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@ -189,7 +189,7 @@ On October 29, 1943 Speier wrote a memorandum predicting much of Hitler's speech
The first congressional attack came from [[Martin Dies]], chairman of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]]. On November 18, 1941, the day after Watson entered on duty, Dies wrote to James L. Fly expressing "deep concern" over the selection of a man who had written in favor of the Soviet Union, and naming thirteen organizations he called communist fronts.[^41] Fly replied that Watson belonged to only one of them, Consumers Union. The House passed an appropriation bill with a rider denying salary to the named employees, including [[Frederick L. Schuman]] and [[William E. Dodd Jr.]], who had been hired as an editor in December 1941. The Senate Appropriations Committee deleted the rider, and Watson testified before that committee on February 4, 1942.[^42]
In a House speech on February 1, 1943, Dies listed 39 "communists" holding government posts, with Dodd, Watson and Schuman at the head of the list.[^43] On February 4, 1943 [[Joe Hendricks]] of Florida gave notice of an amendment to the House Post Office and Treasury appropriations bill forbidding payment of the thirty-nine named employees, among them Watson, Schuman and Dodd. On February 5 the House, in the Committee of the Whole, rejected it, 130 to 137 on a division and 146 to 153 on tellers, and then agreed, 163 to 111 on tellers, to a separate amendment naming only [[William Pickens]].[^44] Dies accused the employees of "un-American beliefs."[^45] Mercado writes that Dies may have been provoked by FBIS reports that his statements were being praised in Nazi Germany, and that Vice President [[Henry A. Wallace]] had said Dies's statements "might as well come from Goebbels himself as far as their practical effect is concerned."[^46] [[House Resolution 105]], adopted February 9, 1943, authorized the Committee on Appropriations, "acting through a special subcommittee," to examine charges of unfitness based on association with organizations whose aims were subversive. The subcommittee was Congressman [[John H. Kerr]] (chairman), [[Albert Gore Sr.|Albert Gore]], [[Clinton P. Anderson]], [[D. Lane Powers]] and [[Frank B. Keefe]], with Major Matt H. Allen as counsel, and Watson's testimony opens at its sitting of Friday, April 9, 1943.[^47] On March 31, 1943 Dies told the House that a subcommittee headed by [[Joe Starnes]] of Alabama, whom he called his "distinguished and able colleague," would make a report.[^48] On April 7 Kerr told the House that the committee had been asking for six weeks for the full evidence and had been able to get it for only "3 of the 38 men who are charged in this resolution." Dies replied, "You have evidence on 10."[^49] The subcommittee took testimony in executive session from the three men. Its report of April 21, 1943 found Watson and Dodd unfit for government employment and stated that it "does not find sufficient evidence to support a recommendation of unfitness" as to Schuman; Roop's history names the three men found guilty of "subversive activity" and "unfit" as Dodd, Watson and the Interior Department official [[Robert Morss Lovett]]. H. Rept. No. 448, dated May 14, 1943, is printed in the Hearings.[^50][^51] The subcommittee was later accused of having prepared its final report before the men were called to testify.[^50]
In a House speech on February 1, 1943, Dies listed 39 "communists" holding government posts, with Dodd, Watson and Schuman at the head of the list.[^43] On February 4, 1943 [[Joe Hendricks]] of Florida gave notice of an amendment to the House Post Office and Treasury appropriations bill forbidding payment of the thirty-nine named employees, among them Watson, Schuman and Dodd. On February 5 the House, in the Committee of the Whole, rejected it, 130 to 137 on a division and 146 to 153 on tellers, and then agreed, 163 to 111 on tellers, to a separate amendment naming only [[William Pickens]].[^44] Dies accused the employees of "un-American beliefs."[^45] Mercado writes that Dies may have been provoked by FBIS reports that his statements were being praised in Nazi Germany, and that Vice President [[Henry A. Wallace]] had said Dies's statements "might as well come from Goebbels himself as far as their practical effect is concerned."[^46] [[House Resolution 105]], adopted February 9, 1943, authorized the Committee on Appropriations, "acting through a special subcommittee," to examine charges of unfitness based on association with organizations whose aims were subversive. The subcommittee was Congressman [[John H. Kerr]] (chairman), [[Albert Gore Sr.