diff --git a/00 - META/CHANGELOG.md b/00 - META/CHANGELOG.md index 3260a465..d51892a7 100644 --- a/00 - META/CHANGELOG.md +++ b/00 - META/CHANGELOG.md @@ -1,3 +1,63 @@ +- 2026-10-12T1646 · [[Robert Maxwell]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[Unit 8200]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[Uruguay]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[Phoenix Program]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[Alliance for Progress]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[AIFLD]] +- 2026-10-12T1641 · [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[Mark M. Richard]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[LEHI]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[Craig Unger]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[Yaacov Nimrodi]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[Anne Henderson-Pollard]] +- 2026-10-12T1640 · [[Rafael Eitan]] +- 2026-10-12T1639 · [[NSO Group]] +- 2026-10-12T1639 · [[Lockheed bribe scandal]] +- 2026-10-12T1639 · [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Stern Gang]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Mossad]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Yoel Ben-Porat]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Shulamit Ingerman]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Leonid Brezhnev]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Golda Meir]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Reuben Yirador]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[Sasson Yishaek]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[NSA]] +- 2026-10-12T1638 · [[NHAO]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Skinwalker Ranch]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[National Institute for Discovery Science]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[KONA BLUE]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[KLAS-TV]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[George Knapp]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Shimon Peres]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Air America]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Shlomo Gazit]] +- 2026-10-12T1637 · [[Operation Paperclip]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Esquire]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Project Blue Book]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Robert McFarlane]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Project Azorian]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[LAKAM]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Caspar Weinberger]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Aviem Sella]] +- 2026-10-12T1636 · [[Operation Mongoose]] +- 2026-10-12T1635 · [[Iran-Contra Affair]] +- 2026-10-12T1635 · [[Ehud Barak]] +- 2026-10-12T1635 · [[Amir Elichai]] +- 2026-10-12T1635 · [[Operation NORTHWOODS]] +- 2026-10-12T1634 · [[Carbyne]] +- 2026-10-12T1634 · [[Amos Lapidot]] +- 2026-10-12T1634 · [[Israel]] +- 2026-10-12T1634 · [[Project 8200]] +- 2026-10-12T1634 · [[Beersheba]] +- 2026-10-12T1633 · [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]] +- 2026-10-12T1632 · [[Colm Kelleher]] +- 2026-10-12T1632 · [[Agency for International Development]] +- 2026-10-12T1632 · [[Yitzhak Shamir]] +- 2026-10-12T1632 · [[Jonathan Pollard]] - 2026-10-12T1559 · [[James Moore]] - 2026-10-12T1558 · [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] - 2026-10-12T1558 · [[Kissinger Associates]] @@ -11,7 +71,6 @@ - 2026-10-12T1556 · [[Martin Nowak]] - 2026-10-12T1555 · [[Harvard University]] - 2026-10-12T1522 · [[William J. Casey]] -- 2026-10-12T1522 · [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]] - 2026-10-12T1522 · [[Timothy Leary]] - 2026-10-12T1520 · [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] - 2026-10-12T1520 · [[Clark Clifford]] @@ -23,17 +82,13 @@ - 2026-10-12T1518 · [[Frederick Lacey]] - 2026-10-12T1518 · [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program]] - 2026-10-12T1517 · [[Christopher Drogoul]] -- 2026-10-12T1515 · [[Operation NORTHWOODS]] - 2026-10-12T1515 · [[Rockefeller Commission 1975]] - 2026-10-12T1515 · [[William Harvey]] -- 2026-10-12T1513 · [[NSA]] - 2026-10-12T1513 · [[Robertson Panel]] -- 2026-10-12T1513 · [[Operation Paperclip]] - 2026-10-12T1513 · [[Abraham Feinberg]] - 2026-10-12T1512 · [[Project MKUltra]] - 2026-10-12T1511 · [[Bert Lance]] - 2026-10-12T1511 · [[Richard Helms]] -- 2026-10-12T1511 · [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]] - 2026-10-12T1511 · [[Kamal Adham]] - 2026-10-12T1510 · [[Financial General Bankshares]] - 2026-10-12T1510 · [[Faisal Saud al-Fulaij]] @@ -43,58 +98,3 @@ - 2026-10-09T2351 · [[Operation Gold]] - 2026-10-09T2351 · [[Uri Geller]] - 2026-10-09T2351 · [[Gerald R. Ford]] -- 2026-10-09T2351 · [[George H.W. Bush]] -- 2026-10-09T2351 · [[Dale Graff]] -- 2026-10-09T2350 · [[Cuban Missile Crisis]] -- 2026-10-09T2349 · [[William Sullivan]] -- 2026-10-09T2349 · [[ZR RIFLE]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[JM-WAVE]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Operation Mongoose]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Desmond FitzGerald]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[40 Committee]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[The Octopus]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Fair Play for Cuba Committee]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[James Earl Ray]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Carlos Marcello]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Jack Ruby]] -- 2026-10-09T2348 · [[Sam Giancana]] -- 2026-10-09T2347 · [[Allen Dulles]] -- 2026-10-09T2347 · [[Robert Maheu]] -- 2026-10-09T2347 · [[Howard Hughes]] -- 2026-10-09T2347 · [[Johnny Roselli]] -- 2026-10-09T2346 · [[National Security Council]] -- 2026-10-09T2343 · [[William Yandell Elliott]] -- 2026-10-09T2343 · [[Rockefeller family]] -- 2026-10-09T2342 · [[Robert McFarlane]] -- 2026-10-09T2342 · [[Ilopango Airbase]] -- 2026-10-09T2342 · [[Charles Marsh]] -- 2026-10-09T2341 · [[Robert Owen]] -- 2026-10-09T2341 · [[Moises Nunez]] -- 2026-10-09T2341 · [[Dagoberto Nunez]] -- 2026-10-09T2340 · [[Arthur Koestler]] -- 2026-10-09T2340 · [[Cryptomnesia]] -- 2026-10-09T2340 · [[Kirlian Photography]] -- 2026-10-09T2340 · [[Aura]] -- 2026-10-09T2340 · [[Paraphysics R&D - Warsaw Pact]] -- 2026-10-09T2339 · [[Duke University Parapsychology Laboratory]] -- 2026-10-09T2339 · [[American Society for Psychical Research]] -- 2026-10-09T2339 · [[Ronald Reagan]] -- 2026-10-09T2338 · [[Lew Wasserman]] -- 2026-10-09T2338 · [[Jules Stein]] -- 2026-10-09T2337 · [[Dan Moldea]] -- 2026-10-09T2336 · [[J. Allen Hynek]] -- 2026-10-09T2336 · [[Freedom of Information Act]] -- 2026-10-09T2336 · [[Prasan Nepal]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[Baron Cain Martin]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[INSLAW]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[The Com]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[Hadron]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[764 Network]] -- 2026-10-09T2334 · [[Justin Sher]] -- 2026-10-09T2333 · [[Danilo Blandon]] -- 2026-10-09T2333 · [[Lawrence Walsh]] -- 2026-10-09T2333 · [[Tom Clines]] -- 2026-10-09T2332 · [[Robert Byrd]] -- 2026-10-09T2331 · [[Michael Riconosciuto]] -- 2026-10-09T2331 · [[Joseph Cuellar]] diff --git a/00 - META/NARRATIVES/The Samson Option Narrative.md b/00 - META/NARRATIVES/The Samson Option Narrative.md index e7152119..ea19135c 100644 --- a/00 - META/NARRATIVES/The Samson Option Narrative.md +++ b/00 - META/NARRATIVES/The Samson Option Narrative.md @@ -1,5 +1,6 @@ --- title: The Samson Option Narrative +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - NuclearWeapons - Israel @@ -138,7 +139,7 @@ The discovery created a political dilemma for the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] admini [[Jonathan Pollard]], a U.S. Navy intelligence analyst, was [[Israel]]'s first publicly exposed nuclear spy inside the [[United States]] intelligence community. Motivated by ideology and financial compensation, Pollard provided large volumes of highly classified U.S. intelligence. This included critical data on Soviet military targets and air defense systems, information essential for [[Israel]]'s long-range nuclear targeting plans. He was recruited and handled by [[Rafael Eitan]], the head of [[LAKAM]], demonstrating [[Israel]]'s willingness to conduct espionage against its primary ally to obtain intelligence it deemed vital. -The Pollard affair revealed a significant penetration of U.S. intelligence and suggested that high-level Israeli officials, including Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]], were willing to sanitize and then trade sensitive American intelligence with the [[Soviet Union]]. This operation, driven by [[Israel]]'s strategic calculations and a distrust of American reliability, caused a major diplomatic crisis. Though initially presented by [[Israel]] as a "rogue operation," the scandal exposed the complex and often conflicting interests at play in international intelligence. +The Pollard affair revealed a significant penetration of U.S. intelligence. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that [[Yitzhak Shamir]], then Israel's foreign minister (he was prime minister from October 1983 to September 1984 and again from October 1986), authorized some of the Pollard material to be sanitized and turned over to the [[Soviet Union]], and Hersh also described Israeli passage of Pollard material to the Soviets. The operation, driven by [[Israel]]'s strategic calculations and a distrust of American reliability, caused a major diplomatic crisis. Though initially presented by [[Israel]] as a "rogue operation," the scandal exposed the complex and often conflicting interests at play in international intelligence. ## An Israeli Asset diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir Elichai.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir Elichai.md index 2c21b767..a18062b2 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir Elichai.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amir Elichai.md @@ -14,45 +14,47 @@ tags: summary: "Israeli founder and chief executive of Carbyne, formerly Reporty Homeland Security, whose board included Ehud Barak and a former Unit 8200 commander and in which Jeffrey Epstein invested." location: "Tel Aviv, Israel" created: 2026-09-25 -updated: 2026-09-25 +updated: 2026-10-12 relations: - type: director_of with: "[[Carbyne]]" start: 2015-12-23 role: "director of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., later chief executive" - fn: 1 + fn: 2 --- -Amir Elichai is an Israeli entrepreneur, the founder and chief executive of [[Carbyne]], an emergency-call and 911-dispatch technology company incorporated as Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. In December 2015 he sat on Reporty's board with the former Israeli prime minister and defense minister [[Ehud Barak]] and [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]]. [[Jeffrey Epstein]] invested about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement Barak brokered, and increased his stake through an Israeli limited partnership in 2019. In January 2019 Elichai prepared the Carbyne presentation that Barak sent to [[Jabor Al Thani]] of [[Qatar]], with Epstein copied, for security work at the [[2022 FIFA World Cup]]. [[Axon Enterprise]] bought Carbyne for 625 million dollars in February 2026.[^1][^2][^3][^4] +Amir Elichai is an Israeli entrepreneur, the founder and chief executive of [[Carbyne]], an emergency-call and 911-dispatch technology company incorporated as Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. In December 2015 he sat on Reporty's board with the former Israeli prime minister and defense minister [[Ehud Barak]] and [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]].[^1] [[Jeffrey Epstein]] invested about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement Barak brokered, and increased his stake through an Israeli limited partnership in 2019. In January 2019 Elichai prepared the Carbyne presentation that Barak sent to [[Jabor Al Thani]] of [[Qatar]], with Epstein copied, for security work at the [[2022 FIFA World Cup]]. [[Axon Enterprise]] bought Carbyne for 625 million dollars in February 2026.[^2][^3][^4][^5] ### Reporty Homeland Security -The minutes of a meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. held on December 23, 2015 list as directors present "Mr. Amir Elichai, Mr. Alex Dizengof, Mr. Ehud Barak, Mr. Pinchas Bouchris," with the company's lawyer also attending. The board watched a demonstration of "the Reporty system (version 0.7/0.8 noncommercial version)," discussed the company's "current business relationships and partners such as Haifa Municipality, Microsoft, Taldor as well as integrators," and resolved to explore non-exclusive partnerships with integrators and to buy demonstration equipment. The minutes were preserved among Epstein's records.[^1] +The minutes of a meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. held on December 23, 2015 list as directors present "Mr. Amir Elichai, Mr. Alex Dizengof, Mr. Ehud Barak, Mr. Pinchas Bouchris," with the company's lawyer also attending. The board watched a demonstration of "the Reporty system (version 0.7/0.8 noncommercial version)," discussed the company's "current business relationships and partners such as Haifa Municipality, Microsoft, Taldor as well as integrators," and resolved to explore non-exclusive partnerships with integrators and to buy demonstration equipment. The minutes were preserved among Epstein's records.[^2] -Buchris later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]]. Barak served on the boards of Reporty and Carbyne and left in 2019.[^2][^4] +Buchris, whom Calcalist described in 2019 as "the former director of Israel's Unit 8200," sat on Carbyne's board in 2017 with Barak and Elichai, and later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^1][^6] Barak served on the boards of Reporty and Carbyne and left in 2019.[^3] ### The Epstein Investment -*[[Forbes]]* reported in February 2026 that Barak helped Epstein invest about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, after Epstein's 2008 guilty plea and his registration as a sex offender in [[Florida]], and that the stake could have grown in value to as much as 100 million dollars.[^2] The stake was held through SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]], wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] that at the time of the initial investment "in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.)" the partnership had received warrants for 61,251 Preferred A shares at an aggregate exercise price of 3.5 million dollars, and that exercising them would raise its holding "from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis." In March 2019 Epstein's Virgin Islands company [[Southern Trust Company]] signed the Additional Investment Agreement and transferred 2.4 million dollars of the 3.6 million dollars raised, and Indyke confirmed to the partnership's bank that Epstein was "the controlling person" of Southern Trust.[^5] On February 18, 2019 [[Nicole Junkermann]], whose firm had taken part in Carbyne's Series A round, wrote to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m."[^6] +*[[Forbes]]* reported in February 2026 that Barak helped Epstein invest about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, after Epstein's 2008 guilty plea and his registration as a sex offender in [[Florida]], and that the stake could have grown in value to as much as 100 million dollars.[^3] The stake was held through SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]], wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] that at the time of the initial investment "in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.)" the partnership had received warrants for 61,251 Preferred A shares at an aggregate exercise price of 3.5 million dollars, and that exercising them would raise its holding "from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis." In March 2019 Epstein's Virgin Islands company [[Southern Trust Company]] signed the Additional Investment Agreement and transferred 2.4 million dollars of the 3.6 million dollars raised, and Indyke confirmed to the partnership's bank that Epstein was "the controlling person" of Southern Trust.[^7] On February 18, 2019 [[Nicole Junkermann]], whose firm had taken part in Carbyne's Series A round, wrote to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m."[^8] -Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed Junkermann as a director until 2020. Elichai said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^2] +Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed Junkermann as a director until 2020. Elichai said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^3] ### The Qatar Pitch -On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to [[Peter Thiel]], whose [[Founders Fund]] was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^7] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded to Jabor Al Thani, with Epstein copied, a presentation prepared by Elichai, writing: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^3] Jabor Al Thani replied on January 20 that "Our security services company" wished to begin discussions and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as the contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as his side's contact. Epstein was a recipient of the January 1, February 3 and February 4 messages.[^8] +On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to [[Peter Thiel]], whose [[Founders Fund]] was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^9] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded to Jabor Al Thani, with Epstein copied, a presentation prepared by Elichai, writing: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^4] Jabor Al Thani replied on January 20 that "Our security services company" wished to begin discussions and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as the contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as his side's contact. Epstein was a recipient of the January 1, February 3 and February 4 messages.[^10] ### The Axon Sale -Axon Enterprise, the maker of the [[Taser]] and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, and the purchase closed in February 2026. Axon's founder and chief executive, [[Rick Smith]], described the deal as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience." Carbyne's product has been used by U.S. police and emergency agencies including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department]].[^2][^4][^9] +Axon Enterprise, the maker of the [[Taser]] and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, and the purchase closed in February 2026. Axon's founder and chief executive, [[Rick Smith]], described the deal as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience." Carbyne's product has been used by U.S. police and emergency agencies including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department]].[^3][^5][^11] ### Footnotes -[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf -[^2]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/ -[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, "Fwd: Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf -[^4]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg -[^5]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf -[^6]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf -[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf -[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread among Ehud Barak, Jabor Al Thani, Amir Elichai, and Jeffrey Epstein, "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf -[^9]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html +[^1]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html +[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf +[^3]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/ +[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, "Fwd: Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf +[^5]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg +[^6]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o +[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf +[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf +[^9]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf +[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread among Ehud Barak, Jabor Al Thani, Amir Elichai, and Jeffrey Epstein, "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf +[^11]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ehud Barak.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ehud Barak.md index 65092689..5bd68175 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ehud Barak.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ehud Barak.md @@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ summary: "Ehud Barak is the former Israeli prime minister and military intellige born: 1942-02-12 location: "Mishmar HaSharon, Mandatory Palestine (born)" created: 2026-06-18 -updated: 2026-09-25 +updated: 2026-10-12 relations: - type: head_of with: "[[Aman]]" @@ -125,7 +125,7 @@ On February 18, 2019 the investor [[Nicole Junkermann]] wrote to Epstein, in a m ### Carbyne After Epstein -Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death. The company's board also included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of Unit 8200 and former director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]]. [[Axon Enterprise]], the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, a deal that closed in early 2026.[^15][^30] +Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death.[^15] The company's board also included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of Unit 8200 and former director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^30][^31] Minutes of the December 23, 2015 meeting of Reporty's board list Amir Elichai, [[Alex Dizengof]], Barak and Buchris as directors present, and record Barak's expected additional investment of $500,000 by February 1, 2016.[^32] [[Axon Enterprise]], the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, a deal that closed in early 2026.[^15][^33] ### Footnotes @@ -158,4 +158,7 @@ Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death. Th [^27]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf [^28]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02632339, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 11, 2019, with forwarded correspondence of Tomer Toor, Darren Indyke, and NJF Capital, February 28 to March 11, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02632339.pdf [^29]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email exchange between Darren Indyke and Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 12-14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf -[^30]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Axon Enterprise press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html +[^30]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html +[^31]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o +[^32]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf +[^33]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Axon Enterprise press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Humberto Castelo Branco.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Humberto Castelo Branco.md index 7136316e..1f756816 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Humberto Castelo Branco.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Humberto Castelo Branco.md @@ -7,12 +7,12 @@ tags: - Coup1964 - ColdWar - LatinAmerica -summary: "General Humberto Castelo Branco led the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President Joao Goulart and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967, overseeing mass political purges, the suppression of Petrobrás, and the opening of the Amazon to American corporate investment." +summary: "General Humberto Castelo Branco led the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President Joao Goulart and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967." born: 1897-09-20 died: 1967-07-18 location: "Fortaleza, Brazil" created: 2026-06-05 -updated: 2026-06-05 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco (September 20, 1897 - July 18, 1967) commanded the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President [[Joao Goulart]] and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967. The intellectual leader of the "Sorbonne Group" of US-aligned Brazilian officers, he had formed a close personal friendship with US Military Attaché [[Vernon Walters]] while the [[Brazilian Expeditionary Force]] fought under US command in Italy during World War II, a relationship that gave Washington direct access to coup planning in the weeks before the military moved. @@ -47,19 +47,19 @@ The Petrobrás nationalization that Goulart had decreed was reversed. American o [[Hanna Mining Company]] had acquired controlling interest in Brazil's St. John D'el Rey Mining Company beginning in 1956, gaining access to what was described as one of the world's richest high-grade hematite deposits in Minas Gerais. President Goulart had issued an expropriation decree challenging Hanna's claim, and the case had reached the Federal Court of Appeals before the coup. On December 24, 1964, Castelo Branco issued a presidential decree endorsing private development of Brazil's iron ore reserves and supporting Hanna's plans, including construction of loading facilities at Sepetiba Bay and a railway cutoff to the government-owned Central do Brasil railroad. [[John J. McCloy]], board chairman of [[Chase Manhattan Bank]], made strategic visits to Brazilian officials at critical moments in Hanna's legal struggle over the concession. On June 15, 1966, the reconstituted Federal Court of Appeals ruled in Hanna's favor.[^13] -U.S. aid followed immediately after recognition. The [[Agency for International Development]] provided a $50 million contingency loan in June 1964. A $150 million AID program loan was authorized in December 1964 after Brazil submitted formal self-help commitments to [[CIAP]]. By December 1965, Secretary of State Rusk was requesting President Johnson's approval for a further $150 million AID program loan for 1966, which Johnson approved December 11, 1965, with the agreement signed February 10, 1966. The 1965 package also included a $53.6 million Treasury exchange agreement and a $125 million [[IMF]] standby agreement. Gordon's August 1964 assessment (FRUS Document 215) proposed annual capital inflows of $600-700 million from combined U.S. and international sources to sustain Brazil's development program. Between 1960 and 1966, Brazil received approximately $2.5 billion in total foreign assistance, and by 1970 had become the largest recipient of [[World Bank]] funds.[^14] +U.S. aid followed immediately after recognition. The [[Agency for International Development]] provided a $50 million contingency loan in June 1964. Colby and Dennett write that after the coup the Johnson administration released $200 million in aid previously pledged to Goulart and delivered another $50 million AID loan shortly after Roberto Campos announced that he was reconsidering Goulart's 10 percent limit on profit repatriation.[^14] An editorial note in the Foreign Relations of the United States records that AID Administrator [[David E. Bell]] approved on November 2, 1964 a proposal to provide Brazil with $100 million for project loans and $150 million for a program loan "on the most concessionary terms legally available," and that the United States and Brazil signed the agreement on December 14, 1964.[^15] The program loan followed Brazil's submission of formal self-help commitments to [[CIAP]]. By December 1965, Secretary of State Rusk was requesting President Johnson's approval for a further $150 million AID program loan for 1966, which Johnson approved December 11, 1965, with the agreement signed February 10, 1966. The 1965 package also included a $53.6 million Treasury exchange agreement and a $125 million [[IMF]] standby agreement. Gordon's August 1964 assessment (FRUS Document 215) proposed annual capital inflows of $600-700 million from combined U.S. and international sources to sustain Brazil's development program. Between 1960 and 1966, Brazil received approximately $2.5 billion in total foreign assistance, and by 1970 had become the largest recipient of [[World Bank]] funds.[^14] -Brazil broke off relations with Cuba in July 1964 and joined the Johnson administration's [[OAS]] condemnation of Cuba in 1965. Castelo Branco supported the U.S. Marine intervention in the [[Dominican Republic]] in 1965, contributing troops to the [[Inter-American Peace Force]] (IAPF), established by OAS resolution on May 23, 1965. The IAPF was commanded by Brazilian General [[Hugo Panasco Alvim]], with U.S. General [[Bruce Palmer]] as deputy commander. The force comprised approximately 1,748 troops from Brazil, Paraguay, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Honduras, operating alongside approximately 12,400 U.S. military personnel.[^15] +Brazil broke off relations with Cuba in July 1964 and joined the Johnson administration's [[OAS]] condemnation of Cuba in 1965. Castelo Branco supported the U.S. Marine intervention in the [[Dominican Republic]] in 1965, contributing troops to the [[Inter-American Peace Force]] (IAPF), established by OAS resolution on May 23, 1965. The IAPF was commanded by Brazilian General [[Hugo Panasco Alvim]], with U.S. General [[Bruce Palmer]] as deputy commander. The force comprised approximately 1,748 troops from Brazil, Paraguay, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Honduras, operating alongside approximately 12,400 U.S. military personnel.[^16] ### Second Institutional Act -The Second Institutional Act, signed on October 27, 1965, came in response to the military government's poor showing in that year's gubernatorial elections, in which opposition candidates won two state contests. The act banned all existing political parties, provided for indirect election of the president, restricted the time Congress could consider legislation before it automatically became law, stipulated that persons accused of crimes against national security would be subject to military justice, and expanded the [[Supreme Court]] to secure favorable rulings, including the restoration of Hanna Mining's concessions.[^16] +The Second Institutional Act, signed on October 27, 1965, came in response to the military government's poor showing in that year's gubernatorial elections, in which opposition candidates won two state contests. The act banned all existing political parties, provided for indirect election of the president, restricted the time Congress could consider legislation before it automatically became law, stipulated that persons accused of crimes against national security would be subject to military justice, and expanded the [[Supreme Court]] to secure favorable rulings, including the restoration of Hanna Mining's concessions.[^17] -Ambassador Gordon reported on the act in a cable to Washington dated November 3, 1965, describing his private conversation with Castelo Branco about it. According to Gordon's account, Castelo Branco explained that Congress and some Supreme Court justices had misunderstood his commitment to constitutional normality as willingness to reverse the revolution, and determined by mid-October that corrective action was necessary. Gordon expressed concern about "arbitrary powers assumed through the act" and the risks of sliding toward military dictatorship rather than maintaining the armed forces' traditional moderating role.[^17] +Ambassador Gordon reported on the act in a cable to Washington dated November 3, 1965, describing his private conversation with Castelo Branco about it. According to Gordon's account, Castelo Branco explained that Congress and some Supreme Court justices had misunderstood his commitment to constitutional normality as willingness to reverse the revolution, and determined by mid-October that corrective action was necessary. Gordon expressed concern about "arbitrary powers assumed through the act" and the risks of sliding toward military dictatorship rather than maintaining the armed forces' traditional moderating role.[^18] ### Death -Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presidency, when his Piper PA-23 Aztec aircraft collided mid-air with a [[Brazilian Air Force]] Lockheed T-33 jet trainer near Fortaleza. The circumstances of the crash were never definitively explained; military records attributed it to an accidental mid-air collision, though the episode was widely regarded as suspicious.[^18] +Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presidency, when his Piper PA-23 Aztec aircraft collided mid-air with a [[Brazilian Air Force]] Lockheed T-33 jet trainer near Fortaleza. The circumstances of the crash were never definitively explained; military records attributed it to an accidental mid-air collision, though the episode was widely regarded as suspicious.[^19] [^1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 28. [^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. ESG established by Brazilian Law 785/49, August 20, 1949. Castelo Branco appointed Army Chief of Staff September 13, 1963. @@ -75,7 +75,8 @@ Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presid [^12]: Federation of American Scientists, "Brazil: The National Intelligence Service, 1964-90," irp.fas.org/world/brazil/nis.html. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. [^13]: NACLA, "The Hanna Industrial Complex: Part I, Operations in Brazil," nacla.org. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. [^14]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224. Memorandum from Secretary of State Rusk to President Johnson, December 3, 1965 (approved December 11, 1965); Document 215, Letter from Ambassador Gordon to Assistant Secretary Mann, August 10, 1964. Aid figures also in Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. -[^15]: Inter-American Peace Force established by OAS resolution at the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, May 23, 1965. Troop composition (1,500 Brazilian troops of 2,500 total): *New York Times*, "O.A.S. Creates Peace Force," May 24, 1965; FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224. -[^16]: Second Institutional Act (Ato Institucional No. 2), October 27, 1965. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. -[^17]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 221. Telegram from Ambassador Gordon to Department of State, November 3, 1965. Secret; Priority. -[^18]: Birth date September 20, 1897; death date July 18, 1967. Midair collision details: Piper PA-23 Aztec and Brazilian Air Force T-33. Find a Grave memorial no. 48088183. +[^15]: Memorandum from Robert M. Sayre of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy), September 30, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 216, editorial note on the November 2, 1964 approval by AID Administrator Bell (citing the October 29 memorandum from Mann to Bell) and the December 14 signing. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d216 +[^16]: Inter-American Peace Force established by OAS resolution at the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, May 23, 1965. Troop composition (1,500 Brazilian troops of 2,500 total): *New York Times*, "O.A.S. Creates Peace Force," May 24, 1965; FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224. +[^17]: Second Institutional Act (Ato Institucional No. 2), October 27, 1965. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. +[^18]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 221. Telegram from Ambassador Gordon to Department of State, November 3, 1965. Secret; Priority. +[^19]: Birth date September 20, 1897; death date July 18, 1967. Midair collision details: Piper PA-23 Aztec and Brazilian Air Force T-33. Find a Grave memorial no. 48088183. diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Leonid Brezhnev.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Leonid Brezhnev.md index 11f84789..87d222d1 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Leonid Brezhnev.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Leonid Brezhnev.md @@ -5,6 +5,7 @@ tags: - Israel - Soviet summary: "In 1972, Brezhnev met with Golda Meir, then Prime Minister of Israel, in Finland." +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1906-12-19 died: 1982-11-10 location: "Kamenskoye, Ukraine (Russian Empire)" @@ -14,15 +15,15 @@ location: "Kamenskoye, Ukraine (Russian Empire)" ### 1972 Meeting with Golda Meir -In 1972, Brezhnev met with [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of [[Israel]], in [[Finland]]. During this meeting, [[Golda Meir|Meir]] rejected his proposal for a comprehensive peace settlement in the [[Middle East]].[^1] +In 1972, Brezhnev met with [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of Israel, in [[Finland]]. During this meeting, Meir rejected his proposal for a comprehensive peace settlement in the [[Middle East]].[^1] ### Intelligence Operations and War Implications -This meeting, along with the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] bugging [[Golda Meir|Meir's]] office (discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]), informed [[Anwar Sadat]] of [[Israel|Israel's]] attitude and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1] +[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that this meeting, along with the Soviets bugging Meir's office (which he said was discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]), informed [[Anwar Sadat]] of Israel's attitude and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1] ### 1973 Yom Kippur War Threats -During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptian Third Army by Israeli forces escalated, Soviet party leader [[Leonid Brezhnev]] increased the alert status of his airborne divisions and warned the [[White House]] that unless [[Israel]] stopped violating the cease-fire, "we should be faced with the necessity urgently to consider the question of taking appropriate steps unilaterally." The implication was that Brezhnev would send troops as a blocking force behind the front lines in [[Egypt]] to prevent the Israelis from advancing on [[Cairo]].[^2] +During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptian Third Army by Israeli forces escalated, Soviet party leader Leonid Brezhnev increased the alert status of his airborne divisions and warned the [[White House]] that unless Israel stopped violating the cease-fire, "we should be faced with the necessity urgently to consider the question of taking appropriate steps unilaterally." The implication was that Brezhnev would send troops as a blocking force behind the front lines in [[Egypt]] to prevent the Israelis from advancing on [[Cairo]].[^2] ### Footnotes diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Rafael Eitan.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Rafael Eitan.md index fcda7d08..92d5cf5c 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Rafael Eitan.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Rafael Eitan.md @@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ aliases: - Rafi Eitan - Rafi the Stinker created: 2024-04-25 -updated: 2026-09-22 +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Intelligence & Government" tags: - Person @@ -17,42 +17,70 @@ tags: - Intelligence - 1970s - 1980s -summary: "Rafael Eitan was a veteran Israeli intelligence operative who led the LAKAM science intelligence bureau, ran Jonathan Pollard as an intelligence asset against the United States, and was alleged by multiple sources to have acquired and internationally distributed PROMIS software with a hidden surveillance backdoor." +summary: "Rafael Eitan was an Israeli intelligence operative who led the LAKAM bureau, ran Jonathan Pollard as an agent against the United States, and was alleged by several sources to have distributed backdoored PROMIS software." born: 1926-11-23 died: 2019-03-23 location: "Tel Aviv, Israel" +relations: + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Jonathan Pollard]]" + reverse: true + start: 1984-11 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Controller of the Pollard operation" + fn: 2 + - type: investigated + with: "[[Department of Justice]]" + reverse: true + start: 1987-01 + role: "Named in the government's sentencing filings; granted immunity" + fn: 4 --- -Rafael Eitan, also known as "Rafi the stinker," was an ambitious Israeli clandestine operative and a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]]. He was appointed the new head of [[LAKAM]] (Science Liaison Bureau) and also served as [[Menachem Begin]]'s special assistant for counterterrorism. Eitan had participated in the 1960 kidnapping of [[Adolf Eichmann]] in [[Buenos Aires]] and was a veteran of many operations inside the Arab world. He had been forced to resign from [[Mossad]] years earlier and was bitter about his stunted career and the failure of [[Mossad]] and [[Israel]]'s other intelligence agencies to cooperate with his counterterrorism office.[^1] +Rafael Eitan, also known as "Rafi the stinker," was an ambitious Israeli clandestine operative and a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]]. He was appointed the new head of [[LAKAM]] (Science Liaison Bureau) and also served as [[Menachem Begin]]'s special assistant for counterterrorism. Eitan had participated in the 1960 kidnapping of [[Adolf Eichmann]] in [[Buenos Aires]] and was a veteran of many operations inside the Arab world. He had been forced to resign from [[Mossad]] years earlier and was bitter about his stunted career and the failure of Mossad and [[Israel]]'s other intelligence agencies to cooperate with his counterterrorism office.[^1] -Eitan decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials, agreeing with [[Ariel Sharon]] that the [[United States]] was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography. He recruited [[Jonathan Pollard]] in October 1981, a move viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^1] +Eitan decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials, agreeing with Ariel Sharon that the [[United States]] was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography. He recruited [[Jonathan Pollard]] in October 1981, a move viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^1] -Eitan's LAKAM operations in the [[United States]] produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents. Illicitly obtained intelligence flew so voluminously from LAKAM into Israeli intelligence that a special code name, JUMBO, was added to the security markings on the documents. There were strict orders that anything marked JUMBO was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1] +The 1987 damage assessment records that Pollard himself dated his volunteering to late June 1984 and that he met Eitan in Paris in November 1984. Eitan is described there as the adviser on counterterrorism to the prime minister and the senior Israeli in charge of the case. The assessment records that at this meeting Eitan emphasized that Pollard should resign from naval intelligence rather than undergo a polygraph examination.[^2] This account stands beside Hersh's October 1981 date for the recruitment. -[[Reuven Yerdor]], then in charge of [[Unit 8200]], had little respect for Eitan and worried about the long-range implications of Israeli intelligence activities in the [[United States]]. Yerdor was convinced Eitan was driven by personal ambition and a need to settle old scores with [[Yitzhak Hofi]], the head of [[Mossad]], and [[Avraham Shalom]], Shin Beth's director. Yerdor also believed that Eitan had recruited two or more Americans, and was dismayed by the fact that [[Jonathan Pollard]]'s material, marked JUMBO, was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1] +According to the defense's second sentencing memorandum, Eitan asked Pollard for documents on American knowledge of Israeli arms dealings with other countries, particularly China, and on United States knowledge of Israeli intelligence efforts in the United States. Each time Pollard did not provide such documents or information, the memorandum states, Eitan responded with threats of recrimination.[^3] -After the [[Sabra and Shatila massacres]], Eitan remained in [[Menachem Begin]]'s cabinet as a minister without portfolio. The Israeli officials most tarnished by the [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] scandal were Eitan and [[Aviem Sella]]. However, Eitan did not suffer financially and was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], authorized by [[Ariel Sharon]].[^1] +The [[Washington Post]] reported in January 1987 that, according to Pollard's account, Eitan assured him that he would be "taken care of" if arrested, and that any U.S. investigation of Eitan could be "contained." Eitan was one of three Israelis granted immunity from prosecution in the case.[^4] + +Eitan's LAKAM operations in the United States produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents. Illicitly obtained intelligence flew so voluminously from LAKAM into Israeli intelligence that a special code name, JUMBO, was added to the security markings on the documents. There were strict orders that anything marked JUMBO was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1] + +[[Reuven Yerdor]], then in charge of [[Unit 8200]], had little respect for Eitan and worried about the long-range implications of Israeli intelligence activities in the United States. Yerdor was convinced Eitan was driven by personal ambition and a need to settle old scores with [[Yitzhak Hofi]], the head of Mossad, and [[Avraham Shalom]], Shin Beth's director. Yerdor also believed that Eitan had recruited two or more Americans, and was dismayed by the fact that Jonathan Pollard's material, marked JUMBO, was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1] + +After the [[Sabra and Shatila massacres]], Eitan remained in Menachem Begin's cabinet as a minister without portfolio. The Israeli officials most tarnished by the Pollard scandal were Eitan and [[Aviem Sella]]. However, Eitan did not suffer financially and was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], authorized by Ariel Sharon.[^1] + +On December 21, 1985 Israeli officials told the [[New York Times]] that Eitan had been removed from his post as head of an intelligence-gathering unit of the Ministry of Defense and was expected to retire quietly in the near future. The report said that the Liaison Bureau for Scientific Affairs was being dismantled.[^5] The Knesset intelligence subcommittee chaired by [[Abba Eban]], which reported on May 26, 1987, accused Eitan of "a gross excess of authority." The Post also reported that Eitan had become chairman of the country's largest state-owned company.[^6] The [[Christian Science Monitor]] reported that Eitan had been forced to resign as head of the Scientific Liaison Unit and that the unit was disbanded.[^7] ### PROMIS and LAKAM Intelligence Operations -The writer Gordon Thomas wrote that Eitan played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the [[United States]] posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^2] Eitan then assembled a team of former [[LAKAM]] programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^2] +The writer Gordon Thomas wrote that Eitan played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the United States posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^8] Eitan then assembled a team of former LAKAM programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^8] -Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone. But not only that, we can find out what our enemies know too."[^3] He reportedly admitted collaborating with CIA officials in selling "more than half a billion dollars worth of INSLAW's PROMIS to foreign intelligence and law enforcement agencies" as part of joint covert operations to steal intelligence from foreign governments.[^3] +Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone. But not only that, we can find out what our enemies know too."[^9] He reportedly admitted collaborating with CIA officials in selling "more than half a billion dollars worth of INSLAW's PROMIS to foreign intelligence and law enforcement agencies" as part of joint covert operations to steal intelligence from foreign governments.[^9] -Distribution of the backdoored software was handled in part through British media mogul [[Robert Maxwell]], who used his Israeli computer company [[Degem]] and a network of international holdings as vehicles for sales to intelligence and law enforcement agencies worldwide.[^2] Eitan's involvement in what became known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] was never formally adjudicated; U.S. government investigations, including the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993), found no credible evidence that enhanced PROMIS was distributed internationally.[^4] +Distribution of the backdoored software was handled in part through British media mogul [[Robert Maxwell]], who used his Israeli computer company [[Degem]] and a network of international holdings as vehicles for sales to intelligence and law enforcement agencies worldwide.[^8] Eitan's involvement in what became known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] was never formally adjudicated; U.S. government investigations, including the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993), found no credible evidence that enhanced PROMIS was distributed internationally.[^10] ### Dr. Ben Orr -The documentary trace of an Israeli visitor to the [[Department of Justice]] is two memoranda of [[Jack Rugh]], the department's deputy project manager on the [[INSLAW]] contract. On May 6, 1983, Rugh wrote that "Brick Brewer recently instructed me to make a copy of an LEAA version of PROMIS available to Dr. Ben Orr, a representative of the Government of Israel. Dr. Orr called me to discuss that request... I have made a copy of the LEM DEC version of PROMIS and will provide it, along with the corresponding documentation, to Dr. Orr before he leaves the United States for Israel on May 16," and on May 12 he recorded delivery of the materials to [[C. Madison Brewer]] for transmittal. The version so recorded was the public-domain [[LEAA]] one. Eitan, in the account he gave Thomas and Dillon, was Dr. Orr, travelling on a forged passport in the identity of a real retired prosecutor, "Dr Benjamin Orr, an assistant public prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice in Tel Aviv," who first flew to the United States on December 19, 1982, met Brewer, and returned in February 1983 to be shown the enhanced PROMIS at INSLAW's own offices by [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], after which Brewer handed him a tape from an office cupboard; Hamilton is quoted recalling eyes "like a computer, tracking everything."[^5] +The documentary trace of an Israeli visitor to the Department of Justice is two memoranda of [[Jack Rugh]], the department's deputy project manager on the INSLAW contract. On May 6, 1983, Rugh wrote that "Brick Brewer recently instructed me to make a copy of an LEAA version of PROMIS available to Dr. Ben Orr, a representative of the Government of Israel. Dr. Orr called me to discuss that request... I have made a copy of the LEM DEC version of PROMIS and will provide it, along with the corresponding documentation, to Dr. Orr before he leaves the United States for Israel on May 16," and on May 12 he recorded delivery of the materials to [[C. Madison Brewer]] for transmittal. The version so recorded was the public-domain [[LEAA]] one. Eitan, in the account he gave Thomas and Dillon, was Dr. Orr, travelling on a forged passport in the identity of a real retired prosecutor, "Dr Benjamin Orr, an assistant public prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice in Tel Aviv," who first flew to the United States on December 19, 1982, met Brewer, and returned in February 1983 to be shown the enhanced PROMIS at INSLAW's own offices by Bill Hamilton and [[Nancy Hamilton]], after which Brewer handed him a tape from an office cupboard; Hamilton is quoted recalling eyes "like a computer, tracking everything."[^11] ### Later Career -Eitan founded the Pensioners' Party, Gil, which won seven Knesset seats in March 2006 and joined [[Ehud Olmert]]'s coalition, in which he served as minister for pensioner affairs; in October 2008 he told a German magazine that Iran's president should be kidnapped and tried at The Hague. Of the Eichmann capture he told Gordon Thomas that "almost every published fact about the capture of Eichmann is pure bullshit. I know because I personally am the man who captured him."[^6] +Eitan founded the Pensioners' Party, Gil, which won seven Knesset seats in March 2006 and joined [[Ehud Olmert]]'s coalition, in which he served as minister for pensioner affairs; in October 2008 he told a German magazine that Iran's president should be kidnapped and tried at The Hague. Of the Eichmann capture he told Gordon Thomas that "almost every published fact about the capture of Eichmann is pure bullshit. I know because I personally am the man who captured him."[^12] ### Footnotes [^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. -[^2]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999. -[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992. -[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. -[^5]: House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992, reproducing Rugh's memoranda of May 6 and 12, 1983, which do not identify Dr. Orr; Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon, *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy,* Carroll and Graf, 2002. https://archive.org/details/robert-maxwell-israels-superspy-2002 The February 1983 visit in the book and the May 1983 transfer in the memoranda are not the same transaction, and no record reconciles them. -[^6]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies,* 2009 edition. https://archive.org/details/gideons-spies +[^2]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment*, October 30, 1987, section on the Paris sessions (November 1984). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf +[^3]: Defendant Jonathan J. Pollard's Second Memorandum in Aid of Sentencing, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), filed March 1987. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc7.pdf +[^4]: Howard Kurtz, "Spy Papers Kept by Israel, Court Told," *Washington Post*, January 7, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000403620007-3 +[^5]: Thomas L. Friedman, *New York Times*, December 22, 1985 (Jerusalem dateline December 21). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302120025-0 +[^6]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 +[^7]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html +[^8]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999. +[^9]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992. +[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. +[^11]: House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992, reproducing Rugh's memoranda of May 6 and 12, 1983, which do not identify Dr. Orr; Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon, *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy,* Carroll and Graf, 2002. https://archive.org/details/robert-maxwell-israels-superspy-2002 The February 1983 visit in the book and the May 1983 transfer in the memoranda are not the same transaction, and no record reconciles them. +[^12]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies,* 2009 edition. https://archive.org/details/gideons-spies diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Shlomo Gazit.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Shlomo Gazit.md index ea83e3d2..1f41166c 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Shlomo Gazit.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Shlomo Gazit.md @@ -6,12 +6,15 @@ tags: - Israel - General summary: "Major General Shlomo Gazit was the Director of Israeli Military Intelligence." +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1926-10-22 died: 2020-10-08 location: "Istanbul, Turkey" --- -Major General [[Shlomo Gazit]] was the Director of [[Mossad]]. He commended [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and other members of the [[Unit 8200]] Iranian desk after they successfully broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code.[^1] +Major General [[Shlomo Gazit]] (1926 to 2020) was the Director of Israeli Military Intelligence ([[Aman]]). The Jerusalem Post reported that he ran IDF intelligence from 1974 to 1979 and was credited with rehabilitating it as an institution after the agency was discredited for missing Egypt's surprise attack in the [[Yom Kippur War]] of 1973, and that he was involved in peace talks during his term as intelligence chief.[^1] [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that Gazit commended him and other members of the [[Unit 8200]] Iranian desk after they successfully broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code.[^2] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). + +[^1]: Yonah Jeremy Bob, "Ex-IDF intel. chief Shlomo Gazit dies at age 93," *The Jerusalem Post*, October 8, 2020. https://m.jpost.com/israel-news/ex-idf-intel-chief-shlomo-gazit-dies-at-age-93-645071 +[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Yoel Ben-Porat.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Yoel Ben-Porat.md index ea521774..a489c8d0 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Yoel Ben-Porat.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Yoel Ben-Porat.md @@ -6,13 +6,14 @@ tags: - Israel - General summary: "Colonel Yoel Ben-Porat, known as Buffy, was the unit commander of Unit 8200, an Israeli Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit." +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1931 died: 2007 --- -Colonel [[Yoel Ben-Porat]], known as Buffy, was the unit commander of [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. He later became a brigadier general and was appointed official spokesman of the [[Israel|Israeli Defense Forces]].[^1] +Colonel [[Yoel Ben-Porat]], known as Buffy, was the unit commander of [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. He later became a brigadier general and was appointed official spokesman of the Israeli Defense Forces.[^1] -[[Yoel Ben-Porat|Buffy]] was involved in the cover-up of the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribe scandal involving [[Shimon Peres]], after [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] intercepted a telegram detailing the bribe. He ordered the original telegram, translation, and log to be erased and transferred the young woman working with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] to another unit.[^1] +[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that Buffy was involved in the cover-up of the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribe scandal involving [[Shimon Peres]], after Ben-Menashe intercepted a telegram detailing the bribe. He wrote that Ben-Porat ordered the original telegram, translation, and log to be erased and transferred the young woman working with him to another unit.[^1] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Amos Lapidot.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Amos Lapidot.md index 79472aa6..983aeb0c 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Amos Lapidot.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Amos Lapidot.md @@ -1,17 +1,19 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Military" tags: - Person - Military - Israel -summary: "Amos Lapidot was the chief of staff of the Israeli Air Force." +summary: "Amos Lapidot was commander of the Israeli Air Force when Aviem Sella took leave to run Jonathan Pollard, and the Israeli inquiries criticized him for it." born: 1934 died: 2019-11-20 location: "Kfar Saba, Israel" --- -Amos Lapidot was the chief of staff of the Israeli Air Force. He assured [[Aviem Sella]] that [[Jonathan Pollard]] was not a rogue and that clearance for Sella's new assignment as Pollard's handler had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense.[^1] +Amos Lapidot was commander of the Israeli Air Force. According to [[Seymour Hersh]], he assured [[Aviem Sella]] that [[Jonathan Pollard]] was not a rogue and that clearance for Sella's new assignment as Pollard's handler had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense.[^1] The [[Washington Post]] reported in May 1987 that the Israeli inquiries criticized Sella's superiors, Army Chief of Staff [[Moshe Levy]] and Air Force Commander Lapidot, for allowing Sella leave to take part in what they surmised was a sensitive espionage mission.[^2] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. \ No newline at end of file +[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. +[^2]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Anne Henderson-Pollard.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Anne Henderson-Pollard.md index 5045bedc..3d858a35 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Anne Henderson-Pollard.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Anne Henderson-Pollard.md @@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ aliases: - Anne Henderson - Anne Pollard created: 2026-05-17 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Criminals & Offenders" tags: - Person @@ -15,9 +15,13 @@ tags: - Espionage - 1980s born: 1955-01-01 -died: 1990-02-16 location: "Washington, D.C." -summary: "Anne Henderson-Pollard was Jonathan Pollard's wife who participated in his espionage operation by photocopying classified documents and assisting in their transfer to Israeli handlers, pleaded guilty in 1986 to two counts related to the operation, and died in Israel in February 1990 from complications of Crohn's disease." +summary: "Anne Henderson-Pollard, Jonathan Pollard's wife, was arrested on November 22, 1985 as an accessory, pleaded guilty in 1986, received a five-year sentence, and later went to Israel and divorced him." +relations: + - type: spouse_of + with: "[[Jonathan Pollard]]" + start: 1985-08-04 + fn: 1 --- Anne Alicia Henderson was born in 1955 in Montreal, [[Canada]], to a family with Israeli connections. She met [[Jonathan Pollard]] while both were working in Washington, D.C., and they married on August 4, 1985, two months before Jonathan's arrest. The marriage occurred after the espionage operation was already underway, and Anne subsequently became directly involved in it.[^1] @@ -35,16 +39,24 @@ Her direct participation made her criminally liable under statutes covering poss ### Arrest and Prosecution -On November 21, 1985, the day after Jonathan Pollard was stopped outside the Israeli Embassy by the FBI and subsequently arrested, Anne was also arrested. The couple had attempted to seek asylum at the embassy before Jonathan's arrest; Anne was present at the embassy entrance during those events. +Anne Pollard was arrested on November 22, 1985, a day after her husband, as an accessory.[^2][^3] The couple had attempted to seek asylum at the embassy before Jonathan's arrest; Anne was present at the embassy entrance during those events. -She pleaded guilty in 1986 to two counts: conspiracy to receive stolen government property and possession of stolen government property. She received a sentence of five years probation to be served in a residential treatment center, a lighter sentence than Jonathan's life imprisonment, reflecting her reduced culpability and her cooperation with the government during debriefings.[^1] +The 1992 opinion records that the government refused to enter a plea agreement with her unless her husband pleaded guilty as well.[^2] She pleaded guilty in 1986. The counterintelligence history describes the plea as "being an accessory after the fact to possession of national defense documents and conspiring to receive embezzled government property"; Hersh and Olive describe the two counts as conspiracy to receive stolen government property and possession of stolen government property.[^1][^3] Each of her offenses "carried a maximum penalty of five years imprisonment," and the government agreed to recommend that her sentences run concurrently.[^3] The sentencing judge gave her five years, against Jonathan's life imprisonment.[^2] Hersh and Olive describe the five years as probation to be served in a residential treatment center, and attribute the lighter sentence to her reduced culpability and her cooperation with the government during debriefings.[^1] -### Illness and Death +### Court Account of Her Role -Anne had a serious pre-existing case of Crohn's disease that was documented before her arrest. After her conviction, her health deteriorated significantly. In 1988, the Justice Department allowed her to travel to Israel to receive medical treatment. She remained in Israel under conditions negotiated between U.S. and Israeli authorities. On February 16, 1990, Anne Henderson-Pollard died in Israel from complications of Crohn's disease. She was 35 years old.[^1] +The 1992 appellate opinion gives a narrower account of her part. It records that when Pollard was questioned after the stop, he used the code word "cactus" in telephone calls to her, and that she then removed a suitcase of classified documents from the apartment and contacted his Israeli handlers to say that he was in trouble. The court wrote: "This was her only active involvement in Pollard's espionage."[^2] The photocopying and document-storage account in the section above is from Hersh and Olive and stands beside the court's account. + +### Illness and Later Life + +The 1992 opinion records that she had, for several years, suffered from a debilitating gastrointestinal disorder that had not been accurately diagnosed before her arrest. It records that during her stay in the D.C. jail she was seriously ill, losing forty pounds over three months, and that she was released on bail in February 1986.[^2] + +In 1988 the Justice Department allowed her to travel to Israel, where she remained under conditions negotiated between U.S. and Israeli authorities.[^1] The counterintelligence history, which discusses events through the 1997 clemency denial, records: "After Anne was released from prison, she went to Israel to reside. She is now divorced from her husband."[^3] Jonathan Pollard remained incarcerated in the United States. He married Elaine Zeitz in 1994. He was released on parole in November 2015 after serving 30 years, and emigrated to Israel in December 2020. ### Footnotes [^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991, Chapter 21. Olive, Ron. *Capturing Jonathan Pollard: How One of the Most Notorious Spies in American History Was Brought to Justice.* Naval Institute Press, 2006. +[^2]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json +[^3]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive EBB 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Colm Kelleher.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Colm Kelleher.md new file mode 100644 index 00000000..b1085835 --- /dev/null +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Colm Kelleher.md @@ -0,0 +1,185 @@ +--- +category: "Scientists & Researchers" +tags: + - Person + - Biochemist + - UFO + - SkinwalkerRanch + - AAWSAP + - NationalInstituteForDiscoveryScience + - BigelowAerospace + - ToTheStarsAcademy +summary: "Irish-born biochemist who led the National Institute for Discovery Science team at Skinwalker Ranch and served as deputy administrator of the DIA-funded advanced aerospace study run by Bigelow Aerospace." +location: "Las Vegas, Nevada" +aliases: + - Colm A. Kelleher + - Colm A Kelleher + - Dr. Colm Kelleher + - Dr. Colm A. Kelleher + - C. A. Kelleher +relations: + - type: employed_by + with: "[[National Institute for Discovery Science]]" + role: "staff listed as deputy administrator, molecular biology and biochemistry (captures of December 2000, October 2001 and February 2003) and administrator (capture of February 2004); the 2017 offering circular describes eight years as deputy director" + start: 1996 + end: 2004 + fn: 1 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Robert Bigelow]]" + role: "worked for Bigelow, per Knapp's 2025 written testimony" + start: 1996 + end: 2011 + fn: 17 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies]]" + role: "deputy administrator, 2008 to 2011 (offering circular); deputy administrator running day-to-day AAWSAP operations (Micah Hanks Program description, May 2023)" + start: 2008 + end: 2011 + fn: 13 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]]" + role: "principal manager of AAWSAP in Las Vegas, per Knapp's 2025 testimony; deputy administrator of a government-funded advanced aerospace threat assessment program, 2008 to 2011, per the 2017 offering circular" + start: 2008 + end: 2011 + fn: 17 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Ontario Cancer Institute]]" + role: "affiliation on 1988 and 1989 papers in Leukemia and Blood" + start: 1988 + end: 1989 + fn: 3 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[National Jewish Center for Immunology and Respiratory Medicine]]" + role: "immunology research scientist, Denver; affiliation on papers 1995 to 2000" + start: 1991 + end: 1996 + fn: 4 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Prosetta Corporation]]" + role: "laboratory director (offering circular, 2017); Goodreads biography dates the post to 2004 to 2008; 2016 paper lists Colm A Kelleher at Prosetta Antiviral Inc, San Francisco" + start: 2004 + end: 2008 + fn: 6 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Skinwalker Ranch]]" + role: "led the National Institute for Discovery Science team at the ranch, per the Micah Hanks Program description and the Goodreads biography" + start: 1996 + end: 2004 + fn: 13 + - type: member_of + with: "[[To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science]]" + role: "advisory board member named in the September 29, 2017 offering circular; resigned October 2019 per the FY2020 Form 1-K" + start: 2017-09-29 + end: 2019-10 + fn: 32 + - type: director_of + with: "[[Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation]]" + role: "director, per Form 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024" + start: 2024-01 + fn: 30 +updated: 2026-10-12 +created: 2026-10-12 +--- + +Colm Kelleher is an Irish-born biochemist whose research career was in cell and molecular biology. He worked on the research team of [[Robert Bigelow]]'s [[National Institute for Discovery Science]] (NIDS), then as deputy administrator of the [[Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies]] (BAASS) contract with the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA). He wrote [[Hunt for the Skinwalker]] (2005), which is catalogued under his name alone, and co-wrote [[Skinwalkers at the Pentagon]] (2021) with [[James Lacatski]] and [[George Knapp]]. He sat on the advisory board of [[To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science]] from 2017 to 2019. + +### Education and laboratory research + +Kelleher's 2017 biography in the offering circular of To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science describes him as a biochemist with a twenty-eight-year research career in cell and molecular biology, and states that he holds a PhD in biochemistry from the [[Trinity College Dublin|University of Dublin, Trinity College]].[^1] His author biography on [[Goodreads]] gives his birthplace as Dublin, Ireland, and dates his immunology work at the [[National Jewish Center for Immunology and Respiratory Medicine]] in Denver from 1991 to 1996.[^2] + +The earliest papers under his name in [[PubMed]] are from the [[Ontario Cancer Institute]] in Toronto. A 1988 paper in [[Leukemia]] reports on the binding of iodinated recombinant human GM-CSF to the blast cells of acute myeloblastic leukemia, and a 1989 paper in [[Blood]] on how growth factors alter the sensitivity of leukemic stem cells to cytosine arabinoside lists the institute as his affiliation.[^3] + +From the mid-1990s the PubMed record places him at the National Jewish Center in Denver. The papers from that period, most of them in [[Journal of Immunology]], [[Virology]] and the [[Journal of General Virology]] through 2000, concern Epstein-Barr virus infection of human thymocytes and T cells. They include a 1995 study of viral replicative gene transcription during de novo infection and a 1996 study of novel transposon-containing mRNAs in human T cells.[^4] A 1999 paper in the Journal of Immunology reports that the Epstein-Barr protein ZEBRA inactivated NF-kappaB in human T cells, and a 2000 paper in Blood reports that the same protein activated p53-dependent transcription.[^5] + +In 2016 a paper in [[Biology Direct]] on cell-free synthesized Rift Valley fever virus nucleoprotein capsids lists Colm A Kelleher with the affiliation [[Prosetta Corporation|Prosetta Antiviral Inc]] of San Francisco.[^6] The 2017 offering circular describes him as laboratory director at Prosetta Corporation, where he led small-molecule drug discovery programs on viruses of interest to the United States Department of Defense.[^1] The Goodreads biography dates the post to 2004 to 2008.[^2] The circular also states that he has authored more than forty peer reviewed articles and two books, Hunt for the Skinwalker and Brain Trust.[^1] + +[[Brain Trust]] is catalogued by Open Library as *Brain Trust: The Hidden Connection Between Mad Cow and Misdiagnosed Alzheimer's Disease*, published in 2004 by [[Paraview Pocket Books]] and [[Simon and Schuster]].[^7] + +PubMed also lists two groups of papers under the same surname and initial. Papers from 1979 to 1987 on molybdenum and copper metabolism in sheep appear under the name C. A. Kelleher without an affiliation and are not attributed to him here.[^8] Papers from 2021 to 2026 on river temperature, headwater streams and stream water quality list [[Syracuse University]] affiliations for Christa A. Kelleher, a hydrologist, and are likewise not attributed to him.[^9] + +### National Institute for Discovery Science + +NIDS was the research body that Bigelow headed as president and founder. Its personnel page, as captured on December 6, 2000, lists Kelleher as "Deputy Administrator, Molecular Biology & Biochemistry," alongside John B. Alexander as "Discrete Project Scout," Eric W. Davis for aerospace physics and astrophysics, and George E. Onet for veterinary pathology.[^10] The capture of October 21, 2001 carries the same title for Kelleher, with Alexander, Davis, [[Marcel Kuijsten]] and Connie Fox-VanHorne also listed on the staff.[^11] The capture of February 6, 2003 still shows him as deputy administrator. The capture of February 4, 2004 lists him as "Administrator, Molecular Biology & Biochemistry" with [[Bruce Cornet]] as deputy administrator for geology, botany and earth history, Kuijsten as the only other staff member named, and Alexander moved to the science advisory board.[^12] + +The science advisory board on these pages included [[Edgar Mitchell]], [[Hal Puthoff]], [[Jessica Utts]] and [[Jacques Vallee]]; Puthoff is listed as chairman of the board in the 2001 and 2004 captures.[^11][^12] + +The 2017 offering circular states that he "worked for eight years as Deputy Director of the National Institute for Discovery Science (NIDS), a research organization that used forensic science methodology to unravel scientific anomalies."[^1] The [[Micah Hanks Program]], a podcast, describes him as having led the NIDS team on [[Skinwalker Ranch]] from 1996 to 2004, along with multiple other NIDS projects.[^13] The same description appears in his Goodreads biography.[^2] + +On the night of March 12, 1997, after the ranch had been sold, Kelleher reported seeing a large humanoid creature watching the research team from a tree perch about 20 feet off the ground and about 50 yards away. He describes it in Hunt for the Skinwalker as "the large creature that lay motionless, almost casually, in the tree," its presence marked by "the penetrating yellow light of the unblinking eyes." After he fired a rifle at it the creature disappeared, and he found "a single, obvious oval track about six inches in diameter embedded deeply in the patch of snow."[^14] + +### Hunt for the Skinwalker + +The 2005 edition of Hunt for the Skinwalker, published by Paraview Pocket Books, is catalogued by Open Library under Kelleher's name alone.[^15] The copyright registration TX0006340176, dated April 27, 2006 with first publication on November 15, 2005, names Colm A. Kelleher and George Knapp as claimants.[^16] Knapp has described himself as a co-author of the book in his 2025 testimony, saying he is a co-author of two books written primarily by Lacatski and Kelleher.[^17] A 2017 audio edition from [[Dreamscape Media]] credits Kelleher, Knapp and David Bendena.[^15] + +The book's preface describes it as "an account of a remarkable series of unexplained events that took place on a ranch in northeastern Utah and the unprecedented scientific study that followed."[^18] + +The 2018 documentary listed on [[IMDb]] under the title Hunt for the Skinwalker, written and directed by [[Jeremy Corbell]], gives a publication date of September 11, 2018. Its description says the film is based on the book by Knapp and Kelleher. The cast list includes Knapp, Corbell, Kelleher and Robert Bigelow.[^19] + +### Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies and the AAWSAP contract + +The Defense Intelligence Agency's solicitation HHM402-08-R-0211 for advanced aerospace weapon systems research was issued in August 2008. A notice printed from the [[Federal Business Opportunities]] site on September 8, 2008 names the work the Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Program, with an original posting date of August 18, 2008 and a response date of September 5, 2008.[^20] A DIA talking paper prepared in May 2009 for the director, for a visit by Senator [[Harry Reid]], states that the request for proposals of August 18, 2008 asked for studies in twelve technical areas, among them lift, propulsion, control, armament, signature reduction, materials, power generation, human effects and technology integration, and that DIA received one bid, from BAASS.[^21] + +The talking paper states that Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] and Reid sponsored language in the July 2008 supplemental appropriation for DIA to investigate foreign advanced aerospace weapon threats from the present out to 40 years in the future.[^21] A 2010 DIA information memorandum describes the same sponsorship as the "Fiscal Year (FY) 2008 Defense Supplemental Appropriation Act" with a $10 million add.[^22] + +The award document (Standard Form 1449) in the Black Vault release under FOIA-00269-2018 gives the contract number as HHM402-08-C-0072 and the solicitation number as HHM402-08-R-0211. It lists Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies, LLC at 4640 S Eastern Ave, Las Vegas, as the contractor, an award date of September 22, 2008 and a total award amount of $21,948,810.00. The contract is firm fixed price, with a base year from September 22, 2008 to September 29, 2009 and an option year from September 22, 2009 to September 21, 2010; the BAASS proposal dated September 3, 2008 is incorporated by reference, and payment is made by the NSA Finance and Accounting Office.[^23] A DIA contract status briefing dated August 24, 2009 reports 26 detailed research reports received by June 30, 2009.[^24] + +The 2010 memorandum states that BAASS produced 26 technical reports by June 2009, that all were delivered to DIA by September 2009, and that twelve further reports were produced after the FY2010 Defense Appropriations Act added $12 million to the project.[^22] It also records that Reid sent a letter to Deputy Secretary of Defense Lynn on June 24, 2009 asking for an alternate compensatory control measure or a sensitive access program for the project, and that DIA's review in November 2009 found insufficient grounds to classify the program, invoke an ACCM or establish a restricted SAP.[^22] The memorandum adds that at a November 2009 meeting with Reid, Lynn and the memorandum's author, DIA determined the reports to be "of limited value to DIA," and that the author suggested the project could transition to another agency or component once the DIA contract ended.[^22] One report, Advanced Space Propulsion Based on Vacuum (Spacetime Metric) Engineering, carries a March 2010 date on its cover.[^25] + +The Black Vault's AAWSAP archive states that DIA released 37 of the 38 reports requested under FOIA-0159-2018 on March 25, 2022, and that the one withheld report, the classified version of a study on high-energy laser weapons, was appealed.[^26] + +The 2017 circular states that from 2008 to 2011 Kelleher "served as Deputy Administrator of a United States Government funded threat assessment program focused on advanced aerospace technology," without naming the program, the contractor or the agency.[^1] The Micah Hanks Program's May 2023 episode description, reprinted by [[The Debrief]], states that in 2008 he became deputy administrator of BAASS "where he led the day-to-day operations in executing the AAWSAP contract with Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)."[^13] In written testimony to the [[House Oversight Committee]] Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets for its hearing of September 9, 2025, Knapp described Kelleher as the principal manager of AAWSAP in Las Vegas, said that Kelleher worked for Bigelow, and said that BAASS was awarded the DIA contract. He added that BAASS recruited fifty full-time investigators, most of them former military or law enforcement, all of whom qualified for top-secret clearances, and that in its 27-month existence the program compiled a data warehouse of more than 240,000 case files designed and overseen by Jacques Vallee.[^17] The Black Vault's AAWSAP archive page describes James Lacatski as the director of the program.[^26] + +Knapp's testimony states that BAASS produced more than three dozen preliminary reports and more than 100 longer papers, and that "None of these 100-plus reports have been released by DIA, though a few have been leaked."[^17] + +### Skinwalkers at the Pentagon + +The book was published in 2021 by an independent publisher, with Lacatski, Kelleher and Knapp credited as authors.[^27] The Black Vault's account of the Defense Office of Prepublication and Security Review file for FOIA case 22-F-0035 gives the subtitle as "An Insider's Account of the Secret Government UFO Program." It states that the manuscript was submitted in March 2020, routed to DIA, the Air Force and the [[Department of Homeland Security]], and cleared as amended on May 11, 2021. The changes concerned personally identifiable information, protected health information and the names of certain government employees.[^28] + +In a [[Coast to Coast AM]] interview after the book's release, Kelleher said that the reviewers "made us take out some fairly specific references to various offices and also some of the security-related verbiage," and that active-duty and government personnel "had their names changed." He said the names in the book were pseudonyms for active-duty personnel, and that one of the four pilots involved in the 2004 Tic Tac incident was found to be on active duty and was given a pseudonym. He said the review took about fourteen months, which he attributed to COVID, and that Appendix One, a "full summary of over 100 separate reports" delivered to DIA, was left in: "we expected to have some of that removed but none of it was removed."[^28] + +### Inside the US Government Covert UFO Program + +Kelleher is also credited, with Lacatski and Knapp, on Inside the US Government Covert UFO Program: Initial Revelations (RTMA, 2023). On November 30, 2023 [[Keith Basterfield]] quoted a passage from that book describing a 2011 meeting in the capitol building with a U.S. senator and an agency under secretary, at which Lacatski, the only one of the book's authors present, stated that the United States possessed a craft of unknown origin and had gained access to its interior.