of-credit-and-commerce-international
[^3]: House of Commons, "BCCI (Bingham Report)," *Hansard,* November 6, 1992, vol. 213, cc. 523-594. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1992/nov/06/bcci-bingham-report
[^4]: "Lamont, Norman 1942-," *Contemporary Authors, New Revision Series,* via Encyclopedia.com. https://www.encyclopedia.com/arts/educational-magazines/lamont-norman-1942
[^5]: House of Commons, "Bank of Credit and Commerce International," *Hansard,* July 22, 1991, vol. 195, cc. 903-924. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1991/jul/22/bank-of-credit-and-commerce-international

View file

@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
---
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- Politician
- USSenate
- BCCI
- DrugWar
alias:
- Paula Fickes Hawkins
summary: "Republican senator from Florida from 1981 to 1987 in whose Senate office BCCI's American manager met Justice Department officials in 1984 over her allegation that the bank laundered drug money."
born: 1927-01-24
died: 2009-12-04
location: "Winter Park, Florida"
relations:
- type: member_of
with: "[[United States Senate]]"
role: "Senator from Florida"
start: 1981
end: 1987
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Republican National Committee]]"
role: "National Committeewoman for Florida"
start: 1968
end: 1986
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Paula Hawkins was a Republican [[United States Senate|United States Senator]] from [[Florida]], elected in 1980, who served a single term. She was the first woman elected to the Senate from Florida and the first woman elected to a full Senate term without having been preceded in politics by a husband or father.[^1]
### Early Life and Florida Politics
She was born Paula Fickes in [[Salt Lake City]] on January 24, 1927, to Paul Burt Fickes and Mary Leoan Staley, the oldest of four children. Her father was in the Navy, and the family lived in [[Long Beach, California|Long Beach]], [[Hawaii]], [[Jacksonville, Florida|Jacksonville]] and [[Atlanta]], where she met [[Walter Eugene Hawkins]] at Sunday school. They married in [[Logan, Utah]], while she was a student at [[Utah State University]], and moved to [[Winter Park, Florida|Winter Park]] in 1954. They were members of the [[The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints|Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints]].[^2]
Her political work began with a campaign for sewers in the town of Maitland. She was the Republican National Committeewoman for Florida from 1968 to 1986 and a delegate to five Republican National Conventions. In 1972 she was elected to the [[Florida Public Service Commission]], which regulated electricity, water, telephone and transportation monopolies, and in 1976 she became the first Republican reelected to office in the state.[^2]
### Senate
Hawkins was elected in the Reagan landslide of 1980. She described herself as "feminine" as distinct from "feminist," and her opposition to abortion rights and the Equal Rights Amendment drew pickets from the [[National Organization for Women]].[^1] Her family's notice credits her with legislation that established the [[National Center for Missing and Exploited Children]] and [[Radio Marti]], and with measures against the importation and trafficking of illegal drugs.[^2]
### BCCI
[[Abdur Sakhia]], the former regional manager of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) in the [[United States]], testified before the subcommittee of Senator [[John Kerry]] that in the autumn of 1984 he met [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] officials in Hawkins's Senate office to discuss allegations of BCCI's involvement in drug money laundering. According to Sakhia, BCCI's president, [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], told him to meet Hawkins after she told President [[Zia ul-Haq|Zia]] of [[Pakistan]], on a trip to that country, that she was concerned about drug money laundering by a Pakistani bank in the [[Cayman Islands]], which she later identified as BCCI. Sakhia testified that the Justice Department told him BCCI was not under investigation, and that he later learned that the [[State Department]] had given the same message to the Pakistani government.[^3]
The Senate report stated that the subcommittee "has been unable to determine the source for Senator Hawkin's [sic] information," and that as a Senate subcommittee chairman she "would have had access to classified material from both the DEA and the CIA." The report gave her post as chairman of the "Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations," the name of the subcommittee before which Sakhia testified.[^3]
Describing BCCI's cultivation of Florida politicians around the opening of its [[Miami]] office, Sakhia told the subcommittee: "Paula Hawkins came to the bank several times separately," in a passage that also named Governor [[Bob Graham]] and [[Jeb Bush]], who attended the opening, Representative [[Dante Fascell]], who came to Sakhia's house, and [[Reubin Askew]], who "came to the bank several times and had been to my house."[^4]
### Death
Hawkins died in [[Orlando, Florida|Orlando]] on December 4, 2009, at 82, of complications of a fall after several years of health problems, including a stroke. She was buried in Palm Cemetery in Winter Park.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Paula Hawkins, 82, Florida Ex-Senator, Dies." *The New York Times,* December 2009, excerpted by History News Network. https://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/paula-hawkins-82-florida-ex-senator-dies
[^2]: "Paula Hawkins" (family death notice). *Orlando Sentinel,* December 6, 2009, via Legacy.com. https://www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/orlandosentinel/name/paula-hawkins-obituary?id=22184089 (archived: http://web.archive.org/web/20231005101124/https://www.legacy.com/us/obituaries/orlandosentinel/name/paula-hawkins-obituary?id=22184089)
[^3]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 8, "BCCI and Law Enforcement: The Justice Department and the U.S. Customs Service." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 7, "BCCI in the United States: Part Two" (Sakhia's testimony). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/07later.htm

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@ -0,0 +1,70 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- OpenAI
- EffectiveAltruism
- RAND
- Robotics
summary: "Robotics and geospatial entrepreneur, RAND adjunct and UK board member of Effective Ventures, who as an OpenAI director voted in November 2023 to remove Sam Altman and then left the board."
relations:
- type: member_of
with: "[[OpenAI]]"
role: "independent director of the nonprofit board"
end: 2023-11
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Rand Corporation]]"
role: "adjunct senior management scientist"
start: 2023
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Singularity University]]"
role: "director of an innovation lab"
fn: 1
- type: founded
with: "[[Fellow Robots]]"
fn: 1
- type: founded
with: "[[GeoSim Systems]]"
fn: 1
- type: head_of
with: "[[GeoSim Systems]]"
role: "chief executive officer"
end: 2022
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Effective Ventures]]"
role: "U.K. board of the Effective Ventures Foundation"
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Center for the Governance of AI]]"
role: "advisory board"
fn: 1
- type: spouse_of
with: "[[Joseph Gordon-Levitt]]"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Tasha McCauley became an adjunct senior management scientist at the [[Rand Corporation|RAND Corporation]] in 2023. She had earlier directed an innovation lab at [[Singularity University]], co-founded the robotics startup [[Fellow Robots]] with a colleague from there, and then co-founded [[GeoSim Systems]], a geospatial technology company, where she was chief executive until 2022.[^1]
With her husband, [[Joseph Gordon-Levitt]], she signed the [[Asilomar AI Principles]], 23 principles of AI governance published in 2017, which [[Sam Altman]], [[Ilya Sutskever]] and [[Elon Musk]] also signed. She sat on the advisory board of the [[Center for the Governance of AI]] with [[Helen Toner]], and on the U.K. board of the [[Effective Ventures|Effective Ventures Foundation]], the parent organization of the [[Centre for Effective Altruism]].[^1]
### OpenAI
McCauley was one of the independent directors of the nonprofit board of [[OpenAI]] which, on November 17, 2023, announced that Altman would leave as chief executive after "a deliberative review process by the board, which concluded that he was not consistently candid in his communications with the board, hindering its ability to exercise its responsibilities." The company listed its board that day as "OpenAI chief scientist Ilya Sutskever, independent directors Quora CEO [[Adam D'Angelo]], technology entrepreneur Tasha McCauley, and [[Center for Security and Emerging Technology|Georgetown Center for Security and Emerging Technology]]'s Helen Toner."[^2] OpenAI directors, according to the company's own description, held no equity and received no other compensation.[^1]
On November 29, 2023, Altman returned as chief executive with a new initial board of [[Bret Taylor]], [[Larry Summers]] and D'Angelo. He wrote that he was "grateful to Adam, Tasha, and Helen for working with us to come to this solution that best serves the mission," and "sincerely thankful to Helen and Tasha for investing a huge amount of effort in this process." McCauley, Toner and Sutskever left the board; D'Angelo stayed.[^3]
### The Cruz Letter
On September 13, 2024, Senator [[Ted Cruz]], ranking member of the [[Senate Commerce Committee]], wrote to RAND's president [[Jason Matheny]] about RAND's part in drafting the [[Executive Order 14110|AI executive order]] of 2023. "RAND has both personal and financial connections to incumbent AI companies like [[Anthropic]] and OpenAI," he wrote. "For instance, you are one of five members on Anthropic's '[[Long-Term Benefit Trust]],' which oversees the AI company." McCauley, he continued, was "an adjunct senior management scientist at RAND and effective altruism advocate" who had "just left OpenAI's board last November." He added: "RAND is also connected with [[Open Philanthropy]], the charitable arm of these AI companies. Last year, Open Philanthropy gave RAND $16 million to advance its 'work on potential risks from advanced artificial intelligence.'"[^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Konrad, Alex, and Sarah Emerson. "These Are The People That Fired OpenAI CEO Sam Altman." *Forbes,* November 17, 2023, archived November 18, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231118075941/https://www.forbes.com/sites/alexkonrad/2023/11/17/these-are-the-people-that-fired-openai-ceo-sam-altman/
[^2]: OpenAI. "OpenAI announces leadership transition." November 17, 2023, archived November 17, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231117210540/https://openai.com/blog/openai-announces-leadership-transition
[^3]: OpenAI. "Sam Altman returns as CEO, OpenAI has a new initial board." November 29, 2023, archived November 30, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20231130020514/https://openai.com/blog/sam-altman-returns-as-ceo-openai-has-a-new-initial-board
[^4]: Cruz, Ted. Letter to Jason Matheny, President and CEO, RAND Corporation, September 13, 2024, U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. https://www.commerce.senate.gov/services/files/AF082319-C877-47CC-95F6-8240EE6A105D

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@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- Journalism
- EffectiveAltruism
- OpenPhilanthropy
- TarbellFellowship
summary: "Science and technology reporter placed at Time through the Tarbell Fellowship in 2023 and 2024 who joined Coefficient Giving, formerly Open Philanthropy, as a program officer for AI governance in July 2024."