|Albert Gore]], [[Clinton P. Anderson]], [[D. Lane Powers]] and [[Frank B. Keefe]], with Major Matt H. Allen as counsel, and Watson's testimony opens at its sitting of Friday, April 9, 1943.[^47] On March 31, 1943 Dies told the House that a subcommittee headed by [[Joe Starnes]] of Alabama, whom he called his "distinguished and able colleague," would make a report.[^48] On April 7 Kerr told the House that the committee had been asking for six weeks for the full evidence and had been able to get it for only "3 of the 38 men who are charged in this resolution." Dies replied, "You have evidence on 10."[^49] The subcommittee took testimony in executive session from the three men. Its report of April 21, 1943 found Watson and Dodd unfit for government employment and stated that it "does not find sufficient evidence to support a recommendation of unfitness" as to Schuman; Roop's history names the three men found guilty of "subversive activity" and "unfit" as Dodd, Watson and the Interior Department official [[Robert Morss Lovett]]. The subcommittee's hearings and H. Rept. No. 448 of May 14, 1943 were printed by the Government Printing Office.[^50][^51] The subcommittee was later accused of having prepared its final report before the men were called to testify.[^50]
On May 17, 1943 Frank B. Keefe of Wisconsin read excerpts of Watson's testimony to the House. Keefe quoted Watson's 1934 article "The Great Choice, Reformation or Transformation," and said that, asked about it, Watson answered "I just do not believe in that any more. That was the effusion of an academic mind written in 1934," and "I disavow myself of that sort of philosophy."[^52] The printed hearings record Watson's answer on the article as that it was an academic idea that had appealed to him at the time and that "I do not now believe it to be true," and record Keefe's question whether he had ever published an article disavowing it, to which Watson answered "That is true" (that he had not).[^53] Kerr told the House on May 18 that the employees "have no property rights in their offices" and that "One Congress can take away their rights given them by another."[^54]

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@ -23,12 +23,18 @@ relations:
with: "[[Max Ascoli]]"
start: 1931
role: "fellowship that brought him to the United States"
fn: 15
fn: 20
- type: funded
with: "[[Princeton Listening Center]]"
start: 1939-11
end: 1941-06
role: "foundation funding for the listening center, per the Princeton finding aid and Mercado"
fn: 24
- type: funded
with: "[[Institute of World Affairs]]"
role: "grants to the Institute's predecessor projects and to Institute studies; donor listed in the historical note"
start: 1941-03
end: 1951
fn: 19
---
@ -66,19 +72,21 @@ The Rockefeller Archive Center's account of the Foundation's refugee scholar pro
The Foundation funded the [[Research Project on Totalitarian Communication]] at the New School, led by [[Hans Speier]] and [[Ernst Kris]], which analyzed radio broadcasts from totalitarian countries and was coordinated with the British Broadcasting Corporation and government agencies. Foundation funding ended in 1943, and many of the researchers later held federal posts. John Foster Dulles, a Foundation trustee, urged the Foundation to continue work in this field after the war in order to counter Soviet propaganda in Europe.[^14]
The Foundation's grants reached the [[Institute of World Affairs]] through its predecessor projects and through studies run by the Institute. Its grants for the Research Project on Totalitarian Communication were $15,960 in March 1941 and $19,000 in 1942.[^15] A study titled "Germany's Position in European Postwar Reconstruction," compiled by the Institute from 1944 to 1949, was funded by the Foundation "in order to study the results of post-World War I reconstruction in Germany, with an eye toward the practical implementation of these lessons following World War II."[^16] The Social and Economic Controls in Germany and Russia project, formed in 1941, was financed by the Foundation and "focused largely on labor politics in Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia."[^17] A folder for [[Joseph H. Willits]] for 1941 to 1952 concerns a Foundation grant for the project of [[Hans Neisser]] titled Domestic Determinants of International Trade.[^18] The Institute's historical note reports its funding for 1943 to 1951 at $630,000, with the Foundation among its donors.[^19]