[^29] + +### Bigelow foundations + +Kelleher is listed as a director of the [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation]] in its Form 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024, which lists Robert Thomas Bigelow as president and director, [[Donna Stauch]] as secretary and director, and [[Jody Erickson]] as a director.[^30] For the fiscal year ended January 31, 2025, the Educational Foundation reports officer compensation of 93,365 dollars to Kelleher, and the [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation]] reports compensation of 37,346 dollars to him.[^31] + +### To The Stars Academy + +The Form 253G2 offering circular dated September 29, 2017 names Kelleher to an advisory board with [[Christopher Mellon]], [[Adele Gilpin]], [[Norman Kahn]], [[Garry Nolan]] and [[Paul Rapp]].[^1] The Form 1-K for fiscal 2020, filed April 30, 2021, states that in October 2019 Kelleher resigned from the company's advisory board.[^32] + +### Footnotes + +[^1]: To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science, Form 253G2 offering circular, September 29, 2017, biography of Dr. Colm Kelleher and advisory board list. EDGAR accession 0001144204-17-050693. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1710274/000114420417050693/ +[^2]: Colm A. Kelleher, author biography, Goodreads author page (author-supplied biography and birthplace field), https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/162220 +[^3]: PubMed PMID 2834611 (Leukemia, April 1988) and PMID 2784697 (Blood, April 1989), affiliation Ontario Cancer Institute, Toronto, Canada. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/2784697/ ; https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/2834611/ +[^4]: PubMed PMID 7747440 (Virology, April 20, 1995), affiliation Department of Pediatrics, National Jewish Center for Immunology and Respiratory Medicine, Denver; PMID 8609476 (Journal of General Virology, May 1996). https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/7747440/ ; https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8609476/ +[^5]: PubMed PMID 10570319 (Journal of Immunology, December 1, 1999), Dreyfus DH, Nagasawa M, Pratt JC, Kelleher CA, Gelfand EW; PMID 10887127 (Blood, July 15, 2000), affiliation National Jewish Medical and Research Center, Denver. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/10570319/ ; https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/10887127/ +[^6]: PubMed PMID 27179769, Biology Direct, May 14, 2016, "Biochemical and biophysical characterization of cell-free synthesized Rift Valley fever virus nucleoprotein capsids enables in vitro screening to identify novel antivirals," author Colm A Kelleher, affiliation Prosetta Antiviral Inc, San Francisco. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/27179769/ +[^7]: Open Library, work record OL17729536W, *Brain trust: the hidden connection between mad cow and misdiagnosed Alzheimer's disease*, and work record OL5850692W, *Brain Trust* (2004, Paraview Pocket Books; Simon & Schuster, Limited), author Colm A. Kelleher. https://openlibrary.org/works/OL17729536W ; https://openlibrary.org/works/OL5850692W +[^8]: PubMed PMID 3611434 (Journal of Comparative Pathology, 1987, Kelleher CA and Ivan M, diethylsuccinate carboxylesterase activity in sheep poisoned by copper) and PMID 224434 (Research in Veterinary Science, 1979, tetrathiomolybdate and sheep caeruloplasmin), neither of which carries an affiliation. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/3611434/ ; https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/224434/ +[^9]: PubMed PMID 36582813 (Environmental Research Letters, September 16, 2021), Kelleher CA, Golden HE and Archfield SA, with Christa A. Kelleher listed under Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, Syracuse University; related records include PMID 42338432 (Ecosystems, 2026) and PMID 36331382 (Environmental Science and Technology, 2022). https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36582813/ +[^10]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel and Science Advisory Board," capture of December 6, 2000, https://web.archive.org/web/20001206032200/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html +[^11]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel and Science Advisory Board," Internet Archive capture of October 21, 2001, https://web.archive.org/web/20011021020155/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html +[^12]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel and Science Advisory Board," Internet Archive captures of February 6, 2003 (https://web.archive.org/web/20030206081535/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html) and February 4, 2004 (https://web.archive.org/web/20040204181441/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html) +[^13]: Micah Hanks, "Colm Kelleher: AAWSAP and the Skinwalker Enigma," The Debrief, May 25, 2023, description of The Micah Hanks Program episode. https://thedebrief.org/colm-kelleher-aawsap-and-the-skinwalker-enigma/ +[^14]: Adam Janos, "Skinwalker Ranch," History.com, quoting Kelleher's account of March 12, 1997 from Hunt for the Skinwalker (Paraview Pocket Books, 2005). https://www.history.com/articles/skinwalker-ranch-paranormal-ufos-mutilation +[^15]: Open Library, work records for Hunt for the skinwalker (2005, Paraview Pocket Books, ISBN 9781416505211), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL5850693W ; Hunt for the Skinwalker audio edition (2017, Dreamscape Media, credits Colm A. Kelleher Ph.D, George Knapp, David Bendena), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL24850199W +[^16]: U.S. Copyright Office Public Records System, registration TX0006340176, "Hunt for the skinwalker," claimants Colm A. Kelleher and George Knapp, registered April 27, 2006, first published November 15, 2005. https://publicrecords.copyright.gov/ +[^17]: George Knapp, written testimony ("For the Record," Hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena," September 9, 2025), Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, U.S. House of Representatives, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf ; official hearing record, "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-119hhrg61718/html/CHRG-119hhrg61718.htm +[^18]: Open Library, work record OL5850693W, Hunt for the Skinwalker, description quoting the Preface. https://openlibrary.org/works/OL5850693W +[^19]: IMDb title page for Hunt for the Skinwalker (tt8399718), Internet Archive snapshot of 2019: director and writer Jeremy Kenyon Lockyer Corbell; datePublished 2018-09-11; description citing the book by George Knapp and Dr. Colm Kelleher; cast list including Knapp, Corbell, Kelleher and Robert Bigelow. https://web.archive.org/web/2019/https://www.imdb.com/title/tt8399718/ +[^20]: Federal Business Opportunities notice printout, "Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Program," solicitation HHM402-08-R-0211, printed September 8, 2008 (Black Vault copy). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/SOW_Aerospace.pdf +[^21]: Defense Intelligence Agency, talking paper, "Senator Reid Visit to Director, DIA," dated May 2009 (Black Vault copy of FOIA release). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/DR_Reid_Mtg_May09.pdf +[^22]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Information Memorandum U-10-2552, "Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program," 2010 (Black Vault copy). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/U-10-2552CE-IM-ATL.pdf +[^23]: Solicitation/Contract/Order for Commercial Items (Standard Form 1449), contract HHM402-08-C-0072 (box 2), solicitation HHM402-08-R-0211 (box 5), award date September 22, 2008, total award amount $21,948,810.00 (box 26), released under FOIA-00269-2018 (Black Vault copy). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00269-2018-.pdf +[^24]: Defense Intelligence Agency, "Aerospace Contract Status," briefing dated August 24, 2009 (Black Vault copy). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_Status_24Aug09.pdf +[^25]: Defense Intelligence Agency Defense Intelligence Reference Document DIRD_15, "Advanced Space Propulsion Based on Vacuum (Spacetime Metric) Engineering," cover dated March 2010 (Black Vault copy). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP-DIRDs/DIRD_15-DIRD_Advanced_Space_Propulsion_Based_on_Vacuum_Spacetime_Metric_Engineer.pdf +[^26]: John Greenewald, The Black Vault, AAWSAP documentation archive, including the release notes for FOIA-00349-2018 and FOIA-0159-2018 and the statement that the program's director was James Lacatski. https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/?p=16063 +[^27]: Open Library, work record for Skinwalkers at the Pentagon (2021, Independently published, ISBN 9798487639653, authors James T Lacatski, Colm A. Kelleher Ph.D and George Knapp), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL37495767W +[^28]: John Greenewald, "New Documents Detail Slow, Multi-Agency Vetting of 'Skinwalkers at the Pentagon'," The Black Vault, August 12, 2025, FOIA case 22-F-0035, including Kelleher's Coast to Coast AM interview as quoted. https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/new-documents-detail-slow-multi-agency-vetting-of-skinwalkers-at-the-pentagon/ +[^29]: Keith Basterfield, "Lockheed Martin and BAASS," November 30, 2023, quoting Lacatski, Kelleher and Knapp, Inside the US Government Covert UFO Program: Initial Revelations, RTMA, 2023. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/11/lockheed-martin-and-baass.html +[^30]: Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation Inc (EIN 93-3962948), Form 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024, IRS e-file data (object ID 202403379349100410). https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/990/xml/2024/2024_TEOS_XML_12A.zip +[^31]: Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation Inc and Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation Inc, Forms 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2025, IRS e-file data (object IDs 202522589349100222 and 202512589349100631). https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/990/xml/2025/2025_TEOS_XML_09A.zip +[^32]: To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science, Form 1-K for fiscal 2020, filed April 30, 2021 (accession 0001493152-21-010202), statement that in October 2019 Dr. Colm Kelleher resigned from the company's advisory board. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1710274/000149315221010202/0001493152-21-010202.txt diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/George Knapp.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/George Knapp.md index 3d23b84c..fe11f053 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/George Knapp.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/George Knapp.md @@ -129,7 +129,7 @@ On October 13, 2022 KLAS posted a Knapp report on [[Radiance Technologies]] unde [^5]: George Knapp, "Major newspaper claims Air Force created alien tech stories at Area 51 to mislead public," KLAS 8 News Now, posted May 1, 2026, 5:28 PM PDT, https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/mystery-wire/major-newspaper-claims-air-force-created-alien-tech-stories-at-area-51-to-mislead-public/ [^6]: John Forest, "Bob Lazar's UFO claims gain traction with 'S4' success," KLAS 8 News Now (Mystery Wire), posted April 16, 2026, https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/mystery-wire/bob-lazars-ufo-claims-gain-traction-with-s4-success/ [^7]: Greg Haas, "Mystery Wire launches 30 years after 'UFOs: The Best Evidence'," KLAS 8 News Now, posted November 6, 2019, 6:58 PM PST, updated November 19, 2019, https://www.8newsnow.com/news/area51/mystery-wire-launches-30-years-after-ufos-the-best-evidence/ -[^8]: George Knapp, written testimony "For the Record" of the Committee on Oversight and Accountability, Hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena," September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf +[^8]: George Knapp, written testimony "For the Record" (headed Hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena"), House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, hearing "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf [^9]: John Forest and George Knapp, "Nevada Senator Harry Reid's hidden interest in UFOs," KLAS 8 News Now (Mystery Wire), posted March 27, 2026, 10:25 AM PDT, https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/mystery-wire/nevada-senator-harry-reids-hidden-interest-in-aliens-and-ufos/ [^10]: George Knapp, "Reconstructing the world of Bob Lazar: 'S4' collaboration brings original story to life," KLAS 8 News Now (Mystery Wire), posted April 9, 2026, 5:39 PM PDT, https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/mystery-wire/reconstructing-the-world-of-bob-lazar-s4-collaboration-brings-original-story-to-life/ [^11]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel," nidsci.org, Internet Archive capture of December 6, 2000, https://web.archive.org/web/20001206032200/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html ; site home page capture of April 14, 2000, https://web.archive.org/web/20000414082107/http://www.nidsci.org/ diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Golda Meir.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Golda Meir.md index ae4af664..e81dbd1e 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Golda Meir.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Golda Meir.md @@ -5,38 +5,39 @@ tags: - Nuclear - Israel summary: "In 1956, Golda Meir replaced Moshe Sharett as Foreign Minister, bringing her distinctive approach to Israel's international relations." +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1898-05-03 died: 1978-12-08 location: "Kyiv, Ukraine (then Russian Empire)" --- -[[Golda Meir]] was a prominent [[Israel|Israeli]] politician who served as Foreign Minister and later as Prime Minister, playing crucial roles in [[Israel]]'s diplomatic relations, nuclear policy decisions, and regional strategic calculations during some of the most critical periods in the nation's history. +[[Golda Meir]] was a prominent [[Israel|Israeli]] politician who served as Foreign Minister and later as Prime Minister, playing crucial roles in Israel's diplomatic relations, nuclear policy decisions, and regional strategic calculations during some of the most critical periods in the nation's history. ### Rise to Foreign Minister and Nuclear Policy -In 1956, [[Golda Meir]] replaced [[Moshe Sharett]] as Foreign Minister, bringing her distinctive approach to [[Israel]]'s international relations. She endorsed [[David Ben-Gurion]]'s argument for preventive war, aligning herself with the more hawkish elements within the government. However, despite her official position as Foreign Minister, her ministry was repeatedly bypassed by Ben-Gurion, [[Shimon Peres]], [[Moshe Dayan]], and [[Ernst David Bergmann]] as [[Israel]] broadened its involvement with [[France]] in nuclear matters. This pattern of exclusion from the most sensitive nuclear discussions reflected the tight circle of decision-makers who controlled [[Israel]]'s most classified programs.[^2] +In 1956, Golda Meir replaced [[Moshe Sharett]] as Foreign Minister, bringing her distinctive approach to Israel's international relations. She endorsed [[David Ben-Gurion]]'s argument for preventive war, aligning herself with the more hawkish elements within the government. However, despite her official position as Foreign Minister, her ministry was repeatedly bypassed by Ben-Gurion, [[Shimon Peres]], [[Moshe Dayan]], and [[Ernst David Bergmann]] as Israel broadened its involvement with [[France]] in nuclear matters. This pattern of exclusion from the most sensitive nuclear discussions reflected the tight circle of decision-makers who controlled Israel's most classified programs.[^2] ### Diplomatic Initiatives and International Relations -As Foreign Minister, [[Golda Meir|Meir]] was instrumental in expanding [[Israel]]'s diplomatic footprint during a crucial period of nation-building. She pushed for the exchange of diplomatic relations between [[Israel]] and [[Germany]] in the late 1950s, a politically sensitive initiative given the recent history of the Holocaust. Additionally, she worked to open relations with [[Paraguay]], demonstrating [[Israel]]'s efforts to build ties beyond its immediate region and traditional allies.[^1] +As Foreign Minister, Meir was instrumental in expanding Israel's diplomatic footprint during a crucial period of nation-building. She pushed for the exchange of diplomatic relations between Israel and [[Germany]] in the late 1950s, a politically sensitive initiative given the recent history of the Holocaust. Additionally, she worked to open relations with [[Paraguay]], demonstrating Israel's efforts to build ties beyond its immediate region and traditional allies.[^1] ### Jordan Relations and Palestinian Policy Meir's approach to regional politics was shaped by her personal relationships and strategic calculations. In 1948, she formed a friendship with [[King Abdullah of Jordan|King Abdullah]] of [[Jordan]], and both leaders believed the Palestinian problem would eventually resolve itself - a view that would prove overly optimistic in subsequent decades.[^1] -This perspective influenced a critical decision during her later tenure. Her choice to mobilize the [[Israel|IDF]] against the [[Syria|Syrians]] in 1970, during a crisis with the [[PLO]] in [[Jordan]], had far-reaching consequences. While this action prevented the establishment of a Palestinian state in [[Jordan]] and kept [[King Hussein of Jordan|King Hussein]] in power, it also represented a complex strategic calculation. The intervention pleased the [[United States|Americans]] by preventing a threat to [[Saudi Arabia|Saudi]] oilfields, but was seen by some as a major setback for [[Israel|Israel's]] long-term strategic interest in a Palestinian state.[^1] +This perspective influenced a critical decision during her later tenure. Her choice to mobilize the IDF against the [[Syria|Syrians]] in 1970, during a crisis with the [[PLO]] in Jordan, had far-reaching consequences. While this action prevented the establishment of a Palestinian state in Jordan and kept [[King Hussein of Jordan|King Hussein]] in power, it also represented a complex strategic calculation. The intervention pleased the [[United States|Americans]] by preventing a threat to [[Saudi Arabia|Saudi]] oilfields, but was seen by some as a major setback for Israel's long-term strategic interest in a Palestinian state.[^1] ### Prime Ministerial Challenges and Intelligence Vulnerabilities -During her tenure as Prime Minister, Meir faced significant intelligence challenges that would have lasting implications for [[Israel]]'s security. In 1972, her office was bugged by the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]], a serious security breach discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]. This bugging operation, combined with her meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] in [[Finland]] and her rejection of his peace proposal, provided [[Anwar Sadat]] with crucial intelligence about [[Israel|Israel's]] attitude toward potential negotiations. This intelligence may have contributed to Sadat's decision to launch the 1973 war, as he gained insight into [[Israel]]'s diplomatic positions and strategic thinking.[^1] +During her tenure as Prime Minister, Meir faced significant intelligence challenges that would have lasting implications for Israel's security. [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that in 1972 her office was bugged by the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]], a security breach that he said was discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]. Ben-Menashe wrote that this bugging operation, combined with her meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] in [[Finland]] and her rejection of his peace proposal, provided [[Anwar Sadat]] with intelligence about Israel's attitude toward potential negotiations, and that this may have contributed to Sadat's decision to launch the 1973 war, as he gained insight into Israel's diplomatic positions and strategic thinking.[^1] ### The Yom Kippur War and Nuclear Alert -During the desperate early days of the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], on Monday, October 8, [[Golda Meir]] convened her closest aides, the "kitchen cabinet," in her office in [[Tel Aviv]]. Faced with the imminent collapse of Israeli forces, the leadership resolved to implement three critical decisions: rally its collapsing forces for a major counterattack; arm and target its nuclear arsenal in the event of total collapse and subsequent need for the [[Samson Option]]; and inform [[Washington, D.C.]] of its unprecedented nuclear action to demand an emergency airlift of replacement arms and ammunition. Meir, who chain-smoked and slept very little during the early stages of the war, was reportedly confused and concerned by [[Moshe Dayan]]'s report of imminent collapse. The decision to arm the weapons of last resort, code-named the "Temple" weapons, was reached easily, though there were more complicated discussions about the number of warheads to arm and their targeting. An Israeli assumption was that the Soviets, who would learn of the nuclear arming, would then be compelled to urge their allies in [[Egypt]] and [[Syria]] to limit their offensive. This drastic step also aimed to force the [[United States]] to begin an immediate and massive resupply of the Israeli military.[^3] +During the desperate early days of the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], on Monday, October 8, Golda Meir convened her closest aides, the "kitchen cabinet," in her office in [[Tel Aviv]]. Faced with the imminent collapse of Israeli forces, the leadership resolved to implement three critical decisions: rally its collapsing forces for a major counterattack; arm and target its nuclear arsenal in the event of total collapse and subsequent need for the [[Samson Option]]; and inform [[Washington, D.C.]] of its unprecedented nuclear action to demand an emergency airlift of replacement arms and ammunition. Meir, who chain-smoked and slept very little during the early stages of the war, was reportedly confused and concerned by Moshe Dayan's report of imminent collapse. The decision to arm the weapons of last resort, code-named the "Temple" weapons, was reached easily, though there were more complicated discussions about the number of warheads to arm and their targeting. An Israeli assumption was that the Soviets, who would learn of the nuclear arming, would then be compelled to urge their allies in [[Egypt]] and Syria to limit their offensive. This drastic step also aimed to force the United States to begin an immediate and massive resupply of the Israeli military.[^3] ### Political Controversies -Meir's leadership style and decisions also generated internal criticism within [[Israel]]'s military establishment. She was publicly criticized by [[Ariel Sharon]] in a _Playboy_ magazine interview, a breach of military protocol that had serious consequences. This public criticism led to Sharon being thrown out of the military in 1970, demonstrating the strict standards for military discipline and public discourse that Meir enforced during her tenure.[^1] +Meir's leadership style and decisions also generated internal criticism within Israel's military establishment. She was publicly criticized by [[Ariel Sharon]] in a _Playboy_ magazine interview, a breach of military protocol that had serious consequences. This public criticism led to Sharon being thrown out of the military in 1970, demonstrating the strict standards for military discipline and public discourse that Meir enforced during her tenure.[^1] ### Footnotes diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert Maxwell.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert Maxwell.md index eef3dda5..c9aa419c 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert Maxwell.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert Maxwell.md @@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ born: 1923-06-10 died: 1991-11-05 location: "London, United Kingdom" created: 2024-04-25 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 relations: - type: founded with: "[[Pergamon Press]]" @@ -115,7 +115,7 @@ On March 15, 2018 Epstein sent an email with the subject line "he was passed awa ### Funeral in Jerusalem -Maxwell's body was flown to Israel, and on November 10, 1991, he was given a state-style funeral and buried on the [[Mount of Olives]] in [[Jerusalem]], one of Judaism's most revered burial grounds.[^34] The ceremony at Jerusalem's convention center drew President [[Chaim Herzog]], Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]], and much of the Israeli political establishment, with reporting that at least six serving and former heads of Israeli intelligence were present.[^7][^34] His friend and longtime attorney [[Samuel Pisar]], a Holocaust survivor, recited the Kaddish.[^1] +Maxwell's body was flown to Israel and lay in state at Jerusalem's Binyanei Ha'uma convention center, an honor usually reserved for Israel's government leaders. On November 10, 1991, he was given a state-style funeral and buried on the [[Mount of Olives]] in [[Jerusalem]], one of Judaism's most revered burial grounds. President [[Chaim Herzog]] and Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]] headed a galaxy of dignitaries and politicians, both government and opposition, who attended.[^34] Gordon Thomas and Martin Dillon wrote that at least six serving and former heads of Israeli intelligence were among the mourners.[^27] His friend and longtime attorney [[Samuel Pisar]], a Holocaust survivor, recited the Kaddish.[^1] Herzog eulogized him with the words, "He scaled the heights of human endeavor. Kings and princes waited on him."[^34] Shamir praised the connections and investment Maxwell had brought to Israel during the 1980s, reportedly saying that Maxwell had done more for Israel than could then be told.[^35] The scale of the official Israeli observance was later cited by writers who argued it reflected an intelligence relationship, though attendance at a prominent Jewish philanthropist's funeral is not itself evidence of espionage, and no Israeli official has confirmed that Maxwell was an agent.[^7][^34] @@ -154,5 +154,5 @@ Herzog eulogized him with the words, "He scaled the heights of human endeavor. K [^31]: Ostrovsky, Victor. *The Other Side of Deception: A Rogue Agent Exposes the Mossad's Secret Agenda.* HarperCollins, 1994, on the alleged Mossad motive to eliminate Maxwell as a collapsing liability. [^32]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02816127, Court Records, Government of the United States Virgin Islands v. JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A., No. 22-cv-10904 (S.D.N.Y.), ECF No. 285-12, Exhibit 55, filed August 15, 2023, "AM Reputation Risk Committee Meeting Summary," meeting of December 6, 2013. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/Court%20Records/Government%20of%20the%20United%20States%20Virgin%20Islands%20v.%20JPMorgan%20Chase%20Bank%2C%20N.A.%2C%20No.%20122-cv-10904%20(S.D.N.Y.%202022)/EFTA02816127.pdf [^33]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02507843, DataSet 11, email from Jeffrey Epstein, "he was passed away," March 15, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02507843.pdf -[^34]: "Maxwell, Colossus Even in Death, Laid to Rest on Mount of Olives," *Jewish Telegraphic Agency,* 1991. https://www.jta.org/archive/maxwell-colossus-even-in-death-laid-to-rest-on-mount-of-olives +[^34]: "Maxwell, Colossus Even in Death, Laid to Rest on Mount of Olives," *Jewish Telegraphic Agency,* 11 November 1991. https://www.jta.org/archive/maxwell-colossus-even-in-death-laid-to-rest-on-mount-of-olives [^35]: "Maxwell buried on Mount of Olives," *UPI,* 1991. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1991/11/10/Maxwell-buried-on-Mount-of-Olives/4340689749200/ diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert McFarlane.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert McFarlane.md index 6fc65a39..9274fd35 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert McFarlane.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Robert McFarlane.md @@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ aliases: - Robert C. "Bud" McFarlane - Robert Carl McFarlane created: 2026-05-17 -updated: 2026-10-05 +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Intelligence & Government" tags: - KeyFigure @@ -88,6 +88,14 @@ After the Lebanese magazine Ash-Shiraa published the story on November 3, 1986, On March 11, 1988 McFarlane pleaded guilty to four misdemeanors of unlawfully withholding information from Congress: his September 5, 1985 reply to Hamilton, his September 12, 1985 reply to Barnes, his October 7, 1985 response to Hamilton's questions, and his December 8, 1986 testimony to the [[House Committee on Foreign Affairs|House Foreign Affairs Committee]] that third-country financing was "beyond my ken." He agreed to cooperate, was named an unindicted co-conspirator in Count One of the March 1988 indictment of Poindexter, North, [[Richard Secord]] and [[Albert Hakim]], and on March 3, 1989 was sentenced to two years' probation, 200 hours of community service and a $20,000 fine. The Independent Counsel gave up felony charges of conspiracy, false statements and obstruction in the plea, and wrote that the prosecution of North and Poindexter "would be seriously hampered by the jury's realization that McFarlane, their superior, had been permitted to plead guilty to crimes less severe than those for which his subordinates were on trial."[^1][^9] After he testified in 1991 that his trial testimony had been "colored" by North's immunized testimony, the Independent Counsel consented to the dismissal of the remaining charges against North.[^10] President George H.W. Bush pardoned McFarlane on December 24, 1992, with Caspar Weinberger, [[Elliott Abrams]], [[Duane Clarridge]], [[Clair George]] and [[Alan Fiers]].[^9] +### Esquire article and lawsuit + +In October 1991 [[Esquire]] published an article by [[Craig Unger]] that quoted [[Ari Ben-Menashe]]. According to the court's account of the article, Ben-Menashe said that McFarlane had been recruited by [[Rafael Eitan]] and that "McFarlane was the famous Mr. X in the [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] case."[^11] The article attributed the recruitment statement to a sworn affidavit that [[Elliot Richardson]] submitted in the [[INSLAW]] litigation for one of his clients. The appeals court found that the recruitment clause "is not in the affidavit," that the affidavit's text "supports only the idea of a 'special relationship'" between McFarlane and [[Earl Brian]] and Israeli intelligence, and recorded that McFarlane "does not dispute that Ben-Menashe made these assertions to Unger."[^11] + +McFarlane sued the magazine for libel. On January 30, 1996 the United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit affirmed the judgment for Esquire. The district court had held that no reasonable jury could find actual malice by clear and convincing evidence, and that it had no personal jurisdiction over Unger.[^11] The article, as the opinion quotes it, continues: "In Pollard's case there were persistent allegations about another, unnamed American who secretly worked for the Israelis."[^11] + +### Death + McFarlane died on May 12, 2022, at a hospital in Lansing, Michigan, aged 84; his son Scott McFarlane said the cause was an exacerbation of a lung condition.[^8] ### Footnotes @@ -102,3 +110,4 @@ McFarlane died on May 12, 2022, at a hospital in Lansing, Michigan, aged 84; his [^8]: "Robert 'Bud' McFarlane, Reagan national security adviser, dies at 84." Associated Press, May 13, 2022. https://www.bostonglobe.com/2022/05/13/nation/robert-bud-mcfarlane-reagan-national-security-adviser-dies-84 [^9]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, "Summary of Prosecutions" and ch. 1, section "The Guilty Plea." https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/summpros.htm [^10]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 2, "United States v. Oliver L. North," section on the dismissal of September 16, 1991. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_02.htm +[^11]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Shulamit Ingerman.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Shulamit Ingerman.md index 6aa5559e..fcc6b299 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Shulamit Ingerman.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(H-M)/Shulamit Ingerman.md @@ -3,11 +3,12 @@ category: "Intelligence & Government" tags: - Person summary: "Israeli civilian cryptographer and head of the Iranian desk in Unit 8200 who played a key role in Ari Ben-Menashe's intelligence career." +updated: 2026-10-12 --- -[[Shulamit Ingerman]] was a civilian cryptographer and head of the [[Iran|Iranian]] desk in [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. She was recognized as one of [[Israel|Israel's]] best cryptographers, having won the highest award for contributions to [[Israel|Israel's]] security twice.[^1] +[[Shulamit Ingerman]] was a civilian cryptographer and head of the [[Iran|Iranian]] desk in [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. She was recognized as one of Israel's best cryptographers, having won the highest award for contributions to Israel's security twice.[^1] -[[Shulamit Ingerman|Ingerman]] introduced [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] to the [[Iran|Iranian]] team of six within [[Unit 8200]]. She was called by [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] when he successfully broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code. She later intervened to obtain a pardon for [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] after he was court-martialed for insubordination by [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]].[^1] +According to [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], Ingerman introduced him to the Iranian team of six within Unit 8200. He wrote that he called her when he successfully broke the Iranian diplomatic code, and that she later intervened to obtain a pardon for him after he was court-martialed for insubordination by [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]].[^1] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Aviem Sella.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Aviem Sella.md index ba221e09..1e0297a0 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Aviem Sella.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Aviem Sella.md @@ -1,4 +1,5 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Military" tags: - Person @@ -7,22 +8,48 @@ tags: summary: "Colonel Aviem Sella was an Israeli Air Force officer and a nuclear targeting expert who was implicated in the Jonathan Pollard espionage case, where he worked with Pollard to obtain intelligence from the U.S." born: 1946-01-07 location: "Haifa, British Mandate Palestine" +relations: + - type: prosecuted + with: "[[Department of Justice]]" + reverse: true + start: 1987-03 + role: "Indicted by a federal grand jury in Washington" + fn: 4 + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Jonathan Pollard]]" + reverse: true + start: 1984-06 + end: 1984-11 + role: "Initial handler of Pollard" + fn: 3 --- -Colonel [[Aviem Sella]] was an [[Israel|Israeli]] Air Force officer and a nuclear targeting expert who was implicated in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage case, where he worked with [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] to obtain intelligence from the [[United States|U.S.]] Navy.[^1] +Colonel [[Aviem Sella]] was an [[Israel|Israeli]] Air Force officer and a nuclear targeting expert who was implicated in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage case, where he worked with Pollard to obtain intelligence from the [[United States|U.S.]] Navy.[^1] ### Nuclear Targeting Expertise -Sella was one of the Israeli Air Force's leading nuclear bombing and targeting experts. He was specifically assigned to serve as [[Jonathan Pollard]]'s handler. Pollard insisted that his spying did not begin until July 1984, after a social meeting with Sella. Sella's mission was to help Pollard gather and evaluate essential intelligence, including advanced American intelligence on weather patterns, communication protocols, and data on emergency and alert procedures, as well as knowledge of the electromagnetic fields between [[Israel]] and its main targets in the [[Soviet Union]].[^2] +Sella was one of the Israeli Air Force's leading nuclear bombing and targeting experts. He was specifically assigned to serve as Jonathan Pollard's handler. Pollard insisted that his spying did not begin until July 1984, after a social meeting with Sella. Sella's mission was to help Pollard gather and evaluate essential intelligence, including advanced American intelligence on weather patterns, communication protocols, and data on emergency and alert procedures, as well as knowledge of the electromagnetic fields between Israel and its main targets in the [[Soviet Union]].[^2] ### Operational Shortcomings -Sella's superb skill and knowledge of nuclear targeting blinded [[Rafael Eitan]] and the Israeli intelligence community to the fact that Sella was a pilot who knew nothing about running a covert operation. When Pollard got into trouble in late 1985, Sella's main concern was fleeing the [[United States]] as quickly as possible before he, too, was arrested.[^2] +Sella's superb skill and knowledge of nuclear targeting blinded [[Rafael Eitan]] and the Israeli intelligence community to the fact that Sella was a pilot who knew nothing about running a covert operation. When Pollard got into trouble in late 1985, Sella's main concern was fleeing the United States as quickly as possible before he, too, was arrested.[^2] + +The 1987 damage assessment records a different first contact from the one Pollard gave in his interrogations. It says Pollard volunteered in late June 1984, after meeting Sella through a pro-Israeli activist, and that he passed classified material to Sella at at least three meetings between June and August 1984.[^3] The July 1984 start that Hersh attributes to Pollard stands beside this record.[^2] ### Legal Consequences and Aftermath -Sella, who retired from the air force in disillusionment and disappointment, remained in [[Israel]], as of mid-1991 a fugitive from American justice. He has given friends and colleagues an account of his involvement that is more credible, but still far short of the whole story. He claimed he was recruited to try to control Pollard, who was drowning the Israeli intelligence bureaucracy in documents. By 1984, when Sella was approached, he had almost completed his requirement for a Ph.D. in computer science at [[New York University]], and the obvious thought was that his technical training would be an asset in evaluating and perhaps winnowing down Pollard's materials. Sella knew that Pollard had been recruited long before 1984, but he was eager for the assignment, believing that running a spy as important as Pollard would make his own climb to the top inevitable. Before taking the assignment, he checked with his superior, Major General [[Amos Lapidot]], the air force chief of staff, who assured him that Pollard was not a rogue and that clearance for his new assignment had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense. Once involved, Sella complained to a friend that Pollard "was running crazy" and "was giving him things he didn't want and didn't need."[^2] +Sella was indicted by a federal grand jury in Washington in March 1987 for his role in the affair.[^4] In January 1987 federal prosecutors had named him as an unindicted co-conspirator, a fourth Israeli beside three who were granted immunity.[^5] + +The Knesset intelligence subcommittee chaired by [[Abba Eban]] criticized his judgment and said that he "excessively involved himself on his own initiative." It indicated that he may have lied in his testimony to the panel about the extent of his role, and it criticized the military superiors who allowed him leave to take part in what they surmised was a sensitive espionage mission.[^4] + +Sella's appointment to command one of Israel's largest air bases set off a storm of controversy in the United States, and he eventually resigned from the new post, citing his concern for U.S.-Israeli relations.[^4] The [[Christian Science Monitor]] reported that the committees criticized the government for appointing him commander of Tel Nof Air Force Base after his involvement in the affair became known.[^6] + +Sella, who retired from the air force in disillusionment and disappointment, remained in Israel, as of mid-1991 a fugitive from American justice. He has given friends and colleagues an account of his involvement that is more credible, but still far short of the whole story. He claimed he was recruited to try to control Pollard, who was drowning the Israeli intelligence bureaucracy in documents. By 1984, when Sella was approached, he had almost completed his requirement for a Ph.D. in computer science at [[New York University]], and the obvious thought was that his technical training would be an asset in evaluating and perhaps winnowing down Pollard's materials. Sella knew that Pollard had been recruited long before 1984, but he was eager for the assignment, believing that running a spy as important as Pollard would make his own climb to the top inevitable. Before taking the assignment, he checked with his superior, Major General [[Amos Lapidot]], the air force commander, who assured him that Pollard was not a rogue and that clearance for his new assignment had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense. Once involved, Sella complained to a friend that Pollard "was running crazy" and "was giving him things he didn't want and didn't need."[^2] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). -[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. \ No newline at end of file +[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. +[^3]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment*, October 30, 1987, paragraph 5. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf +[^4]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 +[^5]: Howard Kurtz, "Spy Papers Kept by Israel, Court Told," *Washington Post*, January 7, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000403620007-3 +[^6]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jonathan Pollard.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jonathan Pollard.md index 1f39f4f1..80fbd328 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jonathan Pollard.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jonathan Pollard.md @@ -4,49 +4,277 @@ tags: - Person - Military - Israel -summary: "Pollard was an unhappy child in South Bend, Indiana, tormented and beaten in grade school for being Jewish." + - Espionage + - NavalIntelligence + - JonathanPollard + - LAKAM + - Parole +aliases: + - Jonathan Pollard + - Jonathan Jay Pollard + - Jonathan J. Pollard + - Pollard +created: 2026-10-12 +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1954-08-07 location: "Galveston, Texas" - +summary: "Jonathan Jay Pollard was a Navy civilian intelligence analyst who spied for Israel from 1984 to 1985, was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1987, and was paroled in 2015." +relations: + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Naval Intelligence Support Center]]" + start: 1979-09 + end: 1984-06 + role: "Research and watch analyst, Naval Ocean Surveillance and Naval Intelligence Support Center" + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Naval Investigative Service]]" + start: 1984-06 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Analyst, Anti-Terrorist Alert Center" + fn: 7 + - type: informant_for + with: "[[LAKAM]]" + start: 1984-06 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Spied for the Israeli Scientific Liaison Bureau" + fn: 38 + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Aviem Sella]]" + start: 1984-06 + end: 1984-11 + role: "First Israeli handler" + fn: 9 + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Rafael Eitan]]" + start: 1984-11 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Controller of the operation" + fn: 11 + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Yosef Yagur]]" + start: 1984-11 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Direct handler after Sella" + fn: 11 + - type: reported_to + with: "[[Irit Erb]]" + start: 1985-01 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Recipient of biweekly deliveries" + fn: 12 + - type: spouse_of + with: "[[Anne Henderson-Pollard]]" + start: 1985 + fn: 25 + - type: investigated + with: "[[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]" + reverse: true + start: 1985-11 + fn: 29 + - type: prosecuted + with: "[[Department of Justice]]" + reverse: true + start: 1985-11 + end: 1987-03 + fn: 48 --- -[[Jonathan Pollard]] was a junior civilian analyst with the [[United States|U.S.]] Navy who became a paid spy for [[Israel]]. He began working in 1979 as a civilian employee of U.S. Navy intelligence and was recruited as an operative in the fall of 1981, three years earlier than he and the Israeli government have admitted. He was then working as an intelligence specialist with the Navy's Field Operations Intelligence Office.[^2] +[[Jonathan Pollard|Jonathan Jay Pollard]] was a civilian intelligence analyst with the [[United States|U.S.]] [[United States Navy|Navy]] who passed classified material to [[Israel]] from June 1984 until his arrest in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] on November 21, 1985.[^1] He began working in 1979 as a civilian employee of Navy intelligence.[^2] In the last year of his espionage he received between $1,500 and $2,500 a month, according to the appellate court.[^3] [[Seymour Hersh|Seymour M. Hersh]] wrote that Pollard was recruited as an operative in the fall of 1981, three years earlier than he and the Israeli government have admitted.[^4] He pleaded guilty on June 4, 1986 to one count of conspiracy to deliver national defense information to a foreign government and was sentenced to life imprisonment on March 4, 1987. ### Early Life and Motivation -Pollard was an unhappy child in [[South Bend]], [[Indiana]], tormented and beaten in grade school for being Jewish. He told an interviewer that the "turning point" of his life came as a result of the [[Six-Day War]], when he was thirteen. [[Israel]]'s victory was "emotionally intoxicating" and triggered his lifelong obsession with Israeli security, and his fantasies of being part of it. He told fellow undergraduates at [[Stanford University]] that he had dual citizenship and was a colonel in the Israeli Army. Bragging and fanciful claims marked his years at [[Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy]] at [[Tufts University]] in [[Boston]], where he enrolled in 1977. He failed to earn his degree, and also failed in an attempt to join the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. In early 1981, Pollard sought a job as a defense analyst with the [[American Israel Public Affairs Committee|AIPAC]], but AIPAC officials found his bragging about access to top-secret information inappropriate and "weird," and "got rid of him." There was a feeling that Pollard was part of a "sting" operation attempting to set up AIPAC, and he was clearly seen as trouble.[^2] +Pollard was an unhappy child in [[South Bend]], [[Indiana]], tormented and beaten in grade school for being Jewish. He told an interviewer that the "turning point" of his life came as a result of the [[Six-Day War]], when he was thirteen. Israel's victory was "emotionally intoxicating" and triggered his lifelong obsession with Israeli security, and his fantasies of being part of it.[^5] + +He told fellow undergraduates at [[Stanford University]] that he had dual citizenship and was a colonel in the Israeli Army. Bragging and fanciful claims marked his years at the [[Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy]] at [[Tufts University]] in [[Boston]], where he enrolled in 1977. He failed to earn his degree, and also failed in an attempt to join the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. In early 1981, Pollard sought a job as a defense analyst with the [[American Israel Public Affairs Committee|AIPAC]], but AIPAC officials found his bragging about access to top-secret information inappropriate and "weird," and "got rid of him." There was a feeling that Pollard was part of a "sting" operation attempting to set up AIPAC, and he was clearly seen as trouble.[^6] + +### Naval Career and Clearances + +The 1987 damage assessment prepared by the Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee under the [[Director of Central Intelligence]] records Pollard's naval intelligence assignments from September 1979 to November 1985.[^2] He began as a research analyst at the Naval Ocean Surveillance Information Center in Suitland, Maryland, and in February 1980 became a merchant shipping analyst and watch officer. In 1980 he volunteered for Task Force 168, the naval element responsible for human intelligence collection, and was assigned to collect information from a South African defense attaché. The assessment records that he admitted in July 1980 to having lied about his South African contacts in order to impress others. In 1981 he was assigned as a Middle East warship analyst in the [[Naval Intelligence Support Center]] (NISC-33). + +In February 1982 his association with Task Force 168 ended, and his Top Secret clearance and access to compartmented intelligence were suspended pending a fitness-for-duty evaluation by a psychiatrist. The assessment quotes the psychiatrist's finding that Pollard was "thoroughly capable of handling the duties of his job and not a security risk." His clearance was reinstated on the order of the Commander, Naval Intelligence Command.[^7] In June 1984 Pollard began temporary duty with the [[Anti-Terrorist Alert Center]] of the [[Naval Investigative Service]] (ATAC, NIS), working a rotating watch. In October 1984 he was permanently assigned there as an analyst. The assessment describes him as an employee of the [[Navy Field Operational Intelligence Office]] (NFOIO) and other components of naval intelligence for the whole of the period from 1979 to 1985.[^2] ### Recruitment and Scope of Espionage -Pollard offered his services to [[Israel]] in 1980 and 1981, but no serious Israeli intelligence official would consider recruiting an openly pro-Israel American Jew who worked for the American intelligence community, due to an unwritten law prohibiting the recruitment of any American Jew. However, [[Rafael Eitan]], the aggressive new director of [[LAKAM]], decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials. He agreed with [[Ariel Sharon]] that the [[United States]] was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography, and recruited Pollard in October 1981. Pollard's recruitment was viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^2] +Pollard offered his services to Israel in 1980 and 1981, but no serious Israeli intelligence official would consider recruiting an openly pro-Israel American Jew who worked for the American intelligence community, due to an unwritten law prohibiting the recruitment of any American Jew. However, [[Rafael Eitan]], the aggressive new director of [[LAKAM]], decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials. He agreed with [[Ariel Sharon]] that the United States was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography, and recruited Pollard in October 1981. Pollard's recruitment was viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^8] -At the height of his activity, in 1984 and 1985, one of his main assignments was the gathering of American intelligence relevant to [[Israel]]'s nuclear targeting of the oil fields and Soviet military installations in southern [[Russia]]. This fact was hidden from [[Department of Justice]] investigators and prosecutors by Israeli officials. Pollard insisted in all of his Justice Department interrogations that his spying did not begin until July 1984, after a social meeting with Israeli Air Force Colonel [[Aviem Sella]], who was one of his handlers.[^2] +The account Pollard gave investigators, as the 1987 damage assessment summarizes it, dates the relationship differently. The assessment says Pollard volunteered his services in late June 1984, after meeting [[Aviem Sella]] through a pro-Israeli activist who was an old friend of the Pollard family. He passed classified material to Sella at three meetings between June and August 1984.[^9] The defense sentencing memorandum says Pollard was put in contact with Sella in June 1984, that he provided material for several months without payment, and that compensation was agreed only in November 1984.[^10] -Pollard also gave the Israelis American intelligence on Soviet air defenses, especially the feared SA-5 surface-to-air missile system. He eventually turned over a copy of the U.S. intelligence community's annual review of the Soviet strategic arms system, known as the 11–38, which is considered one of the most sensitive documents in the U.S. government. Pollard also provided [[Israel]] with the codes for American diplomatic communications, enabling [[Israel]]'s signals intelligence agency to intercept cables and backchannel messages. In all, according to federal prosecutors, Pollard provided [[Israel]] with eighteen hundred documents - an estimated 500,000 pages - before his arrest.[^2] +The assessment places the turning point in Paris. In November 1984 Pollard met Eitan, described as the adviser on counterterrorism to the Israeli prime minister and the senior Israeli in charge of the case, and [[Yosef Yagur]], Counselor for Scientific Affairs at the Israeli Consulate in New York, who replaced Sella as Pollard's direct handler. The assessment records that Eitan emphasized that Pollard should resign from naval intelligence rather than undergo a polygraph examination.[^11] From late January 1985 Pollard made biweekly deliveries of classified material, on alternate Fridays, to the apartment of [[Irit Erb]], a secretary at the [[Israeli Embassy]] in Washington. He met Yagur at Erb's apartment on the last Saturday of each month. The assessment says his monthly salary was raised to $2,500 in February 1985.[^12] + +Hersh wrote that in 1984 and 1985 one of Pollard's main assignments was gathering American intelligence relevant to Israel's nuclear targeting of the oil fields and Soviet military installations in southern [[Russia]]. Hersh wrote that this was hidden from [[Department of Justice]] investigators by Israeli officials. Pollard insisted in his Justice Department interrogations that his spying did not begin until July 1984, after a social meeting with Israeli Air Force Colonel Sella, who was one of his handlers.[^13] + +Pollard also gave the Israelis American intelligence on Soviet air defenses, especially the feared SA-5 surface-to-air missile system. He eventually turned over a copy of the U.S. intelligence community's annual review of the Soviet strategic arms system, known as the 11-38, which Hersh described as one of the most sensitive documents in the U.S. government. Pollard also provided Israel with the codes for American diplomatic communications, enabling Israel's signals intelligence agency to intercept cables and backchannel messages.[^14] + +The assessment states that most of the tasking Pollard received was intended to advance Israeli objectives. Sella and Yagur emphasized military and technical intelligence on the [[Soviet Union]], Arab states, and Pakistan. At the Paris meeting, Yagur ranked Arab and Pakistani nuclear intelligence first, followed by Arab exotic weaponry including chemical and biological weapons, then Soviet air defenses, and then Soviet aircraft and air-to-air and air-to-surface missiles.[^15] The assessment lists among Israel's gains Pollard's deliveries concerning the Palestine Liberation Organization headquarters near Tunis, Tunisian and Libyan air defenses, and Pakistan's plutonium reprocessing facility near Islamabad. Pollard told investigators that Yagur said the RASIN manual permitted Israel to begin monitoring a communications link between the Soviet General Staff in Moscow and the Soviet military assistance group in Damascus.[^16] + +The executive summary of the assessment lists the Israeli collection requirements as Pollard gave them, "in descending order of priority," in the same sequence except that Soviet aircraft precede Soviet air defenses, and ends the list with Arab order-of-battle, deployments and readiness.[^17] The body of the assessment adds that "most of the tasking levied on Pollard by his handlers was intended to advance Israel's objectives," that Sella and Yagur "emphasized that Pollard should obtain military and technical intelligence on the Soviet Union, Arab states, and Pakistan," and that Yagur wanted to be told of Soviet reactive-armor technology and advanced Soviet SAM systems "so they could prepare for their appearance in Arab inventories." Pollard was also to telephone an emergency number and use the code word "20 percent" if he learned that war in the Middle East was imminent.[^18] + +Under the heading "What the Israelis Did Not Ask For," the assessment opens with the words "According to Pollard" and states: "The Israelis never expressed interest in US military activities, plans, capabilities, or equipment." It adds that they "did not ask for intelligence on US communications per se" (the RASIN manual excepted), communications-security deficiencies, cryptologic systems or keying material; that Pollard "was not tasked to describe the pro- or anti-Israeli biases of individual intelligence analysts, nor was he asked to slant his own analyses for Israel's benefit," and that "[t]he Israelis expressed no serious interest in other US espionage cases," although Yagur asked about the damage from the Morison and Walker/Whitworth disclosures in casual conversation.[^19] The assessment states that Pollard "apparently exerted the strongest influence on what was compromised by virtue of his own access, interests, and collection initiatives," and that in terms of the quantity of identified intelligence stolen over seventeen months, with most of it passed from January to November 1985, "Pollard's operation has few parallels among known US espionage cases." It states that most of the documents address "at least tangentially" issues of major concern to Israeli security, many of them concerning Iran, Iraq and the Iran-Iraq War, Pakistan and Afghanistan, and military developments in Israel itself. It records that Pollard on his own initiative supplied three daily intelligence summaries, among them the Middle East and North Africa Summary, which yielded roughly 1,500 messages between mid-July 1984 and November 1985.[^19] + +Eitan's own requests, as the assessment summarizes them, were of a different kind: information on the Palestine Liberation Organization's Force 17, CIA psychological studies or other intelligence containing "dirt" on senior Israeli officials, and information identifying the "rats" in Israel, "by which Eitan apparently meant Israelis who provided information to the United States." In debriefings that were corroborated by polygraph, Pollard said that Yagur, standing behind Eitan, "violently shook his head 'no'" at these requests and told him afterward that procuring such information would be grounds for immediate termination of the operation.[^18] The defense sentencing memorandum filed in March 1987 states that Eitan also asked for information regarding U.S. intelligence sources in Israel and for documents on U.S. knowledge of Israeli arms dealings with other countries, "particularly China," and of Israeli intelligence efforts in the United States, and that Pollard did not provide them "despite Eitan's threats of recrimination."[^10] The assessment records Pollard's recollection that Yagur on at least two occasions indicated that selected items of his intelligence were known and appreciated by "the highest levels of the Israeli Government."[^12] + +The assessment gives approximate numbers of compromised published documents and an estimated 1,500 current intelligence summary messages, among them the Middle East and North Africa Summary.[^20] As the [[Washington Post]] reported in January 1987, federal prosecutors' sentencing memorandum described Pollard as having provided "Thousands of Pages" and said Israel had returned only 163 documents to the United States.[^21] According to the same report, the prosecutors' memorandum stated that the Israelis paid Pollard $2,500 a month, promised him another $300,000 in a Swiss account over ten years, and that he was eventually paid about $50,000.[^21] Hersh gave a different figure, attributed to federal prosecutors: eighteen hundred documents, an estimated 500,000 pages, before his arrest.[^22] ### Operational Methods and Wife's Involvement -[[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard's]] wife, [[Anne Henderson-Pollard]], was also working with him. [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] received computer access codes of intelligence reports from [[Robert McFarlane]] (referred to as "Mr. X") through [[Iris]], a [[LAKAM]] representative in [[Washington, D.C.]]. He would print the information, photocopy it, and give the copies to [[Iris]], who would then return the originals to the office. This allowed [[Israel]] to receive over a million pieces of paper, including reconnaissance satellite data, [[United States|U.S.]] and [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] aircraft information, and spare parts listed in secret catalogs.[^1] +Hersh's account places Pollard's wife, [[Anne Henderson-Pollard]], in the operation as well.[^23] [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that Pollard received computer access codes for intelligence reports from [[Robert McFarlane]], whom he called "Mr. X," through [[Iris]], a LAKAM representative in Washington. Pollard would print the information, photocopy it, and give the copies to Iris, who would return the originals to the office. Ben-Menashe wrote that this allowed Israel to receive over a million pieces of paper, including reconnaissance satellite data, U.S. and Soviet aircraft information, and spare parts listed in secret catalogs.[^24] -To facilitate the transfer of documents, Pollard's handlers in the [[United States]], who included [[Aviem Sella]] by mid-1984, even arranged for the Israeli government to provide, via its embassy in [[Washington, D.C.]], the most sophisticated photocopying machines for the reproduction of top-secret documents, including [[KH-11]] satellite photographs. These machines arrived with special metal shielding to prevent the interception of electronic emanations.[^2] +The 1992 appellate opinion describes Anne Pollard's involvement differently. It recounts that when Pollard was questioned after being stopped, he used the code word "cactus" in telephone calls to his wife, who then removed a suitcase of classified documents from the apartment and contacted his Israeli handlers. The court called this "her only active involvement in Pollard's espionage."[^25] + +To facilitate the transfer of documents, Pollard's handlers in the United States, who included Sella by mid-1984, arranged for the Israeli government to provide, through its embassy in Washington, photocopying machines for the reproduction of top-secret documents, including KH-11 satellite photographs. These machines arrived with special metal shielding to prevent the interception of electronic emanations.[^26] ### KGB Connection and Arrest -Some of the intelligence gathered by [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] was passed to the [[KGB]] by [[Israel]], with the authorization of [[Yitzhak Shamir]]. The exposure of [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] led to his arrest and conviction for espionage. He was later identified as the spy with the arrest of [[Shabtai Kalmanowitch]] in late 1987.[^1] +Ben-Menashe wrote that some of the intelligence gathered by Pollard was passed to the [[KGB]] by Israel, with the authorization of [[Yitzhak Shamir]].[^27] He also wrote that Pollard was later identified as the spy in the arrest of [[Shabtai Kalmanowitch]] in late 1987.[^28] -### Israeli Government Response and Cover-up +The [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] entered the case on November 15, 1985 and began a series of interviews with Pollard, according to the counterintelligence history "Decade of the Spy."[^29] The appellate opinion records that agents of the FBI and the Naval Investigative Service stopped Pollard as he was leaving work and questioned him about the removal of classified material. During the interviews he lied and stalled for time, as his Israeli handlers had instructed him, while one handler left the country.[^30] -After Pollard's arrest, the top Israeli leadership denied having any knowledge of his activities, and two internal commissions cleared them of direct knowledge. However, Pollard himself argued that his Israeli handlers told him that "[[Israel]]'s dependence upon a ‘special source’" had been mentioned at Israeli cabinet meetings. He also stated that he was routinely provided with lists of intelligence items wanted, coordinated and prioritized by the heads of all the various military intelligence services. Much of the material he supplied, such as satellite photographs and communication intercepts, was clearly not being transferred through official channels.[^2] +On November 21, 1985 the Pollards drove to the Israeli Embassy and requested political asylum. The counterintelligence history gives the visit as about twenty minutes, and says the Israelis refused them asylum. The FBI arrested Pollard when they came out.[^31] The appellate court records that the Pollards had gained entrance to the embassy compound at one point before the Israelis turned them away. Pollard was charged with violations of 18 U.S.C. sections 794(a) and 793(e). Anne Pollard was arrested a day later as an accessory. The couple was held without bail, and she was released on bail in February 1986.[^32] -The Israeli officials most tarnished by the scandal were [[Rafael Eitan]] and [[Aviem Sella]]. However, Eitan did not suffer financially and was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], authorized by [[Ariel Sharon]]. Sella was promoted to brigadier general after his return from the [[United States]] and assigned as commander of [[Tel Nof]], the site of [[Israel]]'s nuclear-ready air force squadron. After American protests, Sella was instead named head of the [[Israel|Israeli Defense Force]] staff college, and later retired from the air force in disillusionment.[^2] +Israel announced after the arrest that the news was a complete surprise and that it would cooperate with the United States. The counterintelligence history says a post-arrest Israeli investigation, codenamed Siren, was launched, and that a few days later Israel announced that the Pollard case was a rogue operation conducted by a few intelligence operatives.[^33] The Post reported in May 1987 that Israel had branded the affair "a rogue operation" and disbanded the spy bureau.[^34] A delegation of officials from the FBI and the State and Justice departments, including [[Abraham Sofaer]], traveled to Israel in December 1985. The counterintelligence history says Israel did not give up its stonewalling until the delegation threatened to return to the United States.[^35] + +On December 21, 1985 Israeli officials told the [[New York Times]] that Eitan had been removed from his post as head of the Liaison Bureau for Scientific Affairs, which was being dismantled, and was expected to retire quietly.[^36] The Christian Science Monitor later reported that Eitan had been made head of the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], one of the most prestigious executive positions in Israeli industry.[^37] In 1998 the Israeli government stated that Pollard had served as an Israeli agent handled by senior members of the Scientific Liaison Bureau, known in Hebrew as Lekam.[^38] + +### Plea, Sentencing, and the Weinberger Submissions + +Pollard sought to plead guilty in order to minimize his chance of a life sentence and to enable his wife to plead as well, which the government was otherwise unwilling to allow. The government would make a plea offer only after Pollard assisted the damage assessment and submitted to polygraph examinations and interviews. The plea agreement bound him to plead guilty to one count of conspiracy under 18 U.S.C. section 794(c), and the government agreed to recommend "a substantial period of incarceration and a monetary fine." Chief Judge [[Aubrey E. Robinson Jr.]] accepted the plea on June 4, 1986, after questioning Pollard at great length about his understanding of the rights he was surrendering.[^39] + +Pollard's first memorandum in aid of sentencing, dated August 20, 1986, "submits his version of the offense in aid of sentencing by the Court."[^40] While awaiting sentencing, Pollard gave several interviews to [[Wolf Blitzer]], a reporter for the [[Jerusalem Post]], without first submitting his comments to the Director of Naval Intelligence as the plea agreement required. The government cited the interviews as evidence that he could not be trusted to refrain from disclosing national secrets.[^41] + +The prosecutors' sentencing memorandum recommended a "substantial" prison term. It named three Israelis granted immunity from prosecution, Eitan, Yagur and Irit Erb, and a fourth, Sella, as an unindicted co-conspirator.[^42] The government's reply to Pollard's memoranda, dated March 3, 1987, disputed his account of the harm he had caused and stated that he had identified thousands of classified documents.[^43] + +The government also submitted a highly classified declaration by Secretary of Defense [[Caspar Weinberger]] cataloguing the damage Pollard had done and opining that the damage had been "substantial and irrevocable." The day before sentencing, Weinberger submitted an unclassified supplemental declaration, executed March 3, 1987, which stated in part that "[i]t is difficult for me, even in the so-called 'year of the spy,' to conceive of a greater harm to national security than that caused by the defendant."[^44][^45] The declaration argued that "the punishment imposed should reflect the perfidy of the individual's actions, the magnitude of the treason committed, and the needs of national security." It also stated that "his loyalty to Israel transcends his loyalty to the United States." Weinberger wrote that Pollard had acknowledged, when confronted with a polygraph examination on February 25, 1987, that he had provided or confirmed information in a February 15 Washington Post article.[^46] + +Pollard's counsel characterized the Secretary's words, "perhaps accurately," only as "rank hyperbole." Judge Williams, dissenting from the appellate majority in 1992, wrote that the repeated use of superlatives in the Weinberger memoranda "implied an appeal for the maximum."[^47] + +Chief Judge Robinson sentenced Pollard to life in prison on March 4, 1987 and sentenced Anne Pollard to five years.[^48] Pollard did not appeal the sentence. His Rule 35 motion to reduce it was denied.[^49] The appellate opinion records that an affidavit by [[Alan Dershowitz]] stated that Goldberg, a retired Supreme Court Justice, had discussed the sentence with Chief Judge Robinson, who purportedly told him that Pollard had provided Israel with information demonstrating American knowledge of certain details of Israeli-South African defense cooperation and that this had "weighed heavily" in the sentence. Dershowitz claimed that Pollard never provided the Israelis that sort of information, and the affidavit asserted that Goldberg inferred that the government may have made improper ex parte submissions. Chief Judge Robinson declined to recuse himself, stated that the allegations of ex parte contacts were untrue, and refused without a hearing to let Pollard withdraw his plea.[^50] + +### Post-Sentencing Litigation + +Pollard's first motion under 28 U.S.C. section 2255 was filed on March 12, 1990. It sought to withdraw his guilty plea on the ground that the government had breached the plea agreement at sentencing and had linked his wife's plea to his own.[^51] The district court denied the motion, and the Court of Appeals affirmed in 1992.[^52] A second section 2255 motion, filed on September 20, 2000 by new counsel, alleged ineffective assistance by sentencing counsel. On July 22, 2005 the Court of Appeals, in an opinion by Circuit Judge [[David Sentelle|Sentelle]], held that the second motion was untimely and declined to grant a certificate of appealability.[^53] The same opinion held that the federal courts lacked jurisdiction to review claims for access to classified documents needed for a clemency petition to the President, and it vacated the denial of counsel's request for access.[^54] + +### Clemency Applications + +The counterintelligence history "Decade of the Spy" records that President [[George H. W. Bush]] denied clemency in January 1993, President [[Bill Clinton]] in March 1994, and Clinton a second time in 1997, when he cited Pollard's lack of remorse and said that shortening the sentence after ten years was unwarranted and would not serve the goal of deterrence.[^55] Israel granted Pollard citizenship in 1995.[^56] + +The [[Office of the Pardon Attorney]] wrote on March 14, 2011 that Pollard, through counsel, had applied for commutation of sentence on October 15, 2010, and that the application remained pending.[^57] On December 21, 2010 former Attorney General [[Michael Mukasey]] wrote to President [[Barack Obama]] asking that he commute the sentence. Mukasey wrote that former CIA Director [[James Woolsey]] and former Senate Intelligence Committee chairman [[Dennis DeConcini]] "are familiar with the information Pollard disclosed and the circumstances of its disclosure" and "have expressed firmly their belief that his sentence should be commuted," that "the highly unusual submission to the sentencing court of affidavits from Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, seeking a heavier sentence than requested by the prosecutors despite Pollard's guilty plea and cooperation," as discussed in a submission by former Assistant Secretary of Defense [[Lawrence Korb]], "is deeply disturbing," and that "a life sentence can only be considered utterly disproportionate to the crime."[^58] + +### Ben-Menashe's Claims and the "Mr. X" Allegation + +Ben-Menashe's claim that Robert McFarlane had been recruited by Rafael Eitan and was "the famous Mr. X in the Pollard case" reached print through a 1991 [[Esquire]] article, "October Surprise," by [[Craig Unger]].[^59] The article attributed Ben-Menashe's statement that McFarlane and [[Earl Brian]] had a "special relationship" with Israeli intelligence, and that McFarlane had been "recruited by Rafi Eitan," to a sworn affidavit that [[Elliot Richardson]] submitted for one of his clients, the [[Inslaw]] computer-software company. The appeals court found that the recruitment clause "is not in the affidavit," that nothing in the affidavit supported the article's following sentences making McFarlane out to be an equivalent of Pollard, and that the affidavit's text "supports only the idea of a 'special relationship.'" The same opinion records that McFarlane "does not dispute that Ben-Menashe made these assertions to Unger."[^60] McFarlane sued the magazine. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit]] affirmed the judgment for Esquire on January 30, 1996. The judgment rested on a finding of no actual malice and on the dismissal of the claim against Unger for want of personal jurisdiction.[^61] + +The opinion describes Ben-Menashe as "a self-professed former Israeli spy and a major source for conspiracy theorists," and records that the Esquire article quoted intelligence officials and journalists calling him a "fake" and a "con man."[^62] The same opinion notes that "[i]n Pollard's case there were persistent allegations about another, unnamed American who secretly worked for the Israelis."[^63] + +### Israeli Inquiries + +After Pollard's arrest, the top Israeli leadership denied having any knowledge of his activities. Pollard himself argued that his Israeli handlers told him that "Israel's dependence upon a 'special source'" had been mentioned at Israeli cabinet meetings. He also stated that he was routinely provided with lists of intelligence items wanted, coordinated and prioritized by the heads of all the various military intelligence services. Much of the material he supplied, such as satellite photographs and communication intercepts, was clearly not being transferred through official channels.[^64] + +The [[Los Angeles Times]] reported on November 29, 1985 that Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], Defense Minister [[Yitzhak Rabin]] and Foreign Minister Shamir had been meeting daily to review the internal investigation, and that the essential elements of the case were believed to be clear to the three.[^65] In late February 1987 the Israeli embassy spokesman [[Yossi Gal]] said that Shamir had reiterated on a recent visit to Washington "that this was a rogue operation that was not authorized and against the will of the government."[^66] In a report from Jerusalem published March 11, 1987, [[Thomas L. Friedman]] quoted Shamir: "The State of Israel has no connection with Pollard or his family."[^67] + +The Knesset's intelligence subcommittee, chaired by [[Abba Eban]], and a two-member cabinet panel chaired by Tel Aviv lawyer [[Yehoshua Rotenstreich]] reported on May 26, 1987. The Post reported that neither panel found evidence that the leadership knew of the operation, but that both found the senior political leadership responsible for failing to uncover and end it. The seven-member subcommittee singled out Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin and his predecessor [[Moshe Arens]], and said that Shimon Peres, Shamir and Rabin shared responsibility for the government's failure to live up to commitments made to the United States after Pollard's arrest. The Post reported that, contrary to government statements at the time, the subcommittee's report said the affair was "not a rogue operation" but one conducted by Israeli officials using official resources.[^68] The subcommittee accused Eitan of "a gross excess of authority" and said Sella "excessively involved himself on his own initiative." It indicated that Sella may have lied in his testimony about the extent of his role, and it criticized the Army Chief of Staff, [[Moshe Levy]], and [[Amos Lapidot]] for allowing Sella leave to take part in what they surmised was a sensitive espionage mission.[^69] The Rotenstreich panel contended that the "ruling troika" of Peres, Shamir and Rabin "did not take care to clarify facts sufficiently before transferring them to the U.S. authorities." The Post reported that the troika had reportedly pressed Rotenstreich to hand in his report after learning that Eban's was to be released, in the hope that his findings would be milder.[^70] Shamir told reporters that the government had no intention of resigning and that "the mountain was really a molehill and the earth did not move."[^71] + +The Israeli Cabinet adopted the Rotenstreich findings, which held the entire government collectively responsible for failure to know that a secret spy unit in the Defense Ministry had hired Pollard.[^72] Rabin and Peres attacked the subcommittee as politically tainted. The subcommittee's report accused Rabin of failing "to follow up or increase supervision as he should have done" during the fourteen months when Pollard was active, and the Post reported that it criticized the promotions of Sella and Eitan, who became chairman of the country's largest state-owned company.[^70] + +The Post reported that Sella had been indicted by a federal grand jury in Washington in March 1987 for his role in the affair.[^73] Hersh wrote that after American protests Sella was instead named head of the Israel Defense Forces staff college, and that he later retired from the air force.[^74] The Post reported that Sella's promotion to command one of Israel's largest air bases had set off a storm of controversy in the United States, and that he eventually resigned from the new post, citing his concern for U.S.-Israeli relations.[^75] + +The Israeli officials most tarnished by the affair were Eitan and Sella. Eitan did not suffer financially. He was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the Israel Chemicals Company, an appointment authorized by Ariel Sharon.[^76] Hersh wrote that Sella was promoted to brigadier general after his return from the United States and assigned as commander of [[Tel Nof]], the site of Israel's nuclear-ready air force squadron.[^77] The Christian Science Monitor reported that the committees criticized the government for appointing Sella commander of Tel Nof Air Force Base after his involvement in the affair became known.[^78] ### Aftermath and Sella's Account -Pollard refused to cooperate with the U.S. Attorney's Office in [[Washington, D.C.]] for six months before finally giving up Sella's name as part of a plea bargain. It is not known whether prosecutors realized at the time that Sella's mission was linked to nuclear intelligence. The Israeli government refused U.S. demands for Sella's extradition, and he was indicted in absentia in March 1987, and declared a fugitive from justice in June 1990.[^2] +Pollard refused to cooperate with the U.S. Attorney's Office in Washington for six months before finally giving up Sella's name as part of a plea bargain. It is not known whether prosecutors realized at the time that Sella's mission was linked to nuclear intelligence. Hersh wrote that Sella was indicted in absentia in March 1987 and declared a fugitive from justice in June 1990, and that the Israeli government refused U.S. demands for his extradition.[^79] -Sella has given friends and colleagues an account of his involvement that is more credible, but still far short of the whole story. He claimed he was recruited to try to control Pollard, who was drowning the Israeli intelligence bureaucracy in documents. Sella, who had almost completed his Ph.D. in computer science at [[New York University]], believed his technical training would be an asset in evaluating and perhaps winnowing down Pollard's materials. He knew that Pollard had been recruited long before 1984, but was eager for the assignment, believing it would advance his career. He checked with his superior, Major General [[Amos Lapidot]], who assured him that Pollard was not a rogue and that clearance for his new assignment had been obtained from [[Yitzhak Rabin]], the minister of defense. Once involved, Sella complained that Pollard "was running crazy" and "was giving him things he didn't want and didn't need."[^2] +Sella has given friends and colleagues an account of his involvement that is more credible, but still far short of the whole story. He claimed he was recruited to try to control Pollard, who was drowning the Israeli intelligence bureaucracy in documents. Sella, who had almost completed his Ph.D. in computer science at [[New York University]], believed his technical training would be an asset in evaluating and perhaps winnowing down Pollard's materials. He knew that Pollard had been recruited long before 1984, but was eager for the assignment, believing it would advance his career. He checked with his superior, Major General Lapidot, who assured him that Pollard was not a rogue and that clearance for his new assignment had been obtained from the defense minister, Yitzhak Rabin. Once involved, Sella complained that Pollard "was running crazy" and "was giving him things he didn't want and didn't need."[^80] -[[Leonard Garment]], hired by [[Israel]] to represent Sella, attempted to resolve the affair. He was pressured by a six-man Israeli delegation, including [[Chaim Joseph Zadok]], [[Meir Rosenne]], [[Elyakim Rubinstein]], [[Ram Caspi]], [[Avraham Shalom]], and [[Hanan Bar-on]], to file a factual proffer that downplayed Sella's involvement. Garment eventually withdrew from the case, stating he was unsure whether his client was Sella or the Israeli government. With his withdrawal, the Israeli government ended its attempt to protect Sella, effectively ending Sella's career.