location: "New York City"
relations:
- type: member_of
with: "[[Tarbell Center for AI Journalism]]"
start: 2023
end: 2024
role: "fellow, placed at Time"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Open Philanthropy]]"
start: 2024-07
role: "program officer, AI governance and policy, Coefficient Giving"
fn: 2
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Bain & Company]]"
role: "associate consultant"
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Will Henshall is a science and technology reporter who was placed at *[[Time]]* from 2023 to 2024 through the fellowship of the [[Tarbell Center for AI Journalism]], and who joined Coefficient Giving, the renamed [[Open Philanthropy]], as a program officer for AI governance and policy in July 2024.[^1][^2]
### Career
Tarbell's fellow page describes him as a science and technology reporter based in [[New York City]] who holds a master's degree in chemistry from the [[University of Oxford]] and a master's in public policy from [[Harvard University|Harvard]]'s [[John F. Kennedy School of Government]], and who had worked as a management consultant and policy researcher.[^1] Coefficient Giving's team page gives the same degrees, and records that before joining in July 2024 he had worked as an editorial fellow at *Time* and as an associate consultant at [[Bain & Company]].[^2]
Tarbell's ethics policy states that as of 2025 "the majority of our funding originates with a single funder, Coefficient Giving (formerly known as Open Philanthropy)." Open Philanthropy recommended 575,000 dollars in September 2023 for the Tarbell Fellowship, then run under the fiscal sponsor [[Training for Good]], and 816,000 dollars to the Tarbell Center in November 2024.[^3][^4][^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Will Henshall." https://www.tarbellcenter.org/fellows/will-henshall
[^2]: Coefficient Giving, "Will Henshall," team page, archived May 23, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260523181838id_/https://coefficientgiving.org/team/will-henshall/
[^3]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026. https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards
[^4]: Open Philanthropy, "Training for Good, Operating Costs and Tarbell Fellowship," September 2023, archived. http://web.archive.org/web/20240225122410id_/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/training-for-good-operating-costs-and-tarbell-fellowship/
[^5]: Open Philanthropy, "Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, General Support," November 2024, archived. http://web.archive.org/web/20251030212332id_/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/tarbell-center-for-ai-journalism-general-support/

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@ -4,16 +4,38 @@ tags:
- Person
- ArmsDealer
- Israel
summary: "Palestinian terrorist and target of Israeli intelligence operations, connected to the Achille Lauro attack and arms trafficking networks."
- BCCI
- Terrorism
alias:
- Sabri al-Banna
- Sabri Al-Bannah
summary: "Palestinian terrorist and target of Israeli intelligence operations, connected to the Achille Lauro attack and arms trafficking networks, whose organization was financed through BCCI in London."
born: 1937
died: 2002
location: "Jaffa, British Mandate Palestine"
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Abu Nidal Organization]]"
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
[[Abu Nidal]] was a Palestinian terrorist. He was a target of [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence operations. Arms dealers like [[John Knight]] and [[Sidem International Limited]] acquired arms from [[Yugoslavia]] and sold them to [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]], who in turn sold them to [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] and other Palestinian groups. [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] was unaware of [[Anthony Pearson|Pearson's]] [[Israel|Israeli]] connection.[^1]
Abu Nidal, whose real name was Sabri al-Banna, was a Palestinian terrorist and the leader of the [[Abu Nidal Organization]]. He was a target of [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence operations. According to the former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], arms dealers like [[John Knight]] and [[Sidem International Limited]] acquired arms from [[Yugoslavia]] and sold them to [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]], who in turn sold them to Nidal and other Palestinian groups. Radi was unaware of [[Anthony Pearson|Pearson's]] Israeli connection.[^1]
[[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] later presented his case to [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] in [[Baghdad]], claiming he had been unwittingly used by [[Anthony Pearson|Pearson]]. [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] believed his story and put out the word that [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] was "clean," placing the blame on [[Yasser Arafat|Yasser Arafat's]] group.[^1]
Ben-Menashe wrote that Radi later presented his case to Nidal in [[Baghdad]], claiming he had been unwittingly used by Pearson. Nidal believed his story and put out the word that Radi was "clean," placing the blame on [[Yasser Arafat|Yasser Arafat's]] group.[^1]
[[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] was also involved in the [[Achille Lauro]] attack in 1985, which was an [[Israel|Israeli]] "black" propaganda operation. [[Rafi]] passed instructions to [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]], who then relayed orders to [[Abul Abbas]] to carry out a cruel attack. [[Abul Abbas|Abbas]] was reportedly receiving millions from [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence officers posing as Sicilian dons.[^1]
Ben-Menashe also wrote that Nidal was involved in the [[Achille Lauro]] attack in 1985, which he described as an Israeli "black" propaganda operation. In his account, [[Rafi]] passed instructions to Radi, who then relayed orders to [[Abul Abbas]] to carry out a cruel attack. Abbas was reportedly receiving millions from Israeli intelligence officers posing as Sicilian dons.[^1] These accounts rest on Ben-Menashe's book alone.
### BCCI
Abu Nidal's accounts were held at the Sloane Street branch in [[London]] of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI), whose manager, [[Ghassan Qassem]], passed information on them to British and American intelligence. A [[State Department]] report of July 1987, "Abu Nidal's Terror Network," stated that the organization's commercial network was run from the [[INTRACO]] building in [[Warsaw]] by [[Samir Najmeddin|Samir Hasan Najm al-Din (Samir Najmeddin)]], who held "a general account at a major West European Bank [BCCI in London]" and was "responsible for forwarding all major contracts to Sabri al-Banna for final approval."[^2] The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] learned, in an operation against BCCI that ran from 1986 to 1990, of the bank's role in "handling the finances of Sabri Al-Bannah or Abu Nidal, and his terrorist organization."[^3] According to the [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate Report]], by 1986 "the State Department knew that the terrorist Abu Nidal was using the bank to finance his operations in Europe."[^4]
After BCCI's closure in July 1991, a British judge, on the application of the bank's liquidators, refused to let the Senate subcommittee receive BCCI documents held in the [[United Kingdom]] without the written "permission" of the depositors concerned, "such as Abu Nidal." In July 1991 *[[The Guardian]]*, quoting what it described as a confidential French intelligence document of February 1988, reported that the Kuwaiti embassy in London had paid 60 million dollars into Abu Nidal's BCCI account in 1987.[^3][^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
[^2]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 4, "BCCI's Criminality" (quoting "Abu Nidal's Terror Network," U.S. Department of State, July 1987). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/04crime.htm
[^3]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 11, "BCCI, the CIA and Foreign Intelligence." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/11intel.htm
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 16, "BCCI and Georgia Politicians." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/16ga.htm
[^5]: "Daily Says Kuwait Put $60 Million Into Nidal's BCCI Account." *Deseret News* (wire report), July 25, 1991. https://www.deseret.com/1991/7/25/18932483/daily-says-kuwait-put-60-million-into-nidal-s-bcci-account/

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@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- InstituteForProgress
- OpenPhilanthropy
- ThinkTank
- Biosecurity
- PermittingReform
- Immigration
summary: "Former Progressive Policy Institute and Niskanen Center technology policy fellow who co-founded the Open Philanthropy-funded Institute for Progress in 2021 and became its sole chief executive in 2026."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Institute for Progress]]"
role: "co-chief executive, then chief executive"
start: 2021
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Alec Stapp received a bachelor's degree from the [[University of Arizona]] and a master's degree in economics from [[George Mason University]], where he was a graduate research fellow at the [[Mercatus Center]]. He was a technology policy fellow at the [[Niskanen Center]], a research fellow at the [[International Center for Law and Economics]] and director of technology policy at the [[Progressive Policy Institute]], and wrote for *[[The Washington Post]]*, *[[The Atlantic]]*, *[[MIT Technology Review]]* and *[[Politico]]*.[^1]
### Institute for Progress
Stapp and [[Caleb Watney]] co-founded the [[Institute for Progress]] (IFP) in 2021 and announced it on January 20, 2022, with the mission "to accelerate scientific, technological, and industrial progress while safeguarding humanity's future," applying "a framework we like to borrow from the effective altruism community" of choosing issues "that are important, neglected, and tractable."[^2][^3] [[Open Philanthropy]] (later renamed Coefficient Giving)[^4] granted IFP 1.6 million dollars in October 2021, "to conduct research and advocacy on policies relevant to a number of our grantmaking areas," and 9 million dollars over three years in March 2023.[^5] IFP's returns report Stapp's pay as co-chief executive as 54,231 dollars for 2021, 163,125 dollars for 2022, 202,500 dollars for 2023 and 246,008 dollars for 2024.[^6] After Watney left in 2026 to become managing director of public policy at Coefficient Giving, Stapp was listed as IFP's sole chief executive.[^3][^7]
His IFP writing includes "Why [[SpaceX]] Is an Underrated Strategic National Asset for the U.S." (March 2022); "The Case for High-Skilled Immigration Reform (And How to Make It Happen)" (August 2022, with Jeremy Neufeld); papers on permitting reform and environmental review with [[Brian Potter]], Arnab Datta and Aidan Mackenzie (2022 to 2024); responses to the [[Office of Science and Technology Policy]] on research with dangerous pathogens (October 2023) and to the [[Environmental Protection Agency]] on far-UVC systems for pandemic prevention (December 2022); a January 2024 paper urging Congress to strengthen the [[Federal Select Agent Program]]; and "Biosecurity in the Trump Era" (November 2024).[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Institute for Progress, "Alec Stapp," author biography and publications. https://ifp.org/author/alec-stapp/
[^2]: Institute for Progress, "Caleb Watney," author biography. https://ifp.org/author/caleb-watney/
[^3]: Institute for Progress, "About," and Stapp, Alec, and Caleb Watney, "Progress Is a Policy Choice," January 20, 2022. https://ifp.org/about/ ; https://ifp.org/progress-is-a-policy-choice/
[^4]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026, referring to "Coefficient Giving (formerly known as Open Philanthropy)." https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards
[^5]: Open Philanthropy, "Institute for Progress, Policy Research," grant of October 2021, archived July 1, 2022, http://web.archive.org/web/20220701180156/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/institute-for-progress-policy-research/ ; "Institute for Progress, General Support (2023)," archived August 26, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20230826080214/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/institute-for-progress-general-support-2023/
[^6]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Institute For Progress," EIN 87-2449729, Form 990 filings for fiscal years 2021 through 2024. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/872449729
[^7]: Coefficient Giving, "Introducing Our New Managing Director of Public Policy, Caleb Watney," July 9, 2026, archived July 14, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260714172124/https://coefficientgiving.org/research/introducing-our-new-managing-director-of-public-policy/

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@ -13,7 +13,17 @@ alias:
summary: "Indonesian banker, son of Lippo Group founder Mochtar Riady, who interned at Stephens Inc., ran Worthen Bank's international division in Little Rock, and in 2001 paid the largest campaign finance fine in American history."