### Refugee Scholar Fellowships, 1931 to 1933
The Italian anti-fascist [[Max Ascoli]] came to the United States in 1931 on a Foundation fellowship; Ascoli wrote in 1954 that the offer was made in the spring of 1931 by the Foundation's representative in Italy, [[Luigi Einaudi]].[^15][^16] In 1933 Johnson recruited Ascoli, with the Austrian scholar [[Erich Hula]], as one of two additional Rockefeller scholars for the University in Exile, and Ascoli joined the Graduate Faculty in late 1933.[^17]
The Italian anti-fascist [[Max Ascoli]] came to the United States in 1931 on a Foundation fellowship; Ascoli wrote in 1954 that the offer was made in the spring of 1931 by the Foundation's representative in Italy, [[Luigi Einaudi]].[^20][^21] In 1933 Johnson recruited Ascoli, with the Austrian scholar [[Erich Hula]], as one of two additional Rockefeller scholars for the University in Exile, and Ascoli joined the Graduate Faculty in late 1933.[^22]
### Belém Virus Laboratory
In the Brazilian Amazon the Foundation's medical infrastructure directly served the development drive. The BR-010 highway pushed south from [[Belem|Belém]] toward [[Juscelino Kubitschek|Kubitschek's]] new capital at Brasília, "shielded from the jungle's malarial counterattacks by mosquito control programs and scientists from the Rockefeller Foundation-funded Belém Virus Laboratory," the same road network that opened uncontacted indigenous territories to settlement and mining.[^18]
In the Brazilian Amazon the Foundation's medical infrastructure directly served the development drive. The BR-010 highway pushed south from [[Belem|Belém]] toward [[Juscelino Kubitschek|Kubitschek's]] new capital at Brasília, "shielded from the jungle's malarial counterattacks by mosquito control programs and scientists from the Rockefeller Foundation-funded Belém Virus Laboratory," the same road network that opened uncontacted indigenous territories to settlement and mining.[^23]
### Princeton Listening Center and Wartime Monitoring
The Foundation's money reached American radio monitoring before the government had a monitoring service of its own. The [[Princeton Listening Center]] was launched in November 1939 at [[Princeton University]] with Foundation funding, and its finding aid states that it was financed by the Foundation and continued its work until June 1941, when the [[Federal Communications Commission]] took over; [[Stephen C. Mercado]] likewise gives the absorption by the [[Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service]] as June.[^19] [[Daniel Bessner]] writes that Washington organizations "used intermediaries at the Rockefeller Foundation to assign projects to Graduate Faculty members," some of whom could not work directly for the government because they remained foreign nationals.[^20]
The Foundation's money reached American radio monitoring before the government had a monitoring service of its own. The [[Princeton Listening Center]] was launched in November 1939 at [[Princeton University]] with Foundation funding, and its finding aid states that it was financed by the Foundation and continued its work until June 1941, when the [[Federal Communications Commission]] took over; [[Stephen C. Mercado]] likewise gives the absorption by the [[Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service]] as June.[^24] [[Daniel Bessner]] writes that Washington organizations "used intermediaries at the Rockefeller Foundation to assign projects to Graduate Faculty members," some of whom could not work directly for the government because they remained foreign nationals.[^25]
A [[Baltimore Sun]] article described the service as a joint project of the FCC, Princeton and the Foundation. [[Harold N. Graves Jr.]] wrote a memo for [[Lloyd Free]] on July 9, 1941 about his "embarrassment" at inaccuracies in the article, among them its claim of a joint project.[^21]
A [[Baltimore Sun]] article described the service as a joint project of the FCC, Princeton and the Foundation. [[Harold N. Graves Jr.]] wrote a memo for [[Lloyd Free]] on July 9, 1941 about his "embarrassment" at inaccuracies in the article, among them its claim of a joint project.[^26]
### Footnotes
@ -96,10 +104,15 @@ A [[Baltimore Sun]] article described the service as a joint project of the FCC,
[^12]: Rockefeller Archive Center, DIMES catalog, Rockefeller Foundation records, RG 1.1, Series 200, file groups "Refugee Scholars - New School for Social Research - (French Institute)," "New School for Social Research - Totalitarian Communication Studies," and "War and Peace Studies," https://dimes.rockarch.org.
[^13]: Rockefeller Archive Center, REsource story "The Rockefeller Foundation's Refugee Scholar Program" (letter from Marc Bloch to Alvin Johnson, July 31, 1941, RAC, RG 1.1, Series 200, Box 48, Folder 550).