[^2] +[[Leonard Garment]], hired by Israel to represent Sella, attempted to resolve the affair. He was pressured by a six-man Israeli delegation, including [[Chaim Joseph Zadok]], [[Meir Rosenne]], [[Elyakim Rubinstein]], [[Ram Caspi]], [[Avraham Shalom]], and [[Hanan Bar-on]], to file a factual proffer that downplayed Sella's involvement. Garment eventually withdrew from the case, stating he was unsure whether his client was Sella or the Israeli government. With his withdrawal, the Israeli government ended its attempt to protect Sella, effectively ending Sella's career.[^81] + +### Parole and Departure + +Pollard was released from prison on November 20, 2015 and placed on parole. His conditions included a curfew, an electronic monitor that tracked his location, limits on the jobs he could take, and a prohibition on leaving the United States.[^56][^82] On November 20, 2020 the Justice Department announced that he had completed his parole. The Parole Commission said there was "no evidence to conclude that he is likely to violate the law." His lawyers, Eliot Lauer and Jacques Semmelman, said that he was "now a free man in all respects."[^83] + +On December 30, 2020 Pollard and his wife Esther arrived at Ben Gurion International Airport on a private plane provided by the casino owner [[Sheldon Adelson]]. Prime Minister [[Benjamin Netanyahu]] greeted them and presented them with Israeli identity cards. Pollard said, "We are ecstatic to be home at last after 35 years."[^84] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). -[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21, 22. \ No newline at end of file + +[^1]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Arrest of November 21, 1985, plea of June 4, 1986, and life sentence. +[^2]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Introduction, paragraph 2, and the career box headed "Pollard's Assignments and Security-Clearance Actions, With Naval Intelligence, 1979-85." +[^3]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Background narrative: payments of $1,500 to $2,500 a month during the last twelve months of the espionage. +[^4]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Hersh's account of the 1981 recruitment, which Pollard and the Israeli government are said to have dated later. +[^5]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Pollard's account of his childhood and of the Six-Day War, as Hersh reports it. +[^6]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. AIPAC's reaction to Pollard's applications and conduct, as Hersh reports it. +[^7]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Career box entries for February 1982 through October 1984. +[^8]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Account of the 1980-81 offers and of Eitan's decision to recruit Pollard in October 1981. +[^9]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraph 5 (late June 1984 volunteering; Sella meetings June to August 1984). +[^10]: Defendant Jonathan J. Pollard's Second Memorandum in Aid of Sentencing, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), filed early March 1987. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc7.pdf Discussion of the sequence of contact and compensation, including the November 1984 agreement on $1,500 a month. +[^11]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraph 6 (Paris meetings in November 1984; Eitan's emphasis on resignation rather than a polygraph) and paragraph 7 (Yagur as direct handler). +[^12]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraph 7 (biweekly deliveries to Irit Erb's apartment, monthly meetings with Yagur, salary raised in February 1985). +[^13]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Pollard's claim that his spying began in July 1984 after a social meeting with Sella; the nuclear targeting assignment. +[^14]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Soviet air-defense material, the 11-38 review, and the diplomatic codes. +[^15]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraphs 51 and 52 (Israeli tasking priorities and the Paris list). +[^16]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraphs 79 to 82 (Israeli gains from the compromised material; the RASIN manual). +[^17]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Executive Summary, paragraph 11 (collection requirements in descending order of priority). +[^18]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraphs 51 to 53 (the tasking assessment, the Paris list, Eitan's supplementary requests and Yagur's reaction). +[^19]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraphs 58 and 63 to 66 ("What the Israelis Did Not Ask For"; the overview of compromised material). +[^20]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, Director of Central Intelligence, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment* (October 30, 1987; sanitized release, National Security Archive copy). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf. Also released through the Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel: https://www.archives.gov/files/declassification/iscap/pdf/2007-010-doc1.pdf Paragraphs 11 and 12 (approximate numbers of compromised published documents and an estimated 1,500 current intelligence summary messages). +[^21]: Howard Kurtz, "Spy Papers Kept by Israel, Court Told," *Washington Post*, January 7, 1987. CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000403620007-3 Prosecutors' sentencing memorandum as reported, including the 163 returned documents. +[^22]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Figure attributed by Hersh to federal prosecutors. +[^23]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Pollard's wife's role in the operation, as Hersh relates it. +[^24]: Ari Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network* (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015). Lending copy: https://archive.org/details/profitsofwarinsi0000benm Account of Iris, the access codes and the copying method. +[^25]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Narrative of the stop and the telephone calls; the court's characterization of Anne Pollard's involvement. +[^26]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Photocopying machines supplied through the Israeli embassy. +[^27]: Ari Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network* (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015). Lending copy: https://archive.org/details/profitsofwarinsi0000benm Claimed transfers to the KGB and the Shamir authorization. +[^28]: Ari Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network* (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015). Lending copy: https://archive.org/details/profitsofwarinsi0000benm Claim that Pollard was later identified as the spy in the Kalmanowitch arrest. +[^29]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf Entry on the FBI's entry into the case on November 15, 1985 and the interviews. +[^30]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Background narrative of the stop, the interviews and the lies told in them. +[^31]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf Account of the embassy visit and the arrest. +[^32]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Arrest on November 21, 1985; Anne Pollard's arrest the following day; the charges; the bail history. +[^33]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf Israeli post-arrest response and the Siren investigation. +[^34]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 Israel's official characterization of the affair as a rogue operation, and the disbanding of the bureau. +[^35]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf The December 1985 delegation and Israel's eventual cooperation. +[^36]: Thomas L. Friedman, *New York Times*, December 22, 1985 (Jerusalem dateline December 21). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302120025-0 Removal of Eitan and the dismantling of the bureau. +[^37]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html Eitan's later executive post. +[^38]: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Government statement on Jonathan Pollard," May 12, 1998, *Israel's Foreign Relations: Selected Documents*, vol. 17 (1998-1999), no. 35. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc13.PDF +[^39]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Plea negotiations, the plea agreement (paragraphs 4(a) and 4(b)), and the June 4, 1986 plea. +[^40]: Defendant Jonathan J. Pollard's First Memorandum in Aid of Sentencing, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), dated August 20, 1986. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/A-Pollard6.pdf Pollard's account of the offense. +[^41]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Pollard's interviews with a Jerusalem Post reporter before sentencing and the government's objection to them. +[^42]: Howard Kurtz, "Spy Papers Kept by Israel, Court Told," *Washington Post*, January 7, 1987. CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000403620007-3 Government's recommended sentence, the immunity grants, and the unindicted co-conspirator. +[^43]: Government's Reply to Defendant's Sentencing Memorandum, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), March 3, 1987. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/A-Pollard9.pdf Government's response to Pollard's memoranda. +[^44]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json The classified in camera declaration ("substantial and irrevocable") and the unclassified supplemental declaration. +[^45]: Supplemental Declaration of Caspar W. Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, *United States v. Jonathan Jay Pollard*, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), executed March 3, 1987 (unclassified). http://www.irmep.org/ila/pollard/03041987weinberger.pdf Paragraphs 1 and 2. +[^46]: Supplemental Declaration of Caspar W. Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, *United States v. Jonathan Jay Pollard*, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), executed March 3, 1987 (unclassified). http://www.irmep.org/ila/pollard/03041987weinberger.pdf Paragraph 4 (loyalty; the February 25 polygraph and the February 15 article). +[^47]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Dissent of Judge Williams on the Weinberger submissions. +[^48]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Sentences of March 4, 1987: life for Pollard and five years for Anne Pollard. +[^49]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Rule 35 motion and the decision not to appeal. +[^50]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json The Dershowitz affidavit, the Goldberg conversation and the South Africa reference, and the district court's refusal to recuse or hold a hearing. +[^51]: *United States v. Pollard*, 416 F.3d 48 (D.C. Cir. 2005), decided July 22, 2005. https://static.case.law/f3d/416/cases/0048-01.json Procedural history of the March 12, 1990 and September 20, 2000 motions. +[^52]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json Affirmance of the denial of the 1990 section 2255 motion. +[^53]: *United States v. Pollard*, 416 F.3d 48 (D.C. Cir. 2005), decided July 22, 2005. https://static.case.law/f3d/416/cases/0048-01.json Holding that the successive section 2255 motion was untimely and that no certificate of appealability would issue. +[^54]: *United States v. Pollard*, 416 F.3d 48 (D.C. Cir. 2005), decided July 22, 2005. https://static.case.law/f3d/416/cases/0048-01.json Holding on the clemency-access petition and the vacatur. +[^55]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf Denials of clemency in January 1993, March 1994 and 1997. +[^56]: Matthew S. Schwartz, "Jonathan Pollard, Who Sold Cold War Secrets To Israel, Completes Parole," NPR, carried by *Georgia Public Broadcasting*, November 21, 2020. https://www.gpb.org/news/2020/11/21/jonathan-pollard-who-sold-cold-war-secrets-israel-completes-parole Release on November 20, 2015, the end of parole on November 20, 2020, and Israel\'s grant of citizenship in 1995. +[^57]: Office of the Pardon Attorney, U.S. Department of Justice, letter to Grant F. Smith, FOIA Request No. 2011-036, March 14, 2011. https://www.israellobby.org/pollard/03142011Pollard_release.pdf Commutation application of October 15, 2010 pending. +[^58]: Michael B. Mukasey to President Barack Obama, letter of December 21, 2010. https://www.israellobby.org/pollard/12212010Mukasey.pdf Request for commutation; the Woolsey and DeConcini views; the Weinberger affidavits. +[^59]: Craig Unger, "October Surprise," *Esquire*, October 1991 (article quoted at length in the opinion cited below). *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996). https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json +[^60]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json The article's passage on the Inslaw affidavit; the court's finding that the recruitment clause and the following sentences are not in the affidavit; McFarlane's non-dispute that Ben-Menashe made the assertions to Unger. +[^61]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json Affirmance of the judgment for Esquire and the dismissal of the claim against Unger. +[^62]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json Description of Ben-Menashe and of the Esquire article's treatment of his credibility. +[^63]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json The opinion's note on persistent allegations about an unnamed second American. +[^64]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Pollard's account of what his handlers told him about cabinet discussion and intelligence priorities. +[^65]: "Pollard" report, *Los Angeles Times*, November 29, 1985. CIA CREST copy: https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000504890020-7 +[^66]: *The Washington Post*, February 28, 1987. CIA CREST copy: https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000403620005-5 +[^67]: Thomas L. Friedman, "Shamir Says Pollard's Fate Is No Concern of Israel," *The New York Times*, March 11, 1987. CIA CREST copy: https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000302120009-8 +[^68]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 The two reports of May 26, 1987; the subcommittee's statement that the affair was not a rogue operation. +[^69]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 The subcommittee's findings on Eitan and Sella, and its criticism of Levy and Lapidot. +[^70]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 The Rotenstreich report's statement on the troika; the pressure to file it; Rabin and Peres's response to the subcommittee; criticism of Rabin's supervision and of the Sella and Eitan promotions. +[^71]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 Shamir's remark to reporters. +[^72]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html Cabinet adoption of the Rotenstreich findings and the collective-responsibility finding. +[^73]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 Indictment of Sella by a federal grand jury in Washington in March 1987. +[^74]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Sella's assignment to the staff college after American protests, and his later retirement. +[^75]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987 (Jerusalem dateline May 26). CIA CREST copy: https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 Sella's promotion and his resignation from the Tel Nof post. +[^76]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Eitan's post at the Israel Chemicals Company and the Sharon authorization. +[^77]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Sella's promotion to brigadier general and his assignment to Tel Nof. +[^78]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html Committees' criticism of Sella's appointment to command Tel Nof Air Force Base. +[^79]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Sella's fugitive status in June 1990 and the Israeli refusal of extradition. +[^80]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Sella's account of his role as Hersh relates it, and Pollard's conduct once Sella was involved. +[^81]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), chapters 21 and 22. Garment's engagement, the Israeli delegation, and his withdrawal. +[^82]: National Security Archive, "Jonathan Pollard: Revisiting a Still Sensitive Case," Electronic Briefing Book (Richelson, December 14, 2012; reposted November 24, 2020). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/intelligence/2012-12-14/jonathan-pollard-spy-case-cias-1987-damage-assessment-declassified Parole conditions, including the travel restriction, as stated in the November 24, 2020 posting. +[^83]: Matthew S. Schwartz, "Jonathan Pollard, Who Sold Cold War Secrets To Israel, Completes Parole," NPR, carried by *Georgia Public Broadcasting*, November 21, 2020. https://www.gpb.org/news/2020/11/21/jonathan-pollard-who-sold-cold-war-secrets-israel-completes-parole Parole Commission statement and the lawyers' statement. +[^84]: Associated Press, "Reports convicted US spy Pollard arrives in Israel," December 30, 2020. https://www.clickondetroit.com/news/world/2020/12/30/reports-convicted-us-spy-pollard-arrives-in-israel/ Arrival on December 30, 2020, the reception and Israeli identity cards. diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Mark M. Richard.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Mark M. Richard.md index c8045fa2..21ef80a2 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Mark M. Richard.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Mark M. Richard.md @@ -11,26 +11,29 @@ tags: - DOJ - Pollard - IranContra -summary: "Deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division for twenty years, named by a Senate investigator's source as knowing of Lowell Jensen's conduct in the INSLAW matter and questioned by the Bua inquiry over the Office of Special Investigations; he called INSLAW's charges slanderous." +summary: "Deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division for twenty years; a Senate investigator's source said he knew of Lowell Jensen's conduct in the INSLAW matter, and he called INSLAW's charges slanderous." died: 2009-05-23 location: "Washington, D.C." created: 2026-09-22 -updated: 2026-09-22 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- Mark M. Richard (died May 23, 2009, Charlottesville, [[Virginia]], aged 69) was a career prosecutor of the [[Department of Justice]] for forty years, serving sixteen attorneys general from Ramsey Clark to Alberto Gonzales. Born in New York and raised in Brooklyn, he worked as a probation officer, graduated from Brooklyn Law School in 1967 and joined the department the same year, becoming chief of the fraud section. In 1979 he was made deputy assistant attorney general in the Criminal Division, a post he held for twenty years. He had a hand in the inquiry into Carter's budget director Bert Lance, the Billy Carter Libya lobbying case, the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage prosecution, the federal intervention at Waco and the mid-1990s investigation of Democratic National Committee contributions. From 1999 to 2007 he was the department's representative to the [[European Union]], leading counterterrorism coordination after September 2001 and negotiating extradition and mutual legal assistance treaties. He received the Presidential Rank Award, two Attorney General's Exceptional Service Awards and the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] Director's Award; Attorney General Eric Holder spoke at his funeral, and the Criminal Division named a memorial award for him.[^1] ### Pollard and Iran-Contra -In 1986 [[Leonard Garment]] informed U.S. Attorney [[Joseph E. diGenova]] and Richard that he was withdrawing from the representation of the Israeli officer Aviem Sella in the Pollard matter. Richard's handwritten notes of a department briefing on the Iran-Contra figure [[Scott Weekly]] recorded: "Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to Bush."[^2][^3] +In December 1985 a United States delegation went to Israel to pursue the Pollard investigation. It included [[Abraham Sofaer]], the State Department legal adviser, [[Joseph E. diGenova]], the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia, Edward S.G. Dennis Jr., the Assistant Attorney General who headed the Criminal Division, William J. Birney, second-ranking prosecutor in the United States Attorney's office, and Richard, then a deputy assistant attorney general.[^2] + +In 1986 [[Leonard Garment]] informed U.S. Attorney diGenova and Richard that he was withdrawing from the representation of the Israeli officer Aviem Sella in the Pollard matter. Richard's handwritten notes of a department briefing on the Iran-Contra figure [[Scott Weekly]] recorded: "Weekly posts on tape that he's tied into CIA and Hasenfus. Said he reports to people reporting to Bush."[^3][^4] ### The INSLAW Inquiry -A career department source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], chief investigator of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]], said that Richard, [[John Keeney]] and [[Philip White]] knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s conduct in the [[INSLAW]] matter and that Richard and White were "pretty upset" about it but would speak only under subpoena and oath. Interviewed by the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]], Richard said he had no knowledge of any wrongdoing by Jensen generally or of the kind described in [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit, and Bua found no credible evidence for the allegation. INSLAW also suggested that the [[Office of Special Investigations]], the Nazi-hunting unit within the Criminal Division, was a covert intelligence arm distributing [[PROMIS]]. Bua's report records his reply: "Mr. Richard stated that INSLAW's charges are ridiculous. He said that OSI is only involved in its stated mission of locating and deporting Nazi war criminals and in related projects such as the analysis of Kurt Waldheim's role during World War II. He did, however, note that OSI does work with various intelligence agencies in fulfilling its mandate of locating war criminals. He categorically denied any involvement by OSI in covert operations, the dissemination of PROMIS or the death of Mr. Casolaro. He said that he considers these and other allegations made by INSLAW to be slanderous."[^4] +A career department source of [[Ronald LeGrand]], chief investigator of the [[Senate Judiciary Committee]], said that Richard, [[John Keeney]] and [[Philip White]] knew "all about" [[Lowell Jensen]]'s conduct in the [[INSLAW]] matter and that Richard and White were "pretty upset" about it but would speak only under subpoena and oath. Interviewed by the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]], Richard said he had no knowledge of any wrongdoing by Jensen generally or of the kind described in [[Bill Hamilton]]'s affidavit, and Bua found no credible evidence for the allegation. INSLAW also suggested that the [[Office of Special Investigations]], the Nazi-hunting unit within the Criminal Division, was a covert intelligence arm distributing [[PROMIS]]. Bua's report records his reply: "Mr. Richard stated that INSLAW's charges are ridiculous. He said that OSI is only involved in its stated mission of locating and deporting Nazi war criminals and in related projects such as the analysis of Kurt Waldheim's role during World War II. He did, however, note that OSI does work with various intelligence agencies in fulfilling its mandate of locating war criminals. He categorically denied any involvement by OSI in covert operations, the dissemination of PROMIS or the death of Mr. Casolaro. He said that he considers these and other allegations made by INSLAW to be slanderous."[^5] ### Footnotes [^1]: "Mark M. Richard, Career Prosecutor With the Justice Department, Dies at 69," *The Washington Post,* June 3, 2009. Archived at http://web.archive.org/web/20141225083941/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/06/03/AR2009060303700.html -[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option,* Random House, 1991, ch. 21. -[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance,* Seven Stories, 1998, ch. 19. -[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, p. 120 and the section on the Office of Special Investigations. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport +[^2]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf +[^3]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option,* Random House, 1991, ch. 21. +[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance,* Seven Stories, 1998, ch. 19. +[^5]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.,* March 1993, p. 120 and the section on the Office of Special Investigations. https://archive.org/details/InslawPROMISBuaReport diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Shimon Peres.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Shimon Peres.md index e9da49e4..868f6a02 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Shimon Peres.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Shimon Peres.md @@ -6,6 +6,7 @@ tags: - Nuclear - Israel summary: "Peres's rise to influence began in late 1953, when David Ben-Gurion appointed the then thirty-year-old Shimon Peres as director general of the ministry of defense." +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1923-08-02 died: 2016-09-28 location: "Wiszniew, Poland" @@ -31,7 +32,7 @@ Documents obtained by [[Sasha Polakow-Suransky]] record meetings in March and Ju ### Controversies and Covert Operations -Peres's career was not without scandal. In 1976, a telegram intercepted by [[Unit 8200]] revealed details of bribes paid by a [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] representative in Israel to Defense Minister Peres. The sum involved was $3.5 million, deposited in one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]]. This damaging information, discovered by [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], was subsequently covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors.[^1] +Peres's career was not without scandal. According to [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], a telegram intercepted by [[Unit 8200]] in 1976 revealed details of bribes paid by a [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] representative in Israel to Defense Minister Peres. Ben-Menashe wrote that the sum involved was $3.5 million, deposited in one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]], that he discovered the telegram, and that the information was subsequently covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors.[^1] The 1980s brought new controversies involving arms sales to [[Iran]]. In 1980, [[William J. Casey]] invited Peres, then [[Labor Party]] leader, to participate in secret meetings concerning arms sales to Iran. Peres secretly met with [[Mehdi Karrubi]] in [[Madrid]], actions that drew sharp criticism when they came to light. When [[Menachem Begin]] learned of this unauthorized diplomacy, he warned Peres that such actions without government knowledge would be considered treason.[^1] diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yaacov Nimrodi.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yaacov Nimrodi.md index 6089b442..fa61ea2b 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yaacov Nimrodi.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yaacov Nimrodi.md @@ -6,9 +6,9 @@ tags: - IranContra - Arms - Mossad -summary: "Yaacov Nimrodi was an Israeli arms dealer and former military intelligence attache in Iran who served alongside David Kimche and Al Schwimmer as part of the 'troika' that managed the first three Iran-Contra arms-for-hostages transfers in 1985." +summary: "Yaacov Nimrodi was an Israeli arms dealer and former military attache in Iran who served with David Kimche and Al Schwimmer in the troika that managed the first Iran-Contra arms transfers in 1985." created: 2026-05-14 -updated: 2026-05-14 +updated: 2026-10-12 born: 1928 died: 2016-07-02 location: "Tel Aviv, Israel" @@ -21,9 +21,11 @@ Nimrodi is consistently identified as one of the three principal Israeli facilit The arrangement began when Kimche approached U.S. National Security Advisor [[Robert McFarlane]] in mid-1985 to propose that American weapons transferred to Iran via Israel could produce the release of American hostages held in [[Lebanon]] and open a channel to Iranian moderates. President [[Ronald Reagan]] agreed. Nimrodi's role was to leverage his Iranian network - including contacts from his years as military attache - to identify Iranian interlocutors and facilitate the first weapons transfers. -The first transfer, of 96 TOW missiles from Israeli stocks in August 1985, was managed through the troika. A second TOW transfer of 408 missiles followed in September 1985. A shipment of 18 HAWK surface-to-air missiles was attempted in November 1985, but the operation was badly mismanaged, the missiles proved to be a version the Iranians could not use, and the transaction's exposure began the chain of events that led to the scandal.[^2] +The congressional committees investigating the Iran-Contra Affair recorded that [[Adnan Khashoggi]] introduced [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]] to Al Schwimmer, described as an adviser to then Israeli Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], and to Nimrodi. The report places an October 8, 1985 Washington meeting of Ghorbanifar with Schwimmer and Nimrodi. The same report records that David Kimche, director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, became involved in late June 1985.[^2] -Nimrodi stepped back from the operation by the end of 1985, as did Kimche, when the arms channel was handed off to [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]], [[Oliver North]], and [[Amiram Nir]], whose management of the subsequent stages led eventually to public disclosure in November 1986. +The first transfer, of 96 TOW missiles from Israeli stocks in August 1985, was managed through the troika. A second TOW transfer of 408 missiles followed in September 1985. A shipment of 18 HAWK surface-to-air missiles was attempted in November 1985, but the operation was badly mismanaged, the missiles proved to be a version the Iranians could not use, and the transaction's exposure began the chain of events that led to the scandal.[^3] + +Nimrodi stepped back from the operation by the end of 1985, as did Kimche, when the arms channel was handed off to Manucher Ghorbanifar, [[Oliver North]], and [[Amiram Nir]], whose management of the subsequent stages led eventually to public disclosure in November 1986. ### Business Career @@ -32,4 +34,5 @@ After his government service, Nimrodi established himself as a businessman with ### Footnotes [^1]: "Yaakov Nimrodi," Israeli newspaper archives compiled in obituaries, July 2016. -[^2]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters.* United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, 1993. +[^2]: Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair (S. Rept. 100-216, H. Rept. 100-433, 1987), chapter 10. https://archive.org/details/reportofcongress87unit +[^3]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters.* United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, 1993. diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yitzhak Shamir.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yitzhak Shamir.md index f00db691..9321329c 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yitzhak Shamir.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Yitzhak Shamir.md @@ -1,4 +1,9 @@ --- +aliases: + - Yitzhak Shamir + - Yzernitzky + - Yitzhak Yizernitzky + - Samuel Singer category: "Political Figure" tags: - KeyFigure @@ -6,38 +11,215 @@ tags: - CIA - Politician - Israel - - Soviet -summary: "Israeli Prime Minister and former LEHI member who authorized intelligence sharing with the Soviet Union and oversaw covert arms deals with Iran and the Iran-Israel Joint Committee." + - Lehi + - SternGang + - Mossad + - OperationDamocles + - FolkeBernadotte + - IranContra + - JonathanPollard + - MadridConference + - RobertMaxwell +summary: "Israeli prime minister: one of three LEHI commanders in the 1940s, Mossad officer 1955 to 1965, foreign minister during the Iran arms channel, and prime minister during the Pollard affair and Madrid." born: 1915-10-22 died: 2012-06-30 location: "Ruzhany, Belarus" +updated: 2026-10-12 +relations: + - type: member_of + with: "[[LEHI]]" + role: "member and leader of the Stern Group" + start: 1940 + end: 1948 + fn: 1 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Mossad]]" + role: "operations officer; head of the Paris office under the cover name Samuel Singer" + start: 1955 + end: 1965 + fn: 1 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation Damocles]]" + role: "Paris office directing the campaign against German scientists working in Egypt" + start: 1962 + end: 1963 + fn: 17 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Israel]]" + role: "foreign minister" + start: 1980-03-10 + end: 1986-10-20 + fn: 2 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Israel]]" + role: "prime minister" + start: 1983-10-10 + end: 1984-09-13 + fn: 2 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Israel]]" + role: "prime minister" + start: 1986-10-20 + end: 1992-07 + fn: 3 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Likud Party]]" + role: "party leader, succeeding Menachem Begin" + start: 1983-09 + fn: 1 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Iran-Contra Affair]]" + role: "foreign minister whose consultation on the Israeli arms channel is recorded in the Tower Commission and Walsh materials" + start: 1985-06 + end: 1986-10-20 + fn: 27 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Madrid Conference]]" + role: "prime minister of Israel when the conference opened" + start: 1991-10-30 + fn: 42 --- -[[Yitzhak Shamir]] was a prominent [[Israel|Israeli]] politician who served as Prime Minister of [[Israel]]. He was a former member of [[LEHI]] (Stern Gang), a Jewish terrorist group, and later became a prominent figure in [[Mossad]], serving as operations chief for [[Europe]].[^1] +Yitzhak Shamir, also spelled Yzernitzky in some sources and born Yitzhak Jaziernicki, was born in 1915 in Ruzhany, then in Poland and now in Belarus, and died on June 30, 2012.[^1] He was one of three commanders of the Stern Group, the armed faction that called itself [[LEHI]], a senior officer of [[Mossad]] from 1955 to 1965 who ran its Paris office, and the leader of the [[Likud Party]] after [[Menachem Begin]]'s resignation in 1983.[^1] He served as [[Israel|Israeli]] foreign minister from March 1980 to October 1986 and as prime minister from October 1983 to September 1984 and again from October 1986 until the Labor government of [[Yitzhak Rabin]] took office in July 1992.[^2][^3] -### Anti-American Sentiments and Soviet Relations +### Stern Group and LEHI -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was known for his anti-[[United States|American]] sentiments, stemming from his belief that the [[United States|U.S.]] was partially responsible for the Holocaust. He sought to open lines of communication between [[Israel]] and the [[East Bloc]] countries, particularly after becoming prime minister in 1983. He authorized intelligence exchanges with the [[Soviet Union]], including sanitized [[United States|American]] intelligence reports about nuclear issues and evaluations of [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] nuclear technology.[^1] +Shamir joined the [[Irgun Zvai Leumi|Irgun]] in 1937 and in 1940 became a founder of its splinter group, LEHI, known to the British as the [[Stern Gang]]; he was arrested twice by the British in 1940 and escaped both times, the second time from a detention facility in [[Eritrea]].[^1] After the death of [[Avraham Stern]] at the hands of British police in 1942, the group was led by a triumvirate. The [[Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem]] names the three as [[Israel Eldad]] (also Scheib), [[Nathan Yellin-Mor]] (also Friedman) and Shamir (also Yzernitzsky).[^4] The same reference describes Shamir as a member of the Irgun before he joined the Stern Gang, where he became one of its leaders.[^4] -### Coalition Government and Arms Trading +### Lord Moyne in Cairo -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was a key figure in the [[Likud Party]]. He formed a bizarre coalition government with [[Shimon Peres]] of the [[Labor Party]] in 1984, sharing the roles of prime minister and foreign minister. [[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] had a close relationship with [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]], who served as his counterterrorism adviser and later ran the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]]. [[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was involved in the decision to supply [[Iran]] with arms in its war with [[Saddam Hussein|Saddam Hussein's]] [[Iraq]], believing it was in [[Israel|Israel's]] national security interest.[^1] +On November 6, 1944 two members of LEHI shot the British minister resident in the [[Middle East]], [[Lord Moyne]], outside his house in [[Cairo]]; his driver was also killed. The two men, Eliahu Bet-Tsuri and Eliahu Hakim, were captured at the scene, admitted the killing in court, and were tried, condemned and executed in early 1945.[^5] [[Anthony Eden]] told the House of Commons on November 9, 1944 that the two prisoners had confessed: "We are members of the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel organisation and what we have done was done on the instructions of this organisation. The organisation is that known as the Stern Group."[^6] The [[National Archives (United Kingdom)|National Archives]] at Kew holds Cabinet and Prime Minister's Office files titled "Assassination of Lord Moyne" (CAB 104/254 and PREM 4/51/11) and Foreign Office files on the trial and execution of the assassins (FO 141/1001, FO 954/5D and FO 371/41514 to 41517).[^7] The Encyclopedia states that Shamir "was one of the terrorists who planned the assassination."[^4] -### Pollard Espionage Case +### Folke Bernadotte -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was also involved in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage case, authorizing the transfer of [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence gleaned from the [[United States|United States]] to the [[Soviet Union]]. During his tenure as prime minister (1984-1986), Shamir authorized some of the [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] material to be sanitized, retyped, and turned over to Soviet intelligence officials as a gesture of Israeli goodwill. This decision was consistent with his personal and political beliefs, as he viscerally disliked the [[United States]] and was fascinated with strong regimes, viewing the U.S. as "soft, bourgeois, materialistic and effete." He believed that by relaying the Pollard information to the Soviets, he was demonstrating that [[Israel]] could be a much more dependable and important collaborator in the [[Middle East]] than the "fickle" Arabs. Shamir's actions, if exposed, would have meant the end of the increasingly shaky Likud coalition and put the overall Israeli–United States relationship at risk.[^1][^2] +On September 17, 1948 [[Folke Bernadotte|Count Folke Bernadotte]], the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, was assassinated together with a French United Nations observer in a part of [[Jerusalem]] under Jewish control. The Yearbook of the United Nations prints the mediator's progress report, dated 18 September 1948, as document A/648.[^8] Eden told the Commons on September 20 that the House deplored "the callous and the seemingly purposeless assassination of Count Bernadotte."[^9] A [[Central Intelligence Agency]] weekly summary from October 1948 reported that the Provisional Government of Israel had not apprehended the assassins and that many members of the Stern Gang were still at large.[^10] Foreign Office files on the killing from 1948 and 1949 include the [[Sweden|Swedish]] government's dissatisfaction with the Israeli report to the Security Council.[^11] -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was furious when the [[Oliver North|North]] group leaked the [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] story, and sought to nip the newcomers in the bud.[^1] +Two former LEHI members described the killing on Israeli television and radio on September 9, 1988, in what The New York Times called the first public acknowledgement by members of the group. [[Yehoshua Zettler]] (also spelled Zeitler) said he directed the assassination, and Meshulam Markover said he led the four-man squad that blocked the mediator's car with a jeep on a Jerusalem street. According to their account Yehoshua Cohen, who had died two years earlier, fired the shots that killed the mediator and his French aide. Zeitler said he spoke out because he feared the United Nations would again try to force Israel into concessions. A spokesman for Shamir, then prime minister, said that Shamir had played no role in the assassination because the group had officially disbanded six months earlier.[^12] The Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported that Zeitler said four people carried out the assassination and that Shamir was not directly implicated in the act, while Israel Eldad (Scheib) said Shamir was one of four men responsible for planning assassinations and could not confirm that Shamir attended the meeting at which Bernadotte's killing was ordered. Sweden insisted on a second apology; Israel refused.[^13] -### Palestinian and Regional Policy +The Encyclopedia reports that the decision to kill the mediator was taken at two clandestine meetings of the Stern Gang triumvirate, in June and September 1948. Shamir "was at the first meeting, which agreed in principle that the mediator had to be killed. The second meeting gave the order to go ahead."[^4] For the account of September 10, 1948, when Zettler drove Eldad from Jerusalem to a meeting in [[Tel Aviv]] with Nathan Yellin-Mor and Shamir, the Encyclopedia draws on [[Dan Kurzman]]'s [[Genesis 1948]].[^14] The Encyclopedia quotes the London Sunday Observer of September 18, 1988, under the headline "Death Warrant Returns to Haunt Shamir," as saying that Shamir "has not denied his part in the murder." A spokesman, [[Josef Ahimeir]], is quoted: "The Prime Minister is concentrating on the present and future problems of the State of Israel. We don't want to deal with this affair. All that can be said has been said."[^15] The Encyclopedia adds that the revelations prompted Sweden to demand that the case be reopened.[^4] -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] opposed [[United States|U.S.]] peace initiatives that would involve giving up territory in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]], and believed that [[Jordan]] should be the Palestinian state. Despite this public stance, [[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] initiated secret attempts to negotiate a solution to the Palestinian situation with the [[Palestine Liberation Organization|PLO]], discussing a plan to unseat [[King Hussein of Jordan|King Hussein]] of [[Jordan]] and establish a Palestinian state there.[^1] +### Mossad and Operation Damocles -### Nuclear and Chemical Weapons Programs +Roger Howard's [[Operation Damocles]] describes Shamir as "Mossad's European operations chief," who handpicked the agents for the operation.[^16] Howard also places him as head of the Paris office of Mossad, under the cover name Samuel Singer.[^17] The campaign Howard describes was directed by [[Isser Harel]], then head of Mossad, against German engineers and scientists working on [[Egypt]]'s rocket and missile program. Howard writes that Mossad's complicity in the disappearance of a Munich procurement company director on September 11, 1962 "has never been conclusively proven, but almost certainly this was just the beginning of Operation Damocles."[^16] -[[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] authorized [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] to undertake a secret mission to [[Peru]] to acquire nuclear substances for [[Israel|Israel's]] tactical atom bomb program. [[Yitzhak Shamir|Shamir]] was confronted by [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] regarding the chemical weapons trade to [[Iraq]] and the need to secure the release of [[Israel|Israeli]] soldiers held in [[Lebanon]]. He initially refused to release [[C-130]] aircraft to [[Iran]] until the [[Israel|Israeli]] soldiers were freed, but later changed his mind. He also intervened to put on hold the execution list of individuals deemed enemies of the state of [[Israel]].[^1] +Howard records an attack on a German engineer in [[Lörrach]] on February 12, 1963. The attackers forced his car to stop on a narrow lane near his house, one agent fired at him, the weapon jammed, and the engineer returned fire before the attackers ran back to their car. Howard concludes that he "had narrowly survived."[^16] On November 27, 1962 a letter bomb sent from Germany injured a secretary in the office of a German scientist at the [[Heliopolis]] factory where the Egyptian rocket program was based.[^17] Howard places Shamir's Paris posting in 1962 and 1963; the Jewish Telegraphic Agency dates his service as a senior Mossad official to 1955 through 1965.[^1] + +### Prime minister, 1983 to 1984 + +Shamir became prime minister on October 10, 1983.[^2] A December 1983 Central Intelligence Agency assessment titled "Israel: Economic Problems Facing the Shamir Government" reported that his government inherited severe economic problems. The Tel Aviv Stock Exchange had been closed, and Israelis were buying dollars in such numbers that some banks ran out of foreign exchange.[^18] A [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] Post column of November 29, 1983 reported that Reagan and his top advisers were meeting Shamir and Defense Minister [[Moshe Arens]] behind closed doors. Its most important topic was how to implement the administration's decision to cooperate more closely with Israel in Lebanon. The column noted that on October 29 the president had signed a secret National Security Decision Directive calling for "closer strategic coordination with Israel in the Middle East." Its second topic was the Israeli-Lebanese agreement on the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon.[^19] + +### Foreign minister, 1980 to 1983 + +Shamir was foreign minister from March 10, 1980.[^2] On October 4, 1982 [[George P. Shultz]], then secretary of state, told the Soviet foreign minister [[Andrei Gromyko]] in [[New York]] that he had put the question of Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon to Shamir. Shamir had said that once the Syrians were out, Israel would leave all of Lebanon and "not occupy any part of it."[^20] + +In February 1981 Prime Minister Menachem Begin sent Shamir to Washington to see [[Alexander Haig]], the secretary of state, because Begin was unhappy with the American position set out in a February 4 cable. According to Haig, Shamir was told that the [[United States]] could not prohibit Israeli sales of non-American items to Iran but opposed any arms deal with Iran and prohibited sales of American-origin arms. The [[Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force]] (1993) records that "Foreign Minister Shamir apparently heard Haig's message differently," and that he told Begin the United States objected to the sale of American-origin equipment.[^21] An affidavit by [[William Northrop]] asserted that Haig had authorized Israel to ship American weapons to Iran. The Task Force's review of the cable traffic and the participants' notes found that "no green light was ever given for the shipment of American-made weapons between Israel and Iran."[^21] + +### Rotation with Shimon Peres, 1984 to 1986 + +From September 1984 to October 1986 Shamir served as foreign minister under [[Shimon Peres]], who was prime minister, and the two then exchanged posts on October 20, 1986.[^2] On September 27, 1984 Shultz telegraphed from New York that Shamir had told him Gromyko's manner "seemed slightly more moderate in their bilateral."[^22] The Foreign Relations of the United States volume for the period records that Gromyko had confirmed to Shamir that the Soviet Union supports the existence of an independent Israel.[^23] + +The [[Bus 300 affair]] surfaced in June 1986. A [[Labor Party|Labor]] minister named in the report as Gur, the minister of health and a former army chief of staff, called for Shamir's resignation over his reported part in covering up the killing of two captured Palestinian bus hijackers by Israeli agents. The New York Times reported that Shamir had been prime minister when the 1984 hijacking took place, and that the head of [[Shin Bet]], [[Avraham Shalom]], had resigned.[^24] Shamir was quoted by Cabinet sources as saying "My conscience is clear."[^24] + +A Central Intelligence Agency talking-points paper of September 29, 1986 said that Shamir, unlike Peres, was adamantly opposed to any kind of international conference for Middle East peace.[^25] + +### Israeli arms channel and Iran-Contra + +The congressional committees investigating the Iran-Contra Affair recorded that [[Adnan Khashoggi]] introduced [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]] to [[Al Schwimmer]], described as an adviser to then Prime Minister Peres, and to [[Yaacov Nimrodi]]. In late June 1985 [[David Kimche]], director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, became involved. On August 2 and 3, 1985 he was in Washington, where [[Robert McFarlane]] told the Israelis that TOW missiles had been authorized.[^26] + +The Tower Commission report gives Shultz's account of a conversation in which McFarlane said that "Foreign Minister Shamir had told Mr. Kimche that he wanted to know explicitly whether I was informed."[^27] A note by Hill dated August 6, 1985, cited in the [[Walsh Report]], records the same remark.[^28] [[Ari Ben-Menashe]]'s account places Shamir among those who decided on Israeli arms supplies to Iran in its war with [[Saddam Hussein|Saddam Hussein's]] [[Iraq]], a decision he says was made in the belief that it served Israel's national security interest.[^29] + +In September 1986 a memorandum from [[Oliver North]] recorded that "Incoming PM Shamir and outgoing PM Peres have agreed that Nir will remain in his current capacity after the change of government in October." The memorandum refers to [[Amiram Nir]], who was then the Israeli official in the arms dealings.[^30] Ben-Menashe says that [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi Eitan]] served as Shamir's counterterrorism adviser and later ran the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]].[^29] + +### Pollard affair + +The [[Los Angeles Times]] reported on November 29, 1985 that Peres, Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Foreign Minister Shamir had been meeting daily to review the internal investigation into [[Jonathan Pollard]]'s activities. The paper reported that the essential elements of the case were believed to be clear to the three, who were hesitating about any public disclosure.[^31] In late February 1987 the Israeli embassy spokesman [[Yossi Gal]] said that Shamir had reiterated on a recent visit to Washington "that this was a rogue operation that was not authorized and against the will of the government."[^32] + +Pollard was sentenced to life imprisonment in the first week of March 1987. In a report from Jerusalem published March 11, 1987, [[Thomas L. Friedman]] quoted Shamir: "The State of Israel has no connection with Pollard or his family." Shamir rejected a formal inquiry: "There is no need for a commission of inquiry," he said. "The problem is not to investigate what happened. Those who need not know should continue not knowing." A committee headed by [[Abba Eban]] was to question the officials involved, through its intelligence subcommittee.[^33] Friedman wrote that Shamir's remarks "reflect a certain anti-American sentiment that has been brewing here in the last few days," directed at both American Jews and the American government.[^33] [[The Washington Times]] reported on March 11 that Shamir had said "the Pollard affair is closed," while the [[Knesset]] would conduct a full-scale investigation.[^34] + +The Eban subcommittee and a two-member cabinet panel reported on May 26, 1987. The Washington Post reported that the subcommittee said Shimon Peres, Shamir and Rabin shared responsibility for the government's failure to live up to commitments made to the United States after Pollard's arrest, and that, contrary to the government's earlier statements, the subcommittee's report described the affair as "not a rogue operation." Shamir told reporters that the government had no intention of resigning and that "the mountain was really a molehill and the earth did not move."[^35] The Christian Science Monitor reported that the cabinet adopted the findings of its panel, which held the entire government collectively responsible.[^36] + +Ben-Menashe wrote that Shamir authorized some of the Pollard material to be sanitized, retyped and turned over to Soviet intelligence officials as a gesture of Israeli goodwill during 1984 to 1986. Shamir was foreign minister for most of the 1984 to 1986 period, while Peres was prime minister.[^2] He writes that Shamir regarded the United States as "soft, bourgeois, materialistic and effete," and that Shamir believed the relay would show Israel to be a more dependable collaborator than the "fickle" Arabs.[^29] [[Seymour Hersh]]'s [[The Samson Option]] also describes Israeli passage of Pollard material to the Soviet Union.[^37] Ben-Menashe adds that Shamir was furious when the North group leaked the Pollard story and sought to end it.[^29] + +### Second term and the Soviet channel, 1986 to 1988 + +Shamir again became prime minister on October 20, 1986.[^2] A 1988 briefing paper in the Foreign Relations of the United States records that Shamir's visit to Washington had been scheduled for March 14 to 17, 1988.[^38] In [[Moscow]] in April 1988 Shultz told [[Eduard Shevardnadze]] that Shamir "rejected some elements" of the American initiative, "accepted interrelationships, and accepted international auspices," and "was leery of a conference because he feared it would be authoritative." Shevardnadze told Shultz that "Shamir was more negative than Arafat," and said there was a question of who was in charge in Israel, the prime minister or the foreign minister.[^39] + +The record of an Oval Office meeting on September 18, 1987, with Shultz, Senator Baker, [[Ken Duberstein]] and [[Frank Carlucci]], includes the line "Thatcher cable urges we go w/o Shamir," in a discussion of a Middle East international conference.[^40] + +### Gulf War + +The New York Times headlined on January 18, 1991 that Iraq had fired missiles at Israeli cities. On January 20, President [[George H. W. Bush]] telephoned Shamir twice from Camp David, at 3 a.m. and 11:30 a.m. Washington time, to thank Israel for its "restraint" in not retaliating for the Iraqi Scud attacks and to express his hope that Israel would let the United States retaliate on its behalf. The White House spokesman [[Marlin Fitzwater]] quoted the president as telling Shamir: "I understand the anguish of your people and your Government." Deputy Secretary of State [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] and Under Secretary of Defense [[Paul Wolfowitz]] were sent to Israel to coordinate policy, and American crews arrived that day to operate [[Patriot]] missile batteries, which Israel had resisted accepting until the first Scud fell on Tel Aviv.[^41] On January 21 the paper reported that Israeli tension eased a bit as new American help arrived.[^41] The Jewish Telegraphic Agency's obituary states that Shamir overruled members of his government who wanted to strike Iraq.[^1] + +### Madrid Conference + +The [[Madrid Conference]] began on October 30, 1991. The New York Times headlined that day "Bush and Gorbachev in Spain: let the talks begin," and the next day "Israel, Arabs face to face, begin quest for mideast peace."[^42] Shamir delivered Israel's opening address on October 31. He told the delegations that "the issue is not territory, but our existence," that "it will be regrettable if the talks focus primarily and exclusively on territory," and that the goal of the bilateral negotiations was peace treaties with Israel's neighbors and interim self-government arrangements with the Palestinian Arabs. He appealed to Palestinian delegates to "renounce violence and terrorism" and said Israel could not "be expected to talk with people involved in such repulsive activities."[^43] The Tehiya, Tzomet and Moledet parties left his coalition over the talks, which led to early elections in which Labor defeated Likud.[^1] + +### Loan guarantees, 1991 to 1992 + +In September 1991 Israel applied for $10 billion in American loan guarantees, and President Bush publicly asked that consideration be delayed. Israeli officials reacted, in the Christian Science Monitor's words, with a mixture of scorn and bitterness; one anonymous official called Bush's argument "nonsense" and hinted that Israel might reconsider attending the peace conference. Shamir, on Israeli television, answered a question about the effect on Israeli participation by recalling Secretary of State [[James Baker]]: "As Secretary Baker said, 'Everything has an effect.' This might have an effect as well." In a radio interview he predicted that if the Arabs were "handed such a gift, without even asking for it, they will dance on the roofs, make new and even bigger demands, and the peace process will become impossible."[^44] The Monitor reported in October that Shamir had rebuffed a request by Baker, during Baker's trip to Jerusalem, to delay the application, that a senior administration official had said the guarantees would hinge on a freeze on new settlement activity, and that pro-Israel senators had concluded they could not pass the guarantees over the president's opposition.[^45] + +### Robert Maxwell + +The publisher [[Robert Maxwell]] died in November 1991. The New York Times reported on November 9 that his body had been flown to Israel.[^46] The [[Jewish Telegraphic Agency]] reported that Maxwell was buried on Sunday on the Mount of Olives "with all the pomp of a state funeral," and that President [[Chaim Herzog]] and Prime Minister Shamir "headed a galaxy of dignitaries and politicians."[^47] + +[[Daniel Pipes]], reviewing [[Gordon Thomas]]'s [[Gideon's Spies]] (1999) in [[Commentary]], wrote that the book presents Shamir as a "virulent" anti-American who would "do anything" to reduce Washington's influence in the world.[^48] + +### Ben-Menashe's claims + +Ben-Menashe wrote that Shamir authorized him to undertake a secret mission to [[Peru]] to acquire nuclear substances for Israel's tactical atomic bomb program. He also writes that he confronted Shamir about the chemical weapons trade to Iraq and the need to secure the release of Israeli soldiers held in [[Lebanon]].[^29] Ben-Menashe says that Shamir initially refused to release [[C-130]] aircraft to [[Iran]] until the soldiers were freed, and then changed his mind, and that Shamir intervened to put on hold an execution list of people deemed enemies of the state of Israel.[^29] + +Ben-Menashe writes that Shamir's anti-American sentiment stemmed from a belief that the United States was partially responsible for the Holocaust. He says Shamir sought to open lines of communication with the [[East Bloc]] after becoming prime minister in 1983, and passed sanitized American intelligence reports on nuclear issues and assessments of Soviet nuclear technology to the [[Soviet Union]].[^29] He also says Shamir opposed American peace initiatives that would involve giving up territory in the [[West Bank]] and [[Gaza Strip]], held that [[Jordan]] should be the Palestinian state, and in secret discussed with the [[Palestine Liberation Organization|PLO]] a plan to unseat [[King Hussein of Jordan|King Hussein]].[^29] + +The Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force found that Ben-Menashe made "several allegations that proved to be factually incorrect," and that documentary evidence showed he was not in Paris at the time he alleged. The Task Force also found the testimony of Ben-Menashe and of a second witness on the Madrid meetings "wholly lacking of any credibility."[^49] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). -[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21. \ No newline at end of file +[^1]: "Yitzhak Shamir, Israel's 7th prime minister, dies at 96," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, July 2012 (born 1915 in Ruzhany; Irgun 1937; Lehi 1940; one of three leaders after Stern's death; senior Mossad official 1955 to 1965; Likud leader on Begin's resignation in 1983; Gulf War; Madrid and the coalition departures). https://www.jta.org/?p=1789432 +[^2]: _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. I, biographical register, entry "Shamir, Yitzhak." https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v01 +[^3]: "Israel's Rabin Leaves Door Ajar For Ultra-Orthodox in Cabinet," _The Christian Science Monitor_, 14 July 1992 (refers to "outgoing Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir's Cabinet"). https://www.csmonitor.com/1992/0714/14013.html +[^4]: Issa Nakhleh, _Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem_, vol. 1 (1991), entries on the Stern Gang, Lord Moyne and Count Bernadotte. https://archive.org/details/encyclopedia-of-the-palestine-problem-volume-i +[^5]: "The Assassination of Lord Moyne," _Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England_ (article text); The National Archives (Kew), FO 141/1001. https://www.jhse.org/pre-2015articles/the-assassination-of-lord-moyne +[^6]: "Assassination of Lord Moyne," HC Deb 9 November 1944, vol. 404, cols. 1538-41. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1944/nov/09/assassination-of-lord-moyne +[^7]: The National Archives (Kew), Discovery catalogue: CAB 104/254, "Assassination of Lord Moyne" (1944); PREM 4/51/11 (November 1944 to March 1945); FO 141/1001, "Lord Moyne: trial of his assassins" (1944); FO 954/5D/666 (5 December 1944); FO 371/41514 to 41517 (Code 66, file 33). https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ +[^8]: _Yearbook of the United Nations 1947-48_, "Tributes to Count Bernadotte and Colonel Serot," and the document index entry for A/648, Progress report of the United Nations Mediator on Palestine, dated 18 September 1948. https://archive.org/details/yearbook-of-the-united-nations_1947-1948 +[^9]: "Count Bernadotte (Assassination)," HC Deb 20 September 1948, vol. 456, col. 521. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1948/sep/20/count-bernadotte-assassination +[^10]: Central Intelligence Agency, weekly summary, October 1948 (CIA-RDP78-01617A002100020001-5). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp78-01617a002100020001-5 +[^11]: The National Archives (Kew), Discovery catalogue: FO 371/68696 (1948), "Assassination of UN Mediator Count Bernadotte and Colonel Serot by Jews"; FO 371/75266 (1949), "Assassination of Count Bernadotte"; FO 371/75192 (1949). https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ +[^12]: John Kifner, "2 Recount '48 Killing in Israel," _The New York Times_, 12 September 1988, p. A3. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/09/12/world/2-recount-48-killing-in-israel.html +[^13]: "Israel refuses to apologize for 1948 assassination," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, September 1988. https://jta.org/archive/israel-refuses-to-apologize-for-1948-assassination +[^14]: Dan Kurzman, _Genesis 1948_ (1970), pp. 555-556, as quoted in _Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem_ (see note 3). https://archive.org/details/genesis1948first00kurz +[^15]: Eric Silver, "Death Warrant Returns to Haunt Shamir," _The Sunday Observer_ (London), 18 September 1988, as quoted in _Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem_ (see note 3). +[^16]: Roger Howard, _Operation Damocles: Israel's Secret War against Hitler's Scientists in Egypt, 1954-1967_ (2013), chapter 1. https://archive.org/details/operationdamocle0000howa +[^17]: Roger Howard, _Operation Damocles_, chapter 16. https://archive.org/details/operationdamocle0000howa +[^18]: Central Intelligence Agency, NESA 83-10332, "Israel: Economic Problems Facing the Shamir Government" (December 1983). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp84s00927r000200070002-4 +[^19]: "Talks Focusing on Cooperation," _The Washington Post_ column, 29 November 1983 (reading-room copy). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000100140007-2 +[^20]: _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. III, document 221 (Shultz and Gromyko meeting, New York, 4 October 1982). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v03/d221 +[^21]: _Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force_ (1993), section 9, "Israel Renews Request to Sell Arms, January 1981," and the section on the Northrop allegation. https://archive.org/details/JointReportOfTheOctoberSurpriseTaskForce +[^22]: Telegram from Secretary of State Shultz, New York, 27 September 1984, _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. IV, document 285. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v04/d285 +[^23]: _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. IV, document 287 (Gromyko meeting, 1984). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v04/d287 +[^24]: "Charges of Cover-Up Bring Call for Shamir to Resign," _The New York Times_, 30 June 1986 (Jerusalem, 29 June; reading-room copy). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000302120015-1 +[^25]: Central Intelligence Agency, talking points, 29 September 1986 (CIA-RDP91B00874R000100280006-6). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp91b00874r000100280006-6 +[^26]: _Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair_ (S. Rept. 100-216, H. Rept. 100-433, 1987), chapter 10. https://archive.org/details/reportofcongress87unit +[^27]: _Report of the President's Special Review Board_ (Tower Commission), 26 February 1987, account of Secretary Shultz's statements. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit +[^28]: Lawrence E. Walsh, _Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters_, vol. I, chapter 24, note 59 (note by Hill, 6 August 1985). https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_24.htm +[^29]: Ari Ben-Menashe, _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_ (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015). https://archive.org/details/profitsofwarinsi0000benm +[^30]: Memorandum from Oliver North, September 1986, reproduced in the Tower Commission report. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit +[^31]: "Pollard" report, _Los Angeles Times_, 29 November 1985 (reading-room copy, CIA-RDP90-00965R000504890020-7). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000504890020-7 +[^32]: _The Washington Post_, 28 February 1987 (reading-room copy, CIA-RDP90-00965R000403620005-5). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000403620005-5 +[^33]: Thomas L. Friedman, "Shamir Says Pollard's Fate Is No Concern of Israel," _The New York Times_, 11 March 1987 (Jerusalem, 10 March). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000302120009-8 +[^34]: _The Washington Times_, 11 March 1987 (reading-room copy, CIA-RDP90-00965R000302310041-1). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000302310041-1 +[^35]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," _The Washington Post_, 27 May 1987 (CIA reading-room copy CIA-RDP90-00965R000302080002-0). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 +[^36]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," _The Christian Science Monitor_, 28 May 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html +[^37]: Seymour M. Hersh, _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_ (Random House, 1991), chapter 21. https://archive.org/details/the-samson-option-seymour-hersh +[^38]: _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. I, briefing paper of early 1988 (Shamir's visit scheduled for March 14 to 17). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v01 +[^39]: Memorandum of conversation, Shultz and Shevardnadze, Moscow, April 1988, _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. VI, document 145. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v06/d145 +[^40]: Record of the President's meeting with Secretary Shultz, Senator Baker, Ken Duberstein and Frank Carlucci in the Oval Office, 18 September 1987, _Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988_, vol. VI, document 77. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v06/d77 +[^41]: Maureen Dowd, "War in the Gulf: The President; Bush Urges Israeli Restraint in Phone Appeals to Shamir," _The New York Times_, 20 January 1991, p. 16; headlines of 18 and 21 January 1991. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/01/20/world/war-gulf-president-bush-urges-israeli-restraint-phone-appeals-shamir.html +[^42]: _The New York Times_, 30 and 31 October 1991, headlines "Bush and Gorbachev in Spain: let the talks begin" and "Middle East talks: Israel, Arabs face to face, begin quest for mideast peace." https://www.nytimes.com/1991/10/30/world/the-middle-east-talks-bush-and-gorbachev-in-spain-let-the-talks-begin.html and https://www.nytimes.com/1991/10/31/world/middle-east-talks-israel-arabs-face-face-begin-quest-for-mideast-peace.html +[^43]: "Address by Prime Minister Shamir at the Madrid Peace Conference," 31 October 1991. https://jcpa-lecape.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Address-by-Prime-Minister-Shamir-at-the-Madrid-Peace-Conference.pdf +[^44]: "Israeli Leaders Move to Head Off Rift With Bush," _The Christian Science Monitor_, 9 September 1991. https://www.csmonitor.com/1991/0909/09031.html +[^45]: "Stance on Loan Guarantees Marks Significant Shift in US Israel Policy," _The Christian Science Monitor_, 8 October 1991. https://www.csmonitor.com/1991/1008/08062.html +[^46]: "Maxwell's body flown to Israel," _The New York Times_, 9 November 1991. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/11/09/business/the-media-business-maxwell-s-body-flown-to-israel.html +[^47]: "Maxwell, Colossus Even in Death, Laid to Rest on Mount of Olives," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, 11 November 1991. https://www.jta.org/archive/maxwell-colossus-even-in-death-laid-to-rest-on-mount-of-olives +[^48]: Daniel Pipes, review of Gordon Thomas, _Gideon's Spies_, _Commentary_ (1999). https://www.commentary.org/articles/daniel-pipes/gideons-spies-by-gordon-thomas/ +[^49]: _Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force_ (1993), summary of allegations by Ari Ben-Menashe (p. 8) and the section on the Madrid meetings. https://archive.org/details/JointReportOfTheOctoberSurpriseTaskForce diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Caspar Weinberger.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Caspar Weinberger.md index e7818568..a9e44ae7 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Caspar Weinberger.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Caspar Weinberger.md @@ -1,4 +1,5 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 aliases: - Caspar W. Weinberger category: "Intelligence & Government" @@ -21,7 +22,18 @@ Caspar W. Weinberger (1917-2006) was an American politician and businessman who Caspar Weinberger served as the Secretary of Defense under President Ronald Reagan. Following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, Weinberger proposed canceling the F-16 aircraft sale to [[Israel]] as a sanction. However, President Reagan privately disagreed with this course of action.[^2] +### Pollard Sentencing Declarations + +In the [[Jonathan Pollard]] prosecution Weinberger submitted a classified declaration cataloguing the damage Pollard had done. The 1992 appellate opinion describes it as opining that the damage had been "substantial and irrevocable."[^3] The day before sentencing, Weinberger submitted an unclassified supplemental declaration responding to Pollard's sentencing memoranda. It is dated March 3, 1987.[^4] + +In that declaration he wrote that "it is difficult for me, even in the so-called 'year of the spy,' to conceive of a greater harm to national security than that caused by the defendant." He argued that "the punishment imposed should reflect the perfidy of the individual's actions, the magnitude of the treason committed, and the needs of national security." He also stated that Pollard's "loyalty to Israel transcends his loyalty to the United States." He wrote that when confronted with a polygraph examination on February 25, 1987, Pollard acknowledged that he had either provided or confirmed certain information in a February 15, 1987 *Washington Post* article by talking to a journalist.[^4] + +Judge Williams, dissenting in 1992, wrote that the repeated use of superlatives in the Weinberger memoranda "implied an appeal for the maximum."[^3] In a letter of December 21, 2010 to President [[Barack Obama]], former Attorney General [[Michael Mukasey]] described the submission of the Weinberger affidavits, "seeking a heavier sentence than requested by the prosecutors despite Pollard's guilty plea and cooperation," as "deeply disturbing."[^5] + ### Footnotes [^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. +[^3]: *United States v. Pollard*, 959 F.2d 1011 (D.C. Cir. 1992), No. 90-3276, decided March 20, 1992. https://static.case.law/f2d/959/cases/1011-01.json +[^4]: Supplemental Declaration of Caspar W. Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, *United States v. Jonathan Jay Pollard*, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), executed March 3, 1987. http://www.irmep.org/ila/pollard/03041987weinberger.pdf +[^5]: Michael B. Mukasey to President Barack Obama, December 21, 2010. https://www.israellobby.org/pollard/12212010Mukasey.pdf diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Craig Unger.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Craig Unger.md index be87bcb8..decfeebd 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Craig Unger.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Craig Unger.md @@ -1,16 +1,19 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Authors & Journalists" tags: - Person - Journalist - Author -summary: "In July 1992, *The Village Voice* printed a long article by Unger that quoted Moshe Hebroni, a former colleague of Ben-Menashe, confirming Ben-Menashe's access to very sensitive material while working for the Foreign Flow desk in External Relations." +summary: "In July 1992 The Village Voice printed an article by Unger quoting Moshe Hebroni, a former colleague of Ben-Menashe, on Ben-Menashe's access to sensitive material in External Relations." born: 1949-03-25 --- -[[Craig Unger]] is an [[United States|American]] journalist and author. In October 1991, his article in *Esquire* magazine repeated [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] allegations that [[Robert McFarlane]] had been recruited by [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]] and named [[Robert McFarlane|McFarlane]] as "Mr. X" in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] case. [[Robert McFarlane|McFarlane]] subsequently sued the magazine, but the suit was dismissed in June 1994.[^1] +[[Craig Unger]] is an [[United States|American]] journalist and author. In October 1991, his article in [[Esquire]] magazine repeated [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] allegations that [[Robert McFarlane]] had been recruited by [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]] and named McFarlane as "Mr. X" in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] case. McFarlane sued the magazine. The United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit affirmed the judgment for Esquire on January 30, 1996. The judgment rested on a finding of no actual malice and on the dismissal of the claim against Unger for want of personal jurisdiction.[^1] -In July 1992, *The Village Voice* printed a long article by [[Craig Unger|Unger]] that quoted [[Moshe Hebroni]], a former colleague of [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]], confirming [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] access to very sensitive material while working for the Foreign Flow desk in External Relations.[^1] +In July 1992, *The Village Voice* printed a long article by Unger that quoted [[Moshe Hebroni]], a former colleague of Ben-Menashe, confirming Ben-Menashe's access to very sensitive material while working for the Foreign Flow desk in External Relations.[^2] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). + +[^1]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json +[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Reuben Yirador.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Reuben Yirador.md index 83feff83..c51b64cf 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Reuben Yirador.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Reuben Yirador.md @@ -6,11 +6,12 @@ tags: - Soviet - Military summary: "Colonel Reuben Yirador was a department commander in Unit 8200, an Israeli Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit." +updated: 2026-10-12 --- -Colonel [[Reuben Yirador]] was a department commander in [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. He was later replaced by [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]] as commander of the department, but remained in [[Mossad]].[^1] +According to [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], Colonel [[Reuben Yirador]] was a department commander in [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. Ben-Menashe wrote that he was later replaced by [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]] as commander of the department, but remained in [[Mossad]].[^1] -In 1972, [[Reuben Yirador|Yirador]] was involved in a significant discovery when he decoded a [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] intercept (VENONA) that revealed the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] were bugging the office of [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of [[Israel]]. This discovery, along with [[Golda Meir|Meir's]] meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and her rejection of a peace settlement, informed [[Anwar Sadat]] and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1] +Ari Ben-Menashe wrote that in 1972 Yirador made a significant discovery when he decoded a [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] intercept, which the account names VENONA, that revealed the Soviets were bugging the office of [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of Israel. Ben-Menashe wrote that this discovery, along with Meir's meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and her rejection of a peace settlement, informed [[Anwar Sadat]] and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Sasson Yishaek.md b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Sasson Yishaek.md index 4a11ae84..77f273ad 100644 --- a/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Sasson Yishaek.md +++ b/10 - PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Sasson Yishaek.md @@ -2,12 +2,13 @@ category: "Military" tags: - Person -summary: "Lieutenant Colonel in Israeli Military Intelligence who commanded Unit 8206's code-breaking department and recruited Ari Ben-Menashe." +summary: "Lieutenant Colonel in Israeli Military Intelligence who commanded Unit 8200's code-breaking department and recruited Ari Ben-Menashe." +updated: 2026-10-12 --- -Lieutenant Colonel [[Sasson Yishaek]], also known as Lt. Col. Sasson, was a key figure in [[Israel|Israeli]] Military Intelligence. He was the number-two person in the code-breaking department of [[Unit 8200]] and later became its commander, replacing [[Reuben Yirador|Col. Yirador]].[^1] +According to [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], Lieutenant Colonel [[Sasson Yishaek]], also known as Lt. Col. Sasson, was a key figure in [[Israel|Israeli]] Military Intelligence. Ben-Menashe wrote that he was the number-two person in the code-breaking department of [[Unit 8200]] and later became its commander, replacing [[Reuben Yirador|Col. Yirador]].[^1] -[[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson]] recruited [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] into Military Intelligence in 1973, offering him a special position in connection with his military service. He was involved in the incident where [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code. He also court-martialed [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] for insubordination when [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] refused an assignment to the [[Rome]] listening station, a decision that was later overruled by the Director of Military Intelligence.[^1] +Ben-Menashe wrote that Lt. Col. Sasson recruited him into Military Intelligence in 1973, offering him a special position in connection with his military service, and that Sasson was involved in the incident where Ben-Menashe broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code. He wrote that Sasson court-martialed him for insubordination when he refused an assignment to the [[Rome]] listening station, a decision that Ben-Menashe wrote was later overruled by the Director of Military Intelligence.[^1] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 19th, 1992. diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/LAKAM.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/LAKAM.md index 2af050aa..744fb9b4 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/LAKAM.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/LAKAM.md @@ -1,4 +1,5 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Organization - Government @@ -8,32 +9,47 @@ summary: "LAKAM (Hebrew acronym for Science Liaison Bureau) was an Israeli Minis start: 1957 end: 1985 location: "Tel Aviv, Israel" +relations: + - type: informant_for + with: "[[Jonathan Pollard]]" + reverse: true + start: 1984-06 + end: 1985-11 + role: "Handled Pollard as an Israeli agent" + fn: 9 --- [[LAKAM]] (Hebrew acronym for Science Liaison Bureau) was an Israeli Ministry of Defense intelligence agency, previously known as the Office of Special Tasks. It was set up to gather and exchange technology and intelligence with foreign military industries. Under its founding director [[Binyamin Blumberg]], LAKAM agents operated worldwide, collecting technical information and setting up front companies in [[Europe]] and [[Latin America]] to purchase high-tech equipment from the [[United States]] that U.S. export controls would otherwise deny to [[Israel]].[^1][^2] ### Leadership and Operations -In the early 1980s, LAKAM was widely known by its Hebrew acronym. [[Rafael Eitan]], a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]], was appointed its new head, succeeding [[Binyamin Blumberg]]. LAKAM operations in the [[United States]] produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents, including [[KH-11]] imagery and reporting and assessments from U.S. embassies and intelligence operatives inside [[Saudi Arabia]], [[Jordan]], and [[Egypt]]. Some of this material was marked JUMBO, indicating it was not to be discussed with American counterparts.[^2] +In the early 1980s, LAKAM was widely known by its Hebrew acronym. [[Rafael Eitan]], a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]], was appointed its new head, succeeding Binyamin Blumberg. LAKAM operations in the United States produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents, including [[KH-11]] imagery and reporting and assessments from U.S. embassies and intelligence operatives inside [[Saudi Arabia]], [[Jordan]], and [[Egypt]]. Some of this material was marked JUMBO, indicating it was not to be discussed with American counterparts.