location: "Jakarta, Indonesia"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Stephens Inc.]]"
role: "intern"
fn: 1
- type: prosecuted
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
reverse: true
start: 2001-01-11
fn: 3
---
James Tjahaja Riady is an [[Indonesia|Indonesian]] banker and the son of [[Mochtar Riady]], founder of the [[Lippo Group]]. His father met [[Jackson Stephens]] and [[Witt Stephens]] in 1976 while looking for a stake in an American bank, and the two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978. James Riady served an internship at [[Stephens Inc.]] in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]].[^1]
@ -30,8 +40,14 @@ On June 23, 1994, Riady had breakfast at the [[Hay-Adams Hotel]] with [[Webster
On January 11, 2001, Riady agreed to plead guilty in the federal court in Los Angeles to a felony charge of conspiring to defraud the [[United States]] by reimbursing campaign donors with foreign corporate funds, and to pay 8.61 million dollars, which the Justice Department called the largest fine in the history of campaign finance law. LippoBank pleaded guilty to 86 misdemeanor counts covering 1988 to 1994. Indonesia has no extradition treaty with the United States, and Riady surrendered voluntarily after about six sessions with prosecutors. He agreed to 400 hours of community service and to stay out of the country for two years. The benefits the charge said he sought included "[[Community Reinvestment Act]] exemptions for LippoBank," "a repeal of the [[Glass-Steagall Act]]," and "Most Favored Nation status for [[China]]."[^3]
### Leaving Worthen
The House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, drawing on the depositions of [[Vernon Weaver|Arthur Vernon Weaver]] and C. Joseph Giroir, gave the reason for the family's departure from Worthen: "The Riadys were bought out of Worthen by the Stephens family after the bank experienced a major defalcation by Bevil Bressler in 1986. After the defalcation, regulators investigated the quality of Worthen's assets and determined there were problems. Allegations were made against Worthen's loan practices and asset quality. Eventually, the Riadys traded their interest in the Worthen Bank for the Stephens' interest in the Hong Kong Chinese Bank, and also traded their interests in other joint ventures." Riady and Huang then "focused their attention on a bank they previously had purchased in San Francisco, California. Soon thereafter they established the Bank of Trade in Los Angeles, which later became LippoBank."[^4] Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation records show that the Bank of Trade, chartered in [[San Francisco]] in 1961, moved its main office to Los Angeles on October 31, 1989 and took the name Lippo Bank on January 18, 1990.[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm ; Hubbell, Webster. *Friends in High Places*. William Morrow, 1997.
[^2]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992.
[^3]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.
[^4]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2, footnotes 14-15. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm
[^5]: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, BankFind Suite, institution history for certificate 18453 (Lippo Bank), queried September 23, 2026. https://api.fdic.gov/banks/history?filters=CERT:18453&limit=50

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@ -0,0 +1,78 @@
---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- Banker
- Pakistan
summary: "BCCI officer whom Agha Hasan Abedi installed as chairman of the secretly acquired Independence Bank of Encino; the Federal Reserve fined him 20 million dollars in 1991."
born: 1936
died: 2020
location: "Karachi, Pakistan"
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
role: "senior officer; continued to report to BCCI while heading Independence Bank"
fn: 1
- type: appointed
with: "[[Agha Hasan Abedi]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman, Independence Bank of Encino"
start: 1985-10
fn: 2
- type: reported_to
with: "[[Swaleh Naqvi]]"
role: "while chairman of Independence Bank"
start: 1986
fn: 2
- type: investigated
with: "[[Federal Reserve Board]]"
reverse: true
role: "20 million dollar civil money penalty"
start: 1991-07
fn: 5
- type: relative_of
with: "[[Nafis Sadik]]"
role: "brother"
fn: 3
- type: relative_of
with: "[[Muhammad Shoaib]]"
role: "son"
fn: 3
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Kemal Shoaib was a Pakistani banker and officer of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) who chaired the [[Independence Bank of Encino]] in [[California]] after BCCI secretly acquired it in October 1985 through [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]].[^1][^2]
### Family and Education
Shoaib was born in [[Jaunpur]], [[India]], in 1936, to Iffat Ara and [[Muhammad Shoaib]], a civil servant who later became Finance Minister of [[Pakistan]] and an adviser to the [[World Bank]]. He was the fifth of six children; his eldest sister, [[Nafis Sadik]], later headed the [[United Nations Population Fund]]. The family moved from Delhi to [[Karachi]] at Partition. He studied chemical engineering at [[Imperial College London]] and the [[Catholic University of America|Catholic University]] in Washington, went on to the [[Massachusetts Institute of Technology]], and later took a master's degree in Islamic history at the [[School of Oriental and African Studies]] in London. His first job, in [[Lahore]], was designing a chemicals factory for [[Wyeth]].[^3]
In September 1965 he married, in [[Rawalpindi]], the daughter of [[Syed Hashim Raza]], the first administrator of Karachi and later Governor of East Pakistan. President [[Ayub Khan]] and the whole cabinet attended the wedding, at which news arrived that war with India had begun.[^3]
### BCCI
A memorandum of July 25, 1983, from the BCCI employee [[Aijaz Afridi]] to BCCI's second in command, [[Swaleh Naqvi]], with copies to Shoaib and [[K. K. Elley]], set out BCCI's plan for the New York bank of [[First American Bank|First American]]; it described the bank as operating independently of the other First American banks while drawing on them as sources of funds and for "their entire international business," so that First American New York would "become their Central Treasury."[^1][^4]
According to the [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]], Shoaib had been general manager of BCCI's United Kingdom Group in [[London]] and head of its Group Planning Division. In 1983 and 1984, after Abedi expressed interest in acquiring a medium-sized California bank, BCCI officials including Shoaib investigated at least three possible targets, and in November 1984 BCCI employees recommended Independence. The Federal Reserve found that Shoaib, "who had been instrumental in the acquisition of Independence, was appointed its chairman immediately following the acquisition," that he "had solicited the position as chairman of Independence from Abedi, rather than from Pharaon," and that he "was not interviewed by Pharaon prior to becoming chairman." Regulators knew a former BCCI officer would chair the bank but were not told that BCCI had made the decision.[^2] The Senate report describes Abedi's appointment of Shoaib, "a high-level BCCI official," as chief operating officer, and records that BCCI abandoned an earlier plan to place [[Roy P. M. Carlson|Roy Carlson]], president of the [[National Bank of Georgia]], on the board as well.[^1]
The Federal Reserve found that while chairman he "continued to act on behalf of BCCI, reported to senior BCCI officials concerning Independence, and continued to receive benefits, including a subsidized home mortgage loan and accrual of pension benefits, from BCCI," benefits conditioned on his remaining at Independence. In March 1986 he wrote to Naqvi listing "points that need to be discussed" about the bank's budget, capital, strategy and planning, and urged that new managers and a treasury officer come from BCCI. In June 1986 he sent Naqvi the resume of a proposed director for approval before forwarding it to Pharaon, and in July 1987 the resume of a candidate for executive vice president, who then met Abedi and Naqvi. In November 1987, when the bank needed capital, he attached his letter asking Pharaon for 7.5 million dollars to a note asking Naqvi to "forward [the letter] to Dr. Pharaon after you have examined and agreed." He was paid as chairman from October 1985 to January 15, 1989.[^2]
The [[Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation]] knew that Pharaon had selected a former BCCI officer to chair the bank. Its enforcement chief, [[John W. Stone]], testified that "Mr. Shoaib had embarked on a program of investing in joint ventures involving acquisition, development and construction of real estate projects, primarily in southern California. In 1988, FDIC examiners discovered improper account of these projects which resulted in the understatement of total assets and liabilities, and the overstatement of the bank's capital." The FDIC required further capital from Pharaon and the resignation of Shoaib, who left the bank in January 1989.[^5]
### Enforcement
On July 12, 1991, the Federal Reserve issued a notice of intent to bar Pharaon, Abedi, Naqvi and Shoaib permanently from banking.[^2] On July 29, 1991, it assessed a 200 million dollar fine against BCCI, 37 million dollars against Pharaon and 20 million dollars against Shoaib.[^5]
### Later Life
Shoaib and his family lived in London while he worked for BCCI and in [[Los Angeles]] while he chaired Independence Bank. In 1990 they returned to Karachi, where he was chairman of [[International Industries]], [[International Steels]] and [[Century Paper]]. He represented Pakistan at bridge, captained its bridge team, and had been national table tennis champion as a young man. He died in 2020.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 7, "BCCI in the United States: Part Two." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/07later.htm