[^14]: "Rockefeller Foundation Support for Communications Media in the 1930s and 1940s," Rockefeller Archive Center, RE:source, https://resource.rockarch.org/story/rockefeller-foundation-support-for-communications-media-in-the-1930s-and-1940s/
[^15]: Boston University, Bridge, "Connections," November 23, 2001, https://www.bu.edu/bridge/archive/2001/11-23/connections.htm. Also Isabelle Richet, review of Davide Grippa, Un antifascista tra Italia e Stati Uniti, Primo Levi Center, November 24, 2014, https://primolevicenter.org/printed-matter/an-antifascist-between-italy-and-the-united-states/.
[^16]: "The Reporter's Notes," The Reporter, September 23, 1954, pp. 2-6, https://archive.org/details/sim_reporter_1954-09-23_11_5.
[^17]: Peter M. Rutkoff and William B. Scott, New School: A History of the New School for Social Research (New York: Free Press, 1986), pp. 102 and 118.
[^18]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
[^19]: Princeton University Library, "Princeton Listening Center Records, 1939-1941" (AC015), finding aid. https://findingaids.princeton.edu/catalog/AC015. Stephen C. Mercado, "FBIS Against the Axis, 1941-1945," Studies in Intelligence 45, no. 5 (2001), on the Princeton Listening Center's launch in November 1939 with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, and on its absorption by FBIS in June. https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/vol45no5/html/v45i5a04p.htm.
[^20]: Daniel Morris Bessner, "The Night Watchman: Hans Speier and the Making of the American National Security State" (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 2013), p. 138. https://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/items/19152946-8fbb-4b9b-9da0-faca0979e718.
[^21]: Roop, Part I, pp. 93-95, on the Baltimore Sun article of July 1941 and Graves's memo of 9 July 1941. https://archive.org/details/ForeignBroadcastInformationServiceHistoryPart11941-1947.
[^15]: Bessner, "The Night Watchman: Hans Speier and the Making of the American National Security State" (PhD diss., Duke University, 2013), pp. 130-131. https://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/232a76ac-f2d8-4827-99fe-50b3b109fa6c/content
[^16]: New School Archives and Special Collections, "'Germany's Postion in European Postwar Reconstruction', 1944-1949," Institute of World Affairs records, Box 5, Folders 32-33. https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/archival_objects/27256
[^17]: New School Archives and Special Collections, "Social and Economic Controls in Germany and Russia, 1941-1956," Institute of World Affairs records, Series 3. https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/archival_objects/27285
[^18]: New School Archives and Special Collections, "Willits, Joseph H., 1941-1952," Box 3, Folder 6. https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/archival_objects/27198
[^19]: New School Archives and Special Collections, "Institute of World Affairs records," NS-02-16-01, historical note. https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/resources/235
[^20]: Boston University, Bridge, "Connections," November 23, 2001, https://www.bu.edu/bridge/archive/2001/11-23/connections.htm. Also Isabelle Richet, review of Davide Grippa, Un antifascista tra Italia e Stati Uniti, Primo Levi Center, November 24, 2014, https://primolevicenter.org/printed-matter/an-antifascist-between-italy-and-the-united-states/.
[^21]: "The Reporter's Notes," The Reporter, September 23, 1954, pp. 2-6, https://archive.org/details/sim_reporter_1954-09-23_11_5.
[^22]: Peter M. Rutkoff and William B. Scott, New School: A History of the New School for Social Research (New York: Free Press, 1986), pp. 102 and 118.
[^23]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
[^24]: Princeton University Library, "Princeton Listening Center Records, 1939-1941" (AC015), finding aid. https://findingaids.princeton.edu/catalog/AC015. Stephen C. Mercado, "FBIS Against the Axis, 1941-1945," Studies in Intelligence 45, no. 5 (2001), on the Princeton Listening Center's launch in November 1939 with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, and on its absorption by FBIS in June. https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/vol45no5/html/v45i5a04p.htm.
[^25]: Daniel Morris Bessner, "The Night Watchman: Hans Speier and the Making of the American National Security State" (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 2013), p. 138. https://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/items/19152946-8fbb-4b9b-9da0-faca0979e718.
[^26]: Roop, Part I, pp. 93-95, on the Baltimore Sun article of July 1941 and Graves's memo of 9 July 1941. https://archive.org/details/ForeignBroadcastInformationServiceHistoryPart11941-1947.