[^2] ### U.S. Spy Network Operations -[[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]]'s operation to build a spy network in the [[United States|United States]] to obtain information about Palestinian terrorists was funded from [[LAKAM|LAKAM's]] budget. [[Iris]], a [[LAKAM]] representative in [[Washington, D.C.]], served as a conduit for intelligence reports between [[Robert McFarlane]], [[Jonathan Pollard]], and [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]].[^1] +Rafi's operation to build a spy network in the United States to obtain information about Palestinian terrorists was funded from LAKAM's budget. [[Iris]], a LAKAM representative in [[Washington, D.C.]], served as a conduit for intelligence reports between [[Robert McFarlane]], [[Jonathan Pollard]], and Rafi.[^1] ### Political Control and Funding -[[LAKAM]] was later controlled by [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]] after [[Shimon Peres]] became prime minister in 1984, and its huge slush fund, which had once financed [[Labor Party|Labor]] projects, was then controlled by [[Rafael Eitan|Eitan]].[^1] +LAKAM was later controlled by Rafi after [[Shimon Peres]] became prime minister in 1984, and its huge slush fund, which had once financed [[Labor Party|Labor]] projects, was then controlled by Eitan.[^1] ### PROMIS Software Operation -According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies* (1999), drawing on Israeli intelligence sources, LAKAM's director [[Rafael Eitan]] personally arranged to obtain a copy of the [[PROMIS]] software from the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] through back-channel contacts in the early 1980s. Eitan reportedly met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]] while posing as a representative of the Israeli Ministry of Justice interested in PROMIS as a case management tool. After obtaining the software, Eitan assembled a team of former LAKAM programmers who reconstructed PROMIS and embedded a surveillance trapdoor - described as a $5,000 microchip - that allowed covert remote monitoring of database queries made by any user of the modified software. Eitan's reported statement on receiving PROMIS was: "We can use that program...it could be the most important intelligence tool that Israel has ever had."[^3] +According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies* (1999), drawing on Israeli intelligence sources, LAKAM's director Rafael Eitan personally arranged to obtain a copy of the [[PROMIS]] software from the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] through back-channel contacts in the early 1980s. Eitan reportedly met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]] while posing as a representative of the Israeli Ministry of Justice interested in PROMIS as a case management tool. After obtaining the software, Eitan assembled a team of former LAKAM programmers who reconstructed PROMIS and embedded a surveillance trapdoor - described as a $5,000 microchip - that allowed covert remote monitoring of database queries made by any user of the modified software. Eitan's reported statement on receiving PROMIS was: "We can use that program...it could be the most important intelligence tool that Israel has ever had."[^3] The modified software was then distributed internationally for use by foreign law enforcement and intelligence agencies, channeled through [[Robert Maxwell]] and his Israeli computer company [[Degem]]. Total sales through this network, according to the allegations reviewed by Special Counsel Nicholas Bua, exceeded $500 million. The [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993) found no credible evidence to support any of these allegations, concluding that only public-domain versions of PROMIS had ever been distributed to foreign entities.[^4] -LAKAM was formally dissolved following the 1985 exposure of the [[Jonathan Pollard]] espionage case, after which its functions were redistributed to other Israeli intelligence services. Eitan, who had also run Pollard as an asset, left Israeli government service.[^2] +In the weeks after Pollard's arrest, Israeli officials described the bureau as the Liaison Bureau for Scientific Affairs, which was being dismantled while its activities were reorganized.[^5] A press report dated December 6, 1985 gave the Hebrew acronym as LEKEM.[^6] In May 1987 the *Washington Post* reported that the spy agency involved had been disbanded, and the *Christian Science Monitor* reported that its head had been forced to resign and the unit disbanded.[^7][^8] In 1998 the Israeli government stated that Pollard had served as an Israeli agent handled by senior members of the Scientific Liaison Bureau, which it gave in Hebrew as Lekam.[^9] + +According to Hersh, LAKAM was formally dissolved following the 1985 exposure of the Jonathan Pollard espionage case, after which its functions were redistributed to other Israeli intelligence services. Eitan, who had also run Pollard as an asset, left Israeli government service.[^2] ### Footnotes [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network.* Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991. [^3]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999. -[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. \ No newline at end of file +[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. +[^5]: Thomas L. Friedman, *New York Times*, December 22, 1985. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302120025-0 +[^6]: Press item dated December 6, 1985, CIA CREST collection, CIA-RDP90-00965R000201380005-6. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000201380005-6 +[^7]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0 +[^8]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html +[^9]: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Government statement on Jonathan Pollard," May 12, 1998. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc13.PDF diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Mossad.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Mossad.md index f7737ca3..ee1ea636 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Mossad.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Mossad.md @@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ aliases: - Israeli Secret Intelligence Service - Israeli intelligence created: 2025-07-22 -updated: 2026-10-08 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Mossad tags: - Organization @@ -86,17 +86,17 @@ relations: start: 1982 end: 1982 role: "the Mossad was made responsible for the link with the Phalangist leadership" - fn: 14 + fn: 17 - type: subject_of with: "[[Kahan Commission]]" start: 1982-09 end: 1983-02-08 - fn: 15 + fn: 18 - type: participant_in with: "[[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]]" start: 1980 role: "joint committee with military intelligence for arms supply to Iran, according to Ari Ben-Menashe" - fn: 17 + fn: 20 --- The Mossad (the Institute for Intelligence and Special Assignments, in the words of the 1983 [[Kahan Commission]]) is the foreign intelligence service of [[Israel]]. Its own website carries a directive of [[David Ben-Gurion]] on its creation and lists twelve directors from [[Reuven Shiloah]] in 1949 to [[Yossi Cohen]], who left in 2021: Shiloah (1949 to 1952), [[Isser Harel]] (1952 to 1963), [[Meir Amit]] (1963 to 1968), [[Zvi Zamir]] (1968 to 1974), [[Yitzhak Hofi]] (1974 to 1982), [[Nachum Admoni]] (1982 to 1989), [[Shabtai Shavit]] (1989 to 1996), [[Danny Yatom]] (1996 to 1998), [[Efraim Halevy]] (1998 to 2002), [[Meir Dagan]] (2002 to 2011), [[Tamir Pardo]] (2011 to 2016) and Cohen (2016 to 2021).[^1] The record below follows the service where it touches the American intelligence services, the nuclear program at [[Dimona]], and the Lebanon, Iran and computer-software episodes that run through this vault.[^2] @@ -116,39 +116,43 @@ The CIA's Directorate of Operations name file on [[Adolf Eichmann]], released in A National Security Archive posting records that in the spring of 1963 "some top officials in Israel, primarily Mossad chief Isser Harel with the support of Foreign Minister [[Golda Meir]]," began through leaks to the Israeli press a public campaign about German scientists in Egypt developing ballistic missiles and radiological weapons, "possibly even nuclear weapons"; that the State Department intelligence chief Thomas Hughes asked the Director of Central Intelligence [[John McCone]] for a special estimate on advanced weapons programs in the United Arab Republic and Israel; and that the estimate of May 8, 1963 concluded that Israel "will attempt to produce a weapon sometime in the next several years" unless deterred, while the United Arab Republic did not have "the capability of producing a nuclear weapon in the foreseeable future."[^7] The same posting dates the correspondence between [[John F. Kennedy]] and Ben-Gurion over Dimona inspections to those months; Mossad's own list ends Harel's term in 1963.[^1][^7] +### The Paris office and Operation Damocles, 1962 + +From 1962 the Paris office of Mossad was run by [[Yitzhak Shamir]], under the cover name Samuel Singer, according to Roger Howard's account of [[Operation Damocles]], the campaign directed by Isser Harel against German engineers and scientists working on Egypt's rocket program.[^8] Howard writes that Mossad's complicity in the disappearance of a Munich procurement company director in September 1962 "has never been conclusively proven, but almost certainly this was just the beginning of Operation Damocles."[^9] The Jewish Telegraphic Agency's obituary of Shamir states that between 1955 and 1965 he served as a senior Mossad official.[^10] + ### The May 1967 estimate and the June 1967 war -[[David S. Robarge]], the CIA's chief historian, writes that on May 25, 1967 Tel Aviv submitted to Washington a Mossad estimate claiming the Israeli military was badly outgunned by a Soviet-backed Arab force. The CIA's [[Office of National Estimates]] appraised the paper within five hours: "We do not believe that the Israeli appreciation . . . was a serious estimate of the sort they would submit to their own high officials. We think it is probably a gambit intended to influence the US to do one or more of the following: (a) provide military supplies, (b) make more public commitments to Israel, (c) approve Israeli military initiatives, and (d) put more pressure on Nasser." [[Walt Rostow]] sent both papers to Johnson with a note that the CIA appraisal "throws a great deal of cold water on the Israeli estimate."[^8][^9] On June 1, 1967, the Mossad chief Meir Amit met Secretary of Defense [[Robert S. McNamara]] in Washington; the memorandum of the conversation was written by the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, [[Rufus Taylor]].[^10] +[[David S. Robarge]], the CIA's chief historian, writes that on May 25, 1967 Tel Aviv submitted to Washington a Mossad estimate claiming the Israeli military was badly outgunned by a Soviet-backed Arab force. The CIA's [[Office of National Estimates]] appraised the paper within five hours: "We do not believe that the Israeli appreciation . . . was a serious estimate of the sort they would submit to their own high officials. We think it is probably a gambit intended to influence the US to do one or more of the following: (a) provide military supplies, (b) make more public commitments to Israel, (c) approve Israeli military initiatives, and (d) put more pressure on Nasser." [[Walt Rostow]] sent both papers to Johnson with a note that the CIA appraisal "throws a great deal of cold water on the Israeli estimate."[^11][^12] On June 1, 1967, the Mossad chief Meir Amit met Secretary of Defense [[Robert S. McNamara]] in Washington; the memorandum of the conversation was written by the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, [[Rufus Taylor]].[^13] ### Plumbat, 1968 -Hersh wrote that Mossad wanted uranium ore of which "hundreds of tons" sat in a warehouse near Antwerp, controlled by Euratom, and that Dimona, "ostensibly a twenty-four-megawatt reactor capable of consuming no more than twenty-four tons of ore in a year," could not openly buy an eight-year supply. In March 1968, he wrote, Mossad approached one of its agents in West Germany to buy the ore for $4 million, allegedly for an Italian chemical company in Milan; Euratom approved the sale in October; the uranium left Antwerp aboard a vessel renamed the Scheersberg A, "purchased, with Mossad funds, by another Israeli agent-in-place in Turkey"; and at sea the ore was transferred to an Israeli freighter guarded by gunboats. The disappearance was known to Euratom within months, American and European agencies reported internally that Israel was involved, and it took nine years for the press to report it; Hersh cited published accounts "confirmed by Israeli officials" and a 1978 book, *The Plumbat Affair*.[^11] +Hersh wrote that Mossad wanted uranium ore of which "hundreds of tons" sat in a warehouse near Antwerp, controlled by Euratom, and that Dimona, "ostensibly a twenty-four-megawatt reactor capable of consuming no more than twenty-four tons of ore in a year," could not openly buy an eight-year supply. In March 1968, he wrote, Mossad approached one of its agents in West Germany to buy the ore for $4 million, allegedly for an Italian chemical company in Milan; Euratom approved the sale in October; the uranium left Antwerp aboard a vessel renamed the Scheersberg A, "purchased, with Mossad funds, by another Israeli agent-in-place in Turkey"; and at sea the ore was transferred to an Israeli freighter guarded by gunboats. The disappearance was known to Euratom within months, American and European agencies reported internally that Israel was involved, and it took nine years for the press to report it; Hersh cited published accounts "confirmed by Israeli officials" and a 1978 book, *The Plumbat Affair*.[^14] -On September 10, 1968, Raphael Eitan, whom the National Security Archive identifies as deputy chief of Mossad operations and the organizer of the Mossad and [[LAKAM]] team in the Plumbat operation, visited the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation]] plant at Apollo, Pennsylvania, with three other Israelis, according to an Atomic Energy Commission security report of September 6, 1968.[^12] +On September 10, 1968, Raphael Eitan, whom the National Security Archive identifies as deputy chief of Mossad operations and the organizer of the Mossad and [[LAKAM]] team in the Plumbat operation, visited the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation]] plant at Apollo, Pennsylvania, with three other Israelis, according to an Atomic Energy Commission security report of September 6, 1968.[^15] ### Osirak and the Lebanon war -Hersh wrote that Hofi, "the director of Mossad," and the chief of military intelligence [[Yehoshua Saguy]] opposed the 1981 attack on [[Osirak bombing|Osirak]] "primarily because there was no evidence that Iraq was as yet capable of building a bomb," and that two weeks after the raid Hofi gave an interview, identified only by title under censorship, complaining about politicians who compromised secret intelligence, which in Hersh's account left "no doubt in the Israeli intelligence community" that Begin was the politician meant; Hersh added that Hofi was also a critic of [[Ariel Sharon]].[^13] +Hersh wrote that Hofi, "the director of Mossad," and the chief of military intelligence [[Yehoshua Saguy]] opposed the 1981 attack on [[Osirak bombing|Osirak]] "primarily because there was no evidence that Iraq was as yet capable of building a bomb," and that two weeks after the raid Hofi gave an interview, identified only by title under censorship, complaining about politicians who compromised secret intelligence, which in Hersh's account left "no doubt in the Israeli intelligence community" that Begin was the politician meant; Hersh added that Hofi was also a critic of [[Ariel Sharon]].[^16] -The Kahan Commission, reporting on the Sabra and Shatila massacres, wrote that Israel had extended aid to the Christian armed forces, that "the Mossad was made responsible for the link with the Phalangists," and that its representatives "maintained a rather close connection with the Phalangist leadership"; that the Mossad "to a not inconsiderable extent under the influence of constant and close contact with the Phalangist elite" favored strengthening the relationship while military intelligence emphasized the Phalangists' unreliability; and that the Mossad's head, in testimony of December 27, 1982, accepted that "subjective, and not only objective, relations also emerged." In the view prevailing among the Mossad agents before the war, the commission wrote, the Phalangists' atrocities were a thing of the past, although in meetings with the heads of the Mossad [[Bashir Gemayel]] had said things that "left no room for doubt" of his intention to eliminate the Palestinian problem in Lebanon even by "aberrant methods."[^14] In cables of September 15 the Mossad representative in Beirut reported the meetings of the chief of staff and the defense minister with the Phalangist leadership and that the Phalangists would enter West Beirut after the Israeli Defense Forces; a cable of September 16 at noon reported a coordination meeting to prepare the Phalangists "for operations to clear the city of terrorists," and another that they would start work at the Burj el-Barajneh camp. The head of the Mossad, who had assumed the post on September 12, 1982 after serving as deputy, learned of the decision to send the Phalangists into the camps only at the cabinet meeting of Thursday evening, did not give an assessment of their entry or express reservations, and was found by the commission to have shown an inaction that "should not be considered serious," and the commission considered it sufficient to determine responsibility without further recommendation.[^15] +The Kahan Commission, reporting on the Sabra and Shatila massacres, wrote that Israel had extended aid to the Christian armed forces, that "the Mossad was made responsible for the link with the Phalangists," and that its representatives "maintained a rather close connection with the Phalangist leadership"; that the Mossad "to a not inconsiderable extent under the influence of constant and close contact with the Phalangist elite" favored strengthening the relationship while military intelligence emphasized the Phalangists' unreliability; and that the Mossad's head, in testimony of December 27, 1982, accepted that "subjective, and not only objective, relations also emerged." In the view prevailing among the Mossad agents before the war, the commission wrote, the Phalangists' atrocities were a thing of the past, although in meetings with the heads of the Mossad [[Bashir Gemayel]] had said things that "left no room for doubt" of his intention to eliminate the Palestinian problem in Lebanon even by "aberrant methods."[^17] In cables of September 15 the Mossad representative in Beirut reported the meetings of the chief of staff and the defense minister with the Phalangist leadership and that the Phalangists would enter West Beirut after the Israeli Defense Forces; a cable of September 16 at noon reported a coordination meeting to prepare the Phalangists "for operations to clear the city of terrorists," and another that they would start work at the Burj el-Barajneh camp. The head of the Mossad, who had assumed the post on September 12, 1982 after serving as deputy, learned of the decision to send the Phalangists into the camps only at the cabinet meeting of Thursday evening, did not give an assessment of their entry or express reservations, and was found by the commission to have shown an inaction that "should not be considered serious," and the commission considered it sufficient to determine responsibility without further recommendation.[^18] ### Iran, 1980 and 1981 -[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that in the fall of 1980 Begin ordered the military intelligence chief [[Yehoshua Sagi]] and the Mossad's "acting director" Nachum Admoni to create an Iran-Israel Joint Committee of military intelligence and Mossad to supply arms to Iran; that [[David Kimche]], whom he called head of Tevel, was its senior member; and that after [[Yitzhak Shamir]] became prime minister members including Kimche were forced out and Eitan ran the committee.[^16][^17] The Mossad's own list gives Hofi as head from 1974 to 1982 and Admoni from 1982, and the Kahan Commission describes Admoni as deputy head until September 12, 1982.[^1][^14] The House October Surprise Task Force wrote that Eitan and Saguy had told the Israeli government they never met Ben-Menashe and that his Israeli military file showed work as a translator; Ben-Menashe was acquitted in New York in November 1990.[^18] See [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]]. +[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that in the fall of 1980 Begin ordered the military intelligence chief [[Yehoshua Sagi]] and the Mossad's "acting director" Nachum Admoni to create an Iran-Israel Joint Committee of military intelligence and Mossad to supply arms to Iran; that [[David Kimche]], whom he called head of Tevel, was its senior member; and that after Yitzhak Shamir became prime minister members including Kimche were forced out and Eitan ran the committee.[^19][^20] The Mossad's own list gives Hofi as head from 1974 to 1982 and Admoni from 1982, and the Kahan Commission describes Admoni as deputy head until September 12, 1982.[^1][^17] The House October Surprise Task Force wrote that Eitan and Saguy had told the Israeli government they never met Ben-Menashe and that his Israeli military file showed work as a translator; Ben-Menashe was acquitted in New York in November 1990.[^21] See [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]]. ### PROMIS, according to Ben-Menashe -Ben-Menashe wrote that Eitan, as counterterrorism adviser to Begin and then to Shamir, took an interest in the software program [[PROMIS]]; that in 1982 [[Earl Brian]] approached Eitan about selling it to foreign intelligence agencies; that Eitan decided to have a "trap door" installed to give Israeli agents access to the computers of any service that bought it; that Ben-Menashe recruited his childhood friend [[Yehuda Ben-Hanan]], of Software and Engineering Consultants in California, to build the external access; that Eitan selected Jordan to test it and that Brian sold it through his company [[Hadron]]; and that [[Robert Maxwell]] "made a fortune out of it" through his companies.[^19] See [[PROMIS Software Scandal]]. +Ben-Menashe wrote that Eitan, as counterterrorism adviser to Begin and then to Shamir, took an interest in the software program [[PROMIS]]; that in 1982 [[Earl Brian]] approached Eitan about selling it to foreign intelligence agencies; that Eitan decided to have a "trap door" installed to give Israeli agents access to the computers of any service that bought it; that Ben-Menashe recruited his childhood friend [[Yehuda Ben-Hanan]], of Software and Engineering Consultants in California, to build the external access; that Eitan selected Jordan to test it and that Brian sold it through his company [[Hadron]]; and that [[Robert Maxwell]] "made a fortune out of it" through his companies.[^22] See [[PROMIS Software Scandal]]. ### Vanunu and the Mirror Group, 1986 -Hersh wrote that copies of the photographs [[Mordecai Vanunu]] took inside Dimona were made available in London, before the Sunday Times published, to an Israeli intelligence agent masquerading as an American reporter; that they were sent by courier to the office of Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], who ordered Mossad to get Vanunu out of London and into Israeli custody; that "no kidnapping could take place in England for diplomatic reasons"; and that Vanunu was enticed by a Mossad agent named Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym; see [[Cindy Hanin Bentov]]) to leave for Rome a few days before publication, where, according to Vanunu's account to relatives, he was drugged and returned to Israel by ship.[^20] +Hersh wrote that copies of the photographs [[Mordecai Vanunu]] took inside Dimona were made available in London, before the Sunday Times published, to an Israeli intelligence agent masquerading as an American reporter; that they were sent by courier to the office of Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], who ordered Mossad to get Vanunu out of London and into Israeli custody; that "no kidnapping could take place in England for diplomatic reasons"; and that Vanunu was enticed by a Mossad agent named Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym; see [[Cindy Hanin Bentov]]) to leave for Rome a few days before publication, where, according to Vanunu's account to relatives, he was drugged and returned to Israel by ship.[^23] -Ben-Menashe told Hersh that after Vanunu's photographs reached the Israeli leadership he and others were told that "Peres said, 'Let's make him an example'" rather than assassinating him; that the foreign editor of the Daily Mirror, [[Nicholas Davies]], "provided the framework" for the Sunday Mirror's hostile story of September 28, which went to Maxwell, publisher of the Mirror Group; and that Maxwell told him "I know what has to happen. I have already spoken to your bosses."[^21] The Sunday Mirror's reporters Tony Frost and Mark Souster were ordered by their editor to take the photographs to the Israeli embassy; the senior deputy editor John C. Parker understood that Maxwell had given the order; the news editor Peter J. Miller said that "the line we were instructed to take cost the Sunday Mirror a world-beating exclusive"; and the editor Michael Malloy acknowledged discussing the story with Maxwell, said there was "nothing sinister or strange" in it, and recalled that Maxwell ordered the photographs shown to the Israelis.[^21] The Mirror staff statements are those of the persons named. +Ben-Menashe told Hersh that after Vanunu's photographs reached the Israeli leadership he and others were told that "Peres said, 'Let's make him an example'" rather than assassinating him; that the foreign editor of the Daily Mirror, [[Nicholas Davies]], "provided the framework" for the Sunday Mirror's hostile story of September 28, which went to Maxwell, publisher of the Mirror Group; and that Maxwell told him "I know what has to happen. I have already spoken to your bosses."[^24] The Sunday Mirror's reporters Tony Frost and Mark Souster were ordered by their editor to take the photographs to the Israeli embassy; the senior deputy editor John C. Parker understood that Maxwell had given the order; the news editor Peter J. Miller said that "the line we were instructed to take cost the Sunday Mirror a world-beating exclusive"; and the editor Michael Malloy acknowledged discussing the story with Maxwell, said there was "nothing sinister or strange" in it, and recalled that Maxwell ordered the photographs shown to the Israelis.[^24] The Mirror staff statements are those of the persons named. ### Uri Geller -[[Jim Schnabel]] wrote that, according to Geller, [[Moshe Dayan]] asked [[Uri Geller]] "Now, what can you do for Israel?"; that "so the story goes" Geller then met the military intelligence chief [[Aharon Yariv]] and officials of Mossad and [[Shin Bet]], was tested by them and began to work for them, viewing targets in Syria and elsewhere; and that Yariv, in an interview with the science writer John Wilhelm in the mid-1970s, denied ever meeting or consulting with Geller. Schnabel wrote that Geller says he later met secretly in hotel rooms in the United States with Israeli officials to brief them on his experiences at [[Stanford Research Institute]] and was warned "not to do certain things" there; that in one of Geller's stories a tape recorder started to play by itself at a meeting with Mossad officers; and that among the "wild surmises" in the air when CIA officials asked Puthoff about Geller was that he was "part of some Mossad disinformation project, designed to spook the Arabs into believing that Israel possessed a paranormal superman," or that Israeli intelligence wanted to infiltrate SRI. Several Israeli officials came to SRI in the summer of 1973; [[Hal Puthoff|Harold Puthoff]] "had the impression that they were from Israeli military intelligence," and they said that Geller had done "surprisingly good work for them against Middle Eastern military targets" and asked whether it was luck or verifiable psychic ability.[^22] +[[Jim Schnabel]] wrote that, according to Geller, [[Moshe Dayan]] asked [[Uri Geller]] "Now, what can you do for Israel?"; that "so the story goes" Geller then met the military intelligence chief [[Aharon Yariv]] and officials of Mossad and [[Shin Bet]], was tested by them and began to work for them, viewing targets in Syria and elsewhere; and that Yariv, in an interview with the science writer John Wilhelm in the mid-1970s, denied ever meeting or consulting with Geller. Schnabel wrote that Geller says he later met secretly in hotel rooms in the United States with Israeli officials to brief them on his experiences at [[Stanford Research Institute]] and was warned "not to do certain things" there; that in one of Geller's stories a tape recorder started to play by itself at a meeting with Mossad officers; and that among the "wild surmises" in the air when CIA officials asked Puthoff about Geller was that he was "part of some Mossad disinformation project, designed to spook the Arabs into believing that Israel possessed a paranormal superman," or that Israeli intelligence wanted to infiltrate SRI. Several Israeli officials came to SRI in the summer of 1973; [[Hal Puthoff|Harold Puthoff]] "had the impression that they were from Israeli military intelligence," and they said that Geller had done "surprisingly good work for them against Middle Eastern military targets" and asked whether it was luck or verifiable psychic ability.[^25] ### Footnotes @@ -159,18 +163,21 @@ Ben-Menashe told Hersh that after Vanunu's photographs reached the Israeli leade [^5]: Feinstein, Tamara, ed., "The CIA Names File on Adolf Eichmann," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 150, March 24, 2005, citing the CIA Directorate of Operations file, vol. 1, document 49, and vol. 2, document 7. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB150/index.htm [^6]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 21, "Israel's Nuclear Spy," pp. 288-289. [^7]: Burr, William, and Avner Cohen, eds., "The Battle of the Letters, 1963," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 671, May 2, 2019, documents 17 and 22. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2019-05-02/battle-letters-1963-john-f-kennedy-david-ben-gurion-levi-eshkol-us-inspections-dimona -[^8]: Robarge, David S. "Getting it Right: CIA Analysis of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War." *Studies in Intelligence* 49, no. 1 (March 2005). https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/CIA-Analysis-1967-War.pdf -[^9]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 61, Memorandum from Rostow to President Johnson, May 25, 1967, with attached CIA appraisal. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d61 -[^10]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 124, Memorandum for the Record by Vice Admiral Rufus Taylor, June 1, 1967 (prepared June 2). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d124 -[^11]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 13, "An Israeli Decision," pp. 180-181. -[^12]: National Security Archive, "The NUMEC Affair: Did Highly Enriched Uranium from the U.S. Aid Israel's Nuclear Weapons Program?" (November 2, 2016), Document 10 and commentary. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2016-11-02/numec-affair-did-highly-enriched-uranium-us-aid-israels-nuclear-weapons-program The identification of Eitan's role is the posting's commentary. -[^13]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 1, pp. 9-11; chapter 21, p. 294 footnote (Hofi and Sharon). -[^14]: Kahan Commission Report, sections on the Phalangists and the Mossad, on the Phalangists' entry into the camps, and on the head of the Mossad (note 2). -[^15]: Kahan Commission Report (note 2), recommendations on the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister and the head of the Mossad. -[^16]: Ben-Menashe, Ari, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*, TrineDay, 2015 reprint of the 1992 edition, passages on the Joint Committee for Iran-Israel Relations, Tevel and the Mossad directorship. https://archive.org/details/profits-of-war-1992-ari-ben-menashe -[^17]: Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War*, passage on Begin's order to Sagi and Admoni in the fall of 1980. -[^18]: U.S. House of Representatives, *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*, H. Rept. 102-1102, January 3, 1993, section on Ben-Menashe (p. 97). https://archive.org/details/14148-h.rp.-1102 ; Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 19, p. 260 footnote (acquittal in November 1990). -[^19]: Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War*, chapter on PROMIS. -[^20]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 15, "The Tunnel," pp. 197-198. -[^21]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 22, "An Israeli Asset," pp. 311-315. -[^22]: Schnabel, Jim, *Remote Viewers: The Secret History of America's Psychic Spies*, Dell, 1997, chapter 9, "The Trickster." Full text read at https://archive.org/details/jim-schnabel-remote-viewers-the-secret-history-of-americas-psychic-spies_2 +[^8]: Roger Howard, _Operation Damocles: Israel's Secret War against Hitler's Scientists in Egypt, 1954-1967_ (2013), chapter 16. https://archive.org/details/operationdamocle0000howa +[^9]: Roger Howard, _Operation Damocles_, chapter 1. https://archive.org/details/operationdamocle0000howa +[^10]: "Yitzhak Shamir, Israel's 7th prime minister, dies at 96," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, July 2012. https://www.jta.org/?p=1789432 +[^11]: Robarge, David S. "Getting it Right: CIA Analysis of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War." *Studies in Intelligence* 49, no. 1 (March 2005). https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/CIA-Analysis-1967-War.pdf +[^12]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 61, Memorandum from Rostow to President Johnson, May 25, 1967, with attached CIA appraisal. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d61 +[^13]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 124, Memorandum for the Record by Vice Admiral Rufus Taylor, June 1, 1967 (prepared June 2). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d124 +[^14]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 13, "An Israeli Decision," pp. 180-181. +[^15]: National Security Archive, "The NUMEC Affair: Did Highly Enriched Uranium from the U.S. Aid Israel's Nuclear Weapons Program?" (November 2, 2016), Document 10 and commentary. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2016-11-02/numec-affair-did-highly-enriched-uranium-us-aid-israels-nuclear-weapons-program The identification of Eitan's role is the posting's commentary. +[^16]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 1, pp. 9-11; chapter 21, p. 294 footnote (Hofi and Sharon). +[^17]: Kahan Commission Report, sections on the Phalangists and the Mossad, on the Phalangists' entry into the camps, and on the head of the Mossad (note 2). +[^18]: Kahan Commission Report (note 2), recommendations on the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister and the head of the Mossad. +[^19]: Ben-Menashe, Ari, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*, TrineDay, 2015 reprint of the 1992 edition, passages on the Joint Committee for Iran-Israel Relations, Tevel and the Mossad directorship. https://archive.org/details/profits-of-war-1992-ari-ben-menashe +[^20]: Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War*, passage on Begin's order to Sagi and Admoni in the fall of 1980. +[^21]: U.S. House of Representatives, *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*, H. Rept. 102-1102, January 3, 1993, section on Ben-Menashe (p. 97). https://archive.org/details/14148-h.rp.-1102 ; Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 19, p. 260 footnote (acquittal in November 1990). +[^22]: Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War*, chapter on PROMIS. +[^23]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 15, "The Tunnel," pp. 197-198. +[^24]: Hersh, *The Samson Option*, chapter 22, "An Israeli Asset," pp. 311-315. +[^25]: Schnabel, Jim, *Remote Viewers: The Secret History of America's Psychic Spies*, Dell, 1997, chapter 9, "The Trickster." Full text read at https://archive.org/details/jim-schnabel-remote-viewers-the-secret-history-of-americas-psychic-spies_2 diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Unit 8200.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Unit 8200.md index d3355baf..7551eb08 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Unit 8200.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/Unit 8200.md @@ -1,30 +1,239 @@ --- +aliases: + - Unit 8200 + - IDF Unit 8200 + - Israeli Defense Forces Unit 8200 + - Detachment 8200 + - Unit S.M. 2 +category: "Intelligence & Government" tags: - - Program - - IntelligenceOperation + - Organization + - Unit8200 - Israel -category: "Intelligence Operation" -summary: "Unit 8200 is Israel's primary signals intelligence and code-breaking unit, housed at a base near Tel Aviv adjacent to a Mossad facility, operating under strict compartmentalized need-to-know protocols." + - SignalsIntelligence + - NSA + - Snowden + - Stuxnet + - Spyware + - NSOGroup + - Carbyne + - EhudBarak + - JeffreyEpstein + - Lavender + - Refuseniks + - AIMilitary +summary: "Unit 8200 is the Israeli Defense Forces' signals-intelligence and cyber unit whose alumni have founded surveillance and cybersecurity firms and whose commander was exposed as the author of an AI-warfare book in 2024." start: 1952 -location: "near Tel Aviv, Israel" -updated: 2026-10-09 +location: "Glilot Camps, Ramat HaSharon, Israel" +updated: 2026-10-12 +relations: + - type: head_of + with: "[[Yoel Ben-Porat]]" + reverse: true + role: "unit commander, per Ben-Menashe's account" + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Sasson Yishaek]]" + reverse: true + role: "number-two in the code-breaking department, later commander" + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Reuben Yirador]]" + reverse: true + role: "department commander" + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Shulamit Ingerman]]" + reverse: true + role: "cryptographer, head of the Iranian desk" + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Ari Ben-Menashe]]" + reverse: true + role: "Iranian desk, code-breaking department, per his own account" + start: 1975 + end: 1977 + fn: 2 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Yosef Zeira]]" + reverse: true + role: "department commander, per Ben-Menashe's account" + fn: 2 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Yossi Sariel]]" + reverse: true + role: "commander" + end: 2024-09-12 + fn: 23 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Pinhas Buchris]]" + reverse: true + role: "commander; later director general of the Ministry of Defense" + fn: 31 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Reuven Yerdor]]" + reverse: true + role: "in charge of the unit by early 1982, per Hersh's account" + end: 1982 + fn: 34 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Nadav Zafrir]]" + reverse: true + role: "commander, who established the Israel Defense Forces Cyber Command" + fn: 16 + - type: member_of + with: "[[Aman]]" + fn: 1 + - type: partner_of + with: "[[NSA]]" + start: 2009-03 + role: "intelligence-sharing memorandum of understanding, reached in principle March 2009" + fn: 9 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation Olympic Games]]" + role: "payload development, per Sanger's account" + fn: 5 + - type: partner_of + with: "[[Minerva Project]]" + start: 2020-09 + role: "admissions page headed Partner: IDF 8200" + fn: 24 --- -[[Unit 8200]] is an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit, specializing in code-breaking. It is housed in a base located near a country club north of [[Tel Aviv]], with a nearby building known as "the villa" belonging to [[Mossad]], where top-secret security meetings were held. The unit operates on a need-to-know basis, with departments requiring special permission to access each other's areas.[^1] -Key personnel mentioned in connection with [[Unit 8200]] include Col. [[Yoel Ben-Porat]] (unit commander, known as Buffy), Lt. Col. [[Sasson Yishaek]] (number-two in code-breaking, later commander), Col. [[Reuben Yirador]] (department commander), and [[Shulamit Ingerman]] (head of the Iranian desk and a cryptographer).[^1] +[[Unit 8200]] is the signals-intelligence and cyber unit of the [[Israel Defense Forces]], attached to [[Aman]], the military intelligence directorate. Its central base is the Glilot Camps in [[Ramat HaSharon]], north of [[Tel Aviv]], close to the [[Mossad]] headquarters.[^1] Its alumni have founded surveillance and cybersecurity firms. A 2009 intelligence-sharing memorandum with the [[NSA]], disclosed in 2013, names the unit's counterpart only by its acronym. A 2014 refusal letter was signed by 43 of its veterans and reservists, and 2024 reporting tied the unit to AI-assisted targeting in the Gaza war. -[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was stationed in [[Unit 8200]]'s code-breaking department, specifically on the [[Iran|Iranian]] desk, from 1975 to 1977. He claims to have broken the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code, which allowed [[Israel|Israel]] to read coded messages faster than the [[Iran|Iranians]]. This breakthrough eliminated the need to "acquire" the weekly black book sent by diplomatic pouch to the [[Iran|Iranian]] embassy in [[Ramat Gan]].[^1] +### Glilot base and origins -[[Unit 8200]] was involved in monitoring [[Iran|Iranian]] communications through satellite stations in Bet Ella and listening stations in northern [[Israel]], the [[Sinai]], and overseas (e.g., [[Japan]], [[Italy]], [[Ethiopia]]). These stations intercepted traffic from the [[Iran|Iranian]] Foreign Ministry, Royal Court, [[SAVAK]], and [[Iran|Iranian]] military intelligence.[^1] +Ynet reported in August 2024 that the unit, designated Unit S.M. 2 when it moved to the Glilot base in 1952, was later renamed 8200. Sixteen years before that report, the army decided to evacuate most of the Glilot compound as part of a move to the [[Negev]]. The transition had been delayed repeatedly and was expected to take place in several phases over the following years.[^1] -In 1972, Col. [[Reuben Yirador]] decoded a [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] intercept (VENONA) that revealed the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] were bugging the office of [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of [[Israel]]. This discovery, along with [[Golda Meir|Meir's]] meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and her rejection of a peace settlement, informed [[Anwar Sadat]] and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1] +In [[Profits of War]] (1992), [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] placed the base near a country club north of Tel Aviv, with a nearby building known as "the villa" that belonged to Mossad and housed top-secret security meetings. He wrote that the unit operated on a need-to-know basis and that its departments required special permission to enter one another's areas.[^2] -In 1976, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], while on duty in [[Unit 8200]], intercepted a telegram detailing [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribes paid to Defense Minister [[Shimon Peres]]. This information was subsequently covered up by superiors, including [[Yoel Ben-Porat|Buffy]] and [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Yishaek]].[^1] +### Personnel in the record + +Ben-Menashe named the unit's commander as [[Yoel Ben-Porat]], known as Buffy. He named [[Sasson Yishaek]] as the number-two officer in the code-breaking department and later its commander, [[Reuben Yirador]] as a department commander, and [[Shulamit Ingerman]] as a cryptographer who headed the [[Iran|Iranian]] desk.[^2] He also wrote that [[Yosef Zeira]], a department commander in the mid-1970s, briefed a small team on the 1976 rescue at [[Operation Entebbe]] and ordered its members into communications isolation for the duration of the operation.[^2] + +[[Seymour Hersh]] wrote in *The Samson Option* (1991) that by early 1982 Brigadier General [[Reuven Yerdor]], known as Rudi, was in charge of the unit. Hersh wrote that Yerdor had been an officer of the Israeli signals-intelligence detachment (then Detachment 515, later 8200), had cracked a Soviet code, and traveled to [[Washington, D.C.]] every three months for liaison meetings with the [[NSA]]. According to Hersh, [[Yehoshua Saguy]], the head of Aman, gave Yerdor two packets of documents over the 1981-82 New Year holiday, one of them daily and weekly summaries of worldwide NSA intercepts, and Yerdor received American technical data on Syrian air defenses in May 1982. The spelling Yerdor differs from the Yirador of Ben-Menashe's account, and the two names may refer to the same officer.[^34] + +### The Iranian desk and Ben-Menashe's account + +Ben-Menashe wrote that he served on the Iranian desk of the code-breaking department from 1975 to 1977 and that he broke the Iranian diplomatic code. The break, he wrote, made it unnecessary to "acquire" the weekly black book sent by diplomatic pouch to the Iranian embassy in [[Ramat Gan]].[^2] He described satellite stations at [[Bet Ella]] and listening stations in northern [[Israel]], the [[Sinai]], and overseas in [[Japan]], [[Italy]] and [[Ethiopia]]. According to his account, these intercepted traffic from the Iranian Foreign Ministry, the Royal Court, [[SAVAK]] and Iranian military intelligence.[^2] + +Ben-Menashe wrote that in 1972 Yirador decoded a [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] intercept showing that the Soviets were bugging the office of [[Golda Meir]], then prime minister. The account names the intercept VENONA, the name of a United States program that ran from 1943 until the NSA closed it in 1980 and that decrypted Soviet cables, mostly from 1943 to 1945.[^3] Ben-Menashe linked the discovery, together with Meir's meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] and her rejection of a peace settlement, to [[Anwar Sadat]]'s understanding of Israel's position. He wrote that it may have prompted the 1973 war.[^2] + +In 1976, Ben-Menashe wrote, he intercepted while on duty a telegram detailing [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribes paid to Defense Minister [[Shimon Peres]]. The sum was $3.5 million, deposited in one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]]. Superiors, including Buffy and Lt. Col. Yishaek, covered the information up, he wrote.[^2] + +### Stuxnet and Olympic Games + +In June 2012 [[David Sanger]] reported in *The New York Times* that President [[Barack Obama]] had accelerated cyberattacks against Iran's uranium enrichment program. The program had begun under the Bush administration and was code-named Olympic Games. A worm had escaped Iran's [[Natanz]] plant in the summer of 2010 and spread across the Internet. The last attack in the later series, the paper reported, "temporarily took out nearly 1,000 of the 5,000 centrifuges Iran had spinning at the time to purify uranium." The account drew on interviews with current and former American, European and Israeli officials, none of whom would allow their names to be used.[^4] + +Sanger's book *Confront and Conceal* (2012) says that development of the payload enlisted Unit 8200, which had "deep intelligence about operations at Natanz", together with the NSA. The excerpt reported that bringing the Israelis on board was meant as a means to discourage a pre-emptive Israeli strike against Iranian nuclear facilities.[^5] + +### The Kaspersky intrusion + +*The New York Times* reported on October 10, 2017 that Israeli intelligence officers had hacked into the network of the Russian antivirus company Kaspersky Lab and watched "in real time as Russian government hackers searched computers around the world for the code names of American intelligence programs." The paper wrote that the Israelis alerted the United States, that they gave their NSA counterparts screenshots and other documentation, and that the Department of Homeland Security's September 13, 2017 order removing Kaspersky products from federal agencies rested in large part on intelligence from Israel's 2014 intrusion. The article drew on people briefed on the matter who spoke on condition of anonymity. The Israeli Embassy declined to comment and Kaspersky denied any involvement in the Russian operation.[^33] + +Kaspersky had published a report in June 2015 on an intrusion into its own network that it named Duqu 2.0, after the Duqu malware that researchers had linked to the nation states behind Stuxnet. The Times wrote that the company did not name Israel in that report, that the attackers were interested in Kaspersky's work on the "Equation Group," the industry term for the NSA, and that other victims included hotels and venues used for the negotiations on the Iran nuclear agreement, from which Israel was excluded.[^33] + +### The 2014 refusal letter + +On September 11, 2014, a letter from 43 veterans and reservists of the unit was distributed to the media. Al Jazeera reported that it was addressed to the prime minister, the armed forces chief and the head of military intelligence. The letter declared: "We veterans of Unit 8200, reservists past and present, declare that we refuse to take part in activity against Palestinians and refuse to be tools to deepen the military control in the occupied territories." It was published less than three weeks after the Gaza offensive that killed more than 2,200 people.[^6] + +[[Hanan Gefen]], a former commander of the unit, accused the signatories of a grave breach of trust. He said that if he were the serving commander he would put them on trial and remove them from the unit.[^6] Public radio coverage later that month carried the headline "Snowden Reveal Makes Israeli Spies' Protest An American Issue."[^7] + +In January 2015 the army dismissed some of the signatories. Ynet reported that the decision ended the reserve service of the refuseniks, who received letters stating they would not be called up for reserve duty in the future. The Military Intelligence Directorate noted that only a small part of the 43 had been called up in recent years, and then for a handful of days. Ynet reported that the dismissals followed the media storm the letter had created.[^8] + +### The NSA memorandum of understanding + +On September 11, 2013, [[The Guardian]] published the text of an undated, five-page memorandum of understanding between the NSA and its Israeli counterpart, from a top-secret document "provided to the Guardian by whistleblower [[Edward Snowden]]." The reporters, [[Glenn Greenwald]], [[Laura Poitras]] and [[Ewen MacAskill]], wrote that the deal "was reached in principle in March 2009" and that the memorandum described itself as an agreement "pertaining to the protection of US persons." The full text was published with the article.[^9][^10] + +The memorandum states that the NSA "routinely sends ISNU [the Israeli Sigint National Unit] minimized and unminimized raw collection." The counterpart is named ISNU, and the text does not name Unit 8200. The unit's role as the signals-intelligence arm of the Israeli military is the basis for the identification.[^1] Under the memorandum, Israel could keep "any files containing the identities of US persons" for up to a year and was to consult the NSA's special liaison adviser when such data appeared. Communications to or from an official of the US government were to be destroyed "upon recognition." The NSA was to "regularly review a sample of files transferred to ISNU to validate the absence of US persons' identities."[^9] + +The memorandum defines raw Sigint as including "unevaluated and unminimized transcripts, gists, facsimiles, telex, voice and Digital Network Intelligence metadata and content." It permits Israel to disseminate foreign intelligence concerning US persons derived from raw Sigint provided it does so "in a manner that does not identify the US person," and to release US person identities to outside parties with the NSA's written permission. The Guardian reported that Israeli personnel agreed not to deliberately target Americans identified in the data, that the NSA declined to say whether the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court had been asked to approve the sharing, and that the NSA spokesperson did not deny that personal data about Americans was included in the material sent.[^9] + +The memorandum states that "This agreement is not intended to create any legally enforceable rights" and is neither an international agreement nor a legally binding instrument. An NSA spokesperson said that "Any US person information that is acquired as a result of NSA's surveillance activities is handled under procedures that are designed to protect privacy rights." The Guardian also quoted a top-secret report dated September 2007 that described the relationship as "overwhelmingly one-sided in favor of Israel."[^9] + +### Alumni and the surveillance industry + +The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project wrote that veterans of Unit 8200 "are known to have helped develop" the technology of [[NSO Group]], the spyware company co-founded in 2010 by two high-school friends.[^11] The two, [[Shalev Hulio]] and [[Omri Lavie]], are described by some accounts as unit alumni. In a January 2019 profile by [[Ronen Bergman]], Ynet wrote that Hulio "didn't serve in the IDF's elite Unit 8200," that his final posting was as commander of a Home Front Command search and rescue team, and that one of two friends from Hugim High School in Haifa who developed the technology of an earlier company, CommuniTech, had served in Unit 8200. Bergman quoted a senior intelligence official who said NSO was "another example of Israel's strategic capabilities, which were developed to protect its citizens and its national security, that have been proliferated by former members of the intelligence community." Hulio denied the claim and said that an early employee, the engineer who began building the first offensive tool in August 2010, "may have served in Unit 8200" but that the technology did not come from there.[^26] The profile also names [[Niv Carmi]], who worked at the Prime Minister's Office as a student, as the technical expert the investor Eddy Shalev required the founders to bring in.[^26] The OCCRP quoted [[Gadi Aviran]], who founded the intelligence firm [[Terrogence]], telling The New Yorker in 2019: "There was this huge pipeline of talent coming out of the military every year."[^11] + +### NSO Group litigation + +[[WhatsApp]] sued NSO in October 2019 in the Northern District of California. A March 2020 order described the defendants, which the plaintiffs had attempted to serve through the Hague Convention, as Israeli entities.[^12] A July 2020 order described NSO as an Israeli limited liability company, described [[Q Cyber Technologies]] as an Israeli corporation and NSO's only active director and majority shareholder, and recorded the complaint's allegation that defendants sent malware through WhatsApp's system to about 1,400 mobile devices.[^13] + +On December 20, 2024, Judge [[Phyllis Hamilton]] granted WhatsApp's motion for partial summary judgment on liability under the federal Computer Fraud and Abuse Act and California's Comprehensive Computer Data Access and Fraud Act. She denied NSO's motion for summary judgment and granted the sanctions motion in part. The order considered terminating sanctions, preferred evidentiary sanctions, and called defendants' limitation of Pegasus source-code production "simply impracticable for a lawsuit that is to be litigated in this district." It stated that a trial would proceed only on damages.[^14] + +On May 6, 2025 a jury returned a unanimous verdict of $444,719 in compensatory damages, the full amount WhatsApp sought, and $167,254,000 in punitive damages (Dkt. 736), a total of $167,698,719. The jury found that the defendants acted with malice, oppression or fraud.[^15][^27] On October 17, 2025 Judge Hamilton granted WhatsApp's motion for a permanent injunction and granted the defendants' motion for remittitur, reducing the punitive award to $4,002,471, the maximum she found permissible at a ratio of nine to one to compensatory damages under the Ninth Circuit's *Riley* framework. The order stated that the defendants had reverse-engineered WhatsApp's code to create a modified client and had repeatedly redesigned their software to avoid detection.[^27] WhatsApp accepted the remittitur on October 31, 2025. On November 12, 2025 the court entered a permanent injunction, which excluded the defendants' foreign sovereign customers and outside counsel from the parties it binds, and a final judgment of $4,447,190, consisting of $444,719 in compensatory and $4,002,471 in punitive damages.[^15][^28] On December 19, 2025 the court denied the defendants' motion to stay the injunction pending appeal.[^29] + +### Alumni in SEC filings + +Executive biographies in SEC filings also name the unit. The annual report on Form 20-F filed by [[Check Point Software Technologies]] on March 17, 2025 describes its chief executive, [[Nadav Zafrir]], as having "served as Commander of Unit 8200, Israel's elite military technology unit, where he established the Israel Defense Forces Cyber Command." The report also lists him as a director of [[SolarEdge Technologies]].[^16] + +The annual report on Form 20-F for 2022 of [[HUB Cyber Security]] states that the company "was founded in 2017 by veterans of the elite Unit 8200 and Unit 81 of the Israeli Defense Forces."[^17] The 2024 proxy statement of [[Playtika Holding]] describes a vice president for customer relationship management and analytics as having served, before joining the company, "in the elite Israeli military unit 8200."[^18] + +### Carbyne and the Epstein investments + +Minutes of a meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. (later [[Carbyne]]) on December 23, 2015 list as directors present Amir Elichai, Alex Dizengof, [[Ehud Barak]] and "Pinchas Bouchris," with the company's lawyer. The minutes record a resolution to seek $10 million from venture funds and a further investment of $500,000 by Barak expected by February 1, 2016. The minutes were among the records released in the Department of Justice's Epstein Library.[^30] Pinhas Buchris, identified in Calcalist's July 2019 reporting as "the former director of Israel's Unit 8200," sat on Carbyne's board in 2017 with Barak, Elichai and [[Nicole Junkermann]].[^31] In a December 2022 interview with Calcalist, Buchris described himself as a former officer of [[Sayeret Matkal]], commander of Unit 81 and of Unit 8200, and director general of the [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]], said he had introduced the unit to cyber operations in 1997, and spoke of his part in the 1976 [[Operation Entebbe]] rescue.[^32] + +[[Forbes]] reported in February 2026 that Barak served on the company's board until 2019 and that [[Jeffrey Epstein]] invested through Barak.[^19] Epstein's stake was held through SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership. In a February 28, 2019 email, the partnership's lawyer wrote that at the time of the initial investment it had received warrants for 61,251 Preferred A shares of Carbyne, and that exercising them would raise its holding from about 13 percent to about 26.33 percent. A later message in the chain told Epstein's lawyer [[Darren Indyke]] that [[Southern Trust Company]] had signed the additional investment agreement.[^35] On March 11, 2019, Barak wrote to Epstein in a thread that carried the subject line "Re: Carbyne warrants" and included a message forwarded by Indyke.[^20] + +### Gaza targeting reporting, 2024 + +On April 3, 2024, [[+972 Magazine]] and [[Local Call]] published a report by [[Yuval Abraham]] describing an AI-based system called [[Lavender (targeting system)]]. The report says six Israeli intelligence officers who served in the Gaza war described its use in generating human targets, and that four of them said it had marked some 37,000 Palestinians as suspected Hamas militants.[^21] The same report describes tracking software, called "Where's Daddy?" in the reporting, that alerted targeting officers when marked individuals entered their homes.[^21] + +The report says that the commander of Unit 8200 wrote the 2021 book *The Human-Machine Team* under the pen name "Brigadier General Y.S.", and that five sources in the unit confirmed him as its author. It also cites a 2023 lecture at [[Tel Aviv University]] by a colonel the report calls "Col. Yoav," commander of the unit's Data Science and AI center, whose slides +972 obtained.[^21] + +The IDF told +972 and Local Call that it did not use artificial intelligence to incriminate targets, describing its tools as "auxiliary tools that assist officers in the process of incrimination." The army said each target is examined individually.[^21] + +### The commander's identity + +On April 5, 2024, The Guardian reported that the commander of Unit 8200, [[Yossi Sariel]], was the secret author of *The Human Machine Team*. The Guardian wrote that an electronic version of the book published on Amazon included an anonymous email address that traced to Sariel's name and to a private Google account, which exposed his unique ID and linked maps and calendar profiles. The Guardian reported that Sariel wrote the book with the army's permission after a year as a visiting researcher at the National Defense University in Washington.[^22] + +An IDF spokesperson told the Guardian that the email address was not Sariel's personal one, but "dedicated specifically for issues to do with the book itself." The army later described the exposure of Sariel's personal details as "a mistake."[^22] + +On September 12, 2024, Sariel announced his resignation as commander. In his letter he wrote: "I did not fulfill the mission as I expected of myself, nor as my subordinates, superiors and the citizens of Israel expected of me." The army said he would be replaced "in the coming period."[^23] ### Minerva University admissions -A page on the admissions site of [[Minerva Project]] was headed "Partner: IDF 8200" in a capture of September 21, 2020. The page states that "IDF unit 8200 alumni have the mature perspective and technological experience to both benefit from and contribute to Minerva's diverse undergraduate experience." It is published under the company's name and carries no statement attributed to [[Ben Nelson]].[^2] +A page on the admissions site of [[Minerva Project]] was headed "Partner: IDF 8200" in a capture of September 21, 2020. The page states that "IDF unit 8200 alumni have the mature perspective and technological experience to both benefit from and contribute to Minerva's diverse undergraduate experience." It is published under the company's name and carries no statement attributed to [[Ben Nelson]].[^24] + +### Project 8200 + +A 2024 book by [[Frederick Atwater]] titled *Project 8200* presents remote-viewing transcripts concerning UAP bases. Records found do not establish whether [[Project 8200]] has any connection to this unit.[^25] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). -[^2]: Minerva Schools at KGI, "Partner: IDF 8200," page captured September 21, 2020. https://www.minerva.kgi.edu/partners/partner-idf-8200/ + +[^1]: Ynet, "Intelligence and Cyberwarfare: Israeli locations Hezbollah targeted for destruction," August 25, 2024. https://www.ynetnews.com/magazine/article/sy3etztic +[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). +[^3]: Wilson Center, "The Venona Project." The program began in 1943, decoded its first cable in 1946, and ran until the NSA shut it down in 1980; most of the cables date from 1943 to 1945. https://wilsoncenter.org/article/venona-project +[^4]: David E. Sanger, "Obama Ordered Wave of Cyberattacks Against Iran," *The New York Times*, June 1, 2012. https://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/01/world/middleeast/obama-ordered-wave-of-cyberattacks-against-iran.html +[^5]: David E. Sanger, *Confront and Conceal: Obama's Secret Wars and Surprising Use of American Power* (2012), excerpt as reported by *The Register*, June 1, 2012. https://www.theregister.com/2012/06/01/stuxnet_joint_us_israeli_op/ +[^6]: "Israeli reservists refuse to serve," *Al Jazeera*, September 13, 2014. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2014/9/13/israeli-reservists-refuse-to-serve +[^7]: "Snowden Reveal Makes Israeli Spies' Protest An American Issue," *WGBH*, September 22, 2014. https://www.wgbh.org/news/2014-09-22/snowden-reveal-makes-israeli-spies-protest-an-american-issue +[^8]: Yoav Zitun, "IDF dismisses several intel reservists over refusenik letter," *Ynetnews*, January 26, 2015. https://www.ynetnews.com/article/4619538 +[^9]: Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, "Secret Deal Allows NSA to Share Americans' Data With Israel," *The Guardian*, September 11, 2013 (reprinted by AlterNet). https://www.alternet.org/2013/09/secret-deal-allows-nsa-share-americans-data-israel +[^10]: "NSA and Israeli intelligence: memorandum of understanding, full document," *The Guardian*, September 11, 2013. http://www.theguardian.com/world/interactive/2013/sep/11/nsa-israel-intelligence-memorandum-understanding-document +[^11]: "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg," *OCCRP*, The Pegasus Project (article in the OCCRP series). https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project/where-nso-group-came-from-and-why-its-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg +[^12]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order granting in part and denying in part motion to set aside default judgment (Dkt. 41, March 25, 2020), at 1-2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-0.pdf +[^13]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order on motions to dismiss (Dkt. 111, July 16, 2020), pp. 1-2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-5.pdf +[^14]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order re motions for summary judgment and sanctions (Dkt. 494, December 20, 2024), at 16. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-24.pdf +[^15]: *WhatsApp LLC v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Final Judgment (Dkt. 810, November 12, 2025), p. 2, reciting the May 6, 2025 verdict (Dkt. 736) and the October 17, 2025 remittitur. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-44.pdf +[^16]: Check Point Software Technologies Ltd., annual report on Form 20-F, filed March 17, 2025. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1015922/000117891325000867/zk2532836.htm +[^17]: HUB Cyber Security Ltd., annual report on Form 20-F for 2022, filed August 15, 2023. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1905660/000121390023067760/f20f2022_hubcyber.htm +[^18]: Playtika Holding Corp., definitive proxy statement, filed April 26, 2024. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1828016/000182801624000011/playtika-20240425.htm +[^19]: Thomas Brewster, "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak," *Forbes*, February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/ +[^20]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02632339, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 11, 2019, with a forwarded message from Darren Indyke. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02632339.pdf +[^21]: Yuval Abraham, "'Lavender': The AI machine directing Israel's bombing spree in Gaza," *+972 Magazine* and *Local Call*, April 3, 2024. https://www.972mag.com/lavender-ai-israeli-army-gaza/ +[^22]: "Exclusive: Yossi Sariel unmasked as head of Unit 8200 and architect of AI strategy after book written under pen name reveals his Google account," *The Guardian*, April 5, 2024. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/apr/05/top-israeli-spy-chief-exposes-his-true-identity-in-online-security-lapse +[^23]: "Head of critical IDF intel unit resigns over Oct. 7 failure," *JNS*, September 12, 2024. https://www.jns.org/israel-news/head-of-critical-idf-intel-unit-resigns-over-oct-7-failure +[^24]: Minerva Schools at KGI, "Partner: IDF 8200," page captured September 21, 2020. https://www.minerva.kgi.edu/partners/partner-idf-8200/ (Internet Archive capture, https://web.archive.org/web/20200921120000id_/https://www.minerva.kgi.edu/partners/partner-idf-8200/) +[^25]: Frederick Atwater, *Project 8200: UFO/UAP Bases and Activities: The Original Remote Viewing Transcripts* (2024), ISBN-10 3911151047. +[^26]: Ronen Bergman, "Weaving a cyber web," *Ynetnews*, January 11, 2019. https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-5444998,00.html +[^27]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order re motion for permanent injunction, motion for remittitur or new trial, and motion to seal (Dkt. 802, October 17, 2025), pp. 1-2 and conclusion. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-40.pdf +[^28]: *WhatsApp LLC v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order granting plaintiffs' motion for permanent injunction (Dkt. 809, November 12, 2025), p. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-43.pdf +[^29]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order denying motion to stay permanent injunction (Dkt. 824, December 19, 2025). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-46.pdf +[^30]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf +[^31]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html +[^32]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o +[^33]: Nicole Perlroth and Scott Shane, "How Israel Caught Russian Hackers Scouring the World for U.S. Secrets," *The New York Times*, October 10, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/10/technology/kaspersky-lab-israel-russia-hacking.html +[^34]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), ch. 21. +[^35]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants," February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Agency for International Development.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Agency for International Development.md index 27da43d0..704f69e8 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Agency for International Development.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Agency for International Development.md @@ -1,32 +1,220 @@ --- created: 2026-06-13 -updated: 2026-06-13 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Agency for International Development aliases: - USAID - AID - U.S. Agency for International Development + - US Agency for International Development + - Agency for International Development tags: - Organization - USGovernment - ColdWar - LatinAmerica + - SoutheastAsia + - PoliceTraining + - OfficeOfPublicSafety + - ZunZuneo + - Vietnam + - Laos + - Uruguay category: "U.S. Government" -summary: "The U.S. Agency for International Development is the federal foreign-aid agency established in 1961 whose Office of Public Safety provided police training in Latin America and Southeast Asia that served as cover for CIA operations and counterinsurgency interrogation programs." +summary: "The U.S. Agency for International Development, created in 1961, ran police training abroad through its Office of Public Safety from 1962 until Congress barred such aid in 1974." start: 1961 location: "Washington, D.C." +relations: + - type: founded + with: "[[John F. Kennedy]]" + reverse: true + start: 1961-09-04 + role: "signed the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 that created the agency" + fn: 1 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Byron Engle]]" + reverse: true + role: "Director, Office of Public Safety" + start: 1970 + fn: 15 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Lauren Goin]]" + reverse: true + role: "Director, AID Office of Public Safety" + start: 1975-01 + fn: 21 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Dan Mitrione]]" + reverse: true + role: "public safety adviser; chief public safety adviser in Montevideo" + fn: 15 + - type: funded + with: "[[International Police Academy]]" + role: "police academy in Washington, D.C. administered under AID" + fn: 20 + - type: funded + with: "[[AIFLD]]" + start: 1962 + role: "AID supplied most of the budget of the AFL-CIO's Latin American institute" + fn: 23 + - type: investigated + with: "[[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]]" + reverse: true + start: 1969 + role: "hearing on AIFLD's Latin American programs" + fn: 22 + - type: contractor_to + with: "[[Air America]]" + reverse: true + start: 1970 + role: "air transport contracts with AID in Laos, funded in part by the CIA" + fn: 25 + - type: funded + with: "[[ZunZuneo]]" + start: 2009 + end: 2012-09 + role: "Cuba text-messaging network, carried through contractors" + fn: 39 + - type: contractor_to + with: "[[Creative Associates International]]" + reverse: true + start: 2009 + role: "contractor that obtained Cuban cellphone numbers for the ZunZuneo project" + fn: 39 --- -The Agency for International Development (USAID) is the [[United States]] government agency responsible for administering civilian foreign aid and development assistance, created in 1961 under the Foreign Assistance Act signed by President [[John F. Kennedy]]. Conceived as an instrument of [[Cold War]] development policy, it operated alongside and at times as cover for U.S. intelligence and counterinsurgency activity.[^1] -### Office of Public Safety +The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the [[United States]] government agency responsible for administering civilian foreign aid and development assistance. It was created in 1961 under the [[Foreign Assistance Act of 1961]], approved September 4, 1961, which was signed by President [[John F. Kennedy]].[^1] Conceived as an instrument of [[Cold War]] development policy, it operated alongside and at times as cover for [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and counterinsurgency activity.[^2] Similar use of academic and development institutions appears in [[Project Camelot]]. -From 1962 to 1974 USAID housed the Office of Public Safety (OPS), which trained foreign police forces in more than fifty countries. OPS ran the International Police Academy in [[Washington, D.C.]] and, in [[Latin America]] and Southeast Asia, provided equipment and instruction that extended to interrogation methods. The OPS adviser [[Dan Mitrione]], stationed in [[Uruguay]], became notorious for allegations that he taught torture techniques before his 1970 kidnapping and killing by the Tupamaros. Congress abolished OPS in 1974 after these abuses drew scrutiny.[^2] +### Police Programs Before the Office -### Intelligence Cover +Police assistance predated the Office of Public Safety. A memorandum from Acting Secretary of State [[Chester Bowles]] to President Kennedy in September 1961 describes police training to be administered by the [[International Cooperation Administration]] through its Public Safety program in [[Panama]], [[El Salvador]], [[Honduras]], and [[Guatemala]], with $726,000 obligated in fiscal 1961.[^3] In October 1961 the President's military representative, [[Maxwell Taylor]], reported that "AID is currently considering a proposal to establish a U.S. police academy, preferably in a Caribbean location such as the [[Panama Canal Zone|Canal Zone]]."[^4] In February 1962 Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]] informed the President that AID was reviewing its Public Safety program for Latin America.[^5] -USAID missions repeatedly provided official cover for [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officers, and OPS police-training programs gave the agency access to foreign internal-security services. The pattern paralleled the use of academic and development institutions documented in programs such as [[Project Camelot]].[^1][^2] +National Security Action Memorandum 124 of January 18, 1962 created the [[NSC Special Group|Special Group (Counter-Insurgency)]], with the AID administrator among its members. The annex assigned [[Laos]], South [[Vietnam]] and [[Thailand]] to its cognizance.[^6] + +An interagency committee chaired at the State Department by [[U. Alexis Johnson]] reported to the President on July 20, 1962. It described police assistance as "a very important but neglected part of our intensified effort to help emerging nations counter subversion and insurgency." It recommended that AID be charged with "operating and funding responsibility for all such programs, except for their covert aspects," that AID set up a senior professional office to manage police work, and that the government establish an international police academy under its own management. National Security Action Memorandum 177 of August 7, 1962 approved the recommendations.[^7] + +### Office of Public Safety, 1962 to 1974 + +On March 14, 1963 the chairman of the Special Group, Johnson, told the President that the worldwide police program had risen from about $14 million in fiscal 1962 to about $30 million in fiscal 1963. He reported that AID had "centralized the administration of the program in a new Office of Public Safety located within AID," with police advisory missions in thirty countries and eight more planned.[^8] The office, usually called OPS, ran police advisers, equipment and training for foreign forces until the Foreign Assistance Acts of 1973 and 1974 ended the funding. + +The program's footprint in [[Latin America]] grew through the 1960s. A June 1965 memorandum from the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs recommended that the department "continue to push for an expanded Public Safety program to enable the police to deal more effectively with insurgency problems."[^9] A July 1967 review of seven countries with active or potential insurgencies directed that an expanded program for [[Ecuador]]'s rural police be worked out with AID/Public Safety.[^10] In October 1969 the American ambassador in [[Dominican Republic|Santo Domingo]] proposed that responsibility for the Dominican National Police's Department of Special Operations pass to AID's public safety program effective June 30, 1970.[^11] In August 1970 a memorandum to President Nixon reported that "a modest public safety program is being reinstituted in FY 1971 with a proposed budget of $118,000" in [[Bolivia]].[^12] + +The public safety program itself began in 1954, with Indonesia the first recipient, and by the end of 1955 it included [[Iran]], South Korea and Cambodia. The Comptroller General reported in 1976 that the Office of Public Safety was set up in AID in 1962 and that the International Police Academy was established the following year. Over the life of the program 52 countries received technical assistance, and more than 10,700 police officers were trained in the United States, 5,204 of them graduates of the academy. The program peaked in fiscal 1968, when 34 countries received about $60 million and the office had about 590 employees; by the end of fiscal 1973 its staff had fallen to 240.[^13] + +Senator [[Alan Cranston]] told the Senate in March 1992 that the program had been channelled mostly through the AID Office of Public Safety, and that by 1968 the government was spending $60 million annually to train police in 34 countries. He wrote that reports of torture and murder by U.S.-trained and U.S.-equipped police in Iran, Vietnam, [[Brazil]] and other countries had spurred the 1974 ban.[^14] + +### Dan Mitrione in Uruguay + +[[Dan Mitrione]] served as the office's chief public safety adviser in [[Montevideo]], [[Uruguay]], where the public safety program had begun in 1964.[^13] On August 11, 1970 Representative [[Gerald R. Ford]] told the House that the death Monday of an American citizen in Montevideo "at the hands of Communist terrorists" was "a senseless, savage, cowardly act." He commended [[Byron Engle]], the director of the Office of Public Safety in AID, for "the leading role he played in this effort" to secure Mitrione's release.[^15] The [[Tupamaro]] urban guerrillas kidnapped Mitrione in 1970 and demanded the release of 150 imprisoned Tupamaros; the government of President [[Jorge Pacheco Areco]] stated that it could not release them, and Mitrione's body was found on Monday, August 10, 1970.[^16] + +[[A. J. Langguth]] wrote in Hidden Terrors (1978) that the Montevideo police were torturing prisoners with a rudimentary electric needle from Argentina when Mitrione arrived, that Mitrione arranged newer needles of varying thickness which a Uruguayan police officer understood to have come in through the embassy's diplomatic pouch, and that Mitrione conveyed instructions on the interrogation of Tupamaro suspects through senior Uruguayan officers. Langguth reported that Mitrione advised interrogators to learn a suspect's breaking point and reach it quickly, and that a police officer recalled Mitrione entering a room where a suspect was being given electric shocks. He also wrote that the police commissioner [[Alejandro Otero]] was told by a detainee that Mitrione had watched and assisted at an interrogation, which led Otero to complain to Mitrione.[^16] + +[[Manuel Hevia Cosculluela]], a Cuban who had worked alongside Mitrione in Montevideo and who afterward appeared in Havana, gave a separate account in Pasaporte 11333: Ocho años con la CIA (Havana, 1978). Hevia wrote that Mitrione took part in a course for Uruguayan police in which beggars from the outskirts of Montevideo, and a woman, were used for a demonstration of electric shock at different voltages and of drugs, and that "the four of them died." Hevia attributed to Mitrione the maxim "the precise pain, in the precise place, in the precise amount, for the desired effect." In a statement reported in The New York Times of August 5, 1978, Hevia said that Mitrione had personally tortured four beggars to death with electric shocks.[^17] The Comptroller General reported in 1976 that congressional criticism of the public safety program in 1973 centered on charges that its advisers had "approved, advocated, or taught torture techniques to civil police in some countries."[^13] + +Cranston's 1992 statement named Iran, Vietnam and Brazil among the countries where such reports arose.[^14] + +### Congress Restricts Police Training, 1973 to 1975 + +The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations wrote on August 2, 1973 (Senate Report 93-377) that "United States participation in the highly sensitive area of public safety and police training unavoidably invites criticism from persons who seek to identify the United States with every act of local police brutality or oppression in any country in which this program operates. It matters little whether the charges can be substantiated."[^13] The Foreign Assistance Act of 1973, enacted December 17, 1973, added section 112 to the 1961 act, which prohibited the use of funds made available under the act for police training or related programs in a foreign country; training of foreign police in the United States was not prohibited.[^13] On January 3, 1974 AID notified its missions that all public safety projects were to be phased out by August 17, 1974. At that time there were active programs in 17 countries and 95 advisers overseas. The scheduled phaseout dates included Bolivia and Panama in May, Colombia and Guatemala in June, Ecuador in July, and Laos, Thailand and Uruguay in August 1974.[^13] + +In August 1973 the CIA's legislative summary quoted Senate Report 93-189, which explained the Senate bill's police-training prohibition: "The prohibition is meant to cover all advisory or training programs involving all phases of law enforcement, including prison administration." The same report stated that "We have troubles enough with police / community relations in our own society."[^18] The summary recorded that the House had rejected a floor amendment by Representative [[Michael Harrington]] that would have extended the prohibition to other acts.