[^2]: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, *In the Matter of Ghaith R. Pharaon, Agha Hasan Abedi, Swaleh Naqvi, and Kemal Shoaib,* Docket Nos. 91-037-E-I1 to I4, Notice of Intent to Prohibit, July 12, 1991. https://www.federalreserve.gov/supervisionreg/files/19910712.pdf
[^3]: Shoaib, Alia. "Kemal Shoaib, 1936-2020." *The Friday Times* (Lahore), December 25, 2020 (a tribute by his granddaughter). https://www.thefridaytimes.com/25-Dec-2020/kemal-shoaib-1936-2020
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 13, "Clark Clifford and Robert Altman." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/13clifford.htm
[^5]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 12, "The Regulators" (Stone's testimony and the July 29, 1991 assessments). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/12reg.htm

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@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Mochtar Riady is an Indonesian of Chinese descent who built the [[Lippo Group]]; according to the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, citing *Forbes,* he found it necessary to "Indonesianize" his name, which had been Li Mo Tie. He first met [[Jackson Stephens]] and [[Witt Stephens]] of [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] in 1976, when he was looking into buying [[Bert Lance]]'s share of the [[National Bank of Georgia]]; that purchase fell through, and in 1978 the two families formed Stephens Finance Ltd. in [[Hong Kong]].[^1] The Riady and Stephens families later controlled [[Worthen Bank]] in Little Rock together.[^1][^2]
Mochtar Riady is an Indonesian of Chinese descent who built the [[Lippo Group]]; according to the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, citing *Forbes,* he found it necessary to "Indonesianize" his name, which had been Li Mo Tie. He first met [[Jackson Stephens]] and [[Witt Stephens]] of [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] in 1976, when he was looking into buying [[Bert Lance]]'s share of the [[National Bank of Georgia]]; that purchase fell through, and in 1978 the two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]].[^1] The Riady and Stephens families later controlled [[Worthen Bank]] in Little Rock together.[^1][^2]
### Clinton
@ -40,6 +40,10 @@ The Riadys gave more than 450,000 dollars to the [[Democratic National Committee
In 1998 the Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, in its report on the 1996 campaign-finance investigation, stated: "James and Mochtar Riady have had a long-term relationship with a Chinese intelligence agency." It also noted that they had known Clinton since the mid-1980s, when they held a controlling interest in Worthen Bank.[^4] His son [[James Riady]] pleaded guilty in January 2001 to violating federal election law.[^5]
### Hong Kong Chinese Bank
After a defalcation at Worthen Bank in 1986 and the regulatory review of its assets that followed, the Riadys, according to the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, "traded their interest in the Worthen Bank for the Stephens' interest in the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]], and also traded their interests in other joint ventures." In late 1992 [[China Resources]], described by the committee as "a Chinese Government owned company which is a joint venture partner with the Lippo Group," bought 15 percent of that bank, and it later "infused the failing LippoLand with tens of millions of dollars, effectively bailing the Riady family out of a precarious financial situation." In 1993 Riady and Huang also arranged a meeting between Shen Jueren of China Resources and Vice President [[Al Gore]].[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight. *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, vol. 2, 1998. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm
@ -47,3 +51,4 @@ In 1998 the Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, in its report on the 1996
[^3]: Office of the Independent Counsel. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel In Re: Madison Guaranty Savings & Loan Association,* vol. 3, part C, on Webster Hubbell. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-ICREPORT-MADISON/pdf/GPO-ICREPORT-MADISON-3-2.pdf
[^4]: Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs. *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998, "The China Connection." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1998_rpt/sgo-sir/2-18.htm
[^5]: U.S. Department of Justice. "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law." Press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.
[^6]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight. *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, vol. 2, 1998, footnotes 14 and 115-119. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm

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@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
---
category: "AI & Effective Altruism"
tags:
- Person
- InstituteForProgress
- OpenPhilanthropy
- CoefficientGiving
- AIPolicy
- Metascience
- ThinkTank
summary: "Co-founder and co-chief executive of the Institute for Progress who in July 2026 became Coefficient Giving's first managing director of public policy, taking over its U.S. AI policy grantmaking."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Institute for Progress]]"
role: "co-chief executive"
start: 2021
end: 2026
fn: 1
- type: director_of
with: "[[Institute for Progress]]"
role: "external board member"
start: 2026
fn: 7
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Open Philanthropy]]"
role: "managing director of public policy, Coefficient Giving"
start: 2026-07
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Caleb Watney received a bachelor of business administration from [[Sterling College]] and a master's degree in economics from [[George Mason University]], where he was a graduate research fellow at the [[Mercatus Center]]. He was a technology policy fellow at the [[R Street Institute]] and director of innovation policy at the [[Progressive Policy Institute]].[^1][^2]
### Institute for Progress
Watney co-founded the [[Institute for Progress]] (IFP) with [[Alec Stapp]] in 2021 and served as its co-chief executive until 2026, overseeing its metascience, high-skilled immigration and emerging technology policy teams.[^1] Their founding essay of January 20, 2022 borrowed "a framework ... from the effective altruism community" of prioritizing issues "that are important, neglected, and tractable."[^3] [[Open Philanthropy]] (later renamed Coefficient Giving)[^4] gave IFP 1.6 million dollars in October 2021 and 9 million dollars in March 2023.[^5] IFP's returns report Watney's pay as 54,231 dollars for 2021, 163,125 dollars for 2022, 202,500 dollars for 2023 and 240,362 dollars for 2024.[^6] In October 2023 he testified before the [[House Science Committee|House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology]] on federal AI research funding; his IFP work included papers on "X-Labs" for AI-driven science, a response to the [[Office of Science and Technology Policy]] on a national AI research and development plan, and, with [[Tim Hwang]], a response to a [[Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency|DARPA]] request for information on shaping emerging technologies.[^1]
### Coefficient Giving
On July 9, 2026, Coefficient Giving announced that Watney had joined as its "inaugural managing director of public policy," overseeing "our work on U.S. AI policy, our Abundance & Growth Fund, and government relations." It wrote: "We were an early supporter of IFP and think they have an incredible track record of counterfactual policy impact." Watney said: "Coefficient Giving took an early bet on IFP as we were just getting off the ground, and now I'm excited to help scale what we learned across the broader policy ecosystem." He said that "AI may be the most consequential technology transition in modern history," and that he was "equally excited to reunite with my former IFP colleague [[Matt Clancy]] on the Abundance & Growth Fund." Clancy, the fund's program director, said there were "very few people with such extensive national policymaking expertise bridging frontier AI and the work we do at the Abundance & Growth Fund."[^2]
The announcement stated that [[Luke Muehlhauser]] "previously ran the U.S. AI policy portfolio as part of his 'AI Governance & Policy' team. He helped recruit Caleb to take U.S. AI policy off his plate, and Luke has renamed his team 'AI Governance & International Policy' to make the distinction with Caleb's team clear," adding that "our hope is for Caleb to own all of it over time." Watney was building "a team of grantmakers, operators, and policy entrepreneurs to work on U.S. AI policy."[^2] He remained on IFP's board, whose other external members were Dan Correa of the [[Federation of American Scientists]], Zachary Graves of the [[Foundation for American Innovation]] and Tamara Winter of [[Stripe Press]]; IFP listed Clancy, identified as of Coefficient Giving, among its non-resident senior fellows.[^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Institute for Progress, "Caleb Watney," author biography and publications. https://ifp.org/author/caleb-watney/
[^2]: Coefficient Giving, "Introducing Our New Managing Director of Public Policy, Caleb Watney," July 9, 2026, archived July 14, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260714172124/https://coefficientgiving.org/research/introducing-our-new-managing-director-of-public-policy/
[^3]: Stapp, Alec, and Caleb Watney. "Progress Is a Policy Choice." Institute for Progress, January 20, 2022. https://ifp.org/progress-is-a-policy-choice/
[^4]: Tarbell Center for AI Journalism, "Ethics and Standards policies," February 20, 2026, referring to "Coefficient Giving (formerly known as Open Philanthropy)." https://www.tarbellcenter.org/ethics-and-standards
[^5]: Open Philanthropy, "Institute for Progress, General Support (2023)," grant of March 2023, archived August 26, 2023, with the October 2021 grant. http://web.archive.org/web/20230826080214/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/institute-for-progress-general-support-2023/ ; Open Philanthropy, "Institute for Progress, Policy Research," archived July 1, 2022. http://web.archive.org/web/20220701180156/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/grants/institute-for-progress-policy-research/
[^6]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Institute For Progress," EIN 87-2449729, Form 990 filings for fiscal years 2021 through 2024. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/872449729
[^7]: Institute for Progress, "About." https://ifp.org/about/

View file

@ -14,17 +14,17 @@ relations:
with: "[[GiveWell]]"
role: "board of directors"
start: 2011-04
fn: 6
fn: 7
- type: funded
with: "[[Real Justice PAC]]"
start: 2017-03
end: 2019-04
role: "1.9 million dollars"
fn: 17
fn: 18
- type: head_of
with: "[[Open Philanthropy]]"
role: "chair"
fn: 9
fn: 10
created: 2026-06-19
updated: 2026-09-23
---
@ -33,25 +33,31 @@ Cari Tuna graduated from Yale and reported for *[[The Wall Street Journal]]*, wr
### Early Life
Tuna was raised in Evansville, Indiana, the eldest of three children of two doctors. At [[Signature School]] she was co-valedictorian and student council president and founded the school's [[Amnesty International]] chapter; she was a parishioner at Aldersgate United Methodist Church. At Yale she studied political science and worked on the college paper, wrote for the *[[Evansville Courier & Press]]*, interned at the *[[Minneapolis Star Tribune]]*, spoke some Arabic and Turkish, and considered becoming a foreign correspondent.[^3][^4] At *The Wall Street Journal* she was a junior reporter in the San Francisco bureau covering enterprise technology and the California economy.[^3][^5] In 2009 a *Journal* colleague who knew Moskovitz from college set the two up on a blind date. They married in 2013.[^3]
Tuna was raised in Evansville, Indiana, the eldest of three children of two doctors. At [[Signature School]] she was co-valedictorian and student council president and founded the school's [[Amnesty International]] chapter; she was a parishioner at Aldersgate United Methodist Church. At Yale she studied political science and worked on the college paper, wrote for the *[[Evansville Courier & Press]]*, interned at the *[[Minneapolis Star Tribune]]*, spoke some Arabic and Turkish, and considered becoming a foreign correspondent.[^3][^4] At *The Wall Street Journal* she was a junior reporter in the San Francisco bureau covering enterprise technology and the California economy.[^3][^5] In 2009 a *Journal* colleague who knew Moskovitz from college set the two up on a blind date. They married in 2013.[^3] *Forbes* identified the colleague in 2025 as [[Jessica Lessin]], later chief executive of *[[The Information]]*, and reported that Tuna was born in [[Minnesota]] before growing up in Evansville.[^6]
### GiveWell and Good Ventures
Tuna read about [[GiveWell]] in [[Peter Singer]]'s *The Life You Can Save* and met its co-founder [[Holden Karnofsky]] through a mutual friend; she joined its board in April 2011. In December 2011, as president of [[Good Ventures]], "a foundation in the San Francisco Bay Area which she created with her partner Dustin Moskovitz earlier this year," she announced grants of 500,000 dollars to the [[Against Malaria Foundation]] and 250,000 dollars to the [[Schistosomiasis Control Initiative]], and planned grants to [[GiveDirectly]], [[Innovations for Poverty Action]], [[KIPP Houston]], [[Nyaya Health]], [[Pratham]] and the [[Small Enterprise Foundation]].[^6] In 2012 GiveWell moved its office from New York to San Francisco "to be closer to Tuna and other technology-industry donors," and the joint project GiveWell Labs became the Open Philanthropy Project, led by Tuna, Karnofsky and [[Alexander Berger]]. Asked in 2018 whether she identified as an effective altruist, she answered, "Yes. Do you?"[^1]
Tuna read about [[GiveWell]] in [[Peter Singer]]'s *The Life You Can Save* and met its co-founder [[Holden Karnofsky]] through a mutual friend; she joined its board in April 2011. In December 2011, as president of [[Good Ventures]], "a foundation in the San Francisco Bay Area which she created with her partner Dustin Moskovitz earlier this year," she announced grants of 500,000 dollars to the [[Against Malaria Foundation]] and 250,000 dollars to the [[Schistosomiasis Control Initiative]], and planned grants to [[GiveDirectly]], [[Innovations for Poverty Action]], [[KIPP Houston]], [[Nyaya Health]], [[Pratham]] and the [[Small Enterprise Foundation]].[^7] In 2012 GiveWell moved its office from New York to San Francisco "to be closer to Tuna and other technology-industry donors," and the joint project GiveWell Labs became the Open Philanthropy Project, led by Tuna, Karnofsky and [[Alexander Berger]]. Asked in 2018 whether she identified as an effective altruist, she answered, "Yes. Do you?"[^1]
Tuna has been president of the Good Ventures Foundation on every return since 2015, and its board chair by 2025, with Moskovitz as secretary and treasurer and [[Divesh Makan]] of [[ICONIQ Capital]] as director; none is paid. The foundation's assets reached 10.1 billion dollars in 2025.[^7] Open Philanthropy, which draws nearly all of its grant money from Good Ventures, had given away about 7 billion dollars by September 2026.[^8] In 2026 Coefficient Giving, as [[Open Philanthropy]] was renamed in November 2025, listed her as chair, with Berger as chief executive, [[Emily Oehlsen]] as president, [[Naina Bajekal]] as managing director for communications and [[Luke Muehlhauser]] as managing director for AI governance and international policy.[^9] Announcing the renamed organization's free advisory service in November 2025, Tuna told the Associated Press: "It's always been a vision of mine to create a resource that could support not just Dustin and me, but many donors looking for advice on how to do as much good as they can with their giving." The AP reported that Coefficient Giving is incorporated as a limited liability company with several affiliated tax-exempt nonprofits, that outside donors had given more than 300 million dollars on its advice, and that it had given more than 580 million dollars to build the field of AI-risk research.[^10] In 2025 it launched a 120-million-dollar fund, half from Good Ventures, for research and advocacy against regulatory barriers to housing and energy infrastructure, and the couple joined the [[Gates Foundation]] and [[Lucy Southworth]] in the 100-million-dollar [[Lead Exposure Action Fund]].[^5][^11]
Tuna has been president of the Good Ventures Foundation on every return since 2015, and its board chair by 2025, with Moskovitz as secretary and treasurer and [[Divesh Makan]] of [[ICONIQ Capital]] as director; none is paid. The foundation's assets reached 10.1 billion dollars in 2025.[^8] Open Philanthropy, which draws nearly all of its grant money from Good Ventures, had given away about 7 billion dollars by September 2026.[^9] In 2026 Coefficient Giving, as [[Open Philanthropy]] was renamed in November 2025, listed her as chair, with Berger as chief executive, [[Emily Oehlsen]] as president, [[Naina Bajekal]] as managing director for communications and [[Luke Muehlhauser]] as managing director for AI governance and international policy.[^10] Announcing the renamed organization's free advisory service in November 2025, Tuna told the Associated Press: "It's always been a vision of mine to create a resource that could support not just Dustin and me, but many donors looking for advice on how to do as much good as they can with their giving." The AP reported that Coefficient Giving is incorporated as a limited liability company with several affiliated tax-exempt nonprofits, that outside donors had given more than 300 million dollars on its advice, and that it had given more than 580 million dollars to build the field of AI-risk research.[^11] In 2025 it launched a 120-million-dollar fund, half from Good Ventures, for research and advocacy against regulatory barriers to housing and energy infrastructure, and the couple joined the [[Gates Foundation]] and [[Lucy Southworth]] in the 100-million-dollar [[Lead Exposure Action Fund]].[^5][^12]
### Seven Entities
In 2018 the *Stanford Social Innovation Review* writer [[Marc Gunther]] wrote that Tuna played "a key role in no fewer than seven entities, as a director or major donor": the Open Philanthropy Project LLC; the [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]], a 501(c)(4); the Open Philanthropy Project fund, a donor-advised fund at the [[Silicon Valley Community Foundation]]; the Good Ventures Foundation; Good Ventures, a supporting organization at the same community foundation; Good Ventures LLC, "a for-profit impact investment firm"; and GiveWell. He wrote that grants through the donor-advised funds "can't be traced back to the original donors." Tuna and Moskovitz were also investors in [[Breakthrough Energy Ventures]].[^1] The Open Philanthropy Action Fund has paid outside lobbyists every year from 2021 through 2026.[^12] Asana's 2026 proxy statement noted that Moskovitz and "his spouse" were directors of Good Ventures, which held Asana shares.[^13]