[^18] + +Section 30 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1974, approved December 30, 1974, added section 660 to the 1961 act. From July 1, 1975 no funds made available under the act could "be used to provide training or advice, or provide any financial support, for police, prisons, or other law enforcement forces for any foreign government," with exemptions for certain drug enforcement authorities of the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.[^19] Cranston later said that "I and others in Congress prevailed and we banned foreign aid to police forces in 1974." He wrote that the ban remained virtually ironclad until 1985, and that a dozen exemptions had been granted in the meantime.[^14] + +### International Police Academy + +The Inter-American Police Academy in Panama trained 121 Latin American police officers by March 1963, and 272 trainees from other parts of the world received instruction in the United States during the period covered by the same memorandum.[^8] The International Police Academy in [[Washington, D.C.]] was the second training facility the office used. + +AID closed the academy on February 28, 1975, and on March 1, 1975 the Customs Service took over the facilities.[^13] In January 1975 the columnist [[Jack Anderson]] reported that the academy had trained more than 5,000 foreign police over eleven years, drawn from 77 governments, and that it operated from an old street-car garage known as the "Car Barn." He reported that Senator [[James Abourezk]] had charged that the academy was a "CIA-controlled police training school under AID cover in Washington, D.C." Anderson wrote that some academy students had written theses "on the use of torture as one technique of interrogation of prisoners." He reported that the investigative reporters [[John Marks]] and [[Taylor Branch]] would report that the CIA had run a commercial cover, International Police Services, Inc., from a Washington brownstone from 1952 until a few months before the column.[^20] An academy spokesman, quoted by Anderson, insisted that "the CIA has never controlled the International Police Academy." The CIA told Anderson that all agency support for the academy had been terminated.[^20] + +Anderson also quoted a letter from CIA Director [[William E. Colby]], dated August 1974, describing how "relationships" built with policemen through these programs had been useful in "obtaining foreign intelligence."[^20] A CIA routing sheet dated January 16, 1975 forwarded, for information, the reply that the AID Office of Public Safety, under its director [[Lauren Goin]], had sent to Anderson's inquiry about the CIA's relationship with the academy.[^21] + +### Labor Institutes and AFL-CIO Programs + +The American Institute for Free Labor Development ([[AIFLD]]), the [[AFL-CIO]]'s Latin American institute, was financed largely by AID. The opening statement at a [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] hearing in 1969 recorded that AIFLD had "received a little over $28 million in foreign aid funds for its operations in Latin America" since 1962.[^22] [[George Meany]], president of the AFL-CIO, testified in the same hearing.[^22] + +[[William Greider]] of the [[Washington Post]] reported on April 21, 1969 that AID had supplied $16 million of the roughly $18 million AIFLD received from 1962 through 1967, which he put at 87 per cent of the money from the government. He reported that AID's deputy administrator, [[Rutherford Poats]], described the arrangement as "we are financing a union-to-union relationship."[^23] Greider's article was reprinted in the hearing record.[^22] + +### Laos + +The Special Group's assignment of Laos under NSAM 124 placed the country under the same interagency counterinsurgency mechanism that included the AID administrator.[^6] The March 1963 progress report records that an internal defense plan had been prepared for every assigned country except Laos, where, "owing to the unique situation, an Internal Defense Plan is not considered to be useful at this time."[^8] + +The United States Operations Mission (USOM) was established in Vientiane in January 1955 to administer economic assistance, and at the end of that year a Programs Evaluation Office, staffed by reserve or retired military officers and described by the CIA historian William M. Leary as akin to a Military Assistance Advisory Group, was set up within USOM to handle military aid. Civil Air Transport, the predecessor of [[Air America]], flew its first rice airdrops for USOM in September 1955.[^24] By 1971 the military assistance program was, in the words of a Senate staff report, "operated ostensibly under AID in Laos," and the AID Requirements Office administered it.[^25] + +A January 17, 1964 memorandum from the Bureau of Intelligence and Research to the Special Group, reporting on a subcommittee review of support for foreign paramilitary forces, listed Laos as one of two countries then receiving covert U.S. support for paramilitary forces. It described a CIA program that had grown to about 19,000 armed Meo guerrillas (23,000 authorized), with further forces among the Yao, Kha and Lao, at a budget of $11,625,000 for fiscal 1963 and $14,008,000 for fiscal 1964. The memorandum stated that the covert air support, "conducted by an ostensibly private and commercial company, has been able to continue operations in Laos under USAID contractual arrangements and through the flexibility of CIA's cover and funding mechanisms."[^26] + +On October 28, 1969 the Director of Central Intelligence appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on United States security agreements and commitments abroad, chaired by Senator [[Stuart Symington]]. A CIA record of the session lists as follow-up that Senator [[Mike Mansfield]] was promised a list of the directors of Air America.[^27] The subcommittee staff members [[James G. Lowenstein]] and [[Richard M. Moose]] visited Laos from April 22 to May 4, 1971, and their report, printed on August 3, 1971 with deletions made at the request of the State and Defense Departments and the CIA, stated that the AID program in fiscal 1971 was estimated at $52 million, that a partial total of estimated U.S. expenditure in Laos in that year was $284.2 million, and that "within Laos, the CIA trains and advises irregular forces, but until last week AID had provided these forces with rice in Military Regions I and II." It stated that the civilian air fleet in Laos, run by Air America, Continental Air Services and Lao Air Transport, operated "under contracts with AID, although funds are provided by AID, the Defense Department, CIA, and the State Department," with air transport contract costs in fiscal 1970 of $5 million for AID, a deleted amount for the CIA and $11.7 million for the AID Requirements Office. Half of AID's fixed-wing contract of $3.5 million was for refugee relief, and part of the CIA contract paid for flights carrying Americans to Long Tieng, Sam Thong and refugee sites.[^25] + +On February 6, 1971 the New York Times reported that the General Accounting Office had concluded in two censored reports that much of the money allocated for assisting refugees in Laos had been used to finance paramilitary operations directed by the CIA, and that almost half the funds of AID's village health program were supporting military activities. The reports were released by Senator [[Edward M. Kennedy]], chairman of the Judiciary subcommittee on refugees. According to the Times, the subcommittee staff said the reports provided official documentation of the extent to which refugee programs had been used "as a cover by the C.I.A. for financing its military activities." An AID spokesman acknowledged that some assistance went to guerrilla forces but said that a larger percentage went to dependents. Kennedy said about half the refugee funds had gone to guerrilla operations, and the subcommittee estimated that 45 per cent of the more than 280,000 persons receiving refugee assistance in 279 villages in July 1970 were guerrillas and their dependents. Refugee assistance in the last fiscal year was $17 million.[^28] + +A CIA memorandum for the record of January 6, 1972 describes a General Accounting Office official showing the CIA the final drafts of two further reports, on medical support and refugee programs in Laos, prepared for Kennedy's subcommittee from a survey in Laos in August and September 1971. At Kennedy's request the General Accounting Office had not submitted them to AID, State or the CIA for review. The memorandum compiled the CIA references in the reports, noted that an "AID/CIA Working Fund Agreement" appeared as an appendix to the medical support report, and set out two options: to accept the references and their classifications, or to insist that references to the CIA be removed from the unclassified sections.[^29] On May 3, 1972 a CIA officer wrote that an AID witness was to testify before Kennedy's subcommittee on May 9, and that "in view of largely unfounded allegations about CIA use of AID funds and facilities, there would be some benefit to a balanced unclassified discussion of these arrangements in open session."[^30] The Laos public safety program was among those phased out in August 1974.[^13] + +### Brazil, 1964 + +[[Lincoln Gordon]], the ambassador in Rio de Janeiro, was in Washington from March 13 to 22, 1964 for consultation and for the conference of U.S. ambassadors and AID mission directors to Latin America. According to a National Security Council staff memorandum of March 19, the AID director for Brazil, [[Jack B. Kubisch]], said at the conference that many people in Washington wanted the United States to stand off from Brazil until the Brazilians behaved, and that this ignored the many segments of Brazilian society that were with the United States.[^31] On March 28, 1964, three days before the coup against President [[Joao Goulart]], a State Department telegram to Gordon, cleared in substance at a White House meeting, stated that it was doubtful the United States could provide "plausible cover for naval operation," raised the attribution of unmarked arms to a U.S. covert operation, and asked: "Should we hold up approval or announcement of AID loans? Are other non-military measures desirable further to polarize situation to Goulart's disadvantage?"[^32] + +Gordon replied on March 29 that he saw "no present point in foot-dragging on debt negotiations or hold action on AID loans, unless preceded by some clear indication of United States government concern with basic problem of Brazilian political regime," and that for "AID projects of direct interest to clearly democratic elements, such as Cemat, we believe approvals and announcements should continue." He wrote that suspending aid publicly, which "would be especially dramatic if wheat included," would be better done in response to more obvious political developments. The telegram was forwarded to the White House on March 30.[^33] On March 31 an interagency task force chaired by a Deputy Assistant Secretary of State met to consider economic assistance to Brazil on the assumption that a "democratically-inclined pro-Western group" came to power, and recommended that creditor nations join a voluntary three-month moratorium on Brazil's debt payments.[^34] + +After the coup of April 1, 1964, Gordon wrote to Assistant Secretary of State [[Thomas C. Mann]] on August 10, 1964 about the strategy of economic assistance, setting out orders of magnitude for outside support in which AID and the Export-Import Bank accounted for $250 million of a total of $650 million to $700 million, with a complementary program loan from AID.[^35] On November 2, 1964 AID Administrator [[David E. Bell]] approved a proposal to provide Brazil with $100 million for project loans and $150 million for a program loan "on the most concessionary terms legally available," and the United States and Brazil signed the agreement on December 14, 1964.[^36] The loans went to the government of President [[Humberto Castelo Branco]]. + +### Vietnam: CORDS and the Phoenix Program + +The Office of Civil Operations and Rural Support (CORDS) was organized on May 28, 1967 under the commander of the [[U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam]]. Its Public Safety Directorate developed policy for the U.S. public safety program and "advised and assisted the GVN National Police." A CORDS directorate negotiated resource levels with USAID and the Government of Vietnam.[^37] The Phung Hoang Directorate, which supported the Government of Vietnam's [[Phung Hoang Plan]] for intelligence coordination, had as its goal "the neutralization of the Viet Cong infrastructure." The National Archives states that the directorate was "known as the Phoenix program by the Americans assisting in the program."[^37] The Phoenix program is described on its own page, [[Phoenix Program]]. + +### Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office + +Congress appropriated $27 million for humanitarian assistance to the [[Contras]] of [[Nicaragua]] in August 1985. On August 29, 1985 President Reagan created the [[NHAO|Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office]] in the State Department to administer the funds, and Ambassador [[Robert W. Duemling]] set up the office within the department.[^38] The Iran-Contra independent counsel's report states that [[Oliver North]] intruded in the office's operations in at least two ways: by insisting that [[Richard B. Gadd]] be the contractor for NHAO flights, and by persuading Duemling to add [[Robert W. Owen]] to the staff. Duemling's notes also reflect that North volunteered the services of [[Felix Rodriguez]] for the humanitarian resupply.[^38] + +### ZunZuneo + +In 2009 [[Creative Associates International]], a Washington-based firm, obtained a half-million Cuban cellphone numbers for a text-messaging network called ZunZuneo, slang for a Cuban hummingbird's tweet. The Associated Press reported on April 3, 2014 that USAID funded the project and that its contractors concealed the American connection through front companies in Spain and the Cayman Islands.[^39] A 2010 memorandum from [[Mobile Accord]], one of the project's creators, stated that "There will be absolutely no mention of United States government involvement." The network reached at least 40,000 subscribers over more than two years.[^39] + +USAID told the Associated Press that ZunZuneo stopped in September 2012 when a government grant ended. The agency said its work was found to be "consistent with U.S. law." Senator [[Patrick Leahy]] said that the program's clandestine nature "was not disclosed to the appropriations subcommittee with oversight responsibility." The project was publicly launched shortly after the 2009 arrest in [[Cuba]] of [[Alan Gross]], a USAID subcontractor.[^39] + +### Closure in 2025 + +Executive Order 14169 of January 20, 2025, "Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid," ordered a 90-day pause in new obligations and disbursements of foreign development assistance, to be enforced by the Office of Management and Budget, pending reviews of each program.[^40] On March 28, 2025 the State Department sent Congress a notification of its intent to realign certain USAID functions to the Department by July 1, 2025 and to discontinue the remaining functions. Senators who wrote to Secretary of State [[Marco Rubio]] on April 8, 2025 described the notification as ending USAID's status as an independent establishment in the executive branch and abolishing multiple USAID bureaus and offices.[^41] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Records of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Record Group 286, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. -[^2]: Langguth, A.J. *Hidden Terrors: The Truth About U.S. Police Operations in Latin America*. Pantheon, 1978. +[^1]: Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, Public Law 87-195, approved September 4, 1961, 75 Stat. 424. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-75/pdf/STATUTE-75-Pg424.pdf +[^2]: Records of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Record Group 286, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/286.html +[^3]: Memorandum from Acting Secretary of State Bowles to President Kennedy, September 29, 1961, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. XII, American Republics, document 85. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v12/d85 +[^4]: Memorandum from the President's Military Representative (Taylor) to President Kennedy, October 7, 1961, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. XII, document 87. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v12/d87 +[^5]: Memorandum from Secretary of State Rusk to President Kennedy, February 20, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. XII, document 93. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v12/d93 +[^6]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 124, January 18, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. VIII, National Security Policy, document 68. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v08/d68 +[^7]: Memorandum from the Interagency Committee on Police Assistance Programs to President Kennedy, July 20, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. VIII, document 99, citing National Security Action Memorandum 177 of August 7, 1962. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v08/d99 +[^8]: Memorandum from the Chairman of the Special Group (Counter-Insurgency) (Johnson) to President Kennedy, March 14, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. VIII, document 128. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v08/d128 +[^9]: Memorandum from the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Sayre) to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, June 12, 1965, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, South and Central America; Mexico, document 75. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d75 +[^10]: Memorandum from the President's Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson, July 6, 1967, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 61. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d61 +[^11]: Telegram 4140 from the Embassy in the Dominican Republic to the Department of State, October 21, 1969, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. E-10, Documents on American Republics, 1969-1972, document 272. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76ve10/d272 +[^12]: Memorandum from Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Johnson to President Nixon, August 22, 1970, with interagency report "Insurgency in Bolivia: A Summary Statement," Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. E-10, document 90. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76ve10/d90 +[^13]: U.S. General Accounting Office, Stopping U.S. Assistance to Foreign Police and Prisons, Report ID-76-5 to the Congress by the Comptroller General of the United States, February 19, 1976, chapter 2 (quoting S. Rept. 93-377, August 2, 1973, p. 17, and describing section 112 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1973) and chapter 3 (evolution of the program, phaseout steps, International Police Academy). https://www.gao.gov/assets/id-76-5.pdf +[^14]: Senator Alan Cranston, Senate statement, Congressional Record, March 5, 1992, p. S2874. https://irp.fas.org/gao/920300-train.htm +[^15]: Gerald R. Ford, House floor statement, August 11, 1970, "House Speech Assassination of Dan Mitrione, August 11, 1970," Ford Congressional Papers, Press Secretary and Speech File, Box D30, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/document/0054/4526305.pdf +[^16]: A. J. Langguth, Hidden Terrors: The Truth About U.S. Police Operations in Latin America (New York: Pantheon, 1978), account of Mitrione's Montevideo posting (the Tupamaro demand for 150 prisoners, the discovery of the body on Monday, August 10, 1970, the electric needles, the interrogation of a labor official, and the Otero complaint). +[^17]: Manuel Hevia Cosculluela, Pasaporte 11333: Ocho años con la CIA (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1978), pp. 284-287; Hevia's later statement reported in The New York Times, August 5, 1978, p. 3. +[^18]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Foreign Aid Legislation: Restrictions and Prohibitions on Foreign Police Training," August 17, 1973, quoting Senate Report 93-189, pages 33-34, and House Report 93-388, page 93. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp75b00380r000600170041-7 +[^19]: Foreign Assistance Act of 1974, Public Law 93-559, section 30 (adding section 660, "Prohibiting Police Training"), approved December 30, 1974, 88 Stat. 1804. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-88/pdf/STATUTE-88-Pg1795.pdf +[^20]: Jack Anderson, column, The Washington Post, January 1975, reproduced in CIA reading room file CIA-RDP77M00144R000600140027-5. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp77m00144r000600140027-5 +[^21]: Central Intelligence Agency routing and record sheet, January 16, 1975, forwarding the response of the Director, AID Office of Public Safety, Lauren Goin, to Jack Anderson's inquiry concerning the International Police Academy. CIA reading room, CIA-RDP77M00144R000600140027-5. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp77m00144r000600140027-5 +[^22]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, hearing on the American Institute for Free Labor Development, 91st Congress, 1st session, 1969, with statement of George Meany and reprinted press material. Serial CHRG-91shrg33948. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-91shrg33948/pdf/CHRG-91shrg33948.pdf +[^23]: William Greider, "Washington Post," April 21, 1969, reprinted in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing record cited in footnote 22. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-91shrg33948/pdf/CHRG-91shrg33948.pdf +[^24]: William M. Leary, "CIA Air Operations in Laos, 1955-1974: Supporting the 'Secret War'," Central Intelligence Agency, Studies in Intelligence (reproduced at https://biotech.law.lsu.edu/cases/nat-sec/Vietnam/air-america.htm). +[^25]: Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Laos: April 1971, a staff report prepared for the Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad (James G. Lowenstein and Richard M. Moose), 92d Congress, committee print, August 3, 1971, sections IV (air operations) and VII (the AID program). CIA reading room, CIA-RDP73B00296R000300080001-0. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp73b00296r000300080001-0 +[^26]: Memorandum from the Deputy Director for Coordination, Bureau of Intelligence and Research (Scott) to the Special Group, January 17, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXVIII, Laos, document 1. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v28/d1 +[^27]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, Memorandum for the Record, "DCI Briefing of Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad of Senate Foreign Relations Committee - 28 October 1969," OLC 69-0905. CIA reading room, CIA-RDP72-00337R000100150001-1. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp72-00337r000100150001-1 +[^28]: John W. Finney, "U.S. Refugee Aid in Laos Found to Help Guerrillas," The New York Times, Washington, February 6 [1971]. CIA reading room clipping, CIA-RDP73B00296R000200190001-9. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp73b00296r000200190001-9 +[^29]: Central Intelligence Agency, Memorandum for the Record, "References to CIA in GAO Reports on Medical Support and Refugee Programs in Laos," January 6, 1972. CIA reading room, CIA-RDP74B00415R000300220041-6. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp74b00415r000300220041-6 +[^30]: Central Intelligence Agency, speed letter, "Senate Hearing on Refugee Problems in Laos," May 3, 1972. CIA reading room, CIA-RDP74B00415R000300210033-6. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp74b00415r000300210033-6 +[^31]: Memorandum from Gordon Chase of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy), March 19, 1964, with editorial note on the Chiefs of Mission Conference, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, South and Central America; Mexico, document 185; Telegram from the Embassy in Brazil to the Department of State, March 18, 1964, document 184 (editorial note on Gordon's presence in Washington, March 13-22). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d185 +[^32]: Telegram from the Department of State to the Ambassador to Brazil (Gordon), March 28, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 190. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d190 +[^33]: Telegram from the Ambassador to Brazil (Gordon) to the Department of State, March 29, 1964 (forwarded to the White House March 30), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 191. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d191 +[^34]: Editorial note, March 31, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 196. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d196 +[^35]: Letter from the Ambassador to Brazil (Gordon) to the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Mann), August 10, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 215. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d215 +[^36]: Memorandum from Robert M. Sayre of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy), September 30, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 216, editorial note on the November 2, 1964 approval by AID Administrator Bell and the December 14 signing. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d216 +[^37]: National Archives and Records Administration, "The Office of Civil Operations and Rural Support (CORDS)," Military Records, Vietnam War. https://www.archives.gov/research/military/vietnam-war/civil-operations.html +[^38]: Lawrence E. Walsh, Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, chapter 25, citing the August 29, 1985 creation of NHAO and the Duemling notes of October 1, 1985. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm +[^39]: Alberto Arce and Desmond Butler, "US secretly built 'Cuban Twitter' to stir unrest," Associated Press, April 3, 2014. Copy at Wayback Machine: https://web.archive.org/web/2014id_/https://www.ajc.com/ap/secretly-built-cuban-twitter-stir-unrest/mukdN97BXrDNcPoxJrS7IM/ +[^40]: Executive Order 14169, "Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid," January 20, 2025, 90 FR 8619, section 3(a). https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/01/30/2025-02091/reevaluating-and-realigning-united-states-foreign-aid +[^41]: Letter from Senators Chris Van Hollen, Jeanne Shaheen and others to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, April 8, 2025, describing the State Department's Congressional Notification of March 28, 2025. https://www.vanhollen.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/sfrc_state_reorg_letter.pdf ; United Press International, "State Department formally notifies Congress of dissolving USAID," March 28, 2025, quoting the Department's statement that it would be "realigning certain USAID functions to the Department by July 1, 2025." https://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2025/03/28/State-Departmet-dissolving-USAID/8391743188530/ diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Joint Chiefs of Staff.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Joint Chiefs of Staff.md index 157bb2f9..04addf54 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Joint Chiefs of Staff.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/Joint Chiefs of Staff.md @@ -1,30 +1,258 @@ --- created: 2026-06-13 -updated: 2026-06-13 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Joint Chiefs of Staff aliases: - JCS + - Joint Chiefs + - Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) tags: - Organization - USGovernment - Military - ColdWar + - JointChiefs + - OperationNorthwoods + - OperationMongoose + - BrotherSam + - GulfOfTonkin + - MoorerRadford + - IranContra + - CovertAction + - Counterinsurgency + - UAP category: "U.S. Government" -summary: "The Joint Chiefs of Staff are the senior uniformed leaders of the U.S. armed forces who advise the president and secretary of defense, a body whose Cold War proposals included the 1962 Operation Northwoods plan for staged provocations against Cuba." +summary: "Senior uniformed advisers to the president and defense secretary, whose 1961-62 Northwoods papers proposed staged incidents to justify war with Cuba and whose members appear in the Moorer-Radford and Iran-Contra records." start: 1942 location: "Arlington, Virginia" +relations: + - type: head_of + with: "[[Lyman Lemnitzer]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1960-10-01 + end: 1962-10-01 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Maxwell Taylor]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1962-10-01 + end: 1964-07-01 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Earle G. Wheeler]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1964-07-03 + end: 1970-07-02 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Thomas H. Moorer]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1970-07-02 + end: 1974-06-30 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[Arthur W. Radford]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1953-08-15 + end: 1957-08-15 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[John W. Vessey, Jr.]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1982 + end: 1985-09-30 + fn: 5 + - type: head_of + with: "[[William J. Crowe, Jr.]]" + reverse: true + role: "chairman" + start: 1985-10-01 + fn: 5 + - type: member_of + with: "[[Special Group (Counter-Insurgency)]]" + role: "Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, named member under NSAM 124" + start: 1962-01-18 + fn: 10 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation NORTHWOODS]]" + role: "submitted JCS 1969/321 pretext memorandum to Secretary of Defense McNamara" + start: 1962-03-13 + fn: 16 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation Mongoose]]" + role: "Joint Staff pretext list, and JCS answer of April 10, 1962 that a Cuba invasion was needed" + start: 1961-11 + end: 1962-04-10 + fn: 15 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation Brother Sam]]" + role: "JCS assigned the code name and issued the implementing instructions" + start: 1964-03-31 + fn: 22 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]]" + role: "JCS orders for the DeSoto patrol and attendance at the August 4, 1964 Pentagon meeting" + start: 1964-08-02 + end: 1964-08-04 + fn: 24 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Moorer-Radford Affair]]" + role: "JCS liaison office at the National Security Council received documents taken from briefcases" + start: 1970-09 + end: 1971-12 + fn: 26 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Iran-Contra Affair]]" + role: "chairmen and senior officers in 1985 Iran and hostage-rescue discussions" + start: 1985-03 + end: 1985-11 + fn: 37 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Project Azorian]]" + role: "Chairman Moorer's August 28, 1972 memorandum to the 40 Committee stated he could not support the mission" + start: 1972-08-28 + fn: 36 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Operation Paperclip]]" + role: "Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency, a subcommittee agency of its Joint Intelligence Committee, operated the program; the 1946 policy statement was based on JCS recommendations" + start: 1945 + end: 1962-10-15 + fn: 6 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Grill Flame]]" + role: "Joint Staff Special Operations Division evaluated the unit's Iran hostage reports" + start: 1979-11-23 + end: 1981-01-13 + fn: 51 --- -The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) are the body of senior uniformed leaders of the [[United States]] armed forces who serve as the principal military advisers to the president, the [[National Security Council]], and the secretary of defense. Formed during [[World War II]] and given statutory basis by the [[National Security Act of 1947]], the JCS comprise a chairman, a vice chairman, and the chiefs of the military services.[^1] +The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) are the senior uniformed leaders of the [[United States]] armed forces who advise the president, the [[National Security Council]], and the secretary of defense. The JCS took shape during [[World War II]] and were given a statutory basis by the [[National Security Act of 1947]], which named the chiefs of the Army, Navy and Air Force as its members. A chairman was added in 1949 and a vice chairman in 1986.[^1][^2][^3][^4] + +### Statutory basis + +Section 211 of the 1947 act established the Joint Chiefs of Staff within the National Military Establishment, composed of the Army chief of staff, the chief of naval operations, the Air Force chief of staff, and the chief of staff to the commander in chief if there was one. Its duties included preparing strategic plans, providing strategic direction of the armed forces, and establishing unified commands, and the Joint Chiefs "shall act as the principal military advisers to the President and the Secretary of Defense."[^1] The chairmanship was created by the National Security Act Amendments of 1949, and [[Omar N. Bradley]] was sworn in as the first chairman on August 16, 1949.[^2] The Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986 created the vice chairman position, and [[Robert T. Herres]] took office as the first vice chairman on February 6, 1987.[^3] + +### Chairmen + +The Joint History Office of the chairman's office records that [[Arthur W. Radford]] succeeded Bradley in August 1953, that [[Nathan F. Twining]] succeeded Radford in August 1957, and that [[Lyman Lemnitzer]] became chairman on October 1, 1960. [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] chose Lemnitzer, in the president's judgment less parochial than his two predecessors.[^5] After the failure of the [[Bay of Pigs invasion]], Lemnitzer's standing at the White House "dropped sharply," and [[John F. Kennedy|President Kennedy]] recalled [[Maxwell Taylor]] to serve as military representative of the president. Kennedy appointed Taylor chairman on October 1, 1962.[^5] [[Earle G. Wheeler]] became chairman on July 3, 1964, and [[Thomas H. Moorer]] on July 2, 1970. The history says Moorer sometimes acted on behalf of the Joint Chiefs, informing the service chiefs only afterward, if at all.[^5] [[John W. Vessey, Jr.]] followed in 1982 and retired on September 30, 1985. [[William J. Crowe, Jr.]] became chairman on October 1, 1985.[^5] + +### Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency and Operation Paperclip + +The [[Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency]] (JIOA) was established in 1945 as a subcommittee of the Joint Intelligence Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a committee composed of the Army's director of intelligence, the chief of naval intelligence, the assistant chief of Air Staff-2 and a representative of the [[Department of State]]. The JIOA was given direct responsibility for operating the foreign scientist program, code-named Overcast and then [[Operation Paperclip|Paperclip]]. Its duties included administering the program's policies and procedures, compiling dossiers, and liaison with British intelligence officers operating a similar project, and it took over many of the activities of the Combined Intelligence Objectives Subcommittee when that body ended.[^6] + +On August 30, 1946 Acting Secretary of State [[Dean Acheson]] sent [[Harry S. Truman|President Truman]] a memorandum, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," presenting a statement of policy to expand Paperclip to between 800 and 1,000 specialists, with the War Department responsible "for excluding from the program persons with Nazi or militaristic records." The memorandum stated: "This statement is based on recommendations of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and has been approved by the State, War and Navy Departments." Truman's notation reads "approved 9/3/46."[^7] Appendix B of the policy paper, SWNCC 257/22, provided that the specialists selected by the War and Navy Departments and those nominated by the Commerce Department would be consolidated, coordinated with the British, and "certified by a designated agency of the Joint Chiefs of Staff" (identified in the text as the JIOA) as the list of German and Austrian specialists in science and technology, and that the War Department would supply biographical and professional data on specialists arriving in the United States to the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]], the JIOA and the technical services.[^8] + +The JIOA's foreign scientist case files, 1945 to 1958, comprise personnel dossiers on more than 1,500 German and other foreign scientists, technicians and engineers brought to the United States under Paperclip and similar programs, among them the dossiers of Georg Rickhey, Walter Schreiber and [[Arthur Rudolph]]; the dossier of [[Wernher von Braun]] was never transferred to the National Archives. The JIOA was disbanded in 1962, and its records passed from the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the Office of the Secretary of Defense on October 15, 1962.[^6][^9] + +### Special Activities and the Special Group (Counter-Insurgency) + +On January 18, 1962, National Security Action Memorandum 124 established the [[Special Group (Counter-Insurgency)]] under the military representative of the president as chairman. Its members included the attorney general, the deputy under secretary of state for political affairs, the deputy secretary of defense, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the director of central intelligence, the special assistant to the president for national security affairs, and the administrator of the Agency for International Development.[^10] The Joint Staff's counterinsurgency office, the Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency and Special Activities, is described in the JCS history as recently created in 1962. [[Victor H. Krulak]], a Marine major general, held that post and attended the September 1962 conference in the Panama Canal Zone with [[Robert S. McNamara]] and Lemnitzer.[^11] ### Operation Northwoods -In March 1962 the Joint Chiefs, under Chairman [[Lyman Lemnitzer]], approved and forwarded to Secretary of Defense [[Robert S. McNamara]] a plan code-named Operation Northwoods, which proposed manufacturing pretexts for war with [[Cuba]], including staged terrorist attacks on American soil and the faked shoot-down of civilian aircraft to be blamed on the [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] government. The civilian leadership rejected the plan, and it remained classified until its release in 1997 through the [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] [[Assassination Records Review Board]].[^2] +The [[Operation NORTHWOODS|Northwoods]] papers had an earlier origin. On April 26, 1961, a Joint Chiefs memorandum to Secretary of Defense McNamara, JCSM-278-61, reviewed the Bay of Pigs invasion and recommended a military plan to overthrow the [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] government in [[Cuba]]. The memorandum cited Operation Plan 312-61 as one "which has previously been reviewed and approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff," and said: "One action that is recommended is the creation of an incident which will provide justification for the overthrow of the Castro government by the United States."[^12] The memorandum was signed for the Joint Chiefs by Earle G. Wheeler, who signed above the typed signature of [[Arleigh Burke]], the chief of naval operations.[^12] -### Counterinsurgency Oversight +On March 6, 1962, [[Edward Lansdale]], chief of operations of [[Operation Mongoose]] and Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Special Operations, wrote to the State Department's Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, [[Richard Goodwin]], that he was asking the Defense representative, [[William H. Craig|General Craig]], "to give me a brief but precise description of pretexts which the JCS believes desirable if a decision is ultimately made to use direct military intervention."[^13] Brigadier General William H. Craig, U.S. Army, was the Defense Department's project officer for Operation Mongoose until June 1962 and the Joint Chiefs' representative on Lansdale's interagency group; a member of the Joint Staff's Plans and Policy Division (J-5), he transmitted that group's requests to the Joint Staff and, when more help was needed, passed tasks to staff elements not cleared for Mongoose without stating their origin or purpose. In July 1962 he was succeeded by Brigadier General Benjamin Harris, who worked in the recently created office of the Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency and Special Activities.[^14] The JCS history records that the Joint Staff then drew up a list of manufactured incidents: attacks, riots and sabotage at Guantanamo, a blown-up unmanned ship near Havana or Santiago de Cuba, faked assassination attempts and terrorist bombings in Florida and Washington, the sinking of a boatload of Cuban refugees, a staged filibuster against a Caribbean state, the downing of a civilian airliner that was in fact a drone, and the apparent shootdown of a U.S. Air Force fighter. According to the history, none of these incidents was supposed to involve actual killing.[^15] -Through the Cold War the JCS sat at the center of covert-action oversight, providing military representation on the interagency bodies that supervised counterinsurgency policy and reviewed [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] paramilitary operations.[^1] +Lemnitzer signed the response, dated March 13, 1962, a memorandum entitled "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)." The Joint Chiefs recommended that the proposed memorandum "be forwarded as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purposes," and that responsibility "for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff."[^16] The Joint Secretariat's cover note of March 12, 1962, numbered JCS 1969/321, records that the Joint Chiefs approved the recommendations that month.[^17] The March 5 request from the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, for pretexts was followed on March 8 by a memorandum from the chief of naval operations, "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba (TS)," which the Joint Chiefs' submission cites in its discussion of a course of action the Navy had proposed for generated instances in the Guantanamo area.[^18] + +The enclosure states that its courses of action are "arranged neither chronologically nor in ascending order." They include a series of incidents in and around Guantanamo meant to give "genuine appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces": rumors on clandestine radio, Cuban exiles in uniform staging an attack over the fence, mortar shells lobbed into the base, and mock funerals for victims of a staged attack.[^19] A "Remember the Maine" incident was proposed in several forms, among them the destruction of a U.S. ship in Guantanamo Bay or of an unmanned vessel near Havana or Santiago, and a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington. The annex also proposed that a duplicate, prepared at Eglin Air Force Base, of an aircraft registered to a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] proprietary company in Miami would carry passengers under aliases on a chartered flight whose route would cross Cuba, while the real aircraft flew on as a drone that broadcast a "MAY DAY" report of attack by Cuban MiGs before it was destroyed.[^19] + +James Bamford wrote that McNamara rejected the proposals and that Kennedy, meeting with Lemnitzer soon after the document reached him, left no doubt about his reaction. The paper remained classified until its release in 1997 under the [[Assassination Records Review Board]].[^20] In July 1962 Kennedy declined to reappoint Lemnitzer, who was assigned to command NATO forces in Europe.[^5] + +On April 5, 1962, the Special Group concluded that Mongoose should re-examine its "basic philosophy with particular reference to the possibility of finding a pretext for early... intervention." Maxwell Taylor put two questions to the service chiefs, whether the United States should invade Cuba and whether it had the capacity to do so. The JCS history records that the Joint Chiefs answered yes to both five days later.[^15] On April 12, [[John McCone]] recorded in his notes of the April 11 Special Group (Augmented) meeting that a JCS paper on pretext or provocative actions had been discussed and added: "We should have and review this paper as it is considered to be a very thoughtful and useful document."[^21] + +### Operation Brother Sam and the Gulf of Tonkin + +On March 31, 1964, the Joint Chiefs assigned the code name "[[Operation Brother Sam|Brother Sam]]" to the planned support of anti-Goulart forces in Brazil, under instructions implementing decisions in a State Department telegram to the embassy at Rio de Janeiro. The code name appears in telegram 5591 from the JCS to the Atlantic Command the same day.[^22] + +On July 27, 1964, the Joint Chiefs sent McNamara a memorandum on actions relevant to South Vietnam. Only three options met its criteria, one of which was "selected air missions using non-US unmarked aircraft against prime military targets in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam."[^23] On August 2, 1964, Chairman Wheeler sent Admiral [[Ulysses S. Grant Sharp|Sharp]], commander in chief of the Pacific, telegram JCS 7680 authorizing the continuation of the DeSoto patrol in the [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident|Gulf of Tonkin]], with the closest approach to the North Vietnamese coast set at 11 miles. A follow-up message, JCS 7681, that evening stated that if the destroyers were attacked in international waters the commander should destroy the attacking forces, and that "pursuit into hostile waters or air space is not authorized."[^24] On August 4, at 11:40 a.m., McNamara, Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], [[McGeorge Bundy]] and Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs [[Marshall Green]] met with the Joint Chiefs at the [[Pentagon]], while the destroyer [[USS Maddox]] reported that an attack from unidentified vessels appeared imminent.[^25] At 12:04 p.m. the civilians moved to McNamara's office, where the options were refined to three, while the Joint Chiefs stayed in the dining room until 1:49 p.m. At their direction, General Burchinal telephoned McNamara at the White House to recommend the sharp limited response option.[^25] + +### The Moorer-Radford affair + +The [[Moorer-Radford Affair]] began with an inquiry into leaks of material to the columnist [[Jack Anderson]] in December 1971. The inquiry identified a Navy yeoman, [[Charles Radford]], assigned since September 1970 to the Joint Chiefs liaison office at the National Security Council, as the source of papers taken from the briefcases of [[Henry A. Kissinger]] and [[Alexander M. Haig, Jr.]] and passed to the Joint Chiefs through the liaison office heads, Rear Admiral [[Rembrandt Robinson]] and his successor, Rear Admiral [[Robert O. Welander]].[^26] The Foreign Relations volume records that [[H. R. Haldeman]] wrote in his diary that the yeoman was "the almost certain source" of the leaks, and that the president was shocked and agreed that strong action had to be taken, "but very carefully, since we don't want to blow up the whole relationship with the Joint Chiefs of Staff."[^26] At the December 21, 1971 meeting, [[John N. Mitchell]] warned that prosecution or a public confrontation would mean "You would have the Joint Chiefs allied on that side directly against you," and urged that the liaison office be moved out of the NSC and back to the Pentagon.[^26] A December 22 editorial note records the subsequent discussion of the Radford-Joint Chiefs pipeline.[^27] On December 24, 1971, [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] told Mitchell that "Our best interests are served by not, you know, raising holy hell," and Radford was transferred to the Northwest.[^28] + +On February 20, 1974, Radford testified before the [[Senate Armed Services Committee]] that he had taken secret White House documents on the Vietnam peace talks and other matters at the request of two Pentagon admirals, beginning in 1970. The [[United Press International]] report says Radford named Robinson, who had been killed in a helicopter crash in Vietnam, as the officer who first taught him to take information the Joint Chiefs wanted, and said that Welander continued passing information to the office of Moorer. It quotes one of Moorer's aides telling him in the Pentagon: "Radford, you do good work." The same report says Moorer and Kissinger had both dismissed the pilfering as the independent work of an overzealous enlisted man. [[Harold Hughes]] said the testimony should trigger a deeper investigation and that "We must track down the other parties who were involved in this and question them to verify Radford's testimony." The committee chairman was [[John C. Stennis]].[^29] The Chairmanship history records that during the 1971 and 1972 operations the commanders were in direct telephone contact with the Chairman several times a day, and that the directions relayed were carried out without informing the Chiefs in advance.[^30] + +On March 7, 1974, [[J. Fred Buzhardt]], formerly general counsel of the Defense Department and then counsel to the president, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee on the report he had delivered to Secretary of Defense [[Melvin Laird]] on January 10, 1972. He testified that on December 14, 1971, the day Anderson's column appeared, Welander reported that its information came from four documents to which, he believed, only persons in his office had access, and that within the office access to all of them belonged to Welander, Radford and Chief Yeoman William R. Sessoms; that six persons were polygraphed, Welander and Sessoms with negative reactions and Radford with what he called "a positive reaction" on questions about disclosures to Anderson; that Radford's access to classified material was terminated on December 16, 1971; and that Radford was transferred to the Naval Reserve Training Center in Salem, Oregon.[^31] Buzhardt testified that Radford told investigators that he had routinely obtained information for Welander by surreptitious means from the National Security Council staff, including documents taken on Kissinger's first trip to China and on several of Haig's trips to Southeast Asia, that Welander said he had informed the chairman generally of the way the trip documents were obtained, and that Moorer told him he had assumed he had authorized access to all that came through the liaison staff.[^32] Questioned by Senator [[Sam Nunn]], Buzhardt said of Moorer: "He did not specifically recall having ever been told how they were obtained."[^33] Asked by Senator [[Stuart Symington]] whether he knew where the decision against prosecuting Radford was made, Buzhardt answered: "It was communicated to me by Mr. Laird. Mr. Ehrlichman was involved in the investigation, the Attorney General was involved, as I know now, the matter was discussed with the President. But where the decision was actually made I don't know."[^34] Questioned by Senator Harold Hughes about an attempt to have Welander sign a statement of fact, Buzhardt said: "I guess I am not surprised that, not particularly surprised that Mr. Ehrlichman would ask Admiral Welander to sign a statement. I am no more surprised that Admiral Welander refused."[^35] + +### Project Azorian + +The CIA's own account of [[Project Azorian]], the Hughes Glomar Explorer program, records that on August 15, 1972 Deputy Secretary of Defense [[Kenneth Rush]] forwarded to [[Richard Helms]] copies of three memoranda on the project from the chief of naval operations, [[Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr.]], the assistant secretary of defense for intelligence, Dr. Hall, and the Defense Intelligence Agency director, Vice Admiral de Poix. All three, to varying degrees, judged the expected intelligence gain lower than the ad hoc committee's estimate, pointed to escalating costs and political risks, and generally felt that the program should be terminated; Zumwalt, while not recommending immediate termination, stated strong reservations. On August 28, 1972, Moorer, as chairman of the Joint Chiefs, wrote to the 40 Committee that he could not support the proposed mission. He cited the reduced intelligence value of the target after the sinking of the submarine in March 1968, the escalating costs, and the possibility of a strong Soviet reaction if the nature of the activity became known. Helms answered on September 14 with a memorandum urging that the program continue. On September 18, 1972, Rush wrote that, because of continuing relationships and negotiations with the Soviet Union, he believed it undesirable to execute the mission as then planned, estimated the chances of technical success at 20 to 30 percent, and believed that the program should be terminated. On December 11, 1972, the President decided to continue the project, with the 40 Committee exercising policy supervision, in a memorandum from Henry A. Kissinger to the committee's principals.[^36] + +### Iran-Contra + +The [[Iran-Contra Affair|Iran-Contra]] record in [[Lawrence Walsh]]'s report on Defense Department officers places Vessey, then chairman, in several conversations. Vessey recalled that [[Caspar Weinberger]] told him "incredulously," after a White House meeting in the summer of 1985, that someone had proposed contacts with Iran.[^37] Vessey also recalled that Prince [[Bandar bin Sultan]] told him on two occasions that the Saudis were funding the contras, that on each occasion he reported the statement to Weinberger, and that Weinberger responded that he did not want the issue to become public; Vessey recalled as well that he or Weinberger, in a White House conversation with [[Robert McFarlane]], urged McFarlane to support a proposed arms sale to Saudi Arabia because the Saudis were funding the contras. In his April 17, 1987 deposition to the Select Committees Vessey described one occasion on which Bandar told him of a contribution to the contras.[^38] Weinberger's daily notes for March 13, 1985, made after a meeting with Vessey ("Jack Vessey in office alone"), record that he "passed on to him Jack Vessey's report that Bandar is giving $25 million to Contras" in a call to McFarlane the same day, and that he suggested "covert non-lethal aid of $14 mil."[^39] The memorandum for the record of Deputy Director of Central Intelligence [[John N. McMahon]] on the breakfast of March 15, 1985 among Weinberger, [[William J. Casey]] and McMahon records Weinberger's statement that he had heard that Bandar had earmarked $25 million for the contras in $5 million increments.[^40] Walsh dates a meeting in Weinberger's office, attended by McFarlane, [[Colin Powell]] and [[Charles Gabriel]], the acting chairman, to August 22, 1985, on the basis of Weinberger's diary, which records an Israeli message that two Iranians had offered to return some hostages.[^41] Weinberger's diary for November 21, 1985 records William J. Crowe, Jr. in office, regarding the president's decisions at Geneva and hostage rescue attempts.[^42] + +### Unidentified anomalous phenomena + +The Joint Chiefs of Staff published JANAP 146, the joint communication instructions for reporting vital intelligence sightings. An Air Force memorandum of October 20, 1948 to the Secretary of the Joint Intelligence Committee, stamped received October 26, 1948, and titled "Communication Instructions for Reporting Military Intelligence Sightings (CIRMIS) - JANAP 146," states that the Director of Communications had requested that the document be tabled for review and that "subject document was published without prior coordination with any intelligence agency."[^43] A chronology of the publication compiled for the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena lists JANAP 146(A) of September 25, 1950 as the start of CIRVIS reporting for commercial and military pilots and the first edition to add unidentified flying objects to the sighting categories.[^44] + +JANAP 146(C), promulgated by the Joint Communications-Electronics Committee on March 10, 1954 as an unclassified publication superseding 146(B), directs under article 201 that sightings of "Unidentified flying objects" be reported by aircraft while airborne, and under article 301 that the same category be reported "Immediately" by waterborne sources. Article 308 provides that all persons aware of the contents or existence of a MERINT report are governed by the Communications Act of 1934 and the Espionage Laws, that such reports "contain information affecting the National Defense of the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Laws, 18 U.S. Code, 793 and 794," and that the unauthorized transmission or revelation of their contents "in any manner is prohibited."[^45] JANAP 146(E), issued in March 1966 as a Canadian-United States publication, lists "Unidentified flying objects" among the CIRVIS sightings and states in article 208 that reports "contain information affecting the national defense of the United States and Canada" and that "Any person who makes an unauthorized transmission or disclosure of such a report may be liable to prosecution under Title 18 of the US Code 793, Chapter 37, or the Canadian Official Secrets Act of 1939, as amended," adding that "This should not be construed as requiring classification of CIRVIS messages." Change No. 2 of May 17, 1977 directs CIRVIS-related photography to the Director, Defense Intelligence Agency.[^46] + +A December 1973 newspaper article in the CIA reading room, reviewing [[Donald Keyhoe]]'s book on the subject, describes the directive as a Joint Chiefs of Staff secrecy directive covering armed forces airmen and airliner pilots, which directs immediate transmission of sighting data to the aerospace command and the nearest military command. Keyhoe is quoted on the directive: "Under the provisions of JANAP-146," Keyhoe explains, "hundreds of pilots reporting UFOs have been strictly muzzled and are still officially silenced."[^47] + +[[Luis Elizondo]] wrote that in 2016 the Joint Staff declined to give [[Jay Stratton]]'s OPLAN Interloper an Alternative Compensatory Control Measures designation.[^48] The Department of Homeland Security special access program proposal for [[KONA BLUE]], prepared in 2011 and released by DHS to the Department of Defense in February 2024, describes an Oral History Initiative to identify sources, and states: "Over past decades a number of high-level individuals in the military, intelligence, and even political sectors of our government have had various level of exposure/access to this subject area. This has included agency directors, members of the JCS and very senior individuals in the Executive Branch." The proposal adds that "Oral histories from individuals of the caliber referenced above are critical to this mission."[^49] + +### Grill Flame evaluations + +On November 21, 1979 Jackie Keith of the [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command]], who represented the command on a Joint Chiefs of Staff task force established for the Iran hostage crisis, asked Lieutenant Colonel [[Murray Watt]] whether the [[Grill Flame|GRILL FLAME]] remote viewing unit's assets could be used on the crisis.[^50] The final evaluation of the unit's hostage-situation reports, covering November 23, 1979 through January 13, 1981, was prepared by Lieutenant Colonel Roderick Lenahan of the Operations Directorate of the Joint Staff, Special Operations Division. In a memorandum of March 16, 1981 Watt wrote that the Joint Chiefs rated 37 percent of the reports as having some correlation or use and that his office, studying Lenahan's comments, raised the figure "to only 45%."[^51] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Records of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, Record Group 218, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. -[^2]: Bamford, James. *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency*. Doubleday, 2001, Chapter 2 (reproducing JCS memorandum 1969/321, 13 March 1962). +[^1]: National Security Act of 1947, Public Law 80-253, sections 211 and 212, 61 Stat. 495, 1947. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-61/pdf/STATUTE-61-Pg495.pdf +[^2]: Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, *The Chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1949-1999* (Washington, 2000), chapter "The First Chairman" and Appendix 1 (extracts of Public Law 81-216, National Security Act Amendments of 1949, August 10, 1949). https://archive.org/details/chairmanshipofjoOOunit +[^3]: Joint History Office, *The Chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1949-1999*, chapter "The Vice Chairmen" and Appendix 2 (extracts of Public Law 99-433, Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986, October 1, 1986). https://archive.org/details/chairmanshipofjoOOunit +[^4]: Records of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, Record Group 218, National Archives and Records Administration. https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/218.html +[^5]: Joint History Office, *The Chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1949-1999*, chapter "The 1960s: Civilian Encroachment" (pp. 17-19, on Lemnitzer, Taylor and the second-term decision), chapter "The 1970s: Dealing with the Impact of Vietnam" (pp. 26-28, on Wheeler and Moorer), and the chairman sketches for Radford, Twining, Vessey and Crowe. https://archive.org/details/chairmanshipofjoOOunit +[^6]: National Archives and Records Administration, Nazi War Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group, "Records of the Secretary of Defense (RG 330): Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency," notice and description of "Foreign Scientist Case Files 1945-1958 (Entry A1-1B)." https://www.archives.gov/iwg/declassified-records/rg-330-defense-secretary +[^7]: Acheson, memorandum for the President, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," stamped August 30, 1946, with the notation "approved 9/3/46," Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (FOIA release printed April 21, 2009), PDF page 13. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf +[^8]: SWNCC 257/22, Appendix B, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists under Project Paperclip," paragraphs 2a and 3, Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (PDF page 14). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf +[^9]: National Archives and Records Administration, Guide to Federal Records, Record Group 330, Records of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, entry 330.11.2, "Records of the Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency" (transferred to OSD from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, October 15, 1962; general correspondence 1946-52, foreign scientist case files 1945-58, Defense Scientist Immigration Program records 1958-70). https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/330.html +[^10]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 124, "Establishment of the Special Group (Counter-Insurgency)," January 18, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. II, document 26. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v02/d26 +[^11]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, *The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1961-1964*, chapter 11 and notes, including the September 1962 Panama Canal Zone conference with Major General Victor H. Krulak, USMC, Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency and Special Activities; the note on the office "recently created" in 1962; and "SACSA-M 18-62 to DJS, 6 Mar 62, CJCS 334 Special Group (Counterinsurgency)." https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 +[^12]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, JCSM-278-61, "Cuba," April 26, 1961, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 178. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d178 +[^13]: Lansdale to Goodwin, March 6, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 310. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d310 +[^14]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, *The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1961-1964*, chapter 11 and note 2 (Craig as JCS representative on Lansdale's group; member of J-5; succeeded in July 1962 by Brigadier General Benjamin Harris); and *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, list of persons ("Craig, Brigadier General William H., Department of Defense Project Officer for Operation Mongoose until June 1962"). https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 and https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10 +[^15]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, *The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1961-1964*, chapter 11, "The Cuban Missile Crisis," pp. 158-160 (Operation Mongoose, the list of manufactured incidents, the April 5, 1962 Special Group conclusion, and the Joint Chiefs' answer five days later, April 10). https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 +[^16]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JCS 1969/321, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)," March 13, 1962, signed by L. L. Lemnitzer, Chairman, with Enclosure A (PDF pp. 1, 4 and 6). Declassified 1997. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^17]: Joint Secretariat (F. J. Blouin and M. J. Ingelido), "Note by the Secretaries to the Joint Chiefs of Staff on Northwoods (S)," JCS 1969/321, March 12, 1962, page 2165, with the approval note (PDF pp. 2-3). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^18]: Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, memorandum for General Craig, "Operation MONGOOSE," March 5, 1962, and Chief of Naval Operations, memorandum for the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba (TS)," March 8, 1962, both cited in the footnotes to the Joint Chiefs' submission (PDF p. 5), and paragraph 3 of the submission (PDF p. 1). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^19]: JCS 1969/321, Enclosure A, appendix and annex "Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba" (PDF pp. 5-10), including the Guantanamo incidents, the "Remember the Maine" items, and paragraph 8 on the chartered airliner and the duplicate aircraft at Eglin Air Force Base. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^20]: James Bamford, *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency* (New York: Doubleday, 2001), chapter 2, reproducing JCS memorandum 1969/321 of March 13, 1962. +[^21]: John A. McCone, memorandum for the record on the April 11, 1962 Special Group (Augmented) meeting, April 12, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 325. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d325 +[^22]: Department of State to Embassy in Brazil, telegram 1301, March 31, 1964, with editorial note that the JCS assigned the code name "Brother Sam" (telegram 5591, JCS to CINCLANT, March 31, 1964), *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXI, document 198. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d198 +[^23]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Actions Relevant to South Vietnam," July 27, 1964, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, document 252. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d252 +[^24]: Wheeler to Sharp, JCS 7680, August 2, 1964, 12:25 p.m., and JCS 7681, August 2, 1964, 6:49 p.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, documents 259 and 261. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d259 and https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d261 +[^25]: Editorial note on the destroyer Maddox report of August 4, 1964, and the Pentagon meeting of McNamara, Rusk, Bundy, Green and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, documents 272 and 276. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d276 +[^26]: Editorial note on the Radford-Joint Chiefs of Staff case, citing The Haldeman Diaries and the White House tape of the conversation among Nixon, Mitchell, Haldeman and Ehrlichman on December 21, 1971, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. II, document 164. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v02/d164 +[^27]: Editorial note on the December 22, 1971 Oval Office exchange between Nixon and Haldeman, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. II, document 165. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v02/d165 +[^28]: Transcript of the telephone conversation between Nixon and Haig, December 24, 1971, with the Nixon-Mitchell conversation of the same date cited in the editorial material, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. II, document 166. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v02/d166 +[^29]: "Pentagon spied on White House?," United Press International report from Washington, February 20, 1974, published in the *Oregon Daily Emerald* (Eugene, Oregon), February 21, 1974, p. 8. https://oregonnews.uoregon.edu/lccn/2004260239/1974-02-21/ed-1/seq-8/ +[^30]: Joint History Office, *The Chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1949-1999*, chapter "The 1970s: Dealing with the Impact of Vietnam" (pp. 26-28, on the Moorer chairmanship and the operations of 1971 and 1972). https://archive.org/details/chairmanshipofjoOOunit +[^31]: Senate Committee on Armed Services, *Transmittal of Documents from the National Security Council to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff*, hearing, 93d Cong., 2d sess., part 3, March 7, 1974 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974), testimony of J. Fred Buzhardt, pp. 4-7. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-93shrg31536p3/pdf/CHRG-93shrg31536p3.pdf +[^32]: Hearing, part 3, March 7, 1974, pp. 7-8 (Radford's statements in his first polygraph examination; Welander's and Moorer's accounts to Buzhardt). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-93shrg31536p3/pdf/CHRG-93shrg31536p3.pdf +[^33]: Hearing, part 3, March 7, 1974, p. 34. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-93shrg31536p3/pdf/CHRG-93shrg31536p3.pdf +[^34]: Hearing, part 3, March 7, 1974, pp. 15-16. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-93shrg31536p3/pdf/CHRG-93shrg31536p3.pdf +[^35]: Hearing, part 3, March 7, 1974, pp. 24-25. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-93shrg31536p3/pdf/CHRG-93shrg31536p3.pdf +[^36]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Project Azorian: The Story of the Hughes Glomar Explorer," section "Early Political Feasibility Evaluation by 40 Committee," CIA reading room item 0005301269. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0005301269 +[^37]: Lawrence E. Walsh, *Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, Part VIII, notes 10 and 165 (Vessey, Select Committees deposition, April 17, 1987, pp. 30-31; Weinberger diary, March 13, 1985, ALZ 0039320B-C). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^38]: Walsh, Part VIII, note 168 (Vessey, FBI 302, June 11, 1992, pp. 6-7, and Select Committees Deposition, April 17, 1987, pp. 5-8), note 169 (Vessey, FBI 302, June 11, 1992, p. 7, and February 11, 1987, p. 1) and note 170 (Vessey, FBI 302, June 11, 1992, p. 7, and deposition pp. 8-9). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^39]: Walsh, Part VIII, text and note 165 (Weinberger diary, March 13, 1985, ALZ 0039320B-C). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^40]: Walsh, Part VIII, text and note 167 (McMahon, memorandum for the record, March 15, 1985, ER 26,187-88 and ER 92-00116-17). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^41]: Walsh, Part VIII, citing the Weinberger diary of August 22, 1985 (ALZ 0039606-07) and the calendar corroboration, and Colin Powell's deposition of June 19, 1987 on the summer 1985 meeting. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^42]: Walsh, Part VIII, citing the Weinberger diary of November 21, 1985 (ALZ 0039802-03). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^43]: Air Force memorandum (AFOIR-CO) for the Secretary, Joint Intelligence Committee, "Communication Instructions for Reporting Military Intelligence Sightings (CIRMIS) - JANAP 146," October 20, 1948, received October 26, 1948, declassified, National Archives (NN3 941612). http://www.nicap.org/directives/Tabling%20of%20JANAP%20146%20by%20Joint%20Intel%20Committee%201948-10-26%20NARA.pdf +[^44]: "JANAP 146; History and Evolution," chronology (US Regulation, date issued, key differences) circulated by the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena, November 20, 2006, compiled from A. F. Rullan. http://www.nicap.org/directives/146hist.htm +[^45]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Communications-Electronics Committee, JANAP 146(C), *Communication Instructions for Reporting Vital Intelligence Sightings from Airborne and Waterborne Sources*, March 10, 1954, letter of promulgation and articles 201, 301 and 308. http://www.nicap.org/directives/JANAP-146C%20March%201954.htm +[^46]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JANAP 146(E), *Canadian-United States Communications Instructions for Reporting Vital Intelligence Sightings (CIRVIS/MERINT)*, March 1966, with Change No. 2, May 17, 1977, articles 201 and 208 and the photography instructions. http://www.nicap.org/directives/JANAP-146E_March%201966.htm +[^47]: CIA reading room item cia-rdp90-00552r000303250002-8, newspaper article "U.S. Officials Persist in Secrecy, But UFOs Real, Claims Authority," December 1, 1973, reviewing Donald E. Keyhoe's *Aliens from Space* (1973). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00552r000303250002-8 +[^48]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 147 to 202 (Interloper at pp. 147 and 186). +[^49]: Department of Homeland Security, KONA BLUE prospective special access program records, Special Access Program proposal, Oral History Initiative, pp. 8-9 of 17 (DHS-003-6-0006/11), released with the letter of Acting Deputy Secretary Kristie Canegallo to Deputy Secretary of Defense Kathleen Hicks, February 5, 2024. https://static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/06/AARO_DHS_Kona_Blue.pdf +[^50]: Murray B. Watt, "INSCOM GRILL FLAME Involvement in Iran," memorandum for the record, December 3, 1979, CIA-RDP96-00788R002000240018-6, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp96-00788r002000240018-6 +[^51]: Murray B. Watt, memorandum for Colonel Chad B. White, "GRILL FLAME Evaluation in Support of Iranian Hostage Situation," March 16, 1981, CIA-RDP96-00788R001000340001-4, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp96-00788r001000340001-4 diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NHAO.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NHAO.md similarity index 58% rename from 20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NHAO.md rename to 20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NHAO.md index 61849163..e11a76c8 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NHAO.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NHAO.md @@ -1,5 +1,13 @@ --- -category: "Private Organization" +category: "U.S. Government" +updated: 2026-10-12 +relations: + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Robert Owen]]" + reverse: true + role: "staff member added at Oliver North's urging" + start: 1985 + fn: 2 start: 1985 location: "Washington, D.C., USA" tags: @@ -14,7 +22,9 @@ The Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office (NHAO) was created in mid-1985 to ### North's Control -North pressured the NHAO to hire his aide [[Robert Owen|Rob Owen]] as a $50,000 "facilitator" - a move opposed by NHAO director Robert Duemling, who said he didn't see the need for a middleman. North had Contra leaders write letters demanding Owen's hiring and lobbied Duemling's superior, Assistant Secretary [[Elliott Abrams]]. After one meeting, Abrams told Duemling: "Well, Bob, I suppose you probably ought to hire Owen." Meeting minutes show Abrams and North agreed Owen "will be expendable if he becomes a political or diplomatic liability" and could be dismissed as "an experiment that hadn't worked out."[^1] +President [[Ronald Reagan]] created the office in the State Department on August 29, 1985 to administer the $27 million in humanitarian assistance that Congress appropriated that month, and Ambassador [[Robert W. Duemling]] set up the office within the department.[^2] Independent Counsel [[Lawrence Walsh]] reported that North also intruded in the office's operations by insisting that [[Richard B. Gadd]], who was assisting [[Richard Secord]] and North in the lethal resupply, be the contractor to transport NHAO flights and, with [[Elliott Abrams]], persuading Duemling to add North's Central American courier, [[Robert Owen]], to the staff.[^2] + +North pressured the NHAO to hire his aide Rob Owen as a $50,000 "facilitator" - a move opposed by NHAO director Robert Duemling, who said he didn't see the need for a middleman. North had Contra leaders write letters demanding Owen's hiring and lobbied Duemling's superior, Assistant Secretary Elliott Abrams. After one meeting, Abrams told Duemling: "Well, Bob, I suppose you probably ought to hire Owen." Meeting minutes show Abrams and North agreed Owen "will be expendable if he becomes a political or diplomatic liability" and could be dismissed as "an experiment that hadn't worked out."[^1] ### Drug Trafficker Contractors @@ -27,3 +37,4 @@ Fiers confirmed the CIA guided the selection of these carriers: "I believe we gu ### Footnotes [^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 12: "This guy talks to God" +[^2]: Lawrence E. Walsh, Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, chapter 25. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NSA.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NSA.md index 4e5399a4..0a000738 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NSA.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/NSA.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2025-03-05 -updated: 2026-10-08 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: NSA aliases: - NSA @@ -41,6 +41,11 @@ relations: start: 1975 end: 1975 fn: 2 + - type: partner_of + with: "[[Unit 8200]]" + start: 2009-03 + role: "memorandum of understanding on raw signals-intelligence sharing, reached in principle March 2009 (counterpart named ISNU)" + fn: 18 --- - type: head_of with: "[[Bobby Ray Inman]]" @@ -93,9 +98,15 @@ In [[Ground Saucer Watch]] v. CIA (D.D.C., Civil Action 78-859) the Central Inte [[Seymour Hersh]] wrote in *The Samson Option* that a former NSA official told him the KH-11 satellite, launched in December 1976, was considered the most important advance of its time in reconnaissance photography, that every military and civilian intelligence agency had an urgent requirement for its imagery, and that the NSA, responsible for all communications intelligence, had a role in scheduling the satellite to maximize collection. Hersh wrote that [[Jimmy Carter]]'s decision in March 1979 to give [[Israel]] direct access to KH-11 photographs disrupted that scheduling and was unpopular within the NSA and other agencies, and that during the [[Ronald Reagan]] administration it was learned that Israeli military officers were permitted to attend Pentagon meetings where future KH-11 missions and orbital paths were discussed, which dismayed some NSA officials.[^17] +### Memorandum of understanding with the Israeli signals unit + +On September 11, 2013, [[The Guardian]] published the text of an undated, five-page memorandum of understanding between the NSA and its Israeli counterpart, from a top-secret document provided to the Guardian by [[Edward Snowden]]. The Guardian reported that the deal "was reached in principle in March 2009." The memorandum says that the NSA "routinely sends ISNU [the Israeli Sigint National Unit] minimized and unminimized raw collection," so that the material is not filtered in advance to remove communications of US citizens. The memorandum defines raw Sigint as including "unevaluated and unminimized transcripts, gists, facsimiles, telex, voice and Digital Network Intelligence metadata and content," and permits Israel to release US person identities to outside parties with the NSA's written permission. Israel could keep "any files containing the identities of US persons" for up to a year.[^18] The memorandum states that "This agreement is not intended to create any legally enforceable rights" and is neither an international agreement nor a legally binding instrument. The NSA was to "regularly review a sample of files transferred to ISNU to validate the absence of US persons' identities." The text does not name [[Unit 8200]]; the unit is the signals-intelligence arm of the Israeli military.[^19] + +The Guardian reported that the NSA declined to say whether the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court had been asked to approve the sharing. A top-secret report dated September 2007, also quoted by the Guardian, described the relationship as "overwhelmingly one-sided in favor of Israel."[^18] + ### USS Liberty intercepts, 2003 to 2007 -The NSA released transcripts of intercepts made after the June 8, 1967, attack on the [[USS Liberty Incident|USS Liberty]] in July 2003, in response to a Freedom of Information Act request by [[A. Jay Cristol]] filed April 26, 2001. The letter of July 2, 2003, enclosed three recordings of Israeli communications in Hebrew, three transcripts and two summary reports, and states that "No communications of the attacking aircraft or torpedo boats were available" and that an EC-121 aircraft had collected conversations between two Israeli helicopter pilots and the control tower at Hazor Airfield; it states that portions were withheld under Executive Order 12958 and under statutes including 18 U.S.C. 798 and Section 6 of Public Law 86-36.[^18] In January 2004 the agency's historian, [[David Hatch]], said the new material "doesn't settle much," according to the Financial Times, and that his reading of the air controller's conversations with two helicopter pilots "suggested strongly" that the Israelis did not know at first that the ship was American.[^19] On June 8, 2007, the NSA announced that it had finished its review of all material relating to the attack and had posted additional documents, stating: "It is not NSA's intention to prove or disprove any one set of conclusions, many of which can be drawn from a thorough review of this material."[^20] [[Oliver Kirby]], the NSA deputy director for operations/production in 1967, said in an interview of February 14, 2003 that within weeks of the attack he read transcripts of the Israeli pilots' conversations that made it "absolutely certain" the Israelis knew the ship was American.[^21] The Chicago Tribune reported on October 2, 2007 that the NSA's position was that it never intercepted the communications of the attacking Israeli pilots; quoted Kirby as saying "I'm willing to swear on a stack of Bibles that we knew they knew"; quoted Michael Prostinak, a Hebrew linguist aboard the EC-121, as saying "there were more tapes than just the three on the Internet"; and reported that the posted tape designated A1104/A-02 begins at 2:29 p.m. local time and that a preceding tape designated A1104/A-01 is absent. An NSA media adviser did not respond to the Tribune's question about the difference.[^22] +The NSA released transcripts of intercepts made after the June 8, 1967, attack on the [[USS Liberty Incident|USS Liberty]] in July 2003, in response to a Freedom of Information Act request by [[A. Jay Cristol]] filed April 26, 2001. The letter of July 2, 2003, enclosed three recordings of Israeli communications in Hebrew, three transcripts and two summary reports, and states that "No communications of the attacking aircraft or torpedo boats were available" and that an EC-121 aircraft had collected conversations between two Israeli helicopter pilots and the control tower at Hazor Airfield; it states that portions were withheld under Executive Order 12958 and under statutes including 18 U.S.C. 798 and Section 6 of Public Law 86-36.