In 2018 the *Stanford Social Innovation Review* writer [[Marc Gunther]] wrote that Tuna played "a key role in no fewer than seven entities, as a director or major donor": the Open Philanthropy Project LLC; the [[Open Philanthropy Action Fund]], a 501(c)(4); the Open Philanthropy Project fund, a donor-advised fund at the [[Silicon Valley Community Foundation]]; the Good Ventures Foundation; Good Ventures, a supporting organization at the same community foundation; Good Ventures LLC, "a for-profit impact investment firm"; and GiveWell. He wrote that grants through the donor-advised funds "can't be traced back to the original donors." Tuna and Moskovitz were also investors in [[Breakthrough Energy Ventures]].[^1] The Open Philanthropy Action Fund has paid outside lobbyists every year from 2021 through 2026.[^13] Asana's 2026 proxy statement noted that Moskovitz and "his spouse" were directors of Good Ventures, which held Asana shares.[^14]
### Causes
Gunther reported that the cause-selection process Tuna led with Karnofsky and Berger settled on criminal justice reform, farm animal welfare, macroeconomic stabilization, immigration policy and land-use reform, and on two catastrophic-risk areas, biosecurity and advanced artificial intelligence, and that Tuna had concluded that "a lot of philanthropy's biggest claimed successes have come from improving policy."[^1] The criminal justice program, led by the former [[American Civil Liberties Union]] advocate [[Chloe Cockburn]], became an independent organization, [[Just Impact]], in November 2021, with a 50-million-dollar grant over three and a half years.[^14] Its AI grantmaking included 30 million dollars to [[OpenAI]] in 2017, with a board seat for Karnofsky, who later married [[Daniela Amodei]], president of [[Anthropic]].[^1][^15]
Gunther reported that the cause-selection process Tuna led with Karnofsky and Berger settled on criminal justice reform, farm animal welfare, macroeconomic stabilization, immigration policy and land-use reform, and on two catastrophic-risk areas, biosecurity and advanced artificial intelligence, and that Tuna had concluded that "a lot of philanthropy's biggest claimed successes have come from improving policy."[^1] The criminal justice program, led by the former [[American Civil Liberties Union]] advocate [[Chloe Cockburn]], became an independent organization, [[Just Impact]], in November 2021, with a 50-million-dollar grant over three and a half years.[^15] Its AI grantmaking included 30 million dollars to [[OpenAI]] in 2017, with a board seat for Karnofsky, who later married [[Daniela Amodei]], president of [[Anthropic]].[^1][^16]
### Politics
On September 8, 2016, Tuna and Moskovitz jointly announced 20 million dollars in contributions to elect [[Hillary Clinton]], writing that Trump's promises were "quite possibly a deliberate con" and that "we have reservations about anyone using large amounts of money to influence elections."[^16] [[Federal Election Commission]] records itemize about 7.04 million dollars in contributions from Tuna in the 2015-2016 cycle, including 2.5 million each to the [[LCV Victory Fund]] and [[For Our Future PAC]], 1.25 million to [[MoveOn]] and 416,119 dollars to the [[Hillary Victory Fund]]. Between March 2017 and April 2019 she gave 1.9 million dollars to [[Real Justice PAC]], in payments of 653,480 dollars, 350,000, 850,000 and 50,000, and 200,000 dollars to [[Color of Change PAC]]. No contributions from her were itemized after April 2019.[^17]
On September 8, 2016, Tuna and Moskovitz jointly announced 20 million dollars in contributions to elect [[Hillary Clinton]], writing that Trump's promises were "quite possibly a deliberate con" and that "we have reservations about anyone using large amounts of money to influence elections."[^17] [[Federal Election Commission]] records itemize about 7.04 million dollars in contributions from Tuna in the 2015-2016 cycle, including 2.5 million each to the [[LCV Victory Fund]] and [[For Our Future PAC]], 1.25 million to [[MoveOn]] and 416,119 dollars to the [[Hillary Victory Fund]]. Between March 2017 and April 2019 she gave 1.9 million dollars to [[Real Justice PAC]], in payments of 653,480 dollars, 350,000, 850,000 and 50,000, and 200,000 dollars to [[Color of Change PAC]]. No contributions from her were itemized after April 2019.[^18] Six months later, on October 29, 2019, the Open Philanthropy Action Fund, of which Tuna has been president and director on every return since 2017, gave 750,000 dollars to Real Justice PAC's non-contribution account.[^19][^20]
### Giving Totals
In November 2025 *Forbes* reported that the couple had donated more than 4 billion dollars, including more than 600 million in fiscal 2025, and held another 11 billion dollars in Moskovitz's personal fortune and about 10 billion in the Good Ventures Foundation, "plus more in donor-advised funds." A decade earlier they had helped give 1 million dollars to the [[Future of Life Institute]]; in 2017 they put 30 million dollars through their foundation into OpenAI's nonprofit, and Moskovitz invested in Anthropic's 124-million-dollar round of 2021, "before it was obvious that these labs would make money," in Tuna's words. Their Anthropic stake, which *Forbes* estimated at 500 million dollars, was moved into a nonprofit vehicle in early 2025 so that any "significant financial return" would go back into philanthropy and to "dispel any perception of conflict of interest," she said.[^6]
The same article reported that fellow billionaires, among them the [[Stripe]] co-founder [[Patrick Collison]] and Lucy Southworth, the wife of [[Larry Page]], had made more than 200 million dollars of commitments to Open Philanthropy's initiatives that year, seeding the Lead Exposure Action Fund, which had distributed 20 million dollars, 17 million of it to [[Pure Earth]], and the Abundance and Growth Fund. It named the [[Center for Security and Emerging Technology]], the [[RAND Corporation]] and [[FAR.AI]] as Open Philanthropy's largest AI-safety recipients, and reported that FAR.AI, headed by [[Adam Gleave]], had used 59 million dollars of Open Philanthropy funding. Organizations funded by Open Philanthropy had paid lobbyists at least 3 million dollars that year, and Open Philanthropy itself about 110,000 dollars a quarter. The largest global health recipients were the [[Malaria Consortium]] (307 million dollars), [[Evidence Action]] (206 million) and [[Helen Keller Intl]] (103 million). Berger, the chief executive, and Tuna held weekly walking meetings on strategy and on how quickly funds could be distributed; he said, "We want to build a resource that's ready for the next set of donors."[^6]
### Footnotes
@ -60,15 +66,18 @@ On September 8, 2016, Tuna and Moskovitz jointly announced 20 million dollars in
[^3]: Cha, Ariana Eunjung. "Cari Tuna and Dustin Moskovitz: Young Silicon Valley billionaires pioneer new approach to philanthropy." *The Washington Post,* December 26, 2014, copy hosted by Coefficient Giving. https://coefficientgiving.org/wp-content/uploads/washingtonpost.com-Cari-Tuna-and-Dustin-Moskovitz-Young-Silicon-Valley-billionaires-pioneer-new-approach-to-philanthropy.pdf
[^4]: "Billionaire from Evansville to spread the wealth." WFIE 14 News, December 2014. https://www.14news.com/story/27724783/billionaire-from-evansville-to-spread-the-wealth/
[^5]: Coacci, Jessica. "Meet the millennial Meta cofounder and his wife who are giving away $20 billion." *Fortune,* November 10, 2025, via Yahoo Finance, archived December 26, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251226183707/https://finance.yahoo.com/news/meet-millennial-meta-cofounder-wife-170849820.html
[^6]: Tuna, Cari. "Guest post from Cari Tuna." The GiveWell Blog, December 23, 2011, archived February 7, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260207082111/https://blog.givewell.org/2011/12/23/guest-post-from-cari-tuna/
[^7]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Good Ventures Foundation," EIN 46-1008520, Form 990-PF data through fiscal year ending June 2025. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/461008520
[^8]: Smith, Ben. "Coefficient Giving's CEO on Silicon Valley's $40 billion philanthropy boom." *Semafor,* September 3, 2026. https://www.semafor.com/article/09/03/2026/coefficient-givings-ceo-on-silicon-valley-40-billion-philanthropy-boom
[^9]: Coefficient Giving, "Team," accessed September 2026. https://coefficientgiving.org/about-us/team/
[^10]: Beaty, Thalia. "Cari Tuna's organization Open Philanthropy to advise other major donors for free." Associated Press, November 18, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/open-philanthropy-cari-tuna-dustin-moskovitz-effective-altruism-0e9e93d9ed9e094f32e4070ecc5b9b2b
[^11]: "TIME100 Philanthropy 2025: Cari Tuna and Dustin Moskovitz." *Time,* May 20, 2025. https://time.com/collections/time100-philanthropy-2025/7286010/cari-tuna-dustin-moskovitz/
[^12]: U.S. Senate, Lobbying Disclosure Act database, filings for client "Open Philanthropy Action Fund," 2021 to 2026, retrieved September 2026. https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=Open+Philanthropy+Action+Fund
[^13]: Asana, Inc. Schedule 14A definitive proxy statement, filed April 20, 2026. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1477720/000162828026025998/asan-20260420.htm
[^14]: Open Philanthropy, "Criminal Justice Reform (Closed)," archived November 13, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251113222726/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/focus/criminal-justice-reform/
[^15]: Bordelon, Brendan. "How a billionaire-backed network of AI advisers took over Washington." *Politico,* October 13, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20250902172514/https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/13/open-philanthropy-funding-ai-policy-00121362
[^16]: Moskovitz, Dustin, and Cari Tuna. "Compelled to Act." *Medium,* September 8, 2016, archived December 31, 2016. http://web.archive.org/web/20161231130245/https://medium.com/@moskov/compelled-to-act-1413930041ee
[^17]: Federal Election Commission, itemized receipts (Schedule A, memo entries excluded) for contributor "Tuna, Cari," two-year periods 2016 through 2026, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=Tuna%2C+Cari
[^6]: Liu, Phoebe. "Inside A Billionaire Couple's Plan To Give Away A $20 Billion Facebook Fortune." *Forbes,* November 7, 2025, updated version, archived. http://web.archive.org/web/20260730221730id_/https://www.forbes.com/sites/phoebeliu/2025/11/07/cari-tuna-billionaire-open-philanthropy-facebook/
[^7]: Tuna, Cari. "Guest post from Cari Tuna." The GiveWell Blog, December 23, 2011, archived February 7, 2026. http://web.archive.org/web/20260207082111/https://blog.givewell.org/2011/12/23/guest-post-from-cari-tuna/
[^8]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Good Ventures Foundation," EIN 46-1008520, Form 990-PF data through fiscal year ending June 2025. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/461008520
[^9]: Smith, Ben. "Coefficient Giving's CEO on Silicon Valley's $40 billion philanthropy boom." *Semafor,* September 3, 2026. https://www.semafor.com/article/09/03/2026/coefficient-givings-ceo-on-silicon-valley-40-billion-philanthropy-boom
[^10]: Coefficient Giving, "Team," accessed September 2026. https://coefficientgiving.org/about-us/team/
[^11]: Beaty, Thalia. "Cari Tuna's organization Open Philanthropy to advise other major donors for free." Associated Press, November 18, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/open-philanthropy-cari-tuna-dustin-moskovitz-effective-altruism-0e9e93d9ed9e094f32e4070ecc5b9b2b
[^12]: "TIME100 Philanthropy 2025: Cari Tuna and Dustin Moskovitz." *Time,* May 20, 2025. https://time.com/collections/time100-philanthropy-2025/7286010/cari-tuna-dustin-moskovitz/
[^13]: U.S. Senate, Lobbying Disclosure Act database, filings for client "Open Philanthropy Action Fund," 2021 to 2026, retrieved September 2026. https://lda.senate.gov/api/v1/filings/?client_name=Open+Philanthropy+Action+Fund
[^14]: Asana, Inc. Schedule 14A definitive proxy statement, filed April 20, 2026. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1477720/000162828026025998/asan-20260420.htm
[^15]: Open Philanthropy, "Criminal Justice Reform (Closed)," archived November 13, 2025. http://web.archive.org/web/20251113222726/https://www.openphilanthropy.org/focus/criminal-justice-reform/
[^16]: Bordelon, Brendan. "How a billionaire-backed network of AI advisers took over Washington." *Politico,* October 13, 2023. http://web.archive.org/web/20250902172514/https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/13/open-philanthropy-funding-ai-policy-00121362
[^17]: Moskovitz, Dustin, and Cari Tuna. "Compelled to Act." *Medium,* September 8, 2016, archived December 31, 2016. http://web.archive.org/web/20161231130245/https://medium.com/@moskov/compelled-to-act-1413930041ee
[^18]: Federal Election Commission, itemized receipts (Schedule A, memo entries excluded) for contributor "Tuna, Cari," two-year periods 2016 through 2026, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=Tuna%2C+Cari
[^19]: Federal Election Commission, Schedule A receipt from "Open Philanthropy Action Fund," 750,000 dollars, October 29, 2019, reported by Real Justice PAC (C00632554) on its 2019 year-end Form 3X, image 202007029244274196, retrieved September 23, 2026. http://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/fecimg/?202007029244274196
[^20]: ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, "Coefficient Giving Action Fund" (formerly Open Philanthropy Action Fund), EIN 81-2644663, organization record, Form 990 data and Part VII officer listings for fiscal years 2016 to 2024, retrieved September 23, 2026. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/812644663

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---
category: "BCCI Scandal"
tags:
- Person
- BCCI
- Lawyer
- IranContra
alias:
- Lawrence H. Wechsler
- Larry Wechsler
summary: "Washington defense lawyer and former federal prosecutor who assembled BCCI's legal team after the 1988 Tampa indictment, negotiated its 1990 plea agreement and lobbied the Senate on the bank's behalf."
relations:
- type: represented
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
role: "defense counsel, Tampa money-laundering case"
start: 1988
fn: 1
- type: represented
with: "[[Albert Hakim]]"
role: "counsel in the Iran-Contra affair"
fn: 1
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
role: "prosecutor, United States Attorney's office for the District of Columbia"
fn: 1
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
---
Lawrence H. Wechsler is a [[Washington, D.C.]] criminal defense lawyer and a former prosecutor in the United States Attorney's office for the District of Columbia. In 1992 he practiced with the Washington firm of [[Janis, Schuelke and Wechsler]]. He represented [[Albert Hakim]] in the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], and after the indictment of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI) in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]] in October 1988 he was brought in by his close friend [[Robert Altman]] to put together the bank's defense team.[^1]
### BCCI Defense
Wechsler recruited [[E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr.|Lawrence Barcella]], with whom he had worked at the [[Department of Justice]], to coordinate the defense, together with, in the words of the Senate report, a "bevy of other top lawyers." The Senate subcommittee chaired by [[John Kerry]] listed him with [[Raymond Banoun]] and Barcella as the former federal prosecutors among BCCI's Washington "cadre of professional help," which also included [[Clark Clifford]], the former legislators [[John Culver]] and [[Michael Barnes]], and the former [[Federal Reserve Board|Federal Reserve]] attorneys [[Baldwin Tuttle]] and [[Jerry Hawke]].[^1][^2]
At a meeting with Senate staff that the report dates May 14, 1989, Wechsler, Altman and Banoun produced 775 pages of new documents concerning General [[Manuel Noriega]]. The lawyers stated that they had relied on the statements of the BCCI officer [[Amjad Awan]] and had conducted no independent searches for documents in 1988 in response to the subcommittee's subpoena.[^3]
### Plea Agreement
In mid-December 1989 Wechsler and Barcella represented BCCI in a series of meetings with the United States Attorney's office in Tampa and with the [[U.S. Customs|Customs Service]], the [[Internal Revenue Service]] and the [[Drug Enforcement Administration]]. They offered a guilty plea by the bank to money laundering and its cooperation against other launderers in return for a commitment that this would end BCCI's criminal exposure for all offenses then known to the government. The agreement was reached in January 1990, with a forfeiture of 14 million dollars.[^4]
### The Florida License
After the United States Attorney in Tampa, [[Robert Genzman]], told Florida regulators on January 31, 1990, that his office took no position on BCCI's state license, the bank's lawyers, "principally former federal prosecutors Lawrence Wechsler, Lawrence Barcella, and Raymond Banoun," approached others in the Justice Department. On February 13, 1990, [[Charles Saphos]], head of the narcotics section of the Criminal Division, wrote to Florida's comptroller, [[Gerald Lewis]], requesting "that BCCI be permitted to operate in your jurisdiction." Saphos sent copies of his letters "to the Federal Reserve, and to BCCI lawyers Banoun and Wechsler." He withdrew the request three days later. The subcommittee concluded that "Saphos was personally lobbied by people he knew who had formerly been with the Justice Department and now represented BCCI on the outside, and agreed to do them a favor."[^4]
### The Senate
Wechsler declined to meet the subcommittee's staff. The report stated that "documents show that he and Banoun lobbied the US Senate on behalf of BCCI."[^1]
### Gurwin
In 1989 and 1990 Barcella, Altman and the lawyer [[John Vardaman]] of [[Williams & Connolly]] warned the freelance journalist [[Larry Gurwin]], who was writing about BCCI and [[First American Bank|First American]] for *Regardie's* magazine, that it would be improper to link the two institutions. BCCI's British solicitors separately threatened to sue Gurwin over an article in *[[The Economist]]*, basing their charges on information from the Washington lawyers who had spoken to him. According to the Senate report, "At this point Gurwin had only spoken to Wechsler and Barcella."[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 17, "BCCI's Lawyers and Lobbyists." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/17law.htm
[^2]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 1, "Executive Summary." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/01exec.htm
[^3]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 13, "Clark Clifford and Robert Altman." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/13clifford.htm
[^4]: Kerry and Brown, *The BCCI Affair,* ch. 8, "BCCI and Law Enforcement: The Justice Department and the U.S. Customs Service." https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm

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---
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- Pakistan
- BCCI
- MartialLaw
- NuclearProliferation
- AfghanWar
alias:
- Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
- Mohammad Zia ul-Haq
- General Zia
summary: "Pakistani army chief who seized power in 1977, hanged Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, ruled until his 1988 death in a plane crash, and was cultivated by BCCI's Agha Hasan Abedi."
born: 1924-08-12
died: 1988-08-17
location: "Jullundur, British India"
created: 2026-09-23
updated: 2026-09-23
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Pakistan]]"
role: "president and chief martial law administrator"
start: 1977
end: 1988-08-17
fn: 1
- type: funded
with: "[[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]"
reverse: true
role: "40 million Pakistani rupees paid by BCCI's United Arab Emirates branch"
start: 1985-05
fn: 2
---
Muhammad Zia ul-Haq was a [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] army officer who, as chief of army staff, removed Prime Minister [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] in a pre-dawn army coup in 1977, named himself president and chief martial law administrator, and governed Pakistan until he was killed when his military transport plane exploded after takeoff from [[Bahawalpur]] on August 17, 1988.[^1] Through most of that period [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], founder of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] (BCCI), called on him privately whenever he flew into Pakistan, and in May 1985 BCCI's branch in the [[United Arab Emirates]] paid him 40 million Pakistani rupees.[^2]
### Early Life and Army Career
Zia was born into a middle-class Muslim family in Jullundur, [[British India]], on August 12, 1924. His father, Akbar Ali, was a clerical officer in the British colonial Indian army. Zia was commissioned into the Indian army in 1945 and served in [[Burma]], [[Malaya]] and [[Java]] during the [[World War II|Second World War]]. At partition his family crossed 75 miles of [[Punjab]] into Pakistan. He graduated from the Staff College at [[Quetta]] in 1955 and in 1963 attended the U.S. Command and General Staff College at [[Fort Leavenworth]], Kansas.[^1]
In 1976 Bhutto appointed him army chief of staff over more senior officers. "Shocked, not surprised, when I was selected chief of the army by the former prime minister," Zia later said. "There were 10 chaps senior to me. I was just one of the army."[^1]
### Coup and the Execution of Bhutto
After three months of street fighting by anti-Bhutto rioters, Zia deposed Bhutto in 1977, appointed himself president and chief martial law administrator, and formed a cabinet drawn mostly from the army, navy and air force. He put Bhutto on trial for the alleged murder of a political opponent.[^1] On March 18, 1978, the [[Lahore High Court]] sentenced Bhutto to hang for the murder of Nawab Mohammad Ahmad Khan; the [[Supreme Court of Pakistan]] rejected his appeal on February 6, 1979, and his review petition on March 24, 1979. The execution order read to Bhutto stated: "The president of Pakistan has decided not to interfere in this matter." He was hanged in [[Rawalpindi]] jail, a short walk from Zia's official residence, at four minutes past two on the morning of April 4, 1979, according to the account of the jail's security officer, Lieutenant Colonel Rafiuddin.[^1][^3]
In July 1978 Zia's government issued a White Paper on the conduct of the March 1977 general elections that named Abedi as a source of illegal funds for Bhutto's [[Pakistan People's Party]].[^4] The [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown Senate report]], which placed the coup in 1978, wrote that Abedi "swiftly changed allegiances" to "Bhutto's successor, Islamic 'puritan' General Zia," and that Zia "later executed Bhutto for financial crimes, in which Abedi, among others, was clearly involved, while forming close ties to Abedi, on whose financial skills he increasingly relied."[^2][^4]
### Rule
Zia repeatedly promised elections and withdrew the promise as polling dates approached; United Press International reported that many Western diplomats and Pakistani politicians said he knew he would lose. In 1979 he announced the restructuring of Pakistani society to conform to traditional Islamic law, under which theft could be punished by amputation of the right hand, adultery or rape by stoning, and drinking alcohol by five years' imprisonment and 30 lashes.[^1]
Washington supplied him with 40 [[F-16]] warplanes and other military and economic aid, and channeled aid through Pakistan to the [[Mujahideen|rebels]] fighting the Soviet-backed government of [[Afghanistan]].[^1] Zia arrived in Washington on December 6, 1982, and met Secretary of State [[George Shultz]].[^5] [[Benazir Bhutto]], daughter of the prime minister he had hanged, returned to Pakistan in April 1986 after two years of exile, vowing to remove him. On May 29, 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and dismissed Prime Minister [[Mohammad Khan Junejo]], citing a breakdown of law and order, the slow pace of Islamic reform and official corruption; on July 20 he announced national elections for November 16, and the next day declared they would be held on a non-party basis.[^1]
### BCCI
The Senate report found that although Abedi had been close to Bhutto, it was Zia who governed Pakistan during most of BCCI's existence, and "General Zia who did the most for BCCI." [[Nazir Chinoy]], BCCI's branch chief in Pakistan in the late 1970s and early 1980s, told Senate staff:[^2]
> Every time Mr. Abedi came, he always called on President Zia. President Zia did not meet Abedi during office hours, but in the night when Mr. Abedi would fly in, they would finish official dinners first and I would be sitting with Abedi and Abedi would leave for two to three hours and meet with Zia. It was the President Zia that he spoke to first before speaking to the finance minister. I think that Abedi used Zia and Zia used Abedi also for the gulf countries, when he wanted some assistance. It was a two way street.
The Subcommittee obtained what it described as a sample BCCI payment to Zia: 40 million Pakistani rupees from BCCI's branch in the United Arab Emirates, which the report valued at several hundred thousand dollars. The report's text dates the payment May 26, 1985; its footnote cites a check to General Zia from BCCI-UAE dated May 25, 1985, reproduced in the Senate hearing record (S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 2, pp. 510-511).[^2]
According to the report, the Pakistani government guaranteed BCCI's ability "to push aside immigration and customs requirements for its distinguished Arab visitors on their holidays in Pakistan," and BCCI in return helped the government evade monetary controls. Chinoy described how in 1979, with Pakistan under [[World Bank]] credit ceilings, 50 million dollars was routed through BCCI's Kuwaiti affiliate [[Kuwait International Finance Company|KIFCO]] into BCCI [[Karachi]], so that the central bank could report an increase in Pakistan's dollar reserves to the World Bank. An indictment brought by New York District Attorney [[Robert Morgenthau]] on July 29, 1992, put the sum at 100 million dollars.[^2] The Pakistani BCCI Foundation, which received BCCI's Pakistani profits, obtained tax-free status in 1981 while [[Ghulam Ishaq Khan]] was minister of finance; Ishaq Khan held that post under Zia from 1977 to 1984 and chaired the foundation through the 1980s.[^1][^2]
According to BCCI's former regional manager [[Abdur Sakhia]], it was generally believed among BCCI officials that had Zia been alive in October 1988, when BCCI was indicted in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]] after [[Operation C-Chase]], he would have used his influence with the [[United States]] government to soften the case.[^2]
### Nuclear Program
In May 1986 Representative [[Stephen Solarz]] confronted Zia and other officials with his view, based on U.S. intelligence, that the plant at [[Kahuta]] was producing weapons-grade enriched uranium; the Pakistanis denied it and refused independent verification. In July 1987 [[U.S. Customs]] arrested [[Arshad Pervez]], a Pakistani native living in [[Canada]], while he was trying to export maraging steel and beryllium to Pakistan. In meetings with Zia on August 5, 1987, Under Secretary of State [[Michael Armacost]] said that Washington could not "wink" at Pakistani procurement, said that U.S. information indicated "enrichment levels above 90[percent] have been achieved at Kahuta," and told Zia that the [[State Department]] had alerted the Pakistani government that "there was an issue here that needed to be addressed urgently." Zia replied: "I understand the idea of warning."[^5]
A State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research memorandum of December 29, 1987, concluded that the procurement network "could not exist without the umbrella of government approval, protection, and funding," and that Zia and Junejo had "allowed the nuclear procurement network to flourish and the clandestine ethic to become ingrained in their subordinates and agents." On December 17, 1987, the day a federal jury convicted Pervez, President [[Ronald Reagan]] informed Congress that he had "concluded that Pakistan does not possess a nuclear explosive device," and in January 1988 the [[White House]] invoked the Solarz amendment and waived it in the same determination.[^5] The Senate report separately stated that in the late 1980s BCCI provided 10 million dollars in grants to a science institute named for Ghulam Ishaq Khan and directed by [[A.Q. Khan]].[^2]
### Death
On August 17, 1988, a [[C-130]] transport carrying Zia exploded shortly after takeoff from Bahawalpur, 450 miles south of [[Islamabad]], where the party had watched a demonstration of a U.S.-built M-1 tank. The dead included U.S. Ambassador [[Arnold Raphel]]; Brigadier General [[Herbert Wassom]], the senior U.S. military attache; General [[Akhtar Abdur Rahman]], Pakistan's chief of staff; Lieutenant General Mian Mohammad Afzaal, chief of staff of the army; three major generals, five brigadier generals and 13 crew. The State Department counted 39 aboard; Pakistan listed 30 victims. Acting President Ghulam Ishaq Khan said, "There is the possibility of sabotage in the crash," ordered an inquiry, declared a state of emergency, and said elections would be held on November 16. A State Department official discounted sabotage because of the security that surrounded Zia. Vice President [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] called the death "a great tragedy."[^1]
Zia was married to Shafiz; they had two sons and three daughters.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Barnetson, Denholm. "President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel and...," United Press International, August 17, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/17/President-Mohammad-Zia-ul-Haq-US-Ambassador-Arnold-Raphel-and/3467587793600/
[^2]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 5, "BCCI's Relationship with Foreign Governments, Central Banks, and International Organizations," section "Pakistan" (citing staff interviews with Nazir Chinoy, March 9 to 16, 1992; staff interview with Abdur Sakhia, October 7, 1991; and S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 2, pp. 510-511). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/05foreign.htm
[^3]: Aziz, Shaikh. "A leaf from history: The prime minister is hanged," *Dawn*, February 1, 2015. https://www.dawn.com/news/1160422
[^4]: Kerry, Senator John, and Senator Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.* December 1992, ch. 3, "The Origin and Early Years of BCCI," section "Abedi As Pakistani Political Paymaster" (citing White Paper on the General Elections, Government of Pakistan, July 1978, S. Hrg. 102-350, pt. 3, pp. 314-317). https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/03hist.htm
[^5]: Burr, William, ed. "The Pervez Case and Reagan Administration Nuclear Nonproliferation Policy, 1987," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 446, November 22, 2013. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb446/