[^20] In January 2004 the agency's historian, [[David Hatch]], said the new material "doesn't settle much," according to the Financial Times, and that his reading of the air controller's conversations with two helicopter pilots "suggested strongly" that the Israelis did not know at first that the ship was American.[^21] On June 8, 2007, the NSA announced that it had finished its review of all material relating to the attack and had posted additional documents, stating: "It is not NSA's intention to prove or disprove any one set of conclusions, many of which can be drawn from a thorough review of this material."[^22] [[Oliver Kirby]], the NSA deputy director for operations/production in 1967, said in an interview of February 14, 2003 that within weeks of the attack he read transcripts of the Israeli pilots' conversations that made it "absolutely certain" the Israelis knew the ship was American.[^23] The Chicago Tribune reported on October 2, 2007 that the NSA's position was that it never intercepted the communications of the attacking Israeli pilots; quoted Kirby as saying "I'm willing to swear on a stack of Bibles that we knew they knew"; quoted Michael Prostinak, a Hebrew linguist aboard the EC-121, as saying "there were more tapes than just the three on the Internet"; and reported that the posted tape designated A1104/A-02 begins at 2:29 p.m. local time and that a preceding tape designated A1104/A-01 is absent. An NSA media adviser did not respond to the Tribune's question about the difference.[^24] ### Footnotes @@ -116,8 +127,10 @@ The NSA released transcripts of intercepts made after the June 8, 1967, attack o [^15]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, *The INSLAW Affair*, H. Rept. 102-857, September 10, 1992, pp. 67 to 68, https://archive.org/details/InslawAffairInvestigativeReport. The report records these statements as Aviv's account to committee investigators. [^16]: Affidavit of Eugene F. Yeates, Chief, Office of Policy, National Security Agency, *Citizens Against Unidentified Flying Objects Secrecy v. National Security Agency*, Civil Action No. 80-1562 (D.D.C. 1980), https://www.nsa.gov/news-features/declassified-documents/ufo/assets/files/affadavit_yeates.pdf (archived copy: https://web.archive.org/web/2020/https://www.nsa.gov/news-features/declassified-documents/ufo/assets/files/affadavit_yeates.pdf). [^17]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991). Hersh attributes the account of the KH-11 scheduling to an unnamed former NSA official. -[^18]: National Security Agency, letter from Louis F. Giles, Director of Policy, to A. Jay Cristol, FOIA Case 40039A, July 2, 2003. https://irp.fas.org/nsa/liberty.html -[^19]: Guy Dinmore, *Financial Times*, January 13, 2004, reprinted by the History News Network. https://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/3027 -[^20]: National Security Agency, "U.S.S. Liberty," release page (Wayback Machine 2007 capture). http://web.archive.org/web/2007/http://www.nsa.gov/liberty -[^21]: David C. Walsh, "Former NSA Officials Agree," *U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings*, June 2003. https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2003/june/former-nsa-officials-agree -[^22]: "New revelations in attack on American spy ship," *Chicago Tribune*, October 2, 2007. https://www.chicagotribune.com/2007/10/02/new-revelations-in-attack-on-american-spy-ship/ +[^18]: Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, "Secret Deal Allows NSA to Share Americans' Data With Israel," *The Guardian*, September 11, 2013 (reprinted by AlterNet). https://www.alternet.org/2013/09/secret-deal-allows-nsa-share-americans-data-israel ; memorandum full-text page, *The Guardian*, http://www.theguardian.com/world/interactive/2013/sep/11/nsa-israel-intelligence-memorandum-understanding-document +[^19]: Ynet, "Intelligence and Cyberwarfare: Israeli locations Hezbollah targeted for destruction," August 25, 2024. https://www.ynetnews.com/magazine/article/sy3etztic +[^20]: National Security Agency, letter from Louis F. Giles, Director of Policy, to A. Jay Cristol, FOIA Case 40039A, July 2, 2003. https://irp.fas.org/nsa/liberty.html +[^21]: Guy Dinmore, *Financial Times*, January 13, 2004, reprinted by the History News Network. https://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/3027 +[^22]: National Security Agency, "U.S.S. Liberty," release page (Wayback Machine 2007 capture). http://web.archive.org/web/2007/http://www.nsa.gov/liberty +[^23]: David C. Walsh, "Former NSA Officials Agree," *U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings*, June 2003. https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2003/june/former-nsa-officials-agree +[^24]: "New revelations in attack on American spy ship," *Chicago Tribune*, October 2, 2007. https://www.chicagotribune.com/2007/10/02/new-revelations-in-attack-on-american-spy-ship/ diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/LEHI.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/LEHI.md index 8954154d..37d12ce4 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/LEHI.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/LEHI.md @@ -1,20 +1,46 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Organization - Paramilitary - Israel - Terrorism category: "Paramilitary" -summary: "LEHI (Lohamei Herut Israel), also known as the Stern Gang, was a Jewish paramilitary organization founded by Avraham Stern and later led by Yitzhak Shamir that conducted assassinations and bombings against British Mandate authorities and Arab targets in Palestine." +summary: "LEHI (Lohamei Herut Israel), also called the Stern Gang, was a Jewish paramilitary group founded by Avraham Stern in 1940 and later led by Yitzhak Shamir, which assassinated British officials and others in Palestine." start: 1940 end: 1948 location: "Palestine" +relations: + - type: member_of + with: "[[Yitzhak Shamir]]" + reverse: true + start: 1940 + end: 1948 + role: "founder, member and one of three leaders of the Stern Group" + fn: 2 --- -[[LEHI]] (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of [[Israel]]), also known as the [[Stern Gang]], was a Jewish terrorist group. It was founded by [[David Stern]] and later led by [[Yitzhak Shamir]].[^1] +[[LEHI]] (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of [[Israel]]), also known as the [[Stern Gang]], was a Jewish terrorist group. It was founded by [[Avraham Stern]] and later led by [[Yitzhak Shamir]].[^1] -[[Gourdji]], the father of [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], was involved with [[LEHI]] in [[Palestine]] during 1940. Although the organization had a reputation as right-wing, many of its members were formerly part of the communist movement. [[LEHI]] was virulently anti-British, and [[Yitzhak Shamir]] was even willing to negotiate with the [[Nazi Germany|Nazis]] for Jewish lives, offering to fight alongside German troops against the British if the Germans would allow interned Jews to emigrate to [[Palestine]].[^1] +[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that his father, [[Gourdji]], was involved with LEHI in [[Palestine]] during 1940. Although the organization had a reputation as right-wing, many of its members were formerly part of the communist movement. LEHI was virulently anti-British, and Ben-Menashe wrote that Yitzhak Shamir was even willing to negotiate with the [[Nazi Germany|Nazis]] for Jewish lives, offering to fight alongside German troops against the British if the Germans would allow interned Jews to emigrate to Palestine.[^1] -[[LEHI]] members were persecuted and hunted down, even by other Jews in [[Palestine]], due to opposition from the British, [[United States|U.S.]] governments, and the Jewish labor movement. Most individuals affiliated with the [[Stern Gang]] were not welcomed in the State of [[Israel]] after its establishment. [[Yitzhak Shamir]] was an exception, becoming a prominent figure in [[Mossad]].[^1] +LEHI members were persecuted and hunted down, even by other Jews in Palestine, due to opposition from the British, [[United States|U.S.]] governments, and the Jewish labor movement. Most individuals affiliated with the Stern Gang were not welcomed in the State of Israel after its establishment. Yitzhak Shamir was an exception, becoming a prominent figure in [[Mossad]].[^1] + +### Founding and Leadership + +LEHI was founded in 1940 as a splinter of the [[Irgun Zvai Leumi|Irgun]], which Yitzhak Shamir had joined in 1937; Shamir was one of its founders. After the death of Avraham Stern in 1942 the group was led by three men, Shamir, [[Israel Eldad]] and [[Nathan Yellin-Mor]].[^2][^3] + +### Lord Moyne and Folke Bernadotte + +On November 6, 1944 two members of LEHI, Eliahu Bet-Tsuri and Eliahu Hakim, shot [[Lord Moyne]], the British minister resident in the Middle East, outside his house in [[Cairo]], killing his driver as well. They admitted the killing in court and were executed in early 1945.[^4] [[Anthony Eden]] told the House of Commons on November 9, 1944 that the prisoners had confessed: "We are members of the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel organisation and what we have done was done on the instructions of this organisation. The organisation is that known as the Stern Group."[^5] + +On September 9, 1988 Yehoshua Zettler (also spelled Zeitler) said on Israeli radio that he directed the September 17, 1948 assassination of the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, [[Folke Bernadotte]], and Meshulam Markover said he led the four-man squad. They said Yehoshua Cohen fired the shots. A spokesman for Shamir, then prime minister, said Shamir had played no role because the group had disbanded six months earlier.[^6] The Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported that Zeitler said Shamir was not directly implicated in the act, while Eldad said Shamir was one of four men who planned assassinations but could not confirm that he attended the meeting that ordered this one. Sweden's demand for a second apology was refused.[^7] The Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem states that the three leaders met in June and September 1948 to decide on the killing.[^3] ### Footnotes + [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). +[^2]: "Yitzhak Shamir, Israel's 7th prime minister, dies at 96," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, July 2012. https://www.jta.org/?p=1789432 +[^3]: Issa Nakhleh, _Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem_, vol. 1 (1991), entries on the Stern Gang, Lord Moyne and Count Bernadotte. https://archive.org/details/encyclopedia-of-the-palestine-problem-volume-i +[^4]: "The Assassination of Lord Moyne," _Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England_. https://www.jhse.org/pre-2015articles/the-assassination-of-lord-moyne +[^5]: "Assassination of Lord Moyne," HC Deb 9 November 1944, vol. 404, cols. 1538-41. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1944/nov/09/assassination-of-lord-moyne +[^6]: John Kifner, "2 Recount '48 Killing in Israel," _The New York Times_, 12 September 1988, p. A3. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/09/12/world/2-recount-48-killing-in-israel.html +[^7]: "Israel refuses to apologize for 1948 assassination," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, September 1988. https://jta.org/archive/israel-refuses-to-apologize-for-1948-assassination diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Stern Gang.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Stern Gang.md index a1678d0e..a2b4410e 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Stern Gang.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Stern Gang.md @@ -1,18 +1,30 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Organization - Paramilitary - Israel - Terrorism category: "Paramilitary" -summary: "The Stern Gang was another name for LEHI (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of Israel), a Jewish terrorist group founded by David Stern and later led by Yitzhak Shamir.[^1]" +summary: "The Stern Gang was another name for LEHI (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of Israel), a Jewish terrorist group founded by Avraham Stern and later led by Yitzhak Shamir." start: 1940 end: 1948 location: "Palestine" --- -The [[Stern Gang]] was another name for [[LEHI]] (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of [[Israel]]), a Jewish terrorist group founded by [[David Stern]] and later led by [[Yitzhak Shamir]].[^1] +The [[Stern Gang]] was another name for [[LEHI]] (Lohamei Herut Israel, Hebrew for Fighters for the Liberation of [[Israel]]), a Jewish terrorist group founded by [[Avraham Stern]] and later led by [[Yitzhak Shamir]].[^1] -[[Gourdji]], the father of [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], was involved with the [[Stern Gang]] in [[Palestine]] in 1940. The group was known for its virulently anti-British stance, with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] even willing to negotiate with the [[Nazi Germany|Nazis]] for Jewish lives. They were persecuted by British and [[United States|U.S.]] governments and the Jewish labor movement.[^1] +[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that his father, [[Gourdji]], was involved with the Stern Gang in [[Palestine]] in 1940. The group was known for its virulently anti-British stance, and Ben-Menashe wrote that Yitzhak Shamir was even willing to negotiate with the [[Nazi Germany|Nazis]] for Jewish lives. They were persecuted by British and [[United States|U.S.]] governments and the Jewish labor movement.[^1] + +On September 17, 1948 the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, [[Folke Bernadotte]], was assassinated in a Jewish-controlled part of [[Jerusalem]].[^2] A [[Central Intelligence Agency]] weekly summary of October 1948 reported that the Provisional Government of Israel had not apprehended the assassins and that many members of the Stern Gang were still at large.[^3] + +Yehoshua Zettler (also spelled Zeitler) and Meshulam Markover described the Bernadotte killing on Israeli television and radio on September 9, 1988. Zeitler said he directed it, Markover said he led the squad, and they said Yehoshua Cohen fired the shots.[^4] The Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported that Zeitler said Shamir was not directly implicated in the act, while [[Israel Eldad]] said Shamir was one of four men who planned assassinations but could not confirm that he attended the meeting that ordered this one. Sweden's demand for a second apology was refused.[^5] The Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem describes the Stern Gang as led after 1942 by a triumvirate of Eldad, [[Nathan Yellin-Mor]] and Shamir, and reports that the decision to kill the mediator was taken at meetings in June and September 1948.[^6] Shamir's role in founding LEHI in 1940, and as one of the three leaders after Stern's death in 1942, is recorded in the Jewish Telegraphic Agency's obituary of him.[^7] ### Footnotes + [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). +[^2]: _Yearbook of the United Nations 1947-48_, "Tributes to Count Bernadotte and Colonel Serot." https://archive.org/details/yearbook-of-the-united-nations_1947-1948 +[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, weekly summary, October 1948 (CIA-RDP78-01617A002100020001-5). https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp78-01617a002100020001-5 +[^4]: John Kifner, "2 Recount '48 Killing in Israel," _The New York Times_, 12 September 1988, p. A3. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/09/12/world/2-recount-48-killing-in-israel.html +[^5]: "Israel refuses to apologize for 1948 assassination," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, September 1988. https://jta.org/archive/israel-refuses-to-apologize-for-1948-assassination +[^6]: Issa Nakhleh, _Encyclopedia of the Palestine Problem_, vol. 1 (1991). https://archive.org/details/encyclopedia-of-the-palestine-problem-volume-i +[^7]: "Yitzhak Shamir, Israel's 7th prime minister, dies at 96," _Jewish Telegraphic Agency_, July 2012. https://www.jta.org/?p=1789432 diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/AIFLD.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/AIFLD.md index eb66912f..6a9e4ec5 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/AIFLD.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/AIFLD.md @@ -14,10 +14,17 @@ tags: - CovertOperations - BritishGuiana - Chile -summary: "The CIA-funded American Institute for Free Labor Development, the AFL-CIO's Latin American arm, which organized anticommunist labor unions throughout the hemisphere and whose operatives played a documented role in the 1964 Brazilian coup and other Cold War regime changes." +summary: "The CIA-funded American Institute for Free Labor Development, the AFL-CIO's Latin American arm, organized anticommunist unions and played a documented role in the 1964 Brazilian coup and other Cold War regime changes." location: Washington, DC / Latin America +relations: + - type: funded + with: "[[Agency for International Development]]" + reverse: true + start: 1962 + role: "supplied $16 million of the roughly $18 million AIFLD received from 1962 through 1967 (87 per cent, per Greider)" + fn: 7 created: 2026-06-05 -updated: 2026-06-05 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- The American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD) was established in 1962 as the [[AFL-CIO]]'s Latin American arm, jointly funded by the US government (through [[USAID]]), major US corporations, and the CIA. Its stated mission was to build democratic trade unions throughout [[Latin America]] as a counterweight to communist labor organizing. In practice, AIFLD played a documented role in the destabilization campaigns that preceded the 1964 Brazilian coup deposing President [[Joao Goulart]], the 1963 general strike that toppled [[Cheddi Jagan]]'s elected government in [[British Guiana]], and the 1973 Chilean coup against President [[Salvador Allende]].[^1] @@ -32,23 +39,25 @@ George Meany served as president of AIFLD while simultaneously serving as presid ### Funding Structure and CIA Connection -AIFLD's funding was almost entirely governmental. USAID provided approximately 93 percent of AIFLD's budget from 1962 to 1974, totaling at least $15 million annually by the organization's peak years. The AFL-CIO's own contribution varied between 2.5 and 4.5 percent of the total budget. The corporate board's financial contribution was modest but its membership was strategically significant.[^5] +AIFLD's funding was almost entirely governmental. Fred Hirsch's 1974 analysis, citing USAID budget data for 1962 to 1974, put USAID's share of AIFLD's budget at approximately 93 percent, totaling at least $15 million annually by the organization's peak years. The AFL-CIO's own contribution varied between 2.5 and 4.5 percent of the total budget. The corporate board's financial contribution was modest but its membership was strategically significant.[^5] -Corporate members of AIFLD's board included W.R. Grace & Co., [[Pan American Airways]], [[Anaconda Copper]] (the Anaconda Company), [[Standard Oil]] affiliates (including Exxon and Shell), [[Chase Manhattan Bank]], [[IBM]], [[Koppers]], [[Gillette]], and [[Johnson & Johnson]]. These corporations shared a common interest in stable, anticommunist labor conditions across Latin America, where their investments were concentrated. [[Berent Friele]], the Norwegian-born coffee dealer who served as [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s personal representative on Latin American affairs and was on Rockefeller's payroll at [[Rockefeller Center]], also sat on the board, providing a direct link between AIFLD's governance and the Rockefeller network.[^6] +The opening statement at an August 1969 hearing of the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] stated that AIFLD had "received a little over $28 million in foreign aid funds for its operations in Latin America" since 1962.[^6] [[William Greider]] reported in the [[Washington Post]] on April 21, 1969 that the [[Agency for International Development]] (AID) had supplied $16 million of the roughly $18 million AIFLD received from 1962 through 1967, and he put the government share of that money at 87 per cent; the remaining $2 million came from the AFL-CIO and 70 business firms.[^7] Greider also reported that AID's deputy administrator, [[Rutherford Poats]], questioned about AID's policy toward the AFL-CIO's African institute, said that AID took the same attitude it took toward other private groups it supported because "we are financing a union-to-union relationship."[^7] -The CIA's role was channeled through USAID and through a series of pass-through foundations. The Andrew Hamilton Foundation was identified as a CIA conduit at an August 31, 1964 hearing of a House Select Small Business Subcommittee chaired by Representative Wright Patman (D-TX). The Foundation channeled $25,000 per month to the International Federation of Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers for use in Latin America in cooperation with AIFLD. A February 24, 1967, Drew Pearson column estimated CIA money flowing to labor organizations at approximately $100 million per year across all programs.[^7] +Corporate members of AIFLD's board included W.R. Grace & Co., [[Pan American Airways]], [[Anaconda Copper]] (the Anaconda Company), [[Standard Oil]] affiliates (including Exxon and Shell), [[Chase Manhattan Bank]], [[IBM]], [[Koppers]], [[Gillette]], and [[Johnson & Johnson]]. These corporations shared a common interest in stable, anticommunist labor conditions across Latin America, where their investments were concentrated. [[Berent Friele]], the Norwegian-born coffee dealer who served as [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s personal representative on Latin American affairs and was on Rockefeller's payroll at [[Rockefeller Center]], also sat on the board, providing a direct link between AIFLD's governance and the Rockefeller network.[^8] -Philip Agee, the CIA case officer who served in Ecuador and Uruguay during the early 1960s before becoming the agency's most prominent defector, identified Romualdi as "the principal CIA agent for labor operations in Latin America" and described AIFLD as "a CIA controlled labor center financed through AID." Agee identified Doherty as a CIA agent in labor operations. In CIA records, Romualdi's operational pseudonym was "Charles Guymers."[^8] +The CIA's role was channeled through USAID and through a series of pass-through foundations. The Andrew Hamilton Foundation was identified as a CIA conduit at an August 31, 1964 hearing of a House Select Small Business Subcommittee chaired by Representative Wright Patman (D-TX). The Foundation channeled $25,000 per month to the International Federation of Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers for use in Latin America in cooperation with AIFLD. A February 24, 1967, Drew Pearson column estimated CIA money flowing to labor organizations at approximately $100 million per year across all programs.[^9] -The CIA's [[International Organizations Division]], which ran relationships with international labor, student, and cultural organizations throughout the Cold War period, exercised operational control over AIFLD's activities through the local CIA station in each country where AIFLD operated, while nominal administrative control remained with AIFLD's Washington headquarters.[^9] +Philip Agee, the CIA case officer who served in Ecuador and Uruguay during the early 1960s before becoming the agency's most prominent defector, identified Romualdi as "the principal CIA agent for labor operations in Latin America" and described AIFLD as "a CIA controlled labor center financed through AID." Agee identified Doherty as a CIA agent in labor operations. In CIA records, Romualdi's operational pseudonym was "Charles Guymers."[^10] + +The CIA's [[International Organizations Division]], which ran relationships with international labor, student, and cultural organizations throughout the Cold War period, exercised operational control over AIFLD's activities through the local CIA station in each country where AIFLD operated, while nominal administrative control remained with AIFLD's Washington headquarters.[^11] ### Training Operations AIFLD's Washington training school opened in June 1962 and provided three-month residential courses to Latin American trade union leaders. The curriculum included instruction on anticommunist union organizing, collective bargaining, and what were described internally as techniques for countering Communist influence within unions. Trainees received monthly stipends and per diem payments that typically exceeded their normal wages, creating material incentives for continued cooperation with AIFLD after their return home. -AIFLD also operated a residential training facility in Front Royal, Virginia, which was used for more intensive courses for selected Latin American labor leaders. By 1972, AIFLD claimed to have trained 133,755 trade unionists across its programs.[^10] +AIFLD also operated a residential training facility in Front Royal, Virginia, which was used for more intensive courses for selected Latin American labor leaders. By 1972, AIFLD claimed to have trained 133,755 trade unionists across its programs.[^12] -After completing their coursework, selected graduates received nine-month internship stipends to continue organizing work in their home countries. AIFLD also ran a network of in-country programs across eleven Latin American nations and conducted development projects, including the construction of affordable worker housing in cities where ORIT-affiliated (Inter-American Regional Labor Organization) unions operated. Prospective residents of the AIFLD housing projects were required to complete detailed questionnaires about their union affiliations and activities.[^11] +After completing their coursework, selected graduates received nine-month internship stipends to continue organizing work in their home countries. AIFLD also ran a network of in-country programs across eleven Latin American nations and conducted development projects, including the construction of affordable worker housing in cities where ORIT-affiliated (Inter-American Regional Labor Organization) unions operated. Prospective residents of the AIFLD housing projects were required to complete detailed questionnaires about their union affiliations and activities.[^13] ### British Guiana: 1962-1964 @@ -56,43 +65,43 @@ AIFLD's operations in British Guiana were among the earliest and most extensivel Eight Guyanese trade union leaders participated in AIFLD's inaugural Washington training course in June 1962 and six returned to British Guiana in September 1962 on AIFLD internship stipends. When the [[British Guiana Trades Union Council]] (BGTUC) called a general strike in April 1963 against Jagan's labor relations bill, AIFLD interns were placed at the disposal of the strike committee and their stipends were extended. The 1963 general strike, which lasted approximately eighty days, has been described as one of the longest general strikes in modern history. -Financial support for the strike, coordinated through CIA channels, reached approximately $800,000 (equivalent to roughly $6.7 million in 2019 dollars), averaging around $10,000 per day. The funds were channeled through the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), the Retail Clerks International Union, the American Newspaper Guild, and AIFLD. The CIA operative Howard McCabe worked directly with the strike committee; Sidney Lens documented that at least six AFL-CIO representatives were sent to Guyana carrying approximately $1 million in CIA funds. Richard Ishmael, leader of the BGTUC, was an AIFLD-trained operative. Jagan's government ultimately fell in 1964 when electoral rules were changed under British pressure coordinated with Washington.[^12] +Financial support for the strike, coordinated through CIA channels, reached approximately $800,000 (equivalent to roughly $6.7 million in 2019 dollars), averaging around $10,000 per day. The funds were channeled through the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), the Retail Clerks International Union, the American Newspaper Guild, and AIFLD. The CIA operative Howard McCabe worked directly with the strike committee; Sidney Lens documented that at least six AFL-CIO representatives were sent to Guyana carrying approximately $1 million in CIA funds. Richard Ishmael, leader of the BGTUC, was an AIFLD-trained operative. Jagan's government ultimately fell in 1964 when electoral rules were changed under British pressure coordinated with Washington.[^14] ### Brazil: Andrew McLellan and the 1964 Coup AIFLD's Brazil representative was [[Andrew McLellan]], the AFL-CIO's Inter-American representative. McLellan operated in Brazil from the early 1960s, cultivating relationships with Brazilian labor leaders willing to organize against Goulart's proposed structural reforms, which included land redistribution and nationalization of foreign-owned enterprises. -In early 1963, AIFLD convened a special all-Brazilian training class of thirty-three unionists at its Washington facility. The course included approximately fifty hours of instruction on techniques for fighting Communist influence within unions, taught by Romualdi and Jay Lovestone (the AFL-CIO's international affairs director, himself a former Communist Party USA leader who became a CIA asset). The class then traveled to Western Europe and Israel with Romualdi before returning to Brazil.[^13] +In early 1963, AIFLD convened a special all-Brazilian training class of thirty-three unionists at its Washington facility. The course included approximately fifty hours of instruction on techniques for fighting Communist influence within unions, taught by Romualdi and Jay Lovestone (the AFL-CIO's international affairs director, himself a former Communist Party USA leader who became a CIA asset). The class then traveled to Western Europe and Israel with Romualdi before returning to Brazil.[^15] -These thirty-three graduates returned to Brazil and participated in organizing employer lockouts, street demonstrations, and worker actions that destabilized the Goulart government in the months before the coup. On the night of March 31 - April 1, 1964, when the military moved against Goulart, AIFLD-trained union officials worked to ensure that calls for a general strike went unanswered. In the coup's immediate aftermath, the new military regime placed leftist-led unions into government trusteeships, with some AIFLD graduates installed as "intervenors" to purge these unions of Goulart sympathizers.[^14] +These thirty-three graduates returned to Brazil and participated in organizing employer lockouts, street demonstrations, and worker actions that destabilized the Goulart government in the months before the coup. On the night of March 31 - April 1, 1964, when the military moved against Goulart, AIFLD-trained union officials worked to ensure that calls for a general strike went unanswered. In the coup's immediate aftermath, the new military regime placed leftist-led unions into government trusteeships, with some AIFLD graduates installed as "intervenors" to purge these unions of Goulart sympathizers.[^16] -At an AFL-CIO Labor News Conference in July 1964, three months after the coup, Doherty stated publicly that the Brazilian trainees "were very active in organizing workers" and that "some of them were so active that they became intimately involved in some of the clandestine operations of the revolution before it took place on April 1." This statement was notable for its candor. Doherty subsequently acknowledged that AIFLD's Brazilian program "was planned, and planned months in advance."[^15] +At an AFL-CIO Labor News Conference in July 1964, three months after the coup, Doherty stated publicly that the Brazilian trainees "were very active in organizing workers" and that "some of them were so active that they became intimately involved in some of the clandestine operations of the revolution before it took place on April 1." This statement was notable for its candor. Doherty subsequently acknowledged that AIFLD's Brazilian program "was planned, and planned months in advance."[^17] -McLellan acknowledged in statements to [[NACLA]] (the [[North American Congress on Latin America]]) that AIFLD had been active in Brazil's labor politics during the coup period, while disputing characterizations of AIFLD as a CIA instrument.[^16] +McLellan acknowledged in statements to [[NACLA]] (the [[North American Congress on Latin America]]) that AIFLD had been active in Brazil's labor politics during the coup period, while disputing characterizations of AIFLD as a CIA instrument.[^18] -After the coup, the AFL-CIO encouraged Brazilian workers to accept a military-imposed wage freeze. AIFLD-trained officials who had been installed as union intervenors cooperated with the regime's labor policies. NACLA documented AIFLD's subsequent role in Argentina in its 1975 report "AIFLD Losing Its Grip," tracking the pattern across the southern cone.[^17] +After the coup, the AFL-CIO encouraged Brazilian workers to accept a military-imposed wage freeze. AIFLD-trained officials who had been installed as union intervenors cooperated with the regime's labor policies. NACLA documented AIFLD's subsequent role in Argentina in its 1975 report "AIFLD Losing Its Grip," tracking the pattern across the southern cone.[^19] -The AFL-CIO's own archives on Brazil for the period following the 1964 coup are notably sparse. An investigation of the AFL-CIO archives found the Chile file for 1973 and the Brazil file for 1964 both remarkably thin compared to surrounding years, with the archive director acknowledging "it sounds like there was a pattern of people looking through and pulling things."[^18] +The AFL-CIO's own archives on Brazil for the period following the 1964 coup are notably sparse. An investigation of the AFL-CIO archives found the Chile file for 1973 and the Brazil file for 1964 both remarkably thin compared to surrounding years, with the archive director acknowledging "it sounds like there was a pattern of people looking through and pulling things."[^20] ### Chile: 1971-1973 From 1971 to 1973, AIFLD channeled millions of dollars to right-wing unions and business associations opposing President Salvador Allende's Unidad Popular government. AIFLD's Chile program was closely coordinated with the US Embassy in [[Santiago]] and dovetailed with the CIA's objective of splitting the Chilean labor movement, where workers overwhelmingly supported Allende. -AIFLD supported the gremios (associations of right-wing middle-class professionals) and the country's conservative maritime workers union. In 1972 and 1973, with CIA financial support, truck owners and merchants staged a series of strikes aimed at creating economic chaos and undermining Allende's government. AIFLD contributed to gathering information on Chilean unionists and their political affiliations. After the September 11, 1973 coup, hundreds of trade unionists were rounded up, some of whom had worked with AIFLD.[^19] +AIFLD supported the gremios (associations of right-wing middle-class professionals) and the country's conservative maritime workers union. In 1972 and 1973, with CIA financial support, truck owners and merchants staged a series of strikes aimed at creating economic chaos and undermining Allende's government. AIFLD contributed to gathering information on Chilean unionists and their political affiliations. After the September 11, 1973 coup, hundreds of trade unionists were rounded up, some of whom had worked with AIFLD.[^21] -Following revelations of AIFLD's role in the Chilean coup, rank-and-file union members across the United States began demanding transparency about AIFLD's operations in the mid-1970s, with several union locals and labor councils calling on the AFL-CIO to fund its foreign programs independently rather than through USAID.[^20] +Following revelations of AIFLD's role in the Chilean coup, rank-and-file union members across the United States began demanding transparency about AIFLD's operations in the mid-1970s, with several union locals and labor councils calling on the AFL-CIO to fund its foreign programs independently rather than through USAID.[^22] ### Operational Pattern AIFLD's activities followed a pattern of parallel unionism: using the AFL-CIO's institutional credibility and labor movement relationships to organize anticommunist "parallel" unions in Latin American countries where US corporate and government interests faced nationalist labor movements. This pattern repeated in British Guiana (1962-1964), Brazil (1964), the Dominican Republic, and Chile (1973). -George Meany described AIFLD publicly as "a working agency of the United States government," a characterization that aligned with J. Peter Grace's description of AIFLD as a joint government-business-labor venture whose purpose was, in Grace's words, to make "the investment climate more attractive and inviting" for US corporate interests and to teach "workers to increase their company's business." Doherty echoed this framing in his own public statements: "Our collaboration [with business] takes the form of trying to make the investment climate more attractive and inviting."[^21] +George Meany described AIFLD publicly as "a working agency of the United States government," a characterization that aligned with J. Peter Grace's description of AIFLD as a joint government-business-labor venture whose purpose was, in Grace's words, to make "the investment climate more attractive and inviting" for US corporate interests and to teach "workers to increase their company's business." Doherty echoed this framing in his own public statements: "Our collaboration [with business] takes the form of trying to make the investment climate more attractive and inviting."[^23] -AIFLD's training programs went beyond labor organizing to include civic and political organization techniques. Graduates moved into business associations, political parties, and government positions in the military governments that followed coups in which AIFLD had been active.[^22] +AIFLD's training programs went beyond labor organizing to include civic and political organization techniques. Graduates moved into business associations, political parties, and government positions in the military governments that followed coups in which AIFLD had been active.[^24] ### Congressional Scrutiny -The [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] held hearings on AIFLD on August 1, 1969, examining its structure, funding, and activities. The Church Committee (the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, 1975-1976) examined the CIA's use of private organizational structures, including labor institutions, as pass-throughs for covert operations funding. Victor Reuther, a senior official of the United Auto Workers, told reporters in 1966 that [[Jay Lovestone]] and the AFL-CIO were "involved" with the CIA, criticizing AIFLD's role in the Brazilian coup; journalistic exposés the following year substantiated his claims by revealing the CIA's ties to the labor federation.[^23] +The Senate Foreign Relations Committee held hearings on AIFLD on August 1, 1969, examining its structure, funding, and activities. The Church Committee (the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, 1975-1976) examined the CIA's use of private organizational structures, including labor institutions, as pass-throughs for covert operations funding. Victor Reuther, a senior official of the United Auto Workers, told reporters in 1966 that [[Jay Lovestone]] and the AFL-CIO were "involved" with the CIA, criticizing AIFLD's role in the Brazilian coup; journalistic exposés the following year substantiated his claims by revealing the CIA's ties to the labor federation.[^25] ### Footnotes @@ -101,21 +110,23 @@ The [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] held hearings on AIFLD on August 1, 1 [^3]: Comptroller General of the United States report on AIFLD, cited in Fred Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role in Latin America; or, Under the Covers with the CIA" (San Jose, CA, January 25, 1974); Stanley Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America," *The Nation*, February 10, 1964. [^4]: Mary Ferrell Foundation, Cryptonym Database, ZRSIGN (Serafino Romualdi, pseudonym "Charles Guymers"), CIA cables October-December 1963; Philip Agee, *Inside the Company: CIA Diary* (Penguin, 1975), identifying Romualdi as "the principal CIA agent for labor operations in Latin America" and Doherty as a CIA agent in labor operations. [^5]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role," citing USAID budget data 1962-1974; Socialist Action, "Latin American Cloak and Daggers: The AFL-CIO and the CIA," May 2002. -[^6]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28; Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; Rockefeller Archive Center, Berent Friele papers; Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History," January 2020. -[^7]: House Select Small Business Subcommittee, hearing of August 31, 1964 (chaired by Rep. Wright Patman, D-TX), identifying the Andrew Hamilton Foundation as a CIA front; Drew Pearson syndicated column, February 24, 1967; Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role." -[^8]: Agee, *Inside the Company: CIA Diary* (1975); Mary Ferrell Foundation, ZRSIGN cryptonym database, confirming Romualdi pseudonym "Charles Guymers." -[^9]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; Agee, *Inside the Company.* -[^10]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (133,755 trainees by 1972); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (first Washington course June 1962); Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History." -[^11]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (nine-month stipends and housing questionnaires); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (eleven-country programs). -[^12]: National Security Archive, "CIA Covert Operations: The Overthrow of Cheddi Jagan in British Guiana, 1964," April 6, 2020 (documents on AFSCME, RCIU, ANG, and AIFLD roles; $800,000 figure; Richard Ishmael); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (eight Guyanese in June 1962 class, six returned September 1962); Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (Sidney Lens, *Partners: Labor and the CIA*; Howard McCabe; $1 million figure). -[^13]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (33-trainee class, 50 hours of instruction, Western Europe and Israel trip); Brasilwire, "1964: Brasil & CIA" (class composition and timing); Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28-29. -[^14]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29; Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (graduates preventing general strike, intervenors installed in unions). -[^15]: Doherty statement at AFL-CIO Labor News Conference, July 1964, quoted in multiple secondary sources including Brasilwire, "1964: Brasil & CIA" and Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History"; Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29 ("planned months in advance"). -[^16]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. -[^17]: NACLA, "AIFLD Losing Its Grip," in *Argentina in the Hour of the Furnaces* (New York: NACLA, 1975); Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (wage freeze cooperation). -[^18]: *The Nation*, "Labor's Cold War," citing AFL-CIO archive investigation; archive director quoted on pattern of document removal. -[^19]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (gremios support, maritime workers union, 1972-1973 truckers strikes, information gathering, post-coup roundups of unionists). -[^20]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (rank-and-file demands for transparency, union locals calling for independent funding). -[^21]: George Meany quoted in Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; J. Peter Grace and Doherty quotes from Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" and cosmonautmag.com, "Solidarity Sometimes." -[^22]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28-29. -[^23]: University of Maryland Special Collections, Archives finding aid, "Senate Foreign Relations Committee, American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), 1969 Aug 1"; Church Committee (Senate Select Committee on Intelligence), 1975-76; Victor Reuther statements to reporters, 1966, cited in Jacobin, "How the 'AFL-CIA' Undermined Labor Movements Abroad," September 2024. +[^6]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, hearing on the American Institute for Free Labor Development, 91st Congress, 1st session, 1969, opening statement of the chairman and statement of George Meany. Serial CHRG-91shrg33948. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-91shrg33948/pdf/CHRG-91shrg33948.pdf +[^7]: William Greider, "Washington Post," April 21, 1969, reprinted in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing record, Serial CHRG-91shrg33948. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-91shrg33948/pdf/CHRG-91shrg33948.pdf +[^8]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28; Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; Rockefeller Archive Center, Berent Friele papers; Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History," January 2020. +[^9]: House Select Small Business Subcommittee, hearing of August 31, 1964 (chaired by Rep. Wright Patman, D-TX), identifying the Andrew Hamilton Foundation as a CIA front; Drew Pearson syndicated column, February 24, 1967; Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role." +[^10]: Agee, *Inside the Company: CIA Diary* (1975); Mary Ferrell Foundation, ZRSIGN cryptonym database, confirming Romualdi pseudonym "Charles Guymers." +[^11]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; Agee, *Inside the Company.* +[^12]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (133,755 trainees by 1972); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (first Washington course June 1962); Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History." +[^13]: Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (nine-month stipends and housing questionnaires); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (eleven-country programs). +[^14]: National Security Archive, "CIA Covert Operations: The Overthrow of Cheddi Jagan in British Guiana, 1964," April 6, 2020 (documents on AFSCME, RCIU, ANG, and AIFLD roles; $800,000 figure; Richard Ishmael); Meisler, "Meddling in Latin America" (eight Guyanese in June 1962 class, six returned September 1962); Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role" (Sidney Lens, *Partners: Labor and the CIA*; Howard McCabe; $1 million figure). +[^15]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (33-trainee class, 50 hours of instruction, Western Europe and Israel trip); Brasilwire, "1964: Brasil & CIA" (class composition and timing); Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28-29. +[^16]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29; Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (graduates preventing general strike, intervenors installed in unions). +[^17]: Doherty statement at AFL-CIO Labor News Conference, July 1964, quoted in multiple secondary sources including Brasilwire, "1964: Brasil & CIA" and Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History"; Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29 ("planned months in advance"). +[^18]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. +[^19]: NACLA, "AIFLD Losing Its Grip," in *Argentina in the Hour of the Furnaces* (New York: NACLA, 1975); Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (wage freeze cooperation). +[^20]: *The Nation*, "Labor's Cold War," citing AFL-CIO archive investigation; archive director quoted on pattern of document removal. +[^21]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (gremios support, maritime workers union, 1972-1973 truckers strikes, information gathering, post-coup roundups of unionists). +[^22]: Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" (rank-and-file demands for transparency, union locals calling for independent funding). +[^23]: George Meany quoted in Hirsch, "An Analysis of Our AFL-CIO Role"; J. Peter Grace and Doherty quotes from Jacobin, "Reckoning With the AFL-CIO's Imperialist History" and cosmonautmag.com, "Solidarity Sometimes." +[^24]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28-29. +[^25]: University of Maryland Special Collections, Archives finding aid, "Senate Foreign Relations Committee, American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), 1969 Aug 1"; Church Committee (Senate Select Committee on Intelligence), 1975-76; Victor Reuther statements to reporters, 1966, cited in Jacobin, "How the 'AFL-CIA' Undermined Labor Movements Abroad," September 2024. diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Air America.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Air America.md index 9c4f8203..f73b2ee8 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Air America.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Air America.md @@ -3,7 +3,7 @@ title: Air America aliases: - Air America created: 2026-05-17 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Organization - CIA @@ -30,9 +30,13 @@ Air America's role in heroin trafficking during the Vietnam War was well-documen The 1993 Department of Justice inquiry into CIA involvement with The Finders examined these connections. The Washington Times reported in December 1993 that investigators had uncovered multiple links between the group and the intelligence community, including the Air America employment, the CIA training at Future Enterprises, and [[Isabelle Pettie]]'s employment with the CIA. The convergence of these connections suggested a pattern of overlap between The Finders and intelligence operations that went beyond coincidence.[^1] +### Laos and AID Contracts + +[[Civil Air Transport]], the predecessor of Air America, flew its first rice airdrops for the [[United States Operations Mission]] in [[Laos]] in September 1955.[^3] A January 17, 1964 memorandum from the [[Bureau of Intelligence and Research]] to the [[Special Group]] stated that the CIA's covert air support in Laos, "conducted by an ostensibly private and commercial company, has been able to continue operations in Laos under USAID contractual arrangements and through the flexibility of CIA's cover and funding mechanisms."[^4] A CIA record of the October 28, 1969 session of the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee chaired by Senator [[Stuart Symington]] lists as follow-up that Senator [[Mike Mansfield]] was promised a list of the directors of Air America.[^5] A Senate staff report printed August 3, 1971 stated that Air America, [[Continental Air Services]] and [[Lao Air Transport]] "operate under contracts with [[Agency for International Development|AID]], although funds are provided by AID, the Defense Department, CIA, and the State Department," with fiscal 1970 air transport contract costs of $5 million for AID, an amount deleted from the published text for the CIA, and $11.7 million for the AID Requirements Office.[^6] + ### Nugan Hand Bank -In 1969 four men who gave their business address as Air America were among the shareholders of [[Australasian and Pacific Holding]], which was described as a "tourism" company and through which [[Frank Nugan]] and [[Michael Hand]] began their business partnership.[^3] The Progressive described the founders of the [[Nugan Hand Bank]] as listing their addresses as "c/o Air America, San Francisco," and described Air America as a wholly owned CIA subsidiary.[^4] The New York Times reported in 1987 that [[Richard Secord]] "played a large role in directing Air America's operations" in the period when Hand served in Laos.[^5] +In 1969 four men who gave their business address as Air America were among the shareholders of [[Australasian and Pacific Holding]], which was described as a "tourism" company and through which [[Frank Nugan]] and [[Michael Hand]] began their business partnership.[^7] The Progressive described the founders of the [[Nugan Hand Bank]] as listing their addresses as "c/o Air America, San Francisco," and described Air America as a wholly owned CIA subsidiary.[^8] The New York Times reported in 1987 that [[Richard Secord]] "played a large role in directing Air America's operations" in the period when Hand served in Laos.[^9] ### From Vietnam to Central America @@ -42,6 +46,10 @@ In 1969 four men who gave their business address as Air America were among the s [^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). Eye of the Chickenhawk. United States: Thehotstar. [^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 16. -[^3]: "Failed Bank Linked to CIA Ripoffs." New York Daily News, February 13, 1981, Washington News Bureau report. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820040-5. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820040-5 -[^4]: "December Briefing" (items "Fighting words" and "Troubled waters"), The Progressive, December 1980. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820041-4. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820041-4 -[^5]: Schneider, Keith. "North's Aides Linked to Australia Study." New York Times, March 8, 1987. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00965R000605740024-7. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000605740024-7 +[^3]: William M. Leary, "CIA Air Operations in Laos, 1955-1974: Supporting the 'Secret War'," Central Intelligence Agency, Studies in Intelligence (reproduced at https://biotech.law.lsu.edu/cases/nat-sec/Vietnam/air-america.htm). +[^4]: Memorandum from the Deputy Director for Coordination, Bureau of Intelligence and Research (Scott) to the Special Group, January 17, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXVIII, Laos, document 1. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v28/d1 +[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, Memorandum for the Record, "DCI Briefing of Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad of Senate Foreign Relations Committee - 28 October 1969," OLC 69-0905. CIA reading room, CIA-RDP72-00337R000100150001-1. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp72-00337r000100150001-1 +[^6]: Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Laos: April 1971, a staff report prepared for the Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad (James G. Lowenstein and Richard M. Moose), 92d Congress, committee print, August 3, 1971, section IV (air operations). CIA reading room, CIA-RDP73B00296R000300080001-0. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp73b00296r000300080001-0 +[^7]: "Failed Bank Linked to CIA Ripoffs." New York Daily News, February 13, 1981, Washington News Bureau report. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820040-5. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820040-5 +[^8]: "December Briefing" (items "Fighting words" and "Troubled waters"), The Progressive, December 1980. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820041-4. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820041-4 +[^9]: Schneider, Keith. "North's Aides Linked to Australia Study." New York Times, March 8, 1987. CIA CREST, CIA-RDP90-00965R000605740024-7. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000605740024-7 diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies.md index c7d0a9b7..803407f5 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies.md @@ -25,20 +25,27 @@ relations: role: "sole bidder and awardee, firm fixed price order HHM402-08-C-0072 (Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications)" start: 2008-09-22 end: 2010-12-21 - fn: 8 + fn: 12 - type: investigated with: "[[Marc Cecotti]]" reverse: true start: 2021-12-08 end: 2023-06-20 role: "filed FOIA request to the Department of Homeland Security for records mentioning AAWSAP and BAASS (2008 to 2012); one responsive document, 'BAASS Goals 2011/2012', released June 20, 2023 under case 2022-HQFO-00386" - fn: 6 + fn: 10 - type: subject_of with: "[[Department of Homeland Security]]" start: 2023-06-20 role: "the Office of the Chief Information Officer's search for BAASS and AAWSAP records dated 2008 to 2012 returned one document, released in full without exemptions" - fn: 6 -updated: 2026-10-04 + fn: 10 + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Colm Kelleher]]" + reverse: true + role: "deputy administrator, 2008 to 2011 (offering circular); deputy administrator running day-to-day AAWSAP operations (Micah Hanks Program description, May 2023)" + start: 2008 + end: 2011 + fn: 2 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies (BAASS) was a subsidiary of [[Robert Bigelow]]'s aerospace and real estate enterprise, established as a scientific research and contracting organization to pursue anomalous phenomena investigation, including unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP). It was the primary contractor for the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]'s [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program|AATIP]]-related research program (formally designated the Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Program, AAWSAP) from 2008 to approximately 2010.[^1] @@ -55,25 +62,27 @@ In 2008, the Defense Intelligence Agency awarded a firm fixed price order to BAA BAASS employed approximately 50 full-time researchers and contracted hundreds more to staff the program. The chief scientist was [[Hal Puthoff]], the physicist who had directed the original [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] remote viewing program in the 1970s and maintained decades of research interest in advanced propulsion and UAP physics. BAASS investigators conducted site visits to UAP encounter locations, collected witness testimony, analyzed materials, and commissioned studies on advanced propulsion, exotic physics, and human physiological effects from UAP encounters.[^1] +[[Colm Kelleher]], a biochemist who had led the National Institute for Discovery Science team at Skinwalker Ranch, is described in the September 29, 2017 offering circular of [[To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science]] as having served from 2008 to 2011 as "Deputy Administrator of a United States Government funded threat assessment program focused on advanced aerospace technology." The circular does not name BAASS, the program or the agency.[^2] The description of a May 2023 episode of [[The Micah Hanks Program]], published by [[The Debrief]], states that in 2008 Kelleher became deputy administrator of BAASS, "where he led the day-to-day operations in executing the AAWSAP contract with Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)."[^3] In written testimony to the House Oversight Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets for its hearing of September 9, 2025, [[George Knapp]] described Kelleher as the principal manager of AAWSAP in Las Vegas, said that Kelleher worked for Bigelow, and said that BAASS was awarded the DIA contract.[^4] The Black Vault's AAWSAP archive describes [[James Lacatski]] as the director of the program.[^5] + ### Skinwalker Ranch and Anomalous Phenomena -BAASS investigators conducted detailed ongoing research at Skinwalker Ranch during the contract period. The ranch had been the site of continued anomalous events since NIDS's initial investigation, and BAASS deployed instrumented observation posts, camera systems, and resident researchers. The scope of reported phenomena at the ranch - which [[Colm Kelleher]] and [[George Knapp]] documented in *[[Hunt for the Skinwalker]]* (Paraview Pocket Books, 2005) - included UAP, cattle mutilations, poltergeist-type effects, and what researchers described as a "hitchhiker effect," in which phenomena reportedly followed investigators home.[^1] +BAASS investigators conducted detailed ongoing research at Skinwalker Ranch during the contract period. The ranch had been the site of continued anomalous events since NIDS's initial investigation, and BAASS deployed instrumented observation posts, camera systems, and resident researchers. The scope of reported phenomena at the ranch - which Colm Kelleher and George Knapp documented in *[[Hunt for the Skinwalker]]* (Paraview Pocket Books, 2005) - included UAP, cattle mutilations, poltergeist-type effects, and what researchers described as a "hitchhiker effect," in which phenomena reportedly followed investigators home.[^1] ### Reports and DIRD Studies BAASS produced a series of Defense Intelligence Reference Documents (DIRDs) - technical reports on advanced aerospace science topics relevant to UAP propulsion and performance. Hal Puthoff and other contributors addressed topics including warp drives, traversable wormholes, high-frequency gravitational wave communications, and exotic materials. The reports, produced between 2009 and 2010, were contracted at $25,000 each from subject matter experts in theoretical physics and advanced engineering. Several were later declassified and released as part of the post-2017 UAP transparency process.[^1] -A document titled "BAASS Ten Month Report," 530 pages, dated July 30, 2009, circulated online from May 30, 2025, when researchers including [[Jonathan Davies]] received an email from the [[Phenomainon]] website announcing a function called PhenomGPT through which two BAASS files could be retrieved. A second file, 141 pages, carries the title "BAASS Summary Report on BAASS' UAP Analysis Capabilities" and the date November 23, 2010. [[Keith Basterfield]] wrote on June 5, 2025 that he used no images from these documents and gave no links, and noted that Appendix 1 of [[James Lacatski]], Colm Kelleher and George Knapp's [[Skinwalkers at the Pentagon]] (2021) lists "BAASS July 2009 Ten Month report" (530 pages) and "Summary Report on BAASS UAP Analysis Capabilities" (141 pages) among the BAASS deliverables lodged with the Defense Intelligence Agency.[^2] +A document titled "BAASS Ten Month Report," 530 pages, dated July 30, 2009, circulated online from May 30, 2025, when researchers including [[Jonathan Davies]] received an email from the [[Phenomainon]] website announcing a function called PhenomGPT through which two BAASS files could be retrieved. A second file, 141 pages, carries the title "BAASS Summary Report on BAASS' UAP Analysis Capabilities" and the date November 23, 2010. [[Keith Basterfield]] wrote on June 5, 2025 that he used no images from these documents and gave no links, and noted that Appendix 1 of James Lacatski, Colm Kelleher and George Knapp's [[Skinwalkers at the Pentagon]] (2021) lists "BAASS July 2009 Ten Month report" (530 pages) and "Summary Report on BAASS UAP Analysis Capabilities" (141 pages) among the BAASS deliverables lodged with the Defense Intelligence Agency.[^6] -Basterfield wrote on June 28, 2025, citing page 3 of the Ten Month Report, that the first BAASS monthly report (for September 22 to October 2008) records two employees, "Robert Bigelow and senior analyst [[John Schuessler]] (In September 2008, a BAASS administrator was hired, but shortly thereafter resigned.)"[^3] +Basterfield wrote on June 28, 2025, citing page 3 of the Ten Month Report, that the first BAASS monthly report (for September 22 to October 2008) records two employees, "Robert Bigelow and senior analyst [[John Schuessler]] (In September 2008, a BAASS administrator was hired, but shortly thereafter resigned.)"[^7] -Basterfield wrote on July 7, 2025, quoting the Ten Month Report, that its description of Project Campus gives the objective as "to stimulate, motivate and encourage the senior levels of the academic community within the [[United States]] to involve themselves in study and research of very advanced aerial spacecraft that is presently considered phenomenological." As a "test case" BAASS approached senior management at the [[University of Nevada, Las Vegas]], which "responded positively"; BAASS proposed ten scenarios, including announcements by the [[United States Air Force]] or other officials that unidentified aerial phenomena were real and extraterrestrial, for the university to study with regard to "the media, economy, department of defense, political groups, science, the general public, religion, public health and academia." The report states: "Dr. Smith and four others have expressed strong interest in submitting a specific proposal to BAASS by August 2009."[^4] +Basterfield wrote on July 7, 2025, quoting the Ten Month Report, that its description of Project Campus gives the objective as "to stimulate, motivate and encourage the senior levels of the academic community within the [[United States]] to involve themselves in study and research of very advanced aerial spacecraft that is presently considered phenomenological." As a "test case" BAASS approached senior management at the [[University of Nevada, Las Vegas]], which "responded positively"; BAASS proposed ten scenarios, including announcements by the [[United States Air Force]] or other officials that unidentified aerial phenomena were real and extraterrestrial, for the university to study with regard to "the media, economy, department of defense, political groups, science, the general public, religion, public health and academia." The report states: "Dr. Smith and four others have expressed strong interest in submitting a specific proposal to BAASS by August 2009."[^8] -According to Basterfield's quotation, BAASS also sought proposals from [[Battelle Memorial Institute]], Southwestern Research Institute, the [[Center for American Progress]] and [[Sandia National Laboratories]] for a study budgeted at 400,000 dollars. The request for proposals states: "For the purpose of the proposed study we take the presence of such advanced exotic aerospace craft as a given." It asks whether "by 2050 there will be confirmation to the public by the U.S. government and its military authorities" of craft "beyond those of our own most advanced military craft," what format such a confirmation should take and what its effects would be on the military and "the U.S. body politic in the areas of commerce, religion, academia and so forth," and what steps could be taken to "soften the societal blow." As of the report date: "BAASS has not received a reply from CAP or SWRI regarding the RFP. Sandia National Laboratories volunteered that they did not have the expertise for the project and Battelle Memorial Institute declined the RFP."[^4] +According to Basterfield's quotation, BAASS also sought proposals from [[Battelle Memorial Institute]], Southwestern Research Institute, the [[Center for American Progress]] and [[Sandia National Laboratories]] for a study budgeted at 400,000 dollars. The request for proposals states: "For the purpose of the proposed study we take the presence of such advanced exotic aerospace craft as a given." It asks whether "by 2050 there will be confirmation to the public by the U.S. government and its military authorities" of craft "beyond those of our own most advanced military craft," what format such a confirmation should take and what its effects would be on the military and "the U.S. body politic in the areas of commerce, religion, academia and so forth," and what steps could be taken to "soften the societal blow." As of the report date: "BAASS has not received a reply from CAP or SWRI regarding the RFP. Sandia National Laboratories volunteered that they did not have the expertise for the project and Battelle Memorial Institute declined the RFP."[^8] ### Medical Effects Research -BAASS research included investigation of physiological effects reported by individuals claiming proximity to UAP, building on a database of cases with reported biological effects. [[Kit Green]], the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] neurophysiologist who had overseen the original SRI remote viewing program from 1972, contributed to this aspect of the research, applying forensic neurological analysis to reported injury patterns. The physiological effects research represented a continuity between the 1970s government anomalous phenomena programs and the AATIP-era research.[^5] +BAASS research included investigation of physiological effects reported by individuals claiming proximity to UAP, building on a database of cases with reported biological effects. [[Kit Green]], the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] neurophysiologist who had overseen the original SRI remote viewing program from 1972, contributed to this aspect of the research, applying forensic neurological analysis to reported injury patterns. The physiological effects research represented a continuity between the 1970s government anomalous phenomena programs and the AATIP-era research.[^9] ### Termination and Legacy @@ -81,9 +90,9 @@ The BAASS contract was not renewed after its initial two-year period. The AAWSAP ### Department of Homeland Security Records, Case 2022-HQFO-00386 -[[Marc Cecotti]] submitted a [[Freedom of Information Act]] request to the [[Department of Homeland Security]] on December 8, 2021 for "a copy of all records, including but not limited to e-mails, reports, memorandum, presentations, mentioning: 'Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Program' or the acronym 'AAWSAP' 'Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies' or the acronym 'BAASS.'" with a record-search date range of January 1, 2008 to December 31, 2012. The department's final response, dated June 20, 2023 and signed by Jimmy Wolfrey, Senior Director, FOIA Operations and Management, was assigned case number 2022-HQFO-00386. It states: "Following a search of the Office of the Chief Information officer (OCIO), we are granting your request under FOIA ... After carefully reviewing the responsive document, we have determined that it is appropriate for public release. The documents are enclosed in their entirety; DHS has claimed no deletions or exemptions."[^6] +[[Marc Cecotti]] submitted a [[Freedom of Information Act]] request to the [[Department of Homeland Security]] on December 8, 2021 for "a copy of all records, including but not limited to e-mails, reports, memorandum, presentations, mentioning: 'Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Program' or the acronym 'AAWSAP' 'Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies' or the acronym 'BAASS.'" with a record-search date range of January 1, 2008 to December 31, 2012. The department's final response, dated June 20, 2023 and signed by Jimmy Wolfrey, Senior Director, FOIA Operations and Management, was assigned case number 2022-HQFO-00386. It states: "Following a search of the Office of the Chief Information officer (OCIO), we are granting your request under FOIA ... After carefully reviewing the responsive document, we have determined that it is appropriate for public release. The documents are enclosed in their entirety; DHS has claimed no deletions or exemptions."[^10] -Cecotti posted the letter and its enclosure on [[X]] on June 20, 2023, writing: "According to Skinwalkers at the Pentagon, AAWSAP officials tried to find alternative locations to house the program and attempts were made to transfer it to the Dept of Homeland Security in 2011. I went after DHS records, this is what they found."[^6] +Cecotti posted the letter and its enclosure on [[X]] on June 20, 2023, writing: "According to Skinwalkers at the Pentagon, AAWSAP officials tried to find alternative locations to house the program and attempts were made to transfer it to the Dept of Homeland Security in 2011. I went after DHS records, this is what they found."[^10] The enclosure is a single page headed "BAASS Goals 2011/2012." It has no author, date or letterhead on its face. Its text reads in full: @@ -107,67 +116,71 @@ Area 3 NOTE: Unclassified separate organization 1. Create an open organization for collection of data on AAV performance. -2. Liaison with civilian groups for AAV data collection.[^6] +2. Liaison with civilian groups for AAV data collection.[^10] -Basterfield transcribed the page on June 22, 2023 and set beside it the nine areas of work in BAASS's original proposal to the DIA as listed in *Skinwalkers at the Pentagon* (global data collection; contact with people who know of novel technologies; a laboratory program with Skinwalker Ranch as a "living lab"; oral history; use of Bigelow space platforms; existing DIA data; biological effects; remote sensing; expert analysis and synthesis), of which the DIA approved areas 1 to 4, 6 and 9 for the first year. His comments on the DHS page were: "Area 1:1. Analyze recovered AAV technolgy - to my knowledge, no such recovered material ever found its way to AAWSAP, and therefore none was ever analyzed"; and "Areas 2:1 and 2:2. These read very much like the current goals of the All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO)." On November 30, 2023 he called it "a very overlooked BAASS document."[^7] +Basterfield transcribed the page on June 22, 2023 and set beside it the nine areas of work in BAASS's original proposal to the DIA as listed in *Skinwalkers at the Pentagon* (global data collection; contact with people who know of novel technologies; a laboratory program with Skinwalker Ranch as a "living lab"; oral history; use of Bigelow space platforms; existing DIA data; biological effects; remote sensing; expert analysis and synthesis), of which the DIA approved areas 1 to 4, 6 and 9 for the first year. His comments on the DHS page were: "Area 1:1. Analyze recovered AAV technolgy - to my knowledge, no such recovered material ever found its way to AAWSAP, and therefore none was ever analyzed"; and "Areas 2:1 and 2:2. These read very much like the current goals of the All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO)." On November 30, 2023 he called it "a very overlooked BAASS document."[^11] ### Solicitation and award -The Defense Intelligence Agency published its request for proposals on August 18, 2008, listing twelve technical areas: lift, propulsion, control, armament (radio-frequency and directed energy), spatial and temporal translation, signature reduction, materials, configuration and structure, power generation, human effects, human interface, and technology integration. A DIA talking paper dated May 4, 2009 states that DIA "received only one bid, from Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies (BAASS), in response to the RFP," determined the proposal responsive, and signed the contract on September 22, 2008.[^8] A second DIA memorandum describes BAASS as "the only bid, headquartered in [[North Las Vegas]], Nevada." The November 17, 2009 talking points describe the award to "the sole bidder" as covering "unclassified research in 11 technical areas" with technical reports due July 31, 2009.[^9][^10] The solicitation number is HHM402-08-R-0211, and the awarded contract number appears on DIA's own forms as HHM402-08-C-0072.[^11][^12] Block 6 of the order form gives the solicitation issue date as September 1, 2008, block 8 gives an offer due date of September 10, 2008, and the order incorporates the BAASS proposal dated September 3, 2008; the DIA talking paper dates the request for proposals August 18, 2008.[^8][^11] +The Defense Intelligence Agency published its request for proposals on August 18, 2008, listing twelve technical areas: lift, propulsion, control, armament (radio-frequency and directed energy), spatial and temporal translation, signature reduction, materials, configuration and structure, power generation, human effects, human interface, and technology integration. A DIA talking paper dated May 4, 2009 states that DIA "received only one bid, from Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies (BAASS), in response to the RFP," determined the proposal responsive, and signed the contract on September 22, 2008.[^12] A second DIA memorandum describes BAASS as "the only bid, headquartered in [[North Las Vegas]], Nevada." The November 17, 2009 talking points describe the award to "the sole bidder" as covering "unclassified research in 11 technical areas" with technical reports due July 31, 2009.[^13][^14] The solicitation number is HHM402-08-R-0211, and the awarded contract number appears on DIA's own forms as HHM402-08-C-0072.[^15][^16] Block 6 of the order form gives the solicitation issue date as September 1, 2008, block 8 gives an offer due date of September 10, 2008, and the order incorporates the BAASS proposal dated September 3, 2008; the DIA talking paper dates the request for proposals August 18, 2008.[^12][^15] -The award document is a Standard Form 1449 (Solicitation/Contract/Order for Commercial Items) issued by the [[Virginia Contracting Activity]] at [[Bolling Air Force Base]] (issuing office code HHQ402, administered by ZD50). It names "Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies, LLC, 4640 S Eastern Ave, Las Vegas NV 89119" as contractor (CAGE 54JU7) and designates the [[NSA]] Finance and Accounting Office at [[Fort Meade|Fort George G. Meade]], Maryland as the paying office. Block 26 of this copy gives the total award amount as 21,948,810 dollars. The copy of the same Standard Form 1449 reproduced at the front of the modification P00001 package (block 3 award date September 22, 2008, block 6 solicitation issue date September 1, 2008) gives the total award amount in block 26 as 10,000,000 dollars.[^13] The contract type is firm fixed price, with a base year of September 22, 2008 to September 29, 2009 and an option year of September 22, 2009 to September 21, 2010; the order incorporates BAASS's proposal dated September 3, 2008. The line items are monthly status reports, project management plans for the tasks listed as 3.a.1 through 3.a.12, research reports for the same tasks, a "Comprehensive Integrated Threat Assessment," travel, and other direct costs; the unit prices and line amounts are redacted under FOIA Exemption 4.[^11] The statement of work (section 5.1) required the contractor to provide a work facility with a Top Secret facility clearance granted by the [[Defense Security Service]], and states that cleared facilities "are not required at contract inception."[^12] Modification P00001 refers to the order as dated September 22, 2008.[^13] +The award document is a Standard Form 1449 (Solicitation/Contract/Order for Commercial Items) issued by the [[Virginia Contracting Activity]] at [[Bolling Air Force Base]] (issuing office code HHQ402, administered by ZD50). It names "Bigelow Aerospace Advanced Space Studies, LLC, 4640 S Eastern Ave, Las Vegas NV 89119" as contractor (CAGE 54JU7) and designates the [[NSA]] Finance and Accounting Office at [[Fort Meade|Fort George G. Meade]], Maryland as the paying office. Block 26 of this copy gives the total award amount as 21,948,810 dollars. The copy of the same Standard Form 1449 reproduced at the front of the modification P00001 package (block 3 award date September 22, 2008, block 6 solicitation issue date September 1, 2008) gives the total award amount in block 26 as 10,000,000 dollars.[^17] The contract type is firm fixed price, with a base year of September 22, 2008 to September 29, 2009 and an option year of September 22, 2009 to September 21, 2010; the order incorporates BAASS's proposal dated September 3, 2008. The line items are monthly status reports, project management plans for the tasks listed as 3.a.1 through 3.a.12, research reports for the same tasks, a "Comprehensive Integrated Threat Assessment," travel, and other direct costs; the unit prices and line amounts are redacted under FOIA Exemption 4.[^15] The statement of work (section 5.1) required the contractor to provide a work facility with a Top Secret facility clearance granted by the [[Defense Security Service]], and states that cleared facilities "are not required at contract inception."[^16] Modification P00001 refers to the order as dated September 22, 2008.[^17] -DIA's response letter in case FOIA-00269-2018, which released a single six-page document, is dated June 26, 2023; its response letter in case FOIA-00349-2018, a request that cited contract HHM402-08-R-0211, is dated October 13, 2022 and covers nine documents (36 pages).[^11][^12] Two documents (13 pages) were withheld in full under 10 U.S.C. 424 and 41 U.S.C. 2102(a)(1) (contract source selection information).[^12] +DIA's response letter in case FOIA-00269-2018, which released a single six-page document, is dated June 26, 2023; its response letter in case FOIA-00349-2018, a request that cited contract HHM402-08-R-0211, is dated October 13, 2022 and covers nine documents (36 pages).[^15][^16] Two documents (13 pages) were withheld in full under 10 U.S.C. 424 and 41 U.S.C. 2102(a)(1) (contract source selection information).[^16] ### Payments, funding and modifications -A DIA contract status briefing dated December 16, 2008 for contract HHM402-08-C-0072 states that "equal amount monthly payments to contractor have commenced and allow for research subcontracts to be put into place quickly," that the technical approaches were "established, traditional techniques within intended scope of contract," and that the effort was "on track, on schedule, and within cost." It records that the first contract status brief was given on November 10, that Senator Harry Reid raised the subject in a meeting on November 13, and that BAASS submitted program management plans for the twelve technical areas on November 21, 2008.[^14] +A DIA contract status briefing dated December 16, 2008 for contract HHM402-08-C-0072 states that "equal amount monthly payments to contractor have commenced and allow for research subcontracts to be put into place quickly," that the technical approaches were "established, traditional techniques within intended scope of contract," and that the effort was "on track, on schedule, and within cost." It records that the first contract status brief was given on November 10, that Senator Harry Reid raised the subject in a meeting on November 13, and that BAASS submitted program management plans for the twelve technical areas on November 21, 2008.[^18] -A briefing of August 24, 2009 states that BAASS was "in full compliance," had delivered 12 project management plans and 26 detailed research reports ("twice minimum requirement") by June 30, 2009, that DIA should proceed with option year 1 "subject to available funding," and that 12 million dollars for continuation had been submitted in the fiscal 2010 defense budget. It records that the contracting officer would extend the contract through September 30 to use fiscal 2010 funds in option year 1 at no additional cost to the government, and that BAASS had indicated it was "willing to operate 'at risk' in option year 1 until FY10 funding arrives."[^15] A later briefing states that the 12 million dollars "also covers BAASS overhead, staff, facilities, IT, security, databases, etc."[^16] +A briefing of August 24, 2009 states that BAASS was "in full compliance," had delivered 12 project management plans and 26 detailed research reports ("twice minimum requirement") by June 30, 2009, that DIA should proceed with option year 1 "subject to available funding," and that 12 million dollars for continuation had been submitted in the fiscal 2010 defense budget. It records that the contracting officer would extend the contract through September 30 to use fiscal 2010 funds in option year 1 at no additional cost to the government, and that BAASS had indicated it was "willing to operate 'at risk' in option year 1 until FY10 funding arrives."[^19] A later briefing states that the 12 million dollars "also covers BAASS overhead, staff, facilities, IT, security, databases, etc."[^20] The modifications released in FOIA-00349-2018 are: -Modification P00001, effective September 2, 2009 (signed September 4, 2009): extended the period of performance to September 30, 2009, revised the option year to October 1, 2009 to September 30, 2010, and exercised option year 1 "subject to availability of funds" under FAR 52.217-9, with a modification amount of 0.00 dollars. The contractor address on this form is 1899 W Brooks Ave, North Las Vegas.[^13] +Modification P00001, effective September 2, 2009 (signed September 4, 2009): extended the period of performance to September 30, 2009, revised the option year to October 1, 2009 to September 30, 2010, and exercised option year 1 "subject to availability of funds" under FAR 52.217-9, with a modification amount of 0.00 dollars. The contractor address on this form is 1899 W Brooks Ave, North Las Vegas.[^17] -Modification P00002, effective February 2, 2010: provided funding (amount redacted) for the exercise of option year 1, removed the availability-of-funds clause of P00001, and directed BAASS to "identify impacts to deliverables as a result of reduced funding for Option Year 1" and to identify "technical risks of reduced funding."[^17] +Modification P00002, effective February 2, 2010: provided funding (amount redacted) for the exercise of option year 1, removed the availability-of-funds clause of P00001, and directed BAASS to "identify impacts to deliverables as a result of reduced funding for Option Year 1" and to identify "technical risks of reduced funding."[^21] -Modifications P00003 and P00004, both distributed May 18, 2010: administrative changes concerning the contracting officer's representative.[^17] +Modifications P00003 and P00004, both distributed May 18, 2010: administrative changes concerning the contracting officer's representative.[^21] -Modification P00005, September 28, 2010: extended the period of performance from September 21, 2010 to December 21, 2010 under FAR 52.217-8, with no funding required.[^17] +Modification P00005, September 28, 2010: extended the period of performance from September 21, 2010 to December 21, 2010 under FAR 52.217-8, with no funding required.[^21] -DIA's October 30, 2009 memorandum lists 26 technical reports delivered in fiscal 2009. It states that eight reviews were performed by other authors listed in its table and five by outside reviewers, among them three research staff members at Sandia National Laboratories, and that "based on draft budget guidance, [[U.S. Congress|Congress]] apparently will fund the contract's option year one at $12 million."[^10] A 2010 memorandum to the [[Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics]] states that the fiscal 2010 Defense Appropriations Act "included a $12 million add for the project," that twelve additional reports were produced and delivered, and that one of the 26 reports, "Advanced Space Propulsion Based on Vacuum (Spacetime Metric) Engineering," was published in March 2010.[^10] +DIA's October 30, 2009 memorandum lists 26 technical reports delivered in fiscal 2009. It states that eight reviews were performed by other authors listed in its table and five by outside reviewers, among them three research staff members at Sandia National Laboratories, and that "based on draft budget guidance, [[U.S. Congress|Congress]] apparently will fund the contract's option year one at $12 million."[^14] A 2010 memorandum to the [[Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics]] states that the fiscal 2010 Defense Appropriations Act "included a $12 million add for the project," that twelve additional reports were produced and delivered, and that one of the 26 reports, "Advanced Space Propulsion Based on Vacuum (Spacetime Metric) Engineering," was published in March 2010.[^14] ### Counterintelligence notation -Talking points prepared for the Deputy Secretary of Defense's November 17, 2009 meeting with Senator Reid contain the entry "August 2008: DIA learned of counter-intelligence concerns with Bigelow Aerospace, the parent company of Bigelow Aerospace Advance Space Studies. These concerns do not appear to be directly related to Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Application Program (AAWSAP)." The next entry reads "September 2008: DIA awarded the contract to the sole bidder." The document does not state the nature of the concerns. The talking points are attached to a memorandum signed by [[James Clapper|James R. Clapper Jr.]], [[Under Secretary of Defense]] for Intelligence, recommending against a Special Access Program; it states that the program manager and his leadership "saw no justification for Special Access protections based on the content of the FY09 deliverables or the anticipated FY10 work."[^9] +Talking points prepared for the Deputy Secretary of Defense's November 17, 2009 meeting with Senator Reid contain the entry "August 2008: DIA learned of counter-intelligence concerns with Bigelow Aerospace, the parent company of Bigelow Aerospace Advance Space Studies. These concerns do not appear to be directly related to Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Application Program (AAWSAP)." The next entry reads "September 2008: DIA awarded the contract to the sole bidder." The document does not state the nature of the concerns. The talking points are attached to a memorandum signed by [[James Clapper|James R. Clapper Jr.]], [[Under Secretary of Defense]] for Intelligence, recommending against a Special Access Program; it states that the program manager and his leadership "saw no justification for Special Access protections based on the content of the FY09 deliverables or the anticipated FY10 work."[^13] The redactions leave the nature of the concerns and the component that learned of them unstated. ### Appropriation as described in DIA papers -The talking points state that "Senators Reid and Inouye co-sponsored a $10M earmark in the July 2008 supplemental" and that "a $12M earmark has been allocated to support the program in FY2010," and record that Reid met a DIA analyst "at a technical conference" in early 2008. They list that a Reid staff member, [[Robert T. Herbert|Bob Herbert]], made "multiple phone calls" between July and October 2009 to [[Marcel Lettre]] (listed as "PDASDILA"), asking about the status of the response to Reid's June 24, 2009 letter, and that DIA met Herbert on November 4, 2009, who "relayed the Senator's impatience."[^9] +The talking points state that "Senators Reid and Inouye co-sponsored a $10M earmark in the July 2008 supplemental" and that "a $12M earmark has been allocated to support the program in FY2010," and record that Reid met a DIA analyst "at a technical conference" in early 2008. They list that a Reid staff member, [[Robert T. Herbert|Bob Herbert]], made "multiple phone calls" between July and October 2009 to [[Marcel Lettre]] (listed as "PDASDILA"), asking about the status of the response to Reid's June 24, 2009 letter, and that DIA met Herbert on November 4, 2009, who "relayed the Senator's impatience."[^13] ### Foundations at the contractor's address -The [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation]] Inc (EIN 93-3962948) and the [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation]] Inc (EIN 93-3974535), both with a March 2024 [[Internal Revenue Service|IRS]] ruling date as 501(c)(3) organizations, list their address as 4640 S Eastern Ave, Las Vegas, Nevada, the contractor address on the 2008 order. Their Forms 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024 report contributions of 62,000 dollars to each, all from Robert Thomas Bigelow, expenses of 105 and 8,158 dollars, and year-end assets of 61,895 and 53,953 dollars. The returns list Robert Thomas Bigelow as president and director and as treasurer and director, [[Donna Stauch]] as secretary and director, and Colm Kelleher and [[Jody Erickson]] as directors.[^18] +The [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation]] Inc (EIN 93-3962948) and the [[Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation]] Inc (EIN 93-3974535), both with a March 2024 [[Internal Revenue Service|IRS]] ruling date as 501(c)(3) organizations, list their address as 4640 S Eastern Ave, Las Vegas, Nevada, the contractor address on the 2008 order. Their Forms 990-PF for the fiscal year ended January 31, 2024 report contributions of 62,000 dollars to each, all from Robert Thomas Bigelow, expenses of 105 and 8,158 dollars, and year-end assets of 61,895 and 53,953 dollars. The returns list Robert Thomas Bigelow as president and director and as treasurer and director, [[Donna Stauch]] as secretary and director, and Colm Kelleher and [[Jody Erickson]] as directors.[^22] ### Footnotes [^1]: Lacatski, James T., Kelleher, Colm A., and Knapp, George. *Skinwalkers at the Pentagon: An Insider's Account of the Secret Government UAP Program*. RTMA, 2021. Elizondo, Luis. *IMMINENT: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs*. Morrow, 2024. -[^2]: Keith Basterfield, "More BAASS AAWSAP documents emerge," June 5, 2025. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/06/more-baass-aawsap-documents-emerge.html . Lacatski, James T., Kelleher, Colm A., and Knapp, George. *Skinwalkers at the Pentagon*. RTMA, 2021, Appendix 1 (as described by Basterfield). -[^3]: Keith Basterfield, "There was a BAASS AAWSAP administrator before Robert Bigelow," June 28, 2025. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/06/there-was-baass-aawsap-administrator.html . -[^4]: Keith Basterfield, "The BAASS 'Project Campus,'" July 7, 2025, quoting the BAASS Ten Month Report (July 30, 2009). https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/07/the-baass-project-campus.html . -[^5]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017. -[^6]: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, final response letter of June 20, 2023, case 2022-HQFO-00386, to Marc Cecotti, signed Jimmy Wolfrey, Senior Director, FOIA Operations and Management, and one-page enclosure "BAASS Goals 2011/2012," as posted by Marc Cecotti on X, June 20, 2023. https://x.com/MC05A/status/1671217484685246478 ; images https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa762X0AA4b7W.jpg (letter) and https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa76yXwAE4d8N.png (enclosure). -[^7]: Keith Basterfield, "Was the Department of Homeland Security keen to take on the AAWSAP?," June 22, 2023, https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/06/was-department-of-homeland-security.html ; "Lockheed Martin and BAASS," November 30, 2023, https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/11/lockheed-martin-and-baass.html . -[^8]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Talking Paper, "Senator Reid Visit to Director, DIA," May 4, 2009, released by DIA to The Black Vault. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/DR_Reid_Mtg_May09.pdf -[^9]: Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, final packet for the Deputy Secretary of Defense's November 17, 2009 meeting with Senator Harry Reid, including the memorandum signed by James R. Clapper Jr. and the talking points. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/09117-Final_Packet_Presented_to_DepSecDef.pdf -[^10]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Info Memo U-10-2552CE to the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, "Advanced Aerospace Threat and Identification Program," 2010; and Info Memo U-429-09 of October 30, 2009, "Review of Advanced Aerospace Contract Deliverables." https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/U-10-2552CE-IM-ATL.pdf and https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/U-429-09-DWO-IM.pdf -[^11]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Standard Form 1449, order HHM402-08-C-0072, signed September 22, 2008, released with a DIA letter dated June 26, 2023 in FOIA-00269-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00269-2018-.pdf -[^12]: DIA letter U-22-8017/IMO-2 (FOIA) of October 13, 2022 and attached records (statement of work sections 5.1 and 9; modifications), FOIA-00349-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00349-2018.pdf ; document index with release notes: https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/the-advanced-aerospace-weapon-system-applications-program-aawsap-documentation/ -[^13]: Modification P00001 (Standard Form 30), effective September 2, 2009, with the attached copy of Standard Form 1449 for order HHM402-08-C-0072. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_FY10.pdf -[^14]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Contract Status," contract HHM402-08-C-0072, December 16, 2008. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/DI_Brief_2008.pdf -[^15]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Aerospace Contract Status," August 24, 2009. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_Status_24Aug09.pdf -[^16]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Contract Status," 2009 (undated), slide on option year 1 deliverables. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_Status_Briefing.pdf -[^17]: Modifications P00002 (February 2, 2010), P00003 and P00004 (May 18, 2010) and P00005 (September 28, 2010), contract HHM402-08-C-0072, in FOIA-00349-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00349-2018.pdf -[^18]: Internal Revenue Service, Tax Exempt Organization Search e-file data, Form 990-PF, The Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation Inc (EIN 93-3962948, object ID 202403379349100410) and The Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation Inc (EIN 93-3974535, object ID 202413379349100411), tax period ended January 31, 2024, in https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/990/xml/2024/2024_TEOS_XML_12A.zip ; ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer API records for the same EINs. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/api/v2/organizations/933962948.json and https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/api/v2/organizations/933974535.json +[^2]: To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science, Form 253G2 offering circular, September 29, 2017, biography of Dr. Colm Kelleher. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1710274/000114420417050693/ +[^3]: Micah Hanks, "Colm Kelleher: AAWSAP and the Skinwalker Enigma," The Debrief, May 25, 2023, description of The Micah Hanks Program episode. https://thedebrief.org/colm-kelleher-aawsap-and-the-skinwalker-enigma/ +[^4]: George Knapp, written testimony, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, hearing "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, September 9, 2025. https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf ; https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-119hhrg61718/html/CHRG-119hhrg61718.htm +[^5]: John Greenewald, The Black Vault, AAWSAP documentation archive. https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/?p=16063 +[^6]: Keith Basterfield, "More BAASS AAWSAP documents emerge," June 5, 2025. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/06/more-baass-aawsap-documents-emerge.html . Lacatski, James T., Kelleher, Colm A., and Knapp, George. *Skinwalkers at the Pentagon*. RTMA, 2021, Appendix 1 (as described by Basterfield). +[^7]: Keith Basterfield, "There was a BAASS AAWSAP administrator before Robert Bigelow," June 28, 2025. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/06/there-was-baass-aawsap-administrator.html . +[^8]: Keith Basterfield, "The BAASS 'Project Campus,'" July 7, 2025, quoting the BAASS Ten Month Report (July 30, 2009). https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2025/07/the-baass-project-campus.html . +[^9]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017. +[^10]: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, final response letter of June 20, 2023, case 2022-HQFO-00386, to Marc Cecotti, signed Jimmy Wolfrey, Senior Director, FOIA Operations and Management, and one-page enclosure "BAASS Goals 2011/2012," as posted by Marc Cecotti on X, June 20, 2023. https://x.com/MC05A/status/1671217484685246478 ; images https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa762X0AA4b7W.jpg (letter) and https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa76yXwAE4d8N.png (enclosure). +[^11]: Keith Basterfield, "Was the Department of Homeland Security keen to take on the AAWSAP?," June 22, 2023, https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/06/was-department-of-homeland-security.html ; "Lockheed Martin and BAASS," November 30, 2023, https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/11/lockheed-martin-and-baass.html . +[^12]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Talking Paper, "Senator Reid Visit to Director, DIA," May 4, 2009, released by DIA to The Black Vault. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/DR_Reid_Mtg_May09.pdf +[^13]: Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, final packet for the Deputy Secretary of Defense's November 17, 2009 meeting with Senator Harry Reid, including the memorandum signed by James R. Clapper Jr. and the talking points. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/09117-Final_Packet_Presented_to_DepSecDef.pdf +[^14]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Info Memo U-10-2552CE to the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, "Advanced Aerospace Threat and Identification Program," 2010; and Info Memo U-429-09 of October 30, 2009, "Review of Advanced Aerospace Contract Deliverables." https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/U-10-2552CE-IM-ATL.pdf and https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/U-429-09-DWO-IM.pdf +[^15]: Defense Intelligence Agency, Standard Form 1449, order HHM402-08-C-0072, signed September 22, 2008, released with a DIA letter dated June 26, 2023 in FOIA-00269-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00269-2018-.pdf +[^16]: DIA letter U-22-8017/IMO-2 (FOIA) of October 13, 2022 and attached records (statement of work sections 5.1 and 9; modifications), FOIA-00349-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00349-2018.pdf ; document index with release notes: https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/the-advanced-aerospace-weapon-system-applications-program-aawsap-documentation/ +[^17]: Modification P00001 (Standard Form 30), effective September 2, 2009, with the attached copy of Standard Form 1449 for order HHM402-08-C-0072. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_FY10.pdf +[^18]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Advanced Aerospace Weapon System Applications Contract Status," contract HHM402-08-C-0072, December 16, 2008. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/DI_Brief_2008.pdf +[^19]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Aerospace Contract Status," August 24, 2009. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_Status_24Aug09.pdf +[^20]: Defense Intelligence Agency, briefing "Contract Status," 2009 (undated), slide on option year 1 deliverables. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/Contract_Status_Briefing.pdf +[^21]: Modifications P00002 (February 2, 2010), P00003 and P00004 (May 18, 2010) and P00005 (September 28, 2010), contract HHM402-08-C-0072, in FOIA-00349-2018. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/dia/AAWSAP/FOIA-00349-2018.pdf +[^22]: Internal Revenue Service, Tax Exempt Organization Search e-file data, Form 990-PF, The Robert Thomas Bigelow Educational Foundation Inc (EIN 93-3962948, object ID 202403379349100410) and The Robert Thomas Bigelow Medical Foundation Inc (EIN 93-3974535, object ID 202413379349100411), tax period ended January 31, 2024, in https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/990/xml/2024/2024_TEOS_XML_12A.zip ; ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer API records for the same EINs. https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/api/v2/organizations/933962948.json and https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/api/v2/organizations/933974535.json diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Carbyne.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Carbyne.md index 197e46ca..1a45dc56 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Carbyne.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Carbyne.md @@ -16,94 +16,103 @@ tags: summary: "Carbyne, founded as Reporty, is an Israeli emergency-call and surveillance technology company in which Jeffrey Epstein invested through Ehud Barak in 2015, and which Axon Enterprise bought for 625 million dollars." location: "Tel Aviv, Israel; New York, New York" created: 2026-06-18 -updated: 2026-09-25 +updated: 2026-10-12 relations: - type: funded with: "[[Jeffrey Epstein]]" reverse: true role: "about one million dollars invested in Reporty, arranged through Ehud Barak" start: 2015 - fn: 1 + fn: 2 - type: funded with: "[[Founders Fund]]" reverse: true role: "Series B investor" - fn: 3 + fn: 4 - type: owned with: "[[Axon Enterprise]]" reverse: true role: "acquired for 625 million dollars" start: 2026-02 - fn: 4 + fn: 5 - type: funded with: "[[Nicole Junkermann]]" reverse: true role: "limited partner through NJF Capital in SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership; 1.2 million dollars toward the warrant exercise" start: 2019-03 - fn: 8 + fn: 11 + - type: member_of + with: "[[Pinhas Buchris]]" + reverse: true + role: "director of Reporty Homeland Security, present at the December 23, 2015 board meeting; listed as a Carbyne director in 2017" + start: 2015-12 + fn: 1 - type: head_of with: "[[Amir Elichai]]" reverse: true role: "founder and chief executive" - fn: 1 + fn: 2 --- -Carbyne (originally incorporated as [[Reporty|Reporty Homeland Security]]) is an Israeli-American technology company that develops cloud-native emergency-communication and 911-response platforms providing real-time video, location, and data transmission from callers to emergency dispatchers. [[Forbes|Forbes]] reported in February 2026 that [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]] quietly invested approximately one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement brokered by [[Ehud Barak|former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak]], after Epstein was already a registered sex offender. Carbyne has also received backing from [[Founders Fund]], the [[Peter Thiel|Peter Thiel]] venture firm, and has been deployed by U.S. police departments including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department|Miami-Dade Police Department]]. Its board included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the Israeli signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]]. The police-technology company [[Axon Enterprise]] agreed to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash.[^1][^2][^3][^4] +Carbyne (originally incorporated as [[Reporty|Reporty Homeland Security]]) is an Israeli-American technology company that develops cloud-native emergency-communication and 911-response platforms providing real-time video, location, and data transmission from callers to emergency dispatchers. [[Forbes|Forbes]] reported in February 2026 that [[Jeffrey Epstein|Jeffrey Epstein]] quietly invested approximately one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement brokered by [[Ehud Barak|former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak]], after Epstein was already a registered sex offender. Carbyne has also received backing from [[Founders Fund]], the [[Peter Thiel|Peter Thiel]] venture firm, and has been deployed by U.S. police departments including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department|Miami-Dade Police Department]]. Its board included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the Israeli signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]].[^1] The police-technology company [[Axon Enterprise]] agreed to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash.[^2][^3][^4][^5] ### The Epstein-Barak Investment Arrangement (2015) -Forbes reported in February 2026 (Thomas Brewster) that Barak helped Epstein invest approximately one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, an investment that could have grown to be worth up to one hundred million dollars. The arrangement was made after Epstein's 2008 federal [[Epstein non-prosecution agreement|non-prosecution agreement]] and his subsequent [[Florida|Florida]] sex-offender registration. Barak was a key figure in the company and channeled Epstein's money into the startup. The [[Miami Herald|Miami Herald]] reported separately that Epstein secretly funded the startup subsequently used by the Miami-Dade Police Department.[^1][^2] +Forbes reported in February 2026 (Thomas Brewster) that Barak helped Epstein invest approximately one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, an investment that could have grown to be worth up to one hundred million dollars. The arrangement was made after Epstein's 2008 federal [[Epstein non-prosecution agreement|non-prosecution agreement]] and his subsequent [[Florida|Florida]] sex-offender registration. Barak was a key figure in the company and channeled Epstein's money into the startup. The [[Miami Herald|Miami Herald]] reported separately that Epstein secretly funded the startup subsequently used by the Miami-Dade Police Department.[^2][^3] -Through the Barak-Epstein-Carbyne arrangement, Epstein moved from social-network brokerage to direct commercial investment in surveillance-adjacent technology. Barak was the channel through which the investment was arranged. The company's emergency-response product integrates smartphone location, live video, and incident data into a centralized dispatcher view, and the same architecture supports population-level monitoring.[^1][^5] +Through the Barak-Epstein-Carbyne arrangement, Epstein moved from social-network brokerage to direct commercial investment in surveillance-adjacent technology. Barak was the channel through which the investment was arranged. The company's emergency-response product integrates smartphone location, live video, and incident data into a centralized dispatcher view, and the same architecture supports population-level monitoring.[^2][^6] ### The Founders Fund Backing -Founders Fund is a documented backer of Carbyne, placing the company in the Thiel venture portfolio alongside [[Palantir Technologies|Palantir]], [[Anduril Industries|Anduril]], and [[Clearview AI|Clearview]]. The Founders Fund backing and the Epstein-Barak investment ran alongside each other, meaning the company simultaneously held Epstein investment (brokered by the former Israeli prime minister Barak) and Thiel-network venture backing.[^1][^2][^3] +Founders Fund is a documented backer of Carbyne, placing the company in the Thiel venture portfolio alongside [[Palantir Technologies|Palantir]], [[Anduril Industries|Anduril]], and [[Clearview AI|Clearview]]. The Founders Fund backing and the Epstein-Barak investment ran alongside each other, meaning the company simultaneously held Epstein investment (brokered by the former Israeli prime minister Barak) and Thiel-network venture backing.[^2][^3][^4] -Carbyne has been deployed in U.S. emergency-response systems including [[New Orleans|New Orleans]], where the platform was integrated into the city's 911 dispatch infrastructure. The Miami-Dade Police Department used the product that Epstein's money had funded, per the Miami Herald reporting on the Epstein-Carbyne investment chain. The documented deployment of an Epstein-funded product by a U.S. law-enforcement agency is the concrete operational outcome of the investment arrangement.[^1][^2] +Carbyne has been deployed in U.S. emergency-response systems including [[New Orleans|New Orleans]], where the platform was integrated into the city's 911 dispatch infrastructure. The Miami-Dade Police Department used the product that Epstein's money had funded, per the Miami Herald reporting on the Epstein-Carbyne investment chain. The documented deployment of an Epstein-funded product by a U.S. law-enforcement agency is the concrete operational outcome of the investment arrangement.[^2][^3] -The simultaneous Epstein-Barak and Founders Fund backing of a single Israeli surveillance-tech startup connects three networks through one company: the Epstein-Barak Israeli-intelligence channel, the Thiel commercial network, and the Israeli surveillance-technology export sector (documented on the [[NSO Group|NSO Group]] and Barak pages). Carbyne is the node where all three converge in a single corporate entity.[^1][^2][^3] +The simultaneous Epstein-Barak and Founders Fund backing of a single Israeli surveillance-tech startup connects three networks through one company: the Epstein-Barak Israeli-intelligence channel, the Thiel commercial network, and the Israeli surveillance-technology export sector (documented on the [[NSO Group|NSO Group]] and Barak pages). Carbyne is the node where all three converge in a single corporate entity.[^2][^3][^4] ### The Israeli Surveillance-Technology Export Context -[[Jacobin|Jacobin]] reported in July 2023 that [[Israel|Israel]]'s decades-long occupation of Palestinian territories has functioned as a "laboratory" for surveillance and security technology, giving Israeli firms specialized know-how in monitoring civilian populations. The Carbyne/Reporty emergency-response platform sits within this broader Israeli surveillance-technology export sector, and the [[Reason|Reason]] reporting on Epstein's spy-industry connections (August 2025) documented that Epstein and Barak marketed Israeli surveillance technology internationally, including to [[Nigeria|Nigeria]], with technology reportedly tested on Palestinian populations.[^5][^6] +[[Jacobin|Jacobin]] reported in July 2023 that [[Israel|Israel]]'s decades-long occupation of Palestinian territories has functioned as a "laboratory" for surveillance and security technology, giving Israeli firms specialized know-how in monitoring civilian populations. The Carbyne/Reporty emergency-response platform sits within this broader Israeli surveillance-technology export sector, and the [[Reason|Reason]] reporting on Epstein's spy-industry connections (August 2025) documented that Epstein and Barak marketed Israeli surveillance technology internationally, including to [[Nigeria|Nigeria]], with technology reportedly tested on Palestinian populations.[^6][^7] -The [[Black Agenda Report|Black Agenda Report]] documented a parallel pipeline in which Israel's Gaza-tested biometric and surveillance scanners were routed into a Nigerian ports deal through [[United Arab Emirates|UAE]] channels. Nigeria is documented as [[Africa|Africa]]'s largest customer of surveillance-technology contracts, spending at least 470 million dollars on AI-powered surveillance devices. The Israeli surveillance-technology export sector, of which Carbyne is a part, operates across the documented chain from Palestinian-population testing through international marketing to deployment in authoritarian and democratic states alike.[^6][^7] +The [[Black Agenda Report|Black Agenda Report]] documented a parallel pipeline in which Israel's Gaza-tested biometric and surveillance scanners were routed into a Nigerian ports deal through [[United Arab Emirates|UAE]] channels. Nigeria is documented as [[Africa|Africa]]'s largest customer of surveillance-technology contracts, spending at least 470 million dollars on AI-powered surveillance devices. The Israeli surveillance-technology export sector, of which Carbyne is a part, operates across the documented chain from Palestinian-population testing through international marketing to deployment in authoritarian and democratic states alike.[^7][^8] ### Board and Investors -Barak served on the board of Reporty and Carbyne and left the board in 2019, the year Epstein was arrested and died.[^1] The board also included Pinhas Buchris, who commanded Unit 8200 and later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^4] The investment firm of [[Nicole Junkermann]] took part in Carbyne's Series A round. Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed her as a director until 2020; Carbyne's chief executive, [[Amir Elichai]], said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^1] +Barak served on the board of Reporty and Carbyne and left the board in 2019, the year Epstein was arrested and died.[^2] The board also included Pinhas Buchris, who commanded Unit 8200 and later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^1][^9] Minutes of the December 23, 2015 meeting of Reporty's board list Elichai, [[Alex Dizengof]], Barak and Buchris as directors present, and record Barak's expected additional investment of $500,000 by February 1, 2016.[^10] The investment firm of [[Nicole Junkermann]] took part in Carbyne's Series A round. Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed her as a director until 2020; Carbyne's chief executive, [[Amir Elichai]], said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^2] ### The Investment Structure and the 2019 Warrants -Epstein's stake was held through an Israeli limited partnership, SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]] of the [[Tel Aviv]] firm Furth, Wilensky, Mizrachi, Knaani, wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] and to NJF Capital, the renamed Montilla International Corporation of Nicole Junkermann, that "At the time of the initial investment in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.), SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership received Warrants to purchase additional 61,251 Preferred A Shares of Carbyne for an aggregate exercise price of US$ 3,500,000," and that exercising them would "increase the holdings % of SUM in Carbyne - from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis."[^8] On March 7 Toor confirmed that [[Southern Trust Company]], Epstein's Virgin Islands company, had signed the Additional Investment Agreement and "transferred its share in the investment (US$2.4mm)," and on March 11 that the full 3.6 million dollars had reached Ergo's account.[^8] +Epstein's stake was held through an Israeli limited partnership, SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]] of the [[Tel Aviv]] firm Furth, Wilensky, Mizrachi, Knaani, wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] and to NJF Capital, the renamed Montilla International Corporation of Nicole Junkermann, that "At the time of the initial investment in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.), SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership received Warrants to purchase additional 61,251 Preferred A Shares of Carbyne for an aggregate exercise price of US$ 3,500,000," and that exercising them would "increase the holdings % of SUM in Carbyne - from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis."[^11] On March 7 Toor confirmed that [[Southern Trust Company]], Epstein's Virgin Islands company, had signed the Additional Investment Agreement and "transferred its share in the investment (US$2.4mm)," and on March 11 that the full 3.6 million dollars had reached Ergo's account.[^11] -The receiving bank then asked, under what Toor called "its own anti money laundry regulations," for a list of "the controlling person(s) of each limited partner, name and his/her citizenship" and a recommendation letter from each partner's transferring bank.[^8] Epstein forwarded the request to Barak, who replied on March 11, 2019: "Jeff, That's the Israeli banks paranoia after they paid the penalties they've paid to the US authorities for past mistakes. According to our experience it was never leaked out of the banks. Just kept with them as an insurance policy. We have to follow on it. On a minimal but satisfying base."[^9] On March 12 Indyke wrote to Epstein: "Not sure how to respond. I thought we did not want your name associated with this Investment? Also, Tomer is asking for a bank rec letter from the transferring bank which is DB," referring to [[Deutsche Bank]]. Epstein answered "ok," and on March 14, asked whether that meant Indyke could confirm that Epstein was "the controlling person of the STC," replied, "Yes."[^10] +The receiving bank then asked, under what Toor called "its own anti money laundry regulations," for a list of "the controlling person(s) of each limited partner, name and his/her citizenship" and a recommendation letter from each partner's transferring bank.[^11] Epstein forwarded the request to Barak, who replied on March 11, 2019: "Jeff, That's the Israeli banks paranoia after they paid the penalties they've paid to the US authorities for past mistakes. According to our experience it was never leaked out of the banks. Just kept with them as an insurance policy. We have to follow on it. On a minimal but satisfying base."[^12] On March 12 Indyke wrote to Epstein: "Not sure how to respond. I thought we did not want your name associated with this Investment? Also, Tomer is asking for a bank rec letter from the transferring bank which is DB," referring to [[Deutsche Bank]]. Epstein answered "ok," and on March 14, asked whether that meant Indyke could confirm that Epstein was "the controlling person of the STC," replied, "Yes."[^13] -A month earlier, on February 18, 2019, Junkermann had written to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m." Epstein had written that he had "litle idea of carbyne results to date."[^11] +A month earlier, on February 18, 2019, Junkermann had written to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m." Epstein had written that he had "litle idea of carbyne results to date."[^14] ### The Qatar Pitch -On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to Peter Thiel, whose Founders Fund was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^12] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded Carbyne's Qatar presentation, prepared by Elichai, to [[Jabor Al Thani]] with Epstein copied: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^13] In a reply of January 20 quoted in the same thread, Jabor Al Thani wrote that his "security services company" wanted to begin discussions on the presentation "for the Qatar 2022 Games" and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as the Qatari contact. Epstein was shown as a recipient of the January 1, February 3, and February 4 messages.[^14] +On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to Peter Thiel, whose Founders Fund was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^15] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded Carbyne's Qatar presentation, prepared by Elichai, to [[Jabor Al Thani]] with Epstein copied: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^16] In a reply of January 20 quoted in the same thread, Jabor Al Thani wrote that his "security services company" wanted to begin discussions on the presentation "for the Qatar 2022 Games" and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as the Qatari contact. Epstein was shown as a recipient of the January 1, February 3, and February 4 messages.[^17] ### The Axon Acquisition -Axon Enterprise, the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, announced that it would acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, with the transaction expected to close in the first quarter of 2026; it closed in February 2026.[^4][^15] Axon, led by its founder and chief executive [[Rick Smith]], described the purchase as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience."[^15] Epstein's 2015 stake of about one million dollars was the one Forbes estimated could have grown to as much as one hundred million dollars.[^1] +Axon Enterprise, the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, announced that it would acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, with the transaction expected to close in the first quarter of 2026; it closed in February 2026.[^5][^18] Axon, led by its founder and chief executive [[Rick Smith]], described the purchase as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience."[^18] Epstein's 2015 stake of about one million dollars was the one Forbes estimated could have grown to as much as one hundred million dollars.[^2] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/ -[^2]: "Epstein secretly funded start-up used by Miami-Dade police." *Miami Herald,* 2020. -[^3]: "Founders Fund Invests in a 911 Startup Backed by Ehud Barak." *CTech (Calcalist),* documenting Peter Thiel's Founders Fund joining a Series B round in Carbyne/Reporty, the firm's first Israeli investment. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3744302,00.html -[^4]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg -[^5]: "Inside Jeffrey Epstein's spy industry connections." *Reason,* August 27, 2025. https://reason.com/2025/08/27/inside-jeffrey-epsteins-spy-industry-connections/ -[^6]: "Israel Has Turned the Occupied Territories Into a Laboratory for Surveillance." *Jacobin,* July 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/israel-occupation-surveillance-security-state-technology-export -[^7]: "Epstein Flipped Israel's Gaza-Tested Biometric Scanners Into Nigeria Ports Deal." *Black Agenda Report.* For the Nigeria surveillance-technology spending, see the IDS Sussex and Punch Nigeria reporting. -[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf -[^9]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02632339, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 11, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02632339.pdf -[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email exchange between Darren Indyke and Jeffrey Epstein, March 12-14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf -[^11]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf -[^12]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf -[^13]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf -[^14]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf -[^15]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html +[^1]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html +[^2]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/ +[^3]: "Epstein secretly funded start-up used by Miami-Dade police." *Miami Herald,* 2020. +[^4]: "Founders Fund Invests in a 911 Startup Backed by Ehud Barak." *CTech (Calcalist),* documenting Peter Thiel's Founders Fund joining a Series B round in Carbyne/Reporty, the firm's first Israeli investment. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3744302,00.html +[^5]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg +[^6]: "Inside Jeffrey Epstein's spy industry connections." *Reason,* August 27, 2025. https://reason.com/2025/08/27/inside-jeffrey-epsteins-spy-industry-connections/ +[^7]: "Israel Has Turned the Occupied Territories Into a Laboratory for Surveillance." *Jacobin,* July 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/israel-occupation-surveillance-security-state-technology-export +[^8]: "Epstein Flipped Israel's Gaza-Tested Biometric Scanners Into Nigeria Ports Deal." *Black Agenda Report.* For the Nigeria surveillance-technology spending, see the IDS Sussex and Punch Nigeria reporting. +[^9]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o +[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf +[^11]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf +[^12]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02632339, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 11, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02632339.pdf +[^13]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email exchange between Darren Indyke and Jeffrey Epstein, March 12-14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf +[^14]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf +[^15]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf +[^16]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf +[^17]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf +[^18]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Esquire.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Esquire.md index e9c64a78..5451adae 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Esquire.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Esquire.md @@ -1,4 +1,5 @@ --- +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Organization - Media @@ -6,7 +7,9 @@ tags: category: "Private Organization" summary: "Esquire is an American magazine whose October 1991 article by Craig Unger repeated Ari Ben-Menashe's allegations that Robert McFarlane was recruited by Rafi Eitan and identified McFarlane as 'Mr. X' in the Jonathan Pollard case." --- -*[[Esquire]]* is an [[United States|American]] magazine. In October 1991, it published an article by [[Craig Unger]] that repeated [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] allegations that [[Robert McFarlane]] had been recruited by [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]] and named [[Robert McFarlane|McFarlane]] as "Mr. X" in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] case. [[Robert McFarlane|McFarlane]] subsequently sued the magazine, but the suit was dismissed in June 1994.[^1] +*[[Esquire]]* is an [[United States|American]] magazine. In October 1991, it published an article by [[Craig Unger]] that repeated [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] allegations that [[Robert McFarlane]] had been recruited by [[Rafael Eitan|Rafi]] and named McFarlane as "Mr. X" in the [[Jonathan Pollard]] case.[^1] The article was the subject of a libel suit by McFarlane. The United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit affirmed the judgment for the magazine on January 30, 1996.[^2] The opinion records that the magazine's editor, William Blythe, approved the phrase "Yet it's almost impossible to dismiss him" directly after the passage listing Ben-Menashe's vulnerabilities. Explaining the decision, Blythe testified: "We wouldn't have used him as a source unless we thought he had some knowledgeability."[^2] ### Footnotes + [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). +[^2]: *McFarlane v. Esquire Magazine*, 74 F.3d 1296 (D.C. Cir. 1996), No. 94-7137, decided January 30, 1996. https://static.case.law/f3d/74/cases/1296-01.json diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/KLAS-TV.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/KLAS-TV.md index 0b48db1b..24694380 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/KLAS-TV.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/KLAS-TV.md @@ -147,7 +147,7 @@ On July 26, 2023 the [[House Committee on Oversight and Accountability]] held a [^18]: George Knapp and Matt Adams, "I-Team Exclusive: Nevada senator fought to save secret UFO program," originally posted on 8NewsNow.com June 28, 2018, republished on Mystery Wire September 27, 2019, https://www.mysterywire.com/ufo/i-team-exclusive-nevada-senator-fought-to-save-secret-ufo-program/ [^19]: George Knapp and Matt Adams, "EXCLUSIVE: I-Team obtains some key documents related to Pentagon UFO study," originally aired July 25, 2018, KLAS-TV, republished on Mystery Wire September 27, 2019, https://www.mysterywire.com/ufo/exclusive-i-team-obtains-some-key-documents-related-to-pentagon-ufo-study/ [^20]: John Forest, "Bob Lazar's UFO claims gain traction with 'S4' success," KLAS 8 News Now (Mystery Wire), posted April 16, 2026, https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/mystery-wire/bob-lazars-ufo-claims-gain-traction-with-s4-success/ -[^21]: George Knapp, written testimony "For the Record," Committee on Oversight and Accountability, hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena," September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf +[^21]: George Knapp, written testimony "For the Record" (headed Hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena"), House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, hearing "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf [^22]: George Knapp, "Statement to Congress," submitted by Rep. Burchett for the record, hearing of July 26, 2023, 4 pp., House Committee Repository, https://docs.house.gov/meetings/GO/GO06/20230726/116282/HHRG-118-GO06-20230726-SD004.pdf [^23]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel," nidsci.org, Internet Archive capture of December 6, 2000, https://web.archive.org/web/20001206032200/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html ; capture of December 14, 2001, https://web.archive.org/web/20011214082825/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html [^24]: Open Library, work records for "Hunt for the skinwalker" (2005, Paraview Pocket Books, ISBN 9781416505211), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL5850693W ; "Hunt for the Skinwalker" audio edition (2017, Dreamscape Media, credits Colm A. Kelleher, George Knapp and David Bendena), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL24850199W ; work record for "Skinwalkers at the Pentagon" (2021, Independently published, ISBN 9798487639653, credits James T Lacatski, Colm A. Kelleher and George Knapp), https://openlibrary.org/works/OL37495767W diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Lockheed Aircraft Company.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Lockheed Aircraft Company.md index 45719f93..95bab987 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Lockheed Aircraft Company.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Lockheed Aircraft Company.md @@ -5,7 +5,8 @@ tags: - Aerospace - USA category: "Private Organization" -summary: "The Lockheed Aircraft Company is an USA aerospace manufacturer that developed advanced military aircraft and became involved in a bribe scandal affecting Israel politics." +summary: "The Lockheed Aircraft Company is a U.S. aerospace manufacturer that built the U-2, named in Ari Ben-Menashe's account of a bribe in Israeli politics and in 1970s SEC disclosures of questionable overseas payments." +updated: 2026-10-12 start: 1926 end: 1995 location: "Burbank, California, USA" @@ -17,7 +18,7 @@ relations: start: 1975 fn: 3 --- -The [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]] is an [[United States|American]] aerospace manufacturer that developed advanced military aircraft and became involved in a bribe scandal affecting [[Israel|Israeli]] politics. +The [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]] is an [[United States|American]] aerospace manufacturer that developed advanced military aircraft and is named in [[Ari Ben-Menashe]]'s account of a bribe affecting [[Israel|Israeli]] politics. ### U-2 Spy Plane Development @@ -25,7 +26,7 @@ Lockheed built the revolutionary [[U-2 Spy Plane]] under cover in Burbank, Calif ### Israeli Bribery Scandal -In 1976, a telegram intercepted by [[Unit 8200]] revealed details of bribes paid by a Lockheed representative in Israel to Defense Minister [[Shimon Peres]]. The sum involved was $3.5 million, deposited in one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]]. This information, discovered by [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], was subsequently covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors, including [[Yoel Ben-Porat|Col. Ben-Porat]] and [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Yishaek]].[^2] +Ari Ben-Menashe wrote that in 1976 he intercepted, as a duty officer in [[Unit 8200]], a telegram that revealed details of bribes paid by a Lockheed representative in Israel to Defense Minister [[Shimon Peres]]. He wrote that the sum involved was $3.5 million, deposited in one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]], and that the information was subsequently covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors, including [[Yoel Ben-Porat|Col. Ben-Porat]] and [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Yishaek]].[^2] ### Disclosures to the Securities and Exchange Commission, 1975 to 1977 diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NSO Group.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NSO Group.md index 75490ac6..ee464cdf 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NSO Group.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/NSO Group.md @@ -13,50 +13,74 @@ tags: - MBS - PrivateIntelligence - Surveillance -summary: "NSO Group is an Israeli cyber-intelligence company founded in 2010 by Unit 8200 alumni Omri Lavie, Shalev Hulio, and Niv Karmi, developer of the Pegasus spyware capable of zero-click mobile-phone compromise, whose government clients used the product to surveil over 50,000 targets including Jamal Khashoggi's family, 180 journalists, Catalan independence leaders, and Mexican activists before the July 2021 Pegasus Project exposure." +summary: "Israeli spyware company founded in 2010 by Omri Lavie, Shalev Hulio, and Niv Carmi, developer of Pegasus, whose government clients selected over 50,000 potential targets, including Khashoggi's family, before the July 2021 Pegasus Project exposure." location: "Herzliya, Israel" created: 2026-06-18 -updated: 2026-06-18 +updated: 2026-10-12 +relations: + - type: partner_of + with: "[[Unit 8200]]" + reverse: true + role: "veterans of the unit helped develop NSO technology, per OCCRP; founder Hulio did not serve in the unit, per Ynet" + fn: 1 --- -NSO Group is an Israeli cyber-intelligence company founded in 2010 in [[Herzliya]], [[Israel]], by [[Omri Lavie|Omri Lavie]], [[Shalev Hulio|Shalev Hulio]], and [[Niv Karmi|Niv Karmi]] (the company name derives from their first initials: N-S-O). The founders are alumni of [[Unit 8200|Unit 8200]], Israel's elite military intelligence signals-and-cyber unit that serves as the incubator of the Israeli private surveillance-technology sector. NSO developed [[Pegasus (spyware)|Pegasus]], a spyware capable of zero-click mobile-phone compromise that extracts messages, emails, photos, location data, and activates cameras and microphones without the target's knowledge. The [[Pegasus Project|Pegasus Project]] investigation (July 2021), coordinated by [[Forbidden Stories|Forbidden Stories]] and [[Amnesty International|Amnesty International]] across 80 journalists from 17 media outlets, documented a leaked list of over 50,000 phone numbers selected as potential surveillance targets by NSO's government clients.[^1][^2][^3] +NSO Group is an Israeli cyber-intelligence company founded in 2010 in [[Herzliya]], [[Israel]], by [[Omri Lavie|Omri Lavie]], [[Shalev Hulio|Shalev Hulio]], and [[Niv Carmi]] (the company name derives from their first initials: N-S-O). [[Unit 8200]] is Israel's elite military intelligence signals-and-cyber unit, described as the incubator of the Israeli private surveillance-technology sector. Veterans of the unit are known to have helped develop the company's technology, according to the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.[^1] Ynet reported in 2019 that Hulio did not serve in the unit and that Hulio said an early engineer may have.[^2] NSO developed [[Pegasus (spyware)|Pegasus]], a spyware capable of zero-click mobile-phone compromise that extracts messages, emails, photos, location data, and activates cameras and microphones without the target's knowledge. The [[Pegasus Project|Pegasus Project]] investigation (July 2021), coordinated by [[Forbidden Stories|Forbidden Stories]] and [[Amnesty International|Amnesty International]] across 80 journalists from 17 media outlets, documented a leaked list of over 50,000 phone numbers selected as potential surveillance targets by NSO's government clients.[^3][^4][^5] ### The Unit 8200 Pipeline -Unit 8200 is the IDF signals-intelligence and cyber-warfare unit that functions as the documented talent pipeline for the Israeli private cybersecurity and surveillance industry. NSO Group's founders are alumni of the unit, as are the founders of a documented network of Israeli surveillance-technology firms that collectively constitute the "tip of the iceberg" of what the [[OCCRP|OCCRP]] and the [[Boston Review|Boston Review]] describe as a largely unregulated transnational Israeli surveillance industry. Former IDF intelligence officers and former NSO employees have gone on to found additional firms developing zero-click weapons and offensive cyber tools, extending the Unit 8200 pipeline into the broader commercial-surveillance sector.[^4][^5] +Unit 8200 is the IDF signals-intelligence and cyber-warfare unit that functions as the documented talent pipeline for the Israeli private cybersecurity and surveillance industry. Founders of a documented network of Israeli surveillance-technology firms are alumni of the unit; those firms, with NSO, constitute the "tip of the iceberg" of what the [[OCCRP|OCCRP]] and the [[Boston Review|Boston Review]] describe as a largely unregulated transnational Israeli surveillance industry. Former IDF intelligence officers and former NSO employees have gone on to found additional firms developing zero-click weapons and offensive cyber tools, extending the Unit 8200 pipeline into the broader commercial-surveillance sector.[^1][^6] -The Unit 8200 pipeline connects the NSO Group to the broader Israeli surveillance-technology export sector documented on the [[Carbyne|Carbyne]] page (the Epstein-Barak-Israeli surveillance-tech investment chain) and to the [[Palantir Technologies|Palantir]]-Israel strategic partnership. The sector operates on the model documented by the [[Jacobin|Jacobin]] reporting: Israeli surveillance technology developed through the occupation of Palestinian territories is exported commercially, with the occupied territories functioning as what critics describe as a testing laboratory.[^5][^6] +The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project wrote that veterans of Unit 8200 "are known to have helped develop" the company's technology, and that its workforce had risen to more than 700. OCCRP quoted [[Gadi Aviran]], who founded the intelligence firm [[Terrogence]], telling *The New Yorker* in 2019: "There was this huge pipeline of talent coming out of the military every year."[^1] + +In a January 2019 profile, [[Ronen Bergman]] wrote in Ynet that Hulio "didn't serve in the IDF's elite Unit 8200," that his last IDF posting was commander of a Home Front Command search and rescue team, and that he met Lavie at Hugim High School in Haifa. Hulio told Bergman that an early NSO engineer "may have served in Unit 8200" but that the technology did not come from there. A senior intelligence official told Bergman that NSO's capabilities had been "proliferated by former members of the intelligence community." The profile names Niv Carmi, who worked at the Prime Minister's Office as a student, as the technical expert brought in when the founders were recruited.[^2] + +The Unit 8200 pipeline connects the NSO Group to the broader Israeli surveillance-technology export sector documented on the [[Carbyne|Carbyne]] page (the Epstein-Barak-Israeli surveillance-tech investment chain) and to the [[Palantir Technologies|Palantir]]-Israel strategic partnership. The sector operates on the model documented by the [[Jacobin|Jacobin]] reporting: Israeli surveillance technology developed through the occupation of Palestinian territories is exported commercially, with the occupied territories functioning as what critics describe as a testing laboratory.[^6][^7] ### Pegasus and the Government-Client Model -NSO licensed Pegasus exclusively to government clients, framing the product as a counterterrorism tool. The documented deployment went far beyond counterterrorism. The Pegasus Project investigation documented that NSO's clients used Pegasus against heads of state, government officials, journalists, activists, political opponents, and the family members of targeted individuals. The leaked list of 50,000+ phone numbers includes targets across multiple countries.[^1][^3] +NSO licensed Pegasus exclusively to government clients, framing the product as a counterterrorism tool. The documented deployment went far beyond counterterrorism. The Pegasus Project investigation documented that NSO's clients used Pegasus against heads of state, government officials, journalists, activists, political opponents, and the family members of targeted individuals. The leaked list of 50,000+ phone numbers includes targets across multiple countries.[^3][^5] -The documented deployment patterns include: [[Mexico|Mexico]] (one of NSO's largest clients, where multiple administrations used Pegasus against journalists including [[Cecilio Pineda Brito|Cecilio Pineda Brito]], activists, lawyers, and even a child, per the [[Citizen Lab|Citizen Lab]] investigation); [[Catalonia|Catalonia]] (the "[[CatalanGate|CatalanGate]]" finding by Citizen Lab in 2022 documenting dozens of Catalan independence politicians and activists targeted by the Spanish state); [[El Salvador|El Salvador]] (surveillance continuing through 2022 despite NSO's reform pledges); and the [[Saudi Arabia|Saudi]] targeting of [[Jamal Khashoggi|Khashoggi]]'s associates.[^1][^7][^8][^9] +The documented deployment patterns include: [[Mexico|Mexico]] (one of NSO's largest clients, where multiple administrations used Pegasus against journalists including [[Cecilio Pineda Brito|Cecilio Pineda Brito]], activists, lawyers, and even a child, per the [[Citizen Lab|Citizen Lab]] investigation); [[Catalonia|Catalonia]] (the "[[CatalanGate|CatalanGate]]" finding by Citizen Lab in 2022 documenting dozens of Catalan independence politicians and activists targeted by the Spanish state); [[El Salvador|El Salvador]] (surveillance continuing through 2022 despite NSO's reform pledges); and the [[Saudi Arabia|Saudi]] targeting of [[Jamal Khashoggi|Khashoggi]]'s associates.[^3][^8][^9][^10] ### The Khashoggi Surveillance -Pegasus was deployed against the associates of Jamal Khashoggi before the October 2018 murder inside the Saudi consulate in [[Istanbul|Istanbul]]. [[The Guardian|The Guardian]] reported in July 2021, based on the Pegasus Project leak, that Pegasus was found on the phone of Khashoggi's wife [[Hanan Elatr|Hanan Elatr]] months before the killing. An Emirati government agency separately placed NSO spyware on the phone of a Khashoggi associate, [[Al Jazeera|Al Jazeera]] reported. Khashoggi's friend [[Omar Abdul Aziz|Omar Abdul Aziz]] sued NSO Group, claiming the spyware enabled the murder by mapping Khashoggi's network and communications. A federal judge dismissed the widow's lawsuit against NSO in October 2023.[^10] +Pegasus was deployed against the associates of Jamal Khashoggi before the October 2018 murder inside the Saudi consulate in [[Istanbul|Istanbul]]. [[The Guardian|The Guardian]] reported in July 2021, based on the Pegasus Project leak, that Pegasus was found on the phone of Khashoggi's wife [[Hanan Elatr|Hanan Elatr]] months before the killing. An Emirati government agency separately placed NSO spyware on the phone of a Khashoggi associate, [[Al Jazeera|Al Jazeera]] reported. Khashoggi's friend [[Omar Abdul Aziz|Omar Abdul Aziz]] sued NSO Group, claiming the spyware enabled the murder by mapping Khashoggi's network and communications. A federal judge dismissed the widow's lawsuit against NSO in October 2023.[^11] -The Khashoggi surveillance ran through the same [[Mohammed bin Salman|MBS]]-[[WhatsApp|WhatsApp]] channel that [[Jared Kushner|Jared Kushner]] used to communicate with the Saudi crown prince, and through the broader Saudi-Emirati intelligence network that operated Pegasus against the targets. The NSO Group sits at the intersection of the documented surveillance infrastructure that enabled the Khashoggi assassination and the Kushner-MBS relationship that shaped the Trump administration's response to it.[^10] +The Khashoggi surveillance ran through the same [[Mohammed bin Salman|MBS]]-[[WhatsApp|WhatsApp]] channel that [[Jared Kushner|Jared Kushner]] used to communicate with the Saudi crown prince, and through the broader Saudi-Emirati intelligence network that operated Pegasus against the targets. The NSO Group sits at the intersection of the documented surveillance infrastructure that enabled the Khashoggi assassination and the Kushner-MBS relationship that shaped the Trump administration's response to it.[^11] ### Ownership and the Novalpina Deal -NSO was acquired by [[Francisco Partners|Francisco Partners]], a technology-focused private equity firm, in 2014. Francisco Partners's ownership period covered the initial expansion of the Pegasus client base across multiple governments, including the documented deployments in Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and the [[United Arab Emirates|United Arab Emirates]]. The Francisco Partners ownership placed a standard private-equity firm in operational control of a cyber-arms company in its portfolio.[^1][^11] +NSO was acquired by [[Francisco Partners|Francisco Partners]], a technology-focused private equity firm, in 2014. Francisco Partners's ownership period covered the initial expansion of the Pegasus client base across multiple governments, including the documented deployments in Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and the [[United Arab Emirates|United Arab Emirates]]. The Francisco Partners ownership placed a standard private-equity firm in operational control of a cyber-arms company in its portfolio.[^3][^12] -In 2019, the co-founders Hulio and Lavie re-acquired NSO from Francisco Partners with funding from [[Novalpina Capital|Novalpina Capital]], a London-based private equity firm founded by [[Stephen Peel|Stephen Peel]]. The Novalpina acquisition valued NSO at approximately 1 billion dollars. The re-acquisition coincided with the period of intensifying scrutiny on NSO's government-client deployments, and the Novalpina ownership became itself a subject of controversy when Novalpina's limited partners raised concerns about the ethical implications of owning a cyber-arms company. Novalpina subsequently underwent its own internal crisis, and the ownership structure of NSO entered a period of documented instability.[^1][^11] +In 2019, the co-founders Hulio and Lavie re-acquired NSO from Francisco Partners with funding from [[Novalpina Capital|Novalpina Capital]], a London-based private equity firm founded by [[Stephen Peel|Stephen Peel]]. The Novalpina acquisition valued NSO at approximately 1 billion dollars. The re-acquisition coincided with the period of intensifying scrutiny on NSO's government-client deployments, and the Novalpina ownership became itself a subject of controversy when Novalpina's limited partners raised concerns about the ethical implications of owning a cyber-arms company. Novalpina subsequently underwent its own internal crisis, and the ownership structure of NSO entered a period of documented instability.[^3][^12] -The Pegasus Project investigation (July 2021) and the subsequent regulatory and legal pressure (including [[Apple|Apple]]'s lawsuit against NSO, the U.S. Commerce Department's addition of NSO to the [[Entity List|Entity List]] in November 2021, and the WhatsApp v. NSO litigation) have constrained the company's operations. The ownership trajectory from startup to Francisco Partners portfolio company to Novalpina-controlled entity to a constrained and legally challenged operation documents the arc of a private intelligence firm that operated with limited accountability through multiple ownership regimes.[^1][^11] +The Pegasus Project investigation (July 2021) and the subsequent regulatory and legal pressure (including [[Apple|Apple]]'s lawsuit against NSO, the U.S. Commerce Department's addition of NSO to the [[Entity List|Entity List]] in November 2021, and the WhatsApp v. NSO litigation) have constrained the company's operations. The ownership trajectory from startup to Francisco Partners portfolio company to Novalpina-controlled entity to a constrained and legally challenged operation documents the arc of a private intelligence firm that operated with limited accountability through multiple ownership regimes.[^3][^12] + +### WhatsApp Litigation + +WhatsApp sued NSO in October 2019 in the Northern District of California. A July 16, 2020 order described NSO as an Israeli limited liability company, described [[Q Cyber Technologies]] as an Israeli corporation and NSO's only active director and majority shareholder, and recorded the complaint's allegation that defendants sent malware through WhatsApp's system to about 1,400 mobile devices.[^13] + +On December 20, 2024, Judge Phyllis Hamilton granted WhatsApp's motion for partial summary judgment on liability under the federal Computer Fraud and Abuse Act and California's Comprehensive Computer Data Access and Fraud Act, and denied NSO's motion for summary judgment. The order granted the sanctions motion in part, considered terminating sanctions, preferred evidentiary sanctions, and stated that a trial would proceed only on damages.[^14] + +On May 6, 2025 a jury returned a unanimous verdict of $444,719 in compensatory damages and $167,254,000 in punitive damages (Dkt. 736), a total of $167,698,719.[^15] On October 17, 2025 Judge Hamilton granted a permanent injunction and remitted the punitive award to $4,002,471 (a nine-to-one ratio to compensatory damages); WhatsApp accepted the remittitur on October 31, 2025; on November 12, 2025 the court entered the permanent injunction, which excludes NSO's foreign sovereign customers, and a final judgment of $4,447,190.[^15][^16] On December 19, 2025 the court denied a stay of the injunction pending appeal.[^17] ### Footnotes -[^1]: For NSO Group founding, ownership history, and the founders' Unit 8200 background, see the published NSO Group documentation and the Wikipedia record. -[^2]: "The Pegasus Project." *Amnesty International,* July 2021. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/07/the-pegasus-project-2/ -[^3]: "Pegasus: The New Global Weapon for Silencing Journalists." *Forbidden Stories.* https://forbiddenstories.org/pegasus-the-new-global-weapon-for-silencing-journalists/ -[^4]: "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg." *OCCRP.* https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project/where-nso-group-came-from-and-why-its-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg -[^5]: "Cyberespionage with Benefits." *Boston Review.* https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/cyberespionage-with-benefits/ -[^6]: "Israel Has Turned the Occupied Territories Into a Laboratory for Surveillance." *Jacobin,* July 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/israel-occupation-surveillance-security-state-technology-export -[^7]: "Reckless Exploit: Mexican Journalists, Lawyers, and a Child Targeted with NSO Spyware." *Citizen Lab.* https://citizenlab.ca/research/reckless-exploit-mexico-nso/ -[^8]: For the Catalonia (CatalanGate) finding, see the Citizen Lab 2022 CatalanGate report. -[^9]: "NSO Group's Continued Surveillance." *Rest of World,* 2022 (El Salvador). https://restofworld.org/2022/nso-pegasus-el-salvador/ -[^10]: "NSO spyware used to target family of Jamal Khashoggi, leaked data shows." *The Guardian,* July 18, 2021. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jul/18/nso-spyware-used-to-target-family-of-jamal-khashoggi-leaked-data-shows-saudis-pegasus -[^11]: For the Novalpina Capital ownership deal, see the published NSO Group and Novalpina Capital documentation. +[^1]: "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg." *OCCRP.* https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project/where-nso-group-came-from-and-why-its-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg +[^2]: Ronen Bergman, "Weaving a cyber web," *Ynetnews*, January 11, 2019. https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-5444998,00.html +[^3]: Co-founders Shalev Hulio and Omri Lavie were high-school friends who founded the company in 2010, according to OCCRP, "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg," The Pegasus Project. https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project/where-nso-group-came-from-and-why-its-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg +[^4]: "The Pegasus Project." *Amnesty International,* July 2021. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/07/the-pegasus-project-2/ +[^5]: "Pegasus: The New Global Weapon for Silencing Journalists." *Forbidden Stories.* https://forbiddenstories.org/pegasus-the-new-global-weapon-for-silencing-journalists/ +[^6]: "Cyberespionage with Benefits." *Boston Review.* https://www.bostonreview.net/articles/cyberespionage-with-benefits/ +[^7]: "Israel Has Turned the Occupied Territories Into a Laboratory for Surveillance." *Jacobin,* July 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/israel-occupation-surveillance-security-state-technology-export +[^8]: "Reckless Exploit: Mexican Journalists, Lawyers, and a Child Targeted with NSO Spyware." *Citizen Lab.* https://citizenlab.ca/research/reckless-exploit-mexico-nso/ +[^9]: For the Catalonia (CatalanGate) finding, see the Citizen Lab 2022 CatalanGate report. +[^10]: "NSO Group's Continued Surveillance." *Rest of World,* 2022 (El Salvador). https://restofworld.org/2022/nso-pegasus-el-salvador/ +[^11]: "NSO spyware used to target family of Jamal Khashoggi, leaked data shows." *The Guardian,* July 18, 2021. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jul/18/nso-spyware-used-to-target-family-of-jamal-khashoggi-leaked-data-shows-saudis-pegasus +[^12]: For the Novalpina Capital ownership deal, see the published NSO Group and Novalpina Capital documentation. +[^13]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order on motions to dismiss (Dkt. 111, July 16, 2020), pp. 1-2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-5.pdf +[^14]: *WhatsApp Inc. v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Order re motions for summary judgment and sanctions (Dkt. 494, December 20, 2024), at 16. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-24.pdf +[^15]: *WhatsApp LLC v. NSO Group Technologies Limited*, No. 4:19-cv-07123-PJH (N.D. Cal.), Final Judgment (Dkt. 810, November 12, 2025), p. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-44.pdf +[^16]: Same case, Order re permanent injunction and remittitur (Dkt. 802, October 17, 2025), pp. 1-2 and conclusion. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-40.pdf ; Order granting permanent injunction (Dkt. 809, November 12, 2025), p. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-43.pdf +[^17]: Same case, Order denying motion to stay permanent injunction (Dkt. 824, December 19, 2025). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123/pdf/USCOURTS-cand-4_19-cv-07123-46.pdf diff --git a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/National Institute for Discovery Science.md b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/National Institute for Discovery Science.md index 2627a082..8f700562 100644 --- a/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/National Institute for Discovery Science.md +++ b/20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/National Institute for Discovery Science.md @@ -9,7 +9,15 @@ summary: "The National Institute for Discovery Science (NIDS) was a privately fu start: 1995 end: 2004 location: "Las Vegas, Nevada, USA" -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 +relations: + - type: employed_by + with: "[[Colm Kelleher]]" + reverse: true + role: "deputy administrator, molecular biology and biochemistry (2000 to 2003 captures); administrator (February 2004 capture)" + start: 1996 + end: 2004 + fn: 6 --- The [[National Institute for Discovery Science]] (NIDS) was a privately funded research organization founded by billionaire [[Robert Bigelow]] in 1995. The organization was dedicated to the scientific study of [[Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena]] (UAP) and other paranormal phenomena.[^1] @@ -25,9 +33,11 @@ One of the most well-known projects undertaken by NIDS was the investigation of The institute's personnel page as captured on December 6, 2000 listed a Science Advisory Board of [[Warren Burggren]] (chairman), [[Douglas P. Ferraro]], [[Albert A. Harrison]], [[Edgar Mitchell]], [[Melvin Morse]], [[Martin Piltch]], [[Hal Puthoff]], [[Theodore Rockwell]], [[John F. Schuessler]], [[Jessica Utts]], [[Jacques Vallee]] and [[Jim Whinnery]]. The staff list named Robert Bigelow as president and founder, [[Colm Kelleher]] as deputy administrator (molecular biology and biochemistry), [[John B. Alexander]] as "Discrete Project Scout," [[Eric W. Davis]] (aerospace physics and astrophysics), [[George E. Onet]] (veterinary pathology) and [[Marcel Kuijsten]] (communications officer and webmaster).[^3] +The capture of October 21, 2001 lists Colm Kelleher with the same title and Hal Puthoff as chairman of the board.[^4] The capture of February 6, 2003 still lists Kelleher as deputy administrator. The capture of February 4, 2004 lists him as administrator for molecular biology and biochemistry, names [[Bruce Cornet]] as deputy administrator for geology, botany and earth history, names Marcel Kuijsten as the only other staff member, and moves John B. Alexander to the science advisory board; Puthoff is again chairman.[^5] The 2017 offering circular of [[To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science]] states that Kelleher "worked for eight years as Deputy Director of the National Institute for Discovery Science (NIDS)."[^6] His Goodreads author biography and a May 2023 episode description of the Micah Hanks Program give 1996 to 2004 as the years he led the NIDS team at Skinwalker Ranch.[^7] + ### Press Report of April 1997 -The *[[Deseret News]]* reporter [[Zack Van Eyck]] wrote in April 1997 (reprinted in *The [[Uintah Basin Standard]]* on April 29) that research scientists who had taken control of a 480-acre [[Uintah County, Utah|Uintah County]] ranch near [[Randlett, Utah|Randlett]] the previous fall remained there although they had not seen the phenomena that its former owners, [[Terry Sherman|Terry]] and [[Gwen Sherman|Gwen]] Sherman, described. A spokesman for the [[Las Vegas]]-based institute said the researchers had yet to see flying craft, cattle mutilations or the "balls of light" that the Shermans said killed dogs. John B. Alexander, identified as the institute's director for scientific liaison, was quoted: "There have been some minor observations, but nothing you would stand behind." The story described Bigelow as a Las Vegas real estate magnate who founded the institute and who bought the ranch in September 1996, three months after the Shermans first told their account publicly in the *Deseret News*; it said two scientists and a veterinarian had set up an observation post, that the institute had not released details to other UFO researchers who were frustrated by that, and that Alexander said findings would be posted on the institute's web page (accessnv.com/nids).[^4] +The *[[Deseret News]]* reporter [[Zack Van Eyck]] wrote in April 1997 (reprinted in *The [[Uintah Basin Standard]]* on April 29) that research scientists who had taken control of a 480-acre [[Uintah County, Utah|Uintah County]] ranch near [[Randlett, Utah|Randlett]] the previous fall remained there although they had not seen the phenomena that its former owners, [[Terry Sherman|Terry]] and [[Gwen Sherman|Gwen]] Sherman, described. A spokesman for the [[Las Vegas]]-based institute said the researchers had yet to see flying craft, cattle mutilations or the "balls of light" that the Shermans said killed dogs. John B. Alexander, identified as the institute's director for scientific liaison, was quoted: "There have been some minor observations, but nothing you would stand behind." The story described Bigelow as a Las Vegas real estate magnate who founded the institute and who bought the ranch in September 1996, three months after the Shermans first told their account publicly in the *Deseret News*; it said two scientists and a veterinarian had set up an observation post, that the institute had not released details to other UFO researchers who were frustrated by that, and that Alexander said findings would be posted on the institute's web page (accessnv.com/nids).[^8] ### Connection to AATIP @@ -38,4 +48,8 @@ The work of NIDS was a precursor to the research conducted by the [[Advanced Aer [^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024. [^2]: George Knapp, "Statement to Congress," July 26, 2023 hearing record, https://docs.house.gov/meetings/GO/GO06/20230726/116282/HHRG-118-GO06-20230726-SD004.pdf [^3]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel," capture of December 6, 2000, https://web.archive.org/web/20001206032200/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html -[^4]: Zack Van Eyck, "No UFOs or ETs have dropped in at spooky ranch," *The Uintah Basin Standard* (Roosevelt, Utah; reprinted from the *Deseret News*), April 29, 1997, p. 2, https://www.newspapers.com/image/725294178/. +[^4]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel and Science Advisory Board," Internet Archive capture of October 21, 2001, https://web.archive.org/web/20011021020155/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html +[^5]: National Institute for Discovery Science, "Personnel and Science Advisory Board," captures of February 6, 2003 (https://web.archive.org/web/20030206081535/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html) and February 4, 2004 (https://web.archive.org/web/20040204181441/http://www.nidsci.org/personnel.html) +[^6]: To The Stars Academy of Arts & Science, Form 253G2 offering circular, September 29, 2017, EDGAR accession 0001144204-17-050693. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1710274/000114420417050693/ +[^7]: Colm A. Kelleher, author biography, Goodreads, https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/162220 ; Micah Hanks, "Colm Kelleher: AAWSAP and the Skinwalker Enigma," The Debrief, May 25, 2023, https://thedebrief.org/colm-kelleher-aawsap-and-the-skinwalker-enigma/ +[^8]: Zack Van Eyck, "No UFOs or ETs have dropped in at spooky ranch," *The Uintah Basin Standard* (Roosevelt, Utah; reprinted from the *Deseret News*), April 29, 1997, p. 2, https://www.newspapers.com/image/725294178/. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/HISTORICAL_PROGRAMS/Alliance for Progress.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/HISTORICAL_PROGRAMS/Alliance for Progress.md index 9b6cecf8..3a442432 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/HISTORICAL_PROGRAMS/Alliance for Progress.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/HISTORICAL_PROGRAMS/Alliance for Progress.md @@ -7,9 +7,16 @@ tags: - ColdWar - Kennedy - Development -summary: "The Alliance for Progress was Kennedy's 1961 foreign aid and development program for Latin America, promising $20 billion over ten years for social reform and economic development, but largely captured in implementation by the military-counterinsurgency apparatus and business interests." +summary: "Kennedy's 1961 foreign aid program for Latin America promised $20 billion over ten years for social reform, but was largely captured in implementation by the counterinsurgency apparatus and business interests." +relations: + - type: funded + with: "[[Agency for International Development]]" + reverse: true + start: 1962-08 + role: "operating and funding responsibility for the police assistance program under NSAM 177, administered by the Office of Public Safety" + fn: 4 created: 2026-06-05 -updated: 2026-06-05 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- The Alliance for Progress (Alianza para el Progreso) was [[John F. Kennedy]]'s 1961 foreign aid and development program for [[Latin America]], formally launched at [[Punta del Este]], Uruguay, in August 1961, promising $20 billion over ten years in exchange for social and economic reforms. Designed as a liberal alternative to Cuban-style revolution, the Alliance was implemented through institutional machinery that systematically undermined its stated goals: CIA police training programs operated under AID cover, military governments tolerated or installed by Washington received the same aid pledged to civilian reformers, and business interests led by [[David Rockefeller]]'s Commerce Department subcommittee pressured Kennedy to abandon government-to-government lending in favor of corporate investment conditions. Its most consequential failure was Brazil, where Alliance funds were channeled to governors aligned with the coup plotters who overthrew Alliance partner [[Joao Goulart]] in 1964. @@ -30,42 +37,45 @@ Guevara condemned the plan as a U.S. strategy to prevent other Latin American na ### Structural Contradictions -The Alliance was designed to address the conditions that produced communist insurgencies, but it was implemented through institutional machinery that systematically undermined its social reform goals. The [[CIA]]'s police training programs were embedded in Alliance architecture through the [[Agency for International Development]] (AID) under an Office of Public Safety (OPS). The OPS commenced operations in November 1962. An Inter-American Police Academy was established in [[Panama]] in July 1962 to train regional forces; in December 1963, OPS opened a second facility, the [[International Police Academy]], in [[Washington, D.C.]], whose first class included sixty-eight police officers from seventeen nations. Both institutions trained counterinsurgency and police forces while nominally operating within the Alliance's development mandate.[^4] +The Alliance was designed to address the conditions that produced communist insurgencies, but it was implemented through institutional machinery that systematically undermined its social reform goals. The [[CIA]]'s police training programs were embedded in Alliance architecture through the [[Agency for International Development]] (AID) under an Office of Public Safety (OPS). An interagency committee recommended the police assistance program to President Kennedy on July 20, 1962, and National Security Action Memorandum 177 of August 7, 1962 approved it, placing operating and funding responsibility with AID "except for their covert aspects."[^4] By March 1963 AID had "centralized the administration of the program in a new Office of Public Safety located within AID," with police advisory missions in thirty countries, and 121 Latin American police officers had received instruction at the Inter-American Police Academy in [[Panama]] in the period the report covers.[^5] Colby and Dennett date the start of OPS operations to November 1962 and the establishment of the Inter-American Police Academy in Panama to July 1962 to train regional forces; they write that in December 1963 OPS opened a second facility, the [[International Police Academy]] in [[Washington, D.C.]], whose first class included sixty-eight police officers from seventeen nations.[^6] The Comptroller General wrote in 1976 that the Office of Public Safety was set up in 1962 and that the International Police Academy was established the following year.[^7] Both institutions trained counterinsurgency and police forces while nominally operating within the Alliance's development mandate.[^6] -The Alliance's democratic ideology suffered a series of blows from military coups backed or tolerated by Washington. The Guatemala coup of March 30-31, 1963, led by Colonel [[Enrique Peralta Azurdia]], was aimed specifically at preventing the electoral return of former president [[Juan Jose Arevalo]], whom the U.S. ambassador had pressed to remove at any cost. Moscoso himself opposed the coup, arguing that Arevalo was not a communist, but the Kennedy administration tolerated it. The Dominican Republic followed on September 25, 1963, when General [[Elias Wessin y Wessin]] and other officers overthrew elected president [[Juan Bosch]] after only seven months in office. Honduras followed on October 3, 1963, when [[Oswaldo Lopez Arellano]] seized power. Each coup reduced the practical credibility of the Alliance's stated commitment to civilian government.[^5] +The Alliance's democratic ideology suffered a series of blows from military coups backed or tolerated by Washington. The Guatemala coup of March 30-31, 1963, led by Colonel [[Enrique Peralta Azurdia]], was aimed specifically at preventing the electoral return of former president [[Juan Jose Arevalo]], whom the U.S. ambassador had pressed to remove at any cost. Moscoso himself opposed the coup, arguing that Arevalo was not a communist, but the Kennedy administration tolerated it. The Dominican Republic followed on September 25, 1963, when General [[Elias Wessin y Wessin]] and other officers overthrew elected president [[Juan Bosch]] after only seven months in office. Honduras followed on October 3, 1963, when [[Oswaldo Lopez Arellano]] seized power. Each coup reduced the practical credibility of the Alliance's stated commitment to civilian government.[^8] ### Business Capture and the Mann Doctrine -The business community was never satisfied with Kennedy's approach to Latin American development. David Rockefeller's Commerce Department subcommittee on the Alliance explicitly demanded that Kennedy abandon government-to-government lending in favor of policies that improved "the general business climate." The subcommittee, which David chaired, wanted aid tied to conditions favorable to private investment rather than to social reform programs.[^6] +The business community was never satisfied with Kennedy's approach to Latin American development. David Rockefeller's Commerce Department subcommittee on the Alliance explicitly demanded that Kennedy abandon government-to-government lending in favor of policies that improved "the general business climate." The subcommittee, which David chaired, wanted aid tied to conditions favorable to private investment rather than to social reform programs.[^9] -After Kennedy's assassination, [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] moved to replace the Alliance's leadership. On December 9, 1963, Johnson telephoned [[Thomas Mann]] in Mexico City to offer him the position. Mann's appointment was publicly announced December 14, 1963. Mann assumed his new responsibilities on January 3, 1964, holding three coordinated titles: Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Special Assistant to the President, and U.S. Coordinator of the Alliance for Progress. Johnson announced that Mann would "undertake the coordination and direction of all policies and programs of the U.S. government, economic, social, and cultural, relating to Latin America." Moscoso was reassigned as U.S. Representative to the Inter-American Committee on the Alliance for Progress (CIAP).[^7] +After Kennedy's assassination, [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] moved to replace the Alliance's leadership. On December 9, 1963, Johnson telephoned [[Thomas Mann]] in Mexico City to offer him the position. Mann's appointment was publicly announced December 14, 1963. Mann assumed his new responsibilities on January 3, 1964, holding three coordinated titles: Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Special Assistant to the President, and U.S. Coordinator of the Alliance for Progress. Johnson announced that Mann would "undertake the coordination and direction of all policies and programs of the U.S. government, economic, social, and cultural, relating to Latin America." Moscoso was reassigned as U.S. Representative to the Inter-American Committee on the Alliance for Progress (CIAP).[^10] -Mann, a veteran of U.S. business interests in Latin America who had helped the CIA's 1954 Guatemala operation, was universally understood as a signal that social reforms would be deprioritized and military governments tolerated. On March 18, 1964, Mann gave a secret speech to senior U.S. officials laying out the administration's policy for the region, which moved away from the political centrism of Kennedy's Alliance by emphasizing economic growth, U.S. business interests, and anti-communism over opposition to authoritarian governments. A New York Times article by Tad Szulc published March 19, 1964, reported the content of Mann's speech and the resulting policy shift became known as the Mann Doctrine. The State Department issued a formal rebuttal, but did not reverse the policy.[^8] +Mann, a veteran of U.S. business interests in Latin America who had helped the CIA's 1954 Guatemala operation, was universally understood as a signal that social reforms would be deprioritized and military governments tolerated. On March 18, 1964, Mann gave a secret speech to senior U.S. officials laying out the administration's policy for the region, which moved away from the political centrism of Kennedy's Alliance by emphasizing economic growth, U.S. business interests, and anti-communism over opposition to authoritarian governments. A New York Times article by Tad Szulc published March 19, 1964, reported the content of Mann's speech and the resulting policy shift became known as the Mann Doctrine. The State Department issued a formal rebuttal, but did not reverse the policy.[^11] ### Alliance and Brazil -Brazil was a central case study in the Alliance's failure. Kennedy extended credit for development in Brazil's Northeast in April 1962, only months after President Joao Goulart nationalized ITT and issued expropriation decrees. Kennedy's aid strategy for Brazil included channeling funds directly to governors opposed to Goulart, identified by the State Department and CIA as reliable, while cutting off federal government aid. States governed by coup plotters like [[Carlos Lacerda]] (Guanabara), [[Magalhaes Pinto]] (Minas Gerais), and [[Ademar de Barros]] (Sao Paulo) received disproportionately large U.S. assistance.[^9] +Brazil was a central case study in the Alliance's failure. Kennedy extended credit for development in Brazil's Northeast in April 1962, only months after President Joao Goulart nationalized ITT and issued expropriation decrees. Kennedy's aid strategy for Brazil included channeling funds directly to governors opposed to Goulart, identified by the State Department and CIA as reliable, while cutting off federal government aid. States governed by coup plotters like [[Carlos Lacerda]] (Guanabara), [[Magalhaes Pinto]] (Minas Gerais), and [[Ademar de Barros]] (Sao Paulo) received disproportionately large U.S. assistance.[^12] -Planning for Goulart's replacement was underway well before the coup. An NSC memorandum of December 11, 1962, presented three policy options and noted that coup planning "must be kept under active and continuous consideration." On March 7, 1963, the State Department recommended preparations for "replacement by more desirable regime." On October 7, 1963, Kennedy directly asked Ambassador [[Lincoln Gordon]] whether a situation might arise requiring U.S. military intervention, and Gordon proposed studying "discreet intervention" and military supply options. A November 22, 1963, Embassy contingency plan had "heavy emphasis on U.S. armed intervention."[^10] +Planning for Goulart's replacement was underway well before the coup. An NSC memorandum of December 11, 1962, presented three policy options and noted that coup planning "must be kept under active and continuous consideration." On March 7, 1963, the State Department recommended preparations for "replacement by more desirable regime." On October 7, 1963, Kennedy directly asked Ambassador [[Lincoln Gordon]] whether a situation might arise requiring U.S. military intervention, and Gordon proposed studying "discreet intervention" and military supply options. A November 22, 1963, Embassy contingency plan had "heavy emphasis on U.S. armed intervention."[^13] -On March 28, 1964, Gordon sent a top-secret telegram from Rio de Janeiro to the Department of State, Document 187 of FRUS 1964-68, Volume XXXI, characterizing Goulart's movement as representing "a small minority, not more than 15 to 20 percent of the people or the Congress" despite its control of oil, communications, and labor organizations, and recommending covert support for General [[Humberto Castello Branco]]'s resistance movement, including secret arms deliveries via unmarked submarine to Sao Paulo, petroleum supplies, and naval task force positioning. Gordon wrote that "our manifest support, both moral and material and even at substantial cost, may well be essential to maintain the backbone of the Brazilian resistance."[^11] +On March 28, 1964, Gordon sent a top-secret telegram from Rio de Janeiro to the Department of State, Document 187 of FRUS 1964-68, Volume XXXI, characterizing Goulart's movement as representing "a small minority, not more than 15 to 20 percent of the people or the Congress" despite its control of oil, communications, and labor organizations, and recommending covert support for General [[Humberto Castello Branco]]'s resistance movement, including secret arms deliveries via unmarked submarine to Sao Paulo, petroleum supplies, and naval task force positioning. Gordon wrote that "our manifest support, both moral and material and even at substantial cost, may well be essential to maintain the backbone of the Brazilian resistance."[^14] -After the April 1, 1964 military coup in Brazil, the Johnson administration released $200 million in aid previously pledged to Goulart and delivered another $50 million AID loan. This rapid aid reversal exposed the Alliance's conditionality as politically rather than substantively determined. The operation to support the coup plotters was code-named [[Operation Brother Sam]].[^12] +After the April 1, 1964 military coup in Brazil, the Johnson administration released $200 million in aid previously pledged to Goulart and delivered another $50 million AID loan. This rapid aid reversal exposed the Alliance's conditionality as politically rather than substantively determined. The operation to support the coup plotters was code-named [[Operation Brother Sam]].[^15] ### Colombia as Laboratory -Colombia under [[Alberto Lleras Camargo]] was Kennedy's chosen laboratory for the Alliance's twin-track approach of liberal reform and military counterinsurgency. The 1961 Yarborough Mission to Colombia established the foundations for the counterinsurgency doctrine, with U.S. Special Forces advisors embedded alongside Alliance economic programs. Rockefeller's [[IBEC]] was already invested in the Cauca Valley, [[AIA]] ran agricultural credit programs there, and Kennedy's Alliance added U.S. government funding alongside [[Green Beret]] counterinsurgency training. Kennedy visited Bogota on December 17, 1961, to personally promote the Alliance framework. This combination made Colombia the flagship nation-building case for the Alliance.[^13] +Colombia under [[Alberto Lleras Camargo]] was Kennedy's chosen laboratory for the Alliance's twin-track approach of liberal reform and military counterinsurgency. The 1961 Yarborough Mission to Colombia established the foundations for the counterinsurgency doctrine, with U.S. Special Forces advisors embedded alongside Alliance economic programs. Rockefeller's [[IBEC]] was already invested in the Cauca Valley, [[AIA]] ran agricultural credit programs there, and Kennedy's Alliance added U.S. government funding alongside [[Green Beret]] counterinsurgency training. Kennedy visited Bogota on December 17, 1961, to personally promote the Alliance framework. This combination made Colombia the flagship nation-building case for the Alliance.[^16] [^1]: Kennedy, "Address at a White House Reception for Members of Congress and for the Diplomatic Corps of the Latin American Republics," March 13, 1961. JFK Library, john-f-kennedy-speeches/latin-american-diplomats-washington-dc-19610313. [^2]: The Avalon Project, "The Charter of Punta del Este, Establishing an Alliance for Progress Within the Framework of Operation Pan America; August 17, 1961." Yale Law School, avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/intam16.asp. [^3]: Ernesto Che Guevara, "Economics Cannot Be Separated from Politics," speech to the Inter-American Economic and Social Council, Punta del Este, Uruguay, August 8, 1961. Available at marxists.org/archive/guevara/1961/08/08.htm. -[^4]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 27. On OPS: Office of Public Safety program commenced November 1962, terminated by Congress 1974. Inter-American Police Academy, Panama, July 1962; International Police Academy, Washington D.C., opened December 1963. -[^5]: 1963 Guatemalan coup: March 30-31, 1963, Colonel Enrique Peralta Azurdia; for U.S. internal debate see FRUS 1961-63, Vol. X-XII Supplement, Documents on Guatemala. Dominican Republic coup: September 25, 1963. Honduras coup: October 3, 1963. See Max Paul Friedman and Roberto Garcia Ferreira, "Making Peaceful Revolution Impossible: Kennedy, Arevalo, the 1963 Coup in Guatemala, and the Alliance against Progress in Latin America's Cold War," *Journal of Cold War Studies* 24:1 (2022), 155-187. -[^6]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27. -[^7]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 1 (Editorial Note): Mann appointment timeline. Johnson announcement: December 14, 1963; Mann assumed responsibilities January 3, 1964. Moscoso reassigned to CIAP. -[^8]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 10 (Editorial Note): Mann policy speech March 18, 1964. Tad Szulc, New York Times, March 19, 1964. -[^9]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27-28. Alliance aid to opposition governors: Carlos Lacerda (Guanabara), Magalhaes Pinto (Minas Gerais), Ademar de Barros (Sao Paulo). -[^10]: NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 465, "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup," Document 2 (NSC memo, December 11, 1962); Document 5 (State Dept. memo, March 7, 1963); Document 9 (JFK tape, October 7, 1963). nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB465/. -[^11]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 187: [[Telegram]] from Ambassador Lincoln Gordon to Department of State, March 28, 1964 (Top Secret). history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d187. -[^12]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28. On post-coup aid release see also FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Chapter 5 (Brazil documents). -[^13]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 25. Yarborough Mission 1961: see arsof-history.org/articles/v2n4_plan_lazo_page_1.html. Kennedy visit to Bogota: JFK Library, "Address at San Carlos Palace dinner, Bogota, Colombia, 17 December 1961," jfkpof-036-040. +[^4]: Memorandum from the Interagency Committee on Police Assistance Programs to President Kennedy, July 20, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. VIII, document 99, citing National Security Action Memorandum 177 of August 7, 1962. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v08/d99 +[^5]: Memorandum from the Chairman of the Special Group (Counter-Insurgency) (Johnson) to President Kennedy, March 14, 1963, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, vol. VIII, document 128. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v08/d128 +[^6]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 27. On OPS: Office of Public Safety program commenced November 1962, terminated by Congress 1974. Inter-American Police Academy, Panama, July 1962; International Police Academy, Washington D.C., opened December 1963. +[^7]: U.S. General Accounting Office, Stopping U.S. Assistance to Foreign Police and Prisons, Report ID-76-5 to the Congress by the Comptroller General of the United States, February 19, 1976, chapter 3. https://www.gao.gov/assets/id-76-5.pdf +[^8]: 1963 Guatemalan coup: March 30-31, 1963, Colonel Enrique Peralta Azurdia; for U.S. internal debate see FRUS 1961-63, Vol. X-XII Supplement, Documents on Guatemala. Dominican Republic coup: September 25, 1963. Honduras coup: October 3, 1963. See Max Paul Friedman and Roberto Garcia Ferreira, "Making Peaceful Revolution Impossible: Kennedy, Arevalo, the 1963 Coup in Guatemala, and the Alliance against Progress in Latin America's Cold War," *Journal of Cold War Studies* 24:1 (2022), 155-187. +[^9]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27. +[^10]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 1 (Editorial Note): Mann appointment timeline. Johnson announcement: December 14, 1963; Mann assumed responsibilities January 3, 1964. Moscoso reassigned to CIAP. +[^11]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 10 (Editorial Note): Mann policy speech March 18, 1964. Tad Szulc, New York Times, March 19, 1964. +[^12]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 27-28. Alliance aid to opposition governors: Carlos Lacerda (Guanabara), Magalhaes Pinto (Minas Gerais), Ademar de Barros (Sao Paulo). +[^13]: NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 465, "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup," Document 2 (NSC memo, December 11, 1962); Document 5 (State Dept. memo, March 7, 1963); Document 9 (JFK tape, October 7, 1963). nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB465/. +[^14]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 187: [[Telegram]] from Ambassador Lincoln Gordon to Department of State, March 28, 1964 (Top Secret). history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d187. +[^15]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28. On post-coup aid release see also FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Chapter 5 (Brazil documents). +[^16]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 25. Yarborough Mission 1961: see arsof-history.org/articles/v2n4_plan_lazo_page_1.html. Kennedy visit to Bogota: JFK Library, "Address at San Carlos Palace dinner, Bogota, Colombia, 17 December 1961," jfkpof-036-040. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/KONA BLUE.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/KONA BLUE.md index 3a14f9f0..b7d46a2d 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/KONA BLUE.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/KONA BLUE.md @@ -165,7 +165,7 @@ Kirkpatrick's column describes a story told by "conspiracists" in which the Unit [^10]: Memorandum for Deputy Secretary Lute, through Under Secretary O'Toole, from Steven J. Cover, "Termination of a DHS Science & Technology 'Prospective: Special Access Program (PSAP)'," December 12, 2011, in the DHS KONA BLUE records, pp. 48 to 49; memorandum for the Under Secretary for Science and Technology, "Establishment of a DHS Science & Technology 'Prospective Special Access Program (PSAP)'," July 11, 2011 (author's name redacted), p. 36. https://static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/06/AARO_DHS_Kona_Blue.pdf [^11]: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, final response letter of June 20, 2023, case 2022-HQFO-00386, to Marc Cecotti, signed Jimmy Wolfrey, Senior Director, FOIA Operations and Management, with one-page enclosure "BAASS Goals 2011/2012," as posted by Marc Cecotti on X, June 20, 2023. https://x.com/MC05A/status/1671217484685246478 ; images https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa762X0AA4b7W.jpg and https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FzFa76yXwAE4d8N.png . [^12]: Keith Basterfield, "Lockheed Martin and BAASS," November 30, 2023, quoting Lacatski, Kelleher and Knapp, *Inside the US Government Covert UFO Program: Initial Revelations*, RTMA, 2023. https://ufos-scientificresearch.blogspot.com/2023/11/lockheed-martin-and-baass.html -[^13]: George Knapp, written testimony, September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf +[^13]: George Knapp, written testimony, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, hearing "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf [^14]: DHS KONA BLUE records, "Advanced Technology Threat" presentation, slides 1 to 15 (pp. 2 to 16). https://static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/06/AARO_DHS_Kona_Blue.pdf [^15]: DHS KONA BLUE records, proposal questions 7, 11 to 14 (pp. 32 to 33); SAPOC decision briefing, "KONA BLUE" purpose and status slide naming the program manager (p. 41); Wall, "Proposed S&T Directorate Statement of Objectives," November 3 and 23, 2011, with proposed budget (pp. 44 to 45). https://static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/06/AARO_DHS_Kona_Blue.pdf [^16]: DHS, Memorandum for the Special Access Program Oversight Committee, "Minutes of the November 21, 2011 SAPOC Meeting," in the DHS KONA BLUE records, pp. 37 to 38. https://static.foxnews.com/foxnews.com/content/uploads/2024/06/AARO_DHS_Kona_Blue.pdf diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Mongoose.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Mongoose.md index 73236e21..f4e913ea 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Mongoose.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Mongoose.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2026-05-15 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Operation Mongoose aliases: - Operation Mongoose @@ -19,6 +19,14 @@ summary: "Covert action program against Cuba from November 1961, directed by Edw start: 1961-11-01 end: 1962-10-31 location: "Miami, Florida / Washington, D.C." +relations: + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Joint Chiefs of Staff]]" + reverse: true + role: "pretext list and JCS answer of April 10, 1962 that invasion was needed" + start: 1962-03-05 + end: 1962-04-10 + fn: 6 --- Operation Mongoose was the Kennedy administration's covert action program targeting [[Fidel Castro]]'s Cuba, initiated in the aftermath of the failed [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion and operating from approximately November 1961 until the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 forced its suspension. It was the largest CIA covert action program since the Korean War, involving over 400 CIA officers, several thousand Cuban exile agents, and a budget approaching $50 million annually.[^1] @@ -47,17 +55,21 @@ Psychological operations: Radio broadcasts, leaflet drops, and propaganda campai Assassination tracks: Parallel to Mongoose's official programs, Harvey maintained ZR/RIFLE operations targeting Castro through the CIA-organized crime connection with [[Johnny Roselli]] and, through him, [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santo Trafficante Jr.]] The assassination track was technically separate from but operationally intertwined with the broader Mongoose program.[^1] +The [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] were drawn into Mongoose's planning in early 1962. On March 6, 1962, Edward Lansdale wrote to Goodwin that he was asking the Defense representative, General Craig, "to give me a brief but precise description of pretexts which the JCS believes desirable if a decision is ultimately made to use direct military intervention."[^5] The Joint Chiefs' reply of March 13, 1962, signed by Chairman [[Lyman Lemnitzer]], assumed that "a single agency will be given the primary responsibility for developing military and para-military aspects of the basic plan" and recommended that "this responsibility for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff."[^6] The JCS history records that the list covered attacks and sabotage at Guantanamo, a blown-up unmanned ship, faked assassination attempts and bombings in Florida and Washington, a sinking of a boatload of Cuban refugees, a staged filibuster, the downing of a civilian airliner that was in fact a drone, and the apparent shootdown of a U.S. Air Force fighter.[^7] + ### The Missile Crisis and Suspension +On April 5, 1962 the Special Group concluded that the time had come to re-examine Mongoose's basic philosophy "with particular reference to the possibility of finding a pretext for early... intervention." [[Maxwell Taylor]] put two questions to the Service Chiefs, whether the United States should invade Cuba and whether it had the capacity to do so. Five days later (April 10) the Joint Chiefs answered yes to both.[^7] Two days after that, on April 12, John McCone recorded that a JCS paper on pretext or provocative actions had been discussed at the April 11 Special Group (Augmented) meeting, and wrote that it was "a very thoughtful and useful document."[^8] + The October 1962 [[Cuban Missile Crisis]] fundamentally changed the operational environment. Kennedy's agreement with Soviet Premier [[Nikita Khrushchev|Khrushchev]] to resolve the crisis included a private U.S. commitment not to invade Cuba. This commitment effectively foreclosed the political precondition on which Mongoose was premised: that internal Cuban resistance could ultimately trigger an American-supported uprising. -During the crisis, Harvey gave an order sending agent teams into Cuba to support any conventional U.S. military operation that might occur. Harvey testified that Robert Kennedy "took a great deal of exception" to the order, and that McCone then ordered the agent operations stopped.[^4] Evan Thomas wrote that Robert Kennedy demanded Harvey's removal.[^1] Harvey was appointed chief of station at Rome effective on or about June 30, 1963.[^5] +During the crisis, Harvey gave an order sending agent teams into Cuba to support any conventional U.S. military operation that might occur. Harvey testified that Robert Kennedy "took a great deal of exception" to the order, and that McCone then ordered the agent operations stopped.[^4] Evan Thomas wrote that Robert Kennedy demanded Harvey's removal.[^1] Harvey was appointed chief of station at Rome effective on or about June 30, 1963.[^9] Mongoose was formally suspended in late 1962. Subsequent anti-Castro covert operations continued under different organizational structures and with reduced resources, but the large-scale coordinated program of 1961-1962 was not reconstituted. ### Significance -Operation Mongoose occupied a significant place in Cold War history for several reasons. It demonstrated the Kennedy administration's willingness to pursue regime change through covert means on a large scale even after the Bay of Pigs disaster had publicly discredited the approach. It institutionalized the CIA-organized crime anti-Castro connection that became entangled with JFK assassination conspiracy theories. And its suspension terms - the no-invasion pledge - provided the diplomatic framework within which Cuba's revolutionary government survived for decades.[^6] +Operation Mongoose occupied a significant place in Cold War history for several reasons. It demonstrated the Kennedy administration's willingness to pursue regime change through covert means on a large scale even after the Bay of Pigs disaster had publicly discredited the approach. It institutionalized the CIA-organized crime anti-Castro connection that became entangled with JFK assassination conspiracy theories. And its suspension terms - the no-invasion pledge - provided the diplomatic framework within which Cuba's revolutionary government survived for decades.[^10] The [[Church Committee]] investigations of 1975-1976 disclosed the assassination planning component of Mongoose, revealing that the CIA had maintained assassination plots against Castro through multiple administrations and had kept this information from the [[Warren Commission]] investigating the Kennedy assassination. @@ -67,5 +79,9 @@ The [[Church Committee]] investigations of 1975-1976 disclosed the assassination [^2]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 323, Memorandum From the Chief of Task Force W (Harvey) to Director of Central Intelligence McCone, April 10, 1962. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d323 [^3]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. XI, doc. 10, Memorandum From the Central Intelligence Agency Project Officer for Operation Mongoose (Harvey) to the Chief of Operations, Operation Mongoose (Lansdale), October 8, 1962. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v11/d10 [^4]: Church Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975, pp. 84-85 and p. 149 n. 1 (Harvey testimony of July 11, 1975, pp. 80-81). https://archive.org/details/allegedassassina00unit -[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum "Appointment of Mr. William K. Harvey Chief of Station, Rome, Italy," June 12, 1963. Reading room document 01228805, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-01228805 -[^6]: Rasenberger, Jim. *The Brilliant Disaster: JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs.* Scribner, 2011. Corn, David. *Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades.* Simon & Schuster, 1994. +[^5]: Lansdale to Goodwin, March 6, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 310. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d310 +[^6]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JCS 1969/321, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)," March 13, 1962, paragraphs 2 and 3. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^7]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, *The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1961-1964*, chapter 11, pp. 158-160. https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 +[^8]: John A. McCone, memorandum on Operation Mongoose, April 12, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 325. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d325 +[^9]: Central Intelligence Agency, memorandum "Appointment of Mr. William K. Harvey Chief of Station, Rome, Italy," June 12, 1963. Reading room document 01228805, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-01228805 +[^10]: Rasenberger, Jim. *The Brilliant Disaster: JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs.* Scribner, 2011. Corn, David. *Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades.* Simon & Schuster, 1994. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Paperclip.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Paperclip.md index 785bd473..74a179da 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Paperclip.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation Paperclip.md @@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases: - Operation Paperclip - Paperclip created: 2026-05-14 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 category: "Intelligence Operation" tags: - Program @@ -27,53 +27,54 @@ relations: reverse: true start: 1950-04-15 role: "Fort Bliss group relocated to Redstone Arsenal" - fn: 6 + fn: 7 --- -Operation Paperclip was a classified U.S. government program that systematically recruited German and Austrian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technical specialists from the defeated Third Reich beginning in the summer and fall of 1945. Operated by the [[Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency]] (JIOA), which reported to the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] and worked closely with the [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] and later the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], the program brought over 1,600 technical specialists to the United States to work for American military, intelligence, and civilian agencies during the critical period of the emerging [[Cold War]] and the American aerospace and weapons development programs.[^1] +Operation Paperclip was a classified U.S. government program that systematically recruited German and Austrian scientists, engineers, physicians, and technical specialists from the defeated Third Reich beginning in the summer and fall of 1945. Operated by the [[Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency]] (JIOA), established in 1945 as a subcommittee of the Joint Intelligence Committee of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] and disbanded in 1962,[^1] which worked closely with the [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS]] and later the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], the program brought over 1,600 technical specialists to the United States to work for American military, intelligence, and civilian agencies during the critical period of the emerging [[Cold War]] and the American aerospace and weapons development programs.[^2] ### Origins and the German Science Race The program emerged from recognition, in the final stages of [[World War II]], that [[Germany]] had developed technical capabilities - particularly in rocketry, jet propulsion, nerve agent chemistry, high-altitude medicine, and aeronautical engineering - that the United States had not matched. The V-2 ballistic missile program, developed at Peenemünde under [[Wernher von Braun]] and Walter Dornberger, represented a class of military technology that would define the postwar competition with the Soviet Union. -American forces operating under [[Operation Alsos]] raced German-held scientific facilities and personnel ahead of Soviet forces in the war's final weeks. The Soviets simultaneously conducted their own recruitment of German technical talent through [[Operation Osoaviakhim]]. The postwar division of Germany meant that both superpowers secured German expertise but that the competition produced parallel rocket and weapons programs in each country.[^1] +American forces operating under [[Operation Alsos]] raced German-held scientific facilities and personnel ahead of Soviet forces in the war's final weeks. The Soviets simultaneously conducted their own recruitment of German technical talent through [[Operation Osoaviakhim]]. The postwar division of Germany meant that both superpowers secured German expertise but that the competition produced parallel rocket and weapons programs in each country.[^2] ### Authorization and the Nazi Problem -[[Annie Jacobsen]] wrote that President [[Harry S. Truman|Truman]]'s initial directive specifically prohibited the recruitment of "ardent Nazis."[^1] In practice, the JIOA systematically circumvented this prohibition: the records and backgrounds of scientists with disqualifying Nazi party membership, [[SS]] membership, or wartime conduct were altered before they were reviewed by the State Department and other agencies for security clearances. This process - which amounted to the systematic falsification of government records - was documented in Annie Jacobsen's 2014 investigation and in declassified JIOA files. +[[Annie Jacobsen]] wrote that President [[Harry S. Truman|Truman]]'s initial directive specifically prohibited the recruitment of "ardent Nazis."[^2] In practice, the JIOA systematically circumvented this prohibition: the records and backgrounds of scientists with disqualifying Nazi party membership, [[SS]] membership, or wartime conduct were altered before they were reviewed by the State Department and other agencies for security clearances. This process - which amounted to the systematic falsification of government records - was documented in Annie Jacobsen's 2014 investigation and in declassified JIOA files. -Von Braun, who was an SS officer and member of the Nazi party, had his records altered to enable his employment. [[Arthur Rudolph]], who had used slave labor from the Mittelbau-Dora concentration camp in V-2 production - where approximately 20,000 prisoners died - was recruited and later directed the Saturn V rocket program for [[NASA]] before his Nazi-era conduct was investigated in the 1980s and he agreed to renounce U.S. citizenship and return to Germany. [[Hubertus Strughold]], the Luftwaffe aviation medicine physician who became "the father of U.S. space medicine," had participated in or overseen human experiments at the Dachau concentration camp; his records were altered before his recruitment.[^1] +Von Braun, who was an SS officer and member of the Nazi party, had his records altered to enable his employment. [[Arthur Rudolph]], who had used slave labor from the Mittelbau-Dora concentration camp in V-2 production - where approximately 20,000 prisoners died - was recruited and later directed the Saturn V rocket program for [[NASA]] before his Nazi-era conduct was investigated in the 1980s and he agreed to renounce U.S. citizenship and return to Germany. [[Hubertus Strughold]], the Luftwaffe aviation medicine physician who became "the father of U.S. space medicine," had participated in or overseen human experiments at the Dachau concentration camp; his records were altered before his recruitment.[^2] -Acting Secretary of State [[Dean Acheson]]'s memorandum to President Truman of August 30, 1946, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," described the War Department project "Paperclip" and provided for expanding it to up to 1,000 specialists. It stated: "The War Department would be responsible for custody and for excluding from the program persons with Nazi or militaristic records." Truman's notation on it reads "approved 9/3/46."[^2] +Acting Secretary of State [[Dean Acheson]]'s memorandum to President Truman of August 30, 1946, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," described the War Department project "Paperclip" and provided for expanding it to up to 1,000 specialists. It stated: "The War Department would be responsible for custody and for excluding from the program persons with Nazi or militaristic records." Truman's notation on it reads "approved 9/3/46."[^3] -A set of Truman Library documents released in 2009 includes the screening terms of [[State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee|SWNCC]] 257/22, Appendix B, under which German specialists were to be brought to the United States. The commanding general of the [[United States Forces European Theater]] was to screen candidates on the basis of available records. A person found to have been a member of the [[Nazi Party]] and more than a nominal participant in its activities, or an active supporter of Nazism or militarism, could not be brought over under the terms. Position or honors awarded under the Nazi regime solely on account of scientific or technical ability did not by themselves disqualify a specialist. In doubtful cases the commanding general could transport the specialist to the United States for further interrogation and screening.[^3] +A set of Truman Library documents released in 2009 includes the screening terms of [[State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee|SWNCC]] 257/22, Appendix B, under which German specialists were to be brought to the United States. The commanding general of the [[United States Forces European Theater]] was to screen candidates on the basis of available records. A person found to have been a member of the [[Nazi Party]] and more than a nominal participant in its activities, or an active supporter of Nazism or militarism, could not be brought over under the terms. Position or honors awarded under the Nazi regime solely on account of scientific or technical ability did not by themselves disqualify a specialist. In doubtful cases the commanding general could transport the specialist to the United States for further interrogation and screening.[^4] ### Key Personnel -Von Braun was the most prominent Paperclip recruit. An SS officer and the technical director of the V-2 program, he was brought to [[Fort Bliss]], Texas, along with more than 100 German rocket engineers, who arrived there near the end of 1945,[^4] and eventually directed the [[Marshall Space Flight Center]] and led the development of the Saturn V rocket that carried the [[Apollo program]] to the moon. The Army chronology states that von Braun's team had come to the United States under Operation Paperclip during 1945 and 1946.[^5] In April 1950 the team moved from Fort Bliss to [[Redstone Arsenal]] in [[Huntsville, Alabama]]. The Army chronology records a staff of Army officers and about 120 German scientists arriving at Redstone from Fort Bliss beginning on April 15, 1950, and the Ordnance Research and Development Division Sub-Office (Rocket) was redesignated the Ordnance Guided Missile Center on that date.[^6] The first missile work at the post was the Redstone missile, first flight tested on August 20, 1953.[^7] His wartime record, including his use of slave labor, was publicly documented during his lifetime but did not prevent his celebrated American career. +Von Braun was the most prominent Paperclip recruit. An SS officer and the technical director of the V-2 program, he was brought to [[Fort Bliss]], Texas, along with more than 100 German rocket engineers, who arrived there near the end of 1945,[^5] and eventually directed the [[Marshall Space Flight Center]] and led the development of the Saturn V rocket that carried the [[Apollo program]] to the moon. The Army chronology states that von Braun's team had come to the United States under Operation Paperclip during 1945 and 1946.[^6] In April 1950 the team moved from Fort Bliss to [[Redstone Arsenal]] in [[Huntsville, Alabama]]. The Army chronology records a staff of Army officers and about 120 German scientists arriving at Redstone from Fort Bliss beginning on April 15, 1950, and the Ordnance Research and Development Division Sub-Office (Rocket) was redesignated the Ordnance Guided Missile Center on that date.[^7] The first missile work at the post was the Redstone missile, first flight tested on August 20, 1953.[^8] His wartime record, including his use of slave labor, was publicly documented during his lifetime but did not prevent his celebrated American career. -[[Walter Dornberger]], who had commanded the Peenemünde facility, was also recruited, eventually working for [[Bell Aircraft]] on space plane concepts. Arthur Rudolph, who had managed V-2 production at Mittelwerk using Mittelbau-Dora camp labor, directed the Pershing missile and Saturn V programs before his wartime record was investigated by the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s Office of Special Investigations in 1984; he renounced citizenship and departed rather than face proceedings.[^1] +[[Walter Dornberger]], who had commanded the Peenemünde facility, was also recruited, eventually working for [[Bell Aircraft]] on space plane concepts. Arthur Rudolph, who had managed V-2 production at Mittelwerk using Mittelbau-Dora camp labor, directed the Pershing missile and Saturn V programs before his wartime record was investigated by the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s Office of Special Investigations in 1984; he renounced citizenship and departed rather than face proceedings.[^2] -In 1945, before the program was fully formalized, [[Qian Xuesen|H.S. Tsien]] - the Chinese-American aerospace scientist who co-founded the [[Jet Propulsion Laboratory]] - was sent to Germany by the U.S. Army Air Forces on missions to interrogate captured German aerospace scientists, including von Braun and Peenemünde aerodynamicists, as part of the broader assessment of German technical capabilities.[^1] +In 1945, before the program was fully formalized, [[Qian Xuesen|H.S. Tsien]] - the Chinese-American aerospace scientist who co-founded the [[Jet Propulsion Laboratory]] - was sent to Germany by the U.S. Army Air Forces on missions to interrogate captured German aerospace scientists, including von Braun and Peenemünde aerodynamicists, as part of the broader assessment of German technical capabilities.[^2] ### Nazi Doctors and the CIA Behavioral Programs -Beyond the aerospace recruits, Paperclip transferred Nazi medical expertise that fed directly into the CIA's behavioral-control work. [[Kurt Blome]], the Reich's deputy surgeon general and director of its biological-weapons program (including weaponized plague), was acquitted at the [[Nuremberg Doctors' Trial]] in August 1947 and within two months was consulting U.S. Army biological-warfare researchers in Maryland. [[Walter Schreiber]], the Reich surgeon general who had assigned concentration-camp prisoners to experimental doctors, was given a post at the [[Air Force School of Medicine]] at [[Randolph Field]], Texas. [[Kurt Plotner]] had conducted mescaline experiments on prisoners at [[Dachau]] for the SS in search of a truth drug, work of direct interest to the CIA's postwar truth-drug research. [[Camp King]], the clandestine CIA-Army interrogation center in occupied Germany, served as the operational hub where this knowledge was applied; Schreiber and then Blome served as its chief medical officer, and the interrogation techniques developed there fed into [[Project Bluebird and Project Artichoke|ARTICHOKE]] and the [[Project MKUltra|MKULTRA]] programs. The chemist Friedrich "Fritz" Hoffmann, who had synthesized poison gases for the Luftwaffe, was likewise brought over.[^8] +Beyond the aerospace recruits, Paperclip transferred Nazi medical expertise that fed directly into the CIA's behavioral-control work. [[Kurt Blome]], the Reich's deputy surgeon general and director of its biological-weapons program (including weaponized plague), was acquitted at the [[Nuremberg Doctors' Trial]] in August 1947 and within two months was consulting U.S. Army biological-warfare researchers in Maryland. [[Walter Schreiber]], the Reich surgeon general who had assigned concentration-camp prisoners to experimental doctors, was given a post at the [[Air Force School of Medicine]] at [[Randolph Field]], Texas. [[Kurt Plotner]] had conducted mescaline experiments on prisoners at [[Dachau]] for the SS in search of a truth drug, work of direct interest to the CIA's postwar truth-drug research. [[Camp King]], the clandestine CIA-Army interrogation center in occupied Germany, served as the operational hub where this knowledge was applied; Schreiber and then Blome served as its chief medical officer, and the interrogation techniques developed there fed into [[Project Bluebird and Project Artichoke|ARTICHOKE]] and the [[Project MKUltra|MKULTRA]] programs. The chemist Friedrich "Fritz" Hoffmann, who had synthesized poison gases for the Luftwaffe, was likewise brought over.[^9] ### Legacy and Controversy The German scientists brought through Paperclip made foundational contributions to the U.S. space program, missile development, aviation medicine, and chemical and biological research. Their technical contributions were real and in some cases irreplaceable. The ethical dimensions of the program - the employment of individuals with serious Nazi records, the systematic falsification of government records to circumvent legal prohibitions, and the implicit decision that American competitive advantage in the Cold War took priority over accountability for wartime crimes - remained subjects of historical and moral assessment. -The Soviet Union's parallel program produced the Soviet space and missile programs that competed directly with American programs developed from German expertise, creating a Cold War technological competition shaped on both sides by the same cohort of German scientists.[^9] +The Soviet Union's parallel program produced the Soviet space and missile programs that competed directly with American programs developed from German expertise, creating a Cold War technological competition shaped on both sides by the same cohort of German scientists.[^10] ### Footnotes -[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program That Brought Nazi Scientists to America.* Little, Brown and Company, 2014 (the primary English-language investigation, based on declassified JIOA files and other government records). Hunt, Linda. *Secret Agenda: The United States Government, Nazi Scientists, and Project Paperclip, 1945 to 1990.* St. Martin's Press, 1991. -[^2]: Memorandum for the President from Acting Secretary of State Dean Acheson, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," received August 30, 1946, with the notation "approved 9/3/46," Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (FOIA release printed April 21, 2009). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf -[^3]: Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (FOIA release printed April 21, 2009), SWNCC 257/22, Appendix B, paragraph 5. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf -[^4]: NASA Marshall Space Flight Center History Office, "Notes on Project Paperclip," https://history.msfc.nasa.gov/german/paperclip.html -[^5]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1948 and 1949," entry for 28 October 1949. https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1948.html -[^6]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1950 - 1952," entry "April 50" (about 120 German scientists from Fort Bliss) and introductory paragraph (arrival of the Fort Bliss group beginning April 15, 1950). https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1950.html -[^7]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1953," entry for 20 August 1953. https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1953.html -[^8]: Annie Jacobsen, *Operation Paperclip*. Little, Brown, 2014; "What Cold War CIA Interrogators Learned from the Nazis," *The Daily Beast*, 2014; Curt Rowlett, "Project Mind Kontrol," *Steamshovel Press* #16, 1998. -[^9]: Lasby, Clarence G. *Project Paperclip: German Scientists and the Cold War.* Atheneum, 1971. +[^1]: National Archives and Records Administration, Nazi War Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group, "Records of the Secretary of Defense (RG 330): Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency." https://www.archives.gov/iwg/declassified-records/rg-330-defense-secretary ; Guide to Federal Records, Record Group 330, entry 330.11.2 (records transferred to the Office of the Secretary of Defense from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, October 15, 1962). https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/330.html +[^2]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program That Brought Nazi Scientists to America.* Little, Brown and Company, 2014 (the primary English-language investigation, based on declassified JIOA files and other government records). Hunt, Linda. *Secret Agenda: The United States Government, Nazi Scientists, and Project Paperclip, 1945 to 1990.* St. Martin's Press, 1991. +[^3]: Memorandum for the President from Acting Secretary of State Dean Acheson, "Interim Exploitation of German and Austrian Specialists in the United States," received August 30, 1946, with the notation "approved 9/3/46," Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (FOIA release printed April 21, 2009). https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf +[^4]: Harry S. Truman Library document set on Operation Paperclip (FOIA release printed April 21, 2009), SWNCC 257/22, Appendix B, paragraph 5. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/trumanlibrary-paperclip.pdf +[^5]: NASA Marshall Space Flight Center History Office, "Notes on Project Paperclip," https://history.msfc.nasa.gov/german/paperclip.html +[^6]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1948 and 1949," entry for 28 October 1949. https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1948.html +[^7]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1950 - 1952," entry "April 50" (about 120 German scientists from Fort Bliss) and introductory paragraph (arrival of the Fort Bliss group beginning April 15, 1950). https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1950.html +[^8]: U.S. Army, Redstone Arsenal Historical Information, "1953," entry for 20 August 1953. https://history.redstone.army.mil/ihist-1953.html +[^9]: Annie Jacobsen, *Operation Paperclip*. Little, Brown, 2014; "What Cold War CIA Interrogators Learned from the Nazis," *The Daily Beast*, 2014; Curt Rowlett, "Project Mind Kontrol," *Steamshovel Press* #16, 1998. +[^10]: Lasby, Clarence G. *Project Paperclip: German Scientists and the Cold War.* Atheneum, 1971. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Phoenix Program.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Phoenix Program.md index 3fd522b0..7d83429b 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Phoenix Program.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Phoenix Program.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2026-05-17 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Phoenix Program aliases: - Phoenix Program @@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ tags: - 1960s - 1970s category: "Intelligence Operation" -summary: "The Phoenix Program was the CIA-organized counterinsurgency targeting program in Vietnam (1968-1972) that used intelligence-driven identification and systematic neutralization - through capture, defection, or killing - of Viet Cong political and military infrastructure, resulting in the reported neutralization of 81,740 people including approximately 26,369 killed, under the direction of William Colby and later Ted Shackley." +summary: "The CIA-organized counterinsurgency targeting program in Vietnam (1968-1972) that reported 81,740 people neutralized, about 26,369 of them killed, under William Colby and later Ted Shackley." start: 1968-07-01 end: 1972-12-31 location: "South Vietnam" @@ -43,13 +43,15 @@ The three primary neutralization methods were: District Intelligence and Operations Coordinating Centers (DIOCCs) and Province Intelligence and Operations Coordinating Centers (PIOCCs) provided the administrative infrastructure, with South Vietnamese National Police, Provincial Reconnaissance Units, and military special operations units conducting the actual neutralization operations. +The program sat within CORDS under the commander of the [[U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam]], an organization that was organized on May 28, 1967.[^2] The Phung Hoang Directorate, "known as the Phoenix program by the Americans assisting in the program," was designed to support the Government of Vietnam's Phung Hoang Plan for intelligence coordination and exploitation, and its goal was "the neutralization of the Viet Cong infrastructure." A separate CORDS Public Safety Directorate developed policy proposals for the U.S. public safety program in support of the GVN National Police and "advised and assisted the GVN National Police."[^2] + The interrogation practices at Phoenix facilities drew on methods consistent with the [[KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation|KUBARK]] interrogation framework the CIA had developed in the early 1960s: isolation, sensory disruption, and psychological coercion alongside more direct physical coercion in many provincial facilities. Reports of torture, including electric shock and water torture, at DIOCC detention facilities were documented by American advisers and later testified to before Congress.[^1] ### Ted Shackley and the CIA Role [[Ted Shackley]], who served as CIA Saigon station chief from 1968 to 1972, supervised the CIA's operational contribution to Phoenix alongside Colby's CORDS role. Shackley's station provided intelligence, operational guidance, and American advisers to the Provincial Reconnaissance Units while Colby's CORDS structure managed the broader program. -Shackley brought to Saigon the experience and operational methods developed at the CIA's JM/WAVE station in [[Miami]] under [[Operation Mongoose]], including the use of paramilitary units for targeted operations against political networks - a methodology that Phoenix applied on a vastly larger scale in the Vietnamese counterinsurgency context. The continuity of approach from the anti-Castro operations of the early 1960s to the Vietnam pacification program of the late 1960s represented a clear institutional line in CIA covert action methodology.[^2] +Shackley brought to Saigon the experience and operational methods developed at the CIA's JM/WAVE station in [[Miami]] under [[Operation Mongoose]], including the use of paramilitary units for targeted operations against political networks - a methodology that Phoenix applied on a vastly larger scale in the Vietnamese counterinsurgency context. The continuity of approach from the anti-Castro operations of the early 1960s to the Vietnam pacification program of the late 1960s represented a clear institutional line in CIA covert action methodology.[^3] ### Statistics and Controversy @@ -69,12 +71,13 @@ The CORDS structure required numerical targets for provincial programs - so many The Phoenix Program became the reference point for subsequent debate about targeted counterinsurgency killing programs - both for proponents who argued it demonstrated the effectiveness of intelligence-driven targeting of political infrastructure and for critics who saw it as a template for institutionalized extrajudicial killing. -Its methodological influence was explicitly acknowledged in subsequent American counterinsurgency programs. The combination of biometric identification, informant networks, targeted killing authority, and performance metrics that characterized Phoenix reappeared in modified form in the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns of the 2000s-2010s. Counterterrorism programs targeting al-Qaeda and Islamic State networks used targeting methodologies whose analytic lineage traced through Phoenix to the CIA's systematic approaches to identifying and neutralizing political networks.[^3] +Its methodological influence was explicitly acknowledged in subsequent American counterinsurgency programs. The combination of biometric identification, informant networks, targeted killing authority, and performance metrics that characterized Phoenix reappeared in modified form in the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns of the 2000s-2010s. Counterterrorism programs targeting al-Qaeda and Islamic State networks used targeting methodologies whose analytic lineage traced through Phoenix to the CIA's systematic approaches to identifying and neutralizing political networks.[^4] The KUBARK and Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual framework - used in Phoenix-adjacent South Vietnamese detention facilities and later in Latin American programs during the 1970s-1980s - represented the explicit link between the behavioral modification research of [[Project MKUltra|MKULTRA]] and the operational interrogation practices of Phoenix-generation counterinsurgency.[^1] ### Footnotes [^1]: Colby, William, and Peter Forbath. *Honorable Men: My Life in the CIA.* Simon & Schuster, 1978 (the primary insider account, defending the program). Andrade, Dale. *Ashes to Ashes: The Phoenix Program and the Vietnam War.* Lexington Books, 1990 (the most comprehensive historical study). Church Committee (U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities). Final Report, S. Rept. 94-755, April 26, 1976. -[^2]: Corn, David. *Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades.* Simon & Schuster, 1994. -[^3]: Valentine, Douglas. *The Phoenix Program.* William Morrow, 1990 (critical account emphasizing CIA role and civilian casualties). McCoy, Alfred W. *A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, from the Cold War to the War on Terror.* Metropolitan Books, 2006 (traces Phoenix interrogation methods to MKULTRA and KUBARK). +[^2]: National Archives and Records Administration, "The Office of Civil Operations and Rural Support (CORDS)," Military Records, Vietnam War. https://www.archives.gov/research/military/vietnam-war/civil-operations.html +[^3]: Corn, David. *Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades.* Simon & Schuster, 1994. +[^4]: Valentine, Douglas. *The Phoenix Program.* William Morrow, 1990 (critical account emphasizing CIA role and civilian casualties). McCoy, Alfred W. *A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, from the Cold War to the War on Terror.* Metropolitan Books, 2006 (traces Phoenix interrogation methods to MKULTRA and KUBARK). diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Azorian.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Azorian.md index 7bb10a7d..4280fe9a 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Azorian.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Azorian.md @@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ start: 1969-07-01 end: 1975 location: "Pacific Ocean" created: 2026-09-21 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- Project Azorian was the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s attempt to lift the Soviet Golf II submarine K-129, which sank in March 1968 with three nuclear ballistic missiles about 1,560 miles northwest of [[Hawaii]], from a depth of 16,500 feet. The ship built for the purpose, the [[Hughes Glomar Explorer]], raised part of the hull in August 1974. The agency's own history of the project, written about 1978, was released with deletions in 2010.[^1] @@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ Project Azorian was the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s attempt to lift th On July 1, 1969, the agency set up a [[CIA Special Projects Staff|Special Projects Staff]] in its [[Directorate of Science and Technology]] under [[John Parangosky]], who had managed its reconnaissance aircraft programs, with [[Ernest Zellmer]], a wartime submarine officer, as deputy. President [[Richard Nixon]] approved in August. On August 19 Director [[Richard Helms]] placed the work in a security compartment named Jennifer. The keel was laid at the [[Sun Shipbuilding]] yard in [[Chester, Pennsylvania]], on November 16, 1971. The ship was described publicly as a commercial vessel and bore the name of [[Howard Hughes]]. The contractor was [[Global Marine Development]] of [[Los Angeles]].[^1][^2] -The project nearly ended in August 1971 over cost. In 1972 the deputy secretary of defense, the chairman of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], the chief of naval operations, and the director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] all recommended to the [[40 Committee]] that it be terminated, on the grounds of cost, political risk, and the probable value of the take. Nixon ordered it continued on December 11, 1972. The agency has not released the cost, which later reports put at as much as 500 million dollars.[^1] +The project nearly ended in August 1971 over cost. In August 1972 Deputy Secretary of Defense [[Kenneth Rush]] forwarded to Richard Helms memoranda from the chief of naval operations, [[Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr.]], the assistant secretary of defense for intelligence, Dr. Hall, and the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] director, Vice Admiral de Poix, which to varying degrees pointed to escalating costs and political risks and generally felt that the program should be terminated; Zumwalt, while not recommending immediate termination, stated strong reservations.[^3] On August 28, 1972 [[Thomas H. Moorer]], chairman of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], wrote to the [[40 Committee]] that he could not support the mission, citing the lower intelligence value of the target since the submarine sank in March 1968, escalating costs and the possibility of a strong Soviet reaction.[^3] Helms answered on September 14 urging continuation, and on September 18 Rush wrote that, given relations and negotiations with the Soviet Union, the program should be terminated in view of high political and technical risks.[^3] On December 11, 1972 the President decided to continue the project with the 40 Committee exercising policy supervision, communicated in a memorandum from [[Henry Kissinger]] to the committee's principals.[^3] The agency has not released the cost, which later reports put at as much as 500 million dollars.[^1] ### The Lift @@ -40,9 +40,9 @@ A CIA security memorandum of July 28, 1975, records: "In November of 1974 it was ### Exposure -A story in the [[Los Angeles Times]] ran on February 8, 1975, under the headline "U.S. Reported After Russian Submarine," after what the CIA's history calls "an improbable series of events following a break-in and robbery in June 1974 at Summa Corporation headquarters in Los Angeles"; the history states that "extraordinary efforts by DCI Colby and others were able to contain the spread of the story for a time." [[Jack Anderson]] broadcast the story on March 18 and [[Seymour Hersh]] published it in [[New York Times|The New York Times]] the next day.[^3] At the [[White House]] that day [[United States Secretary of Defense|Secretary of Defense]] [[James Schlesinger]] recommended acknowledging the "bare facts." Colby, recalling that [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]]'s admission of the U-2 flight had deepened the crisis of 1960, argued that confirmation would put Moscow under "pressure to respond," and President [[Gerald Ford]] took his advice.[^1] +A story in the [[Los Angeles Times]] ran on February 8, 1975, under the headline "U.S. Reported After Russian Submarine," after what the CIA's history calls "an improbable series of events following a break-in and robbery in June 1974 at Summa Corporation headquarters in Los Angeles"; the history states that "extraordinary efforts by DCI Colby and others were able to contain the spread of the story for a time." [[Jack Anderson]] broadcast the story on March 18 and [[Seymour Hersh]] published it in [[New York Times|The New York Times]] the next day.[^4] At the [[White House]] that day [[United States Secretary of Defense|Secretary of Defense]] [[James Schlesinger]] recommended acknowledging the "bare facts." Colby, recalling that [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]]'s admission of the U-2 flight had deepened the crisis of 1960, argued that confirmation would put Moscow under "pressure to respond," and President [[Gerald Ford]] took his advice.[^1] -Seymour Hersh had been investigating the operation since as early as January 1974. An editors' note to the March 19, 1975 memorandum of conversation in the Foreign Relations of the United States series, citing the CIA Executive Registry files, states that [[William Colby]] urged Hersh to delay publication in conversations on February 1, 1974 and February 10, 1975.[^4] Hersh's March 19 article in the New York Times gave the operation's purpose, a cost estimated at more than $250 million, the technology and the results.[^5] On March 28, 1975, Colby argued that a second mission was inadvisable after the exposure.[^5] +Seymour Hersh had been investigating the operation since as early as January 1974. An editors' note to the March 19, 1975 memorandum of conversation in the Foreign Relations of the United States series, citing the CIA Executive Registry files, states that [[William Colby]] urged Hersh to delay publication in conversations on February 1, 1974 and February 10, 1975.[^5] Hersh's March 19 article in the New York Times gave the operation's purpose, a cost estimated at more than $250 million, the technology and the results.[^6] On March 28, 1975, Colby argued that a second mission was inadvisable after the exposure.[^6] When the journalist [[Harriet Ann Phillippi]] asked under the [[Freedom of Information Act]] for records of the agency's efforts to discourage the reporting, the CIA replied that it could "neither confirm nor deny" any connection with the ship. The court of appeals upheld the answer in Phillippi v. CIA in 1976. The formula has since been known as the Glomar response. In 2010 a retired officer who had served aboard, [[David Sharp]], wrote that the agency's review board still refused to clear a third of his manuscript on the project.[^1] @@ -50,6 +50,7 @@ When the journalist [[Harriet Ann Phillippi]] asked under the [[Freedom of Infor [^1]: Burr, William, ed. "Project Azorian: The CIA's Declassified History of the Glomar Explorer," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 305, February 12, 2010, with "Project Azorian: The Story of the Hughes Glomar Explorer," *Studies in Intelligence,* Fall 1985, and White House memoranda of conversation, February 7 and March 19, 1975. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb305/index.htm [^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2025/0318/104-10130-10454.pdf -[^3]: U.S. Department of State, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, National Security, 1973-1976, document 197, editorial note: "On March 18, 1975, syndicated columnist Jack Anderson mentioned the Glomar Explorer on his national radio show, and declared his intention to reveal more details about the operation. The next day, several major newspapers ... published front-page stories." https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d197 -[^4]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. XXXV, Document 197, Memorandum of Conversation, March 19, 1975, editors' note citing CIA, Executive Registry, Job 80M01048A, Box 7, Seymour Hersh, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d197. -[^5]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. XXXV, Document 183, Editorial Note, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d183. +[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Project Azorian: The Story of the Hughes Glomar Explorer," sections "Early Political Feasibility Evaluation by 40 Committee" and "The 40 Committee Decision to Proceed," CIA reading room item 0005301269. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0005301269 +[^4]: U.S. Department of State, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, National Security, 1973-1976, document 197, editorial note: "On March 18, 1975, syndicated columnist Jack Anderson mentioned the Glomar Explorer on his national radio show, and declared his intention to reveal more details about the operation. The next day, several major newspapers ... published front-page stories." https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d197 +[^5]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. XXXV, Document 197, Memorandum of Conversation, March 19, 1975, editors' note citing CIA, Executive Registry, Job 80M01048A, Box 7, Seymour Hersh, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d197. +[^6]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, vol. XXXV, Document 183, Editorial Note, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v35/d183. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Blue Book.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Blue Book.md index 23e9067d..4c05801d 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Blue Book.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Project Blue Book.md @@ -46,7 +46,7 @@ relations: reverse: true role: "scientific consultant" end: 1969-07-01 - fn: 28 + fn: 31 - type: contractor_to with: "[[Battelle Memorial Institute]]" reverse: true @@ -58,16 +58,16 @@ relations: role: "University of Colorado study under Air Force contract" start: 1966-10-07 end: 1968-10-31 - fn: 26 + fn: 29 - type: investigated with: "[[Brian O'Brien]]" reverse: true role: "chairman, Air Force Scientific Advisory Board ad hoc committee to review Blue Book" start: 1966-02-03 end: 1966-03 - fn: 23 + fn: 26 created: 2026-10-01 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- Project Blue Book was the name of the [[U.S. Air Force]] program for receiving, investigating and cataloging reports of unidentified flying objects, headquartered at [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]], [[Ohio]]. It followed [[Project Sign]] (1947 to 1949) and [[Project Grudge]] (1949 to 1951 and after), and on 17 December 1969 the Secretary of the Air Force announced its termination. An Air Force fact sheet gives 12,618 sightings reported to the project from 1947 to 1969, of which 701 remained "Unidentified."[^1] @@ -114,33 +114,35 @@ From 1967 the consultancy ran through Subcontract 130-7000 between [[F. W. Dodge Air Force Regulation 200-2, which succeeded Letter 200-5, was classed under "Intelligence Activities." The Condon Report quotes a paragraph of the regulation headed "Reduction of Percentage of UFO 'Unidentifieds'" that states "Air Force activities must reduce the percentage of unidentifieds to the minimum," while adding that "the elimination of all unidentifieds is improbable." Regulation 80-17 of 19 September 1960 and 80-17A of 8 November 1966 reclassed the UFO program under "Research and Development" and placed contact with the public and news media with the Secretary of the Air Force's Office of Information, to which private organizations seeking Air Force briefings or discussions on UFOs were to direct requests; base commanders could release information on a local sighting only after it had been "positively identified." The Condon Report's authors read the "reduce the percentage" paragraph as an instruction to investigate seriously and described critics of it as having "tried to read into this paragraph an exhortation that investigation is to result in common-place identifications at all costs."[^4][^20] [[JANAP 146|Joint Army Navy Air Publication 146]], "Canadian-United States Communications Instructions for Reporting Vital Intelligence Sightings," issued by the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], covers reports of vital importance to the security of the [[United States]] and [[Canada]] requiring "very urgent defensive and/or investigative action." Its list of reportable sightings includes "Unidentified flying objects" as item (c), and its section 208 states that unauthorized disclosure of such a report may expose a person to prosecution under Title 18 of the [[United States Code|U.S. Code]], chapter 37, while not requiring classification of the messages. The Condon Report wrote of such reports that "it would be most unwise that the military response to such circumstances be publicized, nor for that matter should the circumstances themselves be a matter of public knowledge."[^21] +JANAP 146(C), promulgated March 10, 1954, lists "Unidentified flying objects" among the sightings to be reported (articles 201 and 301) and provides in article 308 that MERINT reports "contain information affecting the National Defense of the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Laws, 18 U.S. Code, 793 and 794" and that their unauthorized revelation "in any manner is prohibited."[^22] JANAP 146(E), March 1966, states in article 208 that a person making "an unauthorized transmission or disclosure of such a report may be liable to prosecution under Title 18 of the US Code 793, Chapter 37, or the Canadian Official Secrets Act of 1939," adding that this "should not be construed as requiring classification of CIRVIS messages."[^23] A December 1973 newspaper article in the CIA reading room, reviewing [[Donald Keyhoe]]'s book on the subject, describes the directive as a secrecy directive covering armed forces airmen and airliner pilots. Keyhoe is quoted on the directive: "Under the provisions of JANAP-146," Keyhoe explains, "hundreds of pilots reporting UFOs have been strictly muzzled and are still officially silenced."[^24] + ### The Central Intelligence Agency and Blue Book According to Haines, after the [[U-2 Spy Plane|U-2]] began test flights in 1955, Blue Book investigators who knew of them tried to explain the sightings to the public by natural phenomena such as ice crystals and temperature inversions, and by checking with the Agency's U-2 project staff in Washington attributed many sightings to the aircraft, "careful, however, not to reveal the true cause of the sighting to the public." Haines wrote that Agency officers on the U-2 and [[OXCART]] programs later estimated that more than half of all reports from the late 1950s through the 1960s were accounted for by manned reconnaissance flights, and that "this led the Air Force to make misleading and deceptive statements to the public in order to allay public fears and to protect an extraordinarily sensitive national security project."[^16] -The Agency's Office of Scientific Intelligence had asked in 1952, through the Deputy Director for Intelligence, for research and development on the subject through the Air Force and the Research and Development Board, and the Robertson Panel followed; the Agency's history records that any mention of Agency sponsorship of the Panel was forbidden.[^22] In 1964 [[Director of Central Intelligence]] [[John McCone]] asked for an updated evaluation; the Office collected samples from the acting director of the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena, [[Richard Hall]], and the Office's Assistant Director, [[Donald F. Chamberlain]], told McCone on 26 January 1965 that the Office still monitored Blue Book.[^16] Haines cites an article by Quintanilla, "The Investigation of UFOs," in the fall 1966 issue (volume 10, number 4, pages 95 to 110) of the Agency's journal [[Studies in Intelligence]].[^16] +The Agency's Office of Scientific Intelligence had asked in 1952, through the Deputy Director for Intelligence, for research and development on the subject through the Air Force and the Research and Development Board, and the Robertson Panel followed; the Agency's history records that any mention of Agency sponsorship of the Panel was forbidden.[^25] In 1964 [[Director of Central Intelligence]] [[John McCone]] asked for an updated evaluation; the Office collected samples from the acting director of the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena, [[Richard Hall]], and the Office's Assistant Director, [[Donald F. Chamberlain]], told McCone on 26 January 1965 that the Office still monitored Blue Book.[^16] Haines cites an article by Quintanilla, "The Investigation of UFOs," in the fall 1966 issue (volume 10, number 4, pages 95 to 110) of the Agency's journal [[Studies in Intelligence]].[^16] ### Review in 1966 -An Air Force memorandum of 28 September 1965 from Major General [[E. B. LeBailly]] said 9,265 reports had been investigated by 30 June 1965, of which 663 could not be explained. The Scientific Advisory Board ad hoc committee under [[Brian O'Brien]], including [[Carl Sagan]], met on 3 February 1966 and reported that 646 of 10,147 sightings from 1947 through 1965 were listed as unidentified, that the program had "only one officer, a sergeant, and secretary," and that it should be strengthened by contracting university teams.[^23] +An Air Force memorandum of 28 September 1965 from Major General [[E. B. LeBailly]] said 9,265 reports had been investigated by 30 June 1965, of which 663 could not be explained. The Scientific Advisory Board ad hoc committee under [[Brian O'Brien]], including [[Carl Sagan]], met on 3 February 1966 and reported that 646 of 10,147 sightings from 1947 through 1965 were listed as unidentified, that the program had "only one officer, a sergeant, and secretary," and that it should be strengthened by contracting university teams.[^26] -On 20 and 21 March 1966 reports from [[Dexter, Michigan|Dexter]] and [[Hillsdale, Michigan|Hillsdale]], [[Michigan]], led Hynek to suggest at a press conference that swamp gas might account for them. On 28 March Representative [[Gerald Ford]] wrote to the chairmen of the [[House Committee on Armed Services]] and the [[House Committee on Science and Astronautics]] that "the Air Force sent a consultant, astrophysicist Dr. J. Allen Hynek" who "dismissed all of them," and the accompanying release called Hynek's explanation "flippant." The [[House Armed Services Committee]] held a one-day hearing on 5 April 1966 under [[L. Mendel Rivers]], at which Secretary of the Air Force [[Harold Brown]] announced the O'Brien committee's report.[^24][^25] +On 20 and 21 March 1966 reports from [[Dexter, Michigan|Dexter]] and [[Hillsdale, Michigan|Hillsdale]], [[Michigan]], led Hynek to suggest at a press conference that swamp gas might account for them. On 28 March Representative [[Gerald Ford]] wrote to the chairmen of the [[House Committee on Armed Services]] and the [[House Committee on Science and Astronautics]] that "the Air Force sent a consultant, astrophysicist Dr. J. Allen Hynek" who "dismissed all of them," and the accompanying release called Hynek's explanation "flippant." The [[House Armed Services Committee]] held a one-day hearing on 5 April 1966 under [[L. Mendel Rivers]], at which Secretary of the Air Force [[Harold Brown]] announced the O'Brien committee's report.[^27][^28] ### Colorado, the National Academy and termination -The [[Air Force Office of Scientific Research]] contracted with the University of Colorado in 1966 for the study directed by [[Edward Condon]] (see the page on the committee), and the report's Section I stated that "only so much attention to the subject should be given as the Department of Defense deems to be necessary strictly from a defense point of view" and that "the defense function could be performed within the framework established for intelligence and surveillance operations without the continuance of a special unit such as Project Blue Book, but this is a question for defense specialists rather than research scientists."[^26][^27] A [[National Academy of Sciences]] panel under [[Gerald M. Clemence]] of Yale, with [[H. R. Crane]], [[David M. Dennison]], [[Wallace O. Fenn]], [[H. Keffer Hartline]], [[E. R. Hilgard]], [[Mark Kac]], [[Francis W. Reichelderfer]], [[William W. Rubey]], [[C. D. Shane]] and [[Oswald G. Villard Jr.]], concurred that "no high priority in UFO investigations is warranted by data of the past two decades."[^1] +The [[Air Force Office of Scientific Research]] contracted with the University of Colorado in 1966 for the study directed by [[Edward Condon]] (see the page on the committee), and the report's Section I stated that "only so much attention to the subject should be given as the Department of Defense deems to be necessary strictly from a defense point of view" and that "the defense function could be performed within the framework established for intelligence and surveillance operations without the continuance of a special unit such as Project Blue Book, but this is a question for defense specialists rather than research scientists."[^29][^30] A [[National Academy of Sciences]] panel under [[Gerald M. Clemence]] of Yale, with [[H. R. Crane]], [[David M. Dennison]], [[Wallace O. Fenn]], [[H. Keffer Hartline]], [[E. R. Hilgard]], [[Mark Kac]], [[Francis W. Reichelderfer]], [[William W. Rubey]], [[C. D. Shane]] and [[Oswald G. Villard Jr.]], concurred that "no high priority in UFO investigations is warranted by data of the past two decades."[^1] -An Air Force memorandum dated 20 October 1969, prepared by Major Espey of the Directorate of Research and Development with the signature block of Brigadier General [[C. H. Bolender]], Deputy Director of Development, and titled by the National Investigations Committee site "The Bolender Draft (Not Memo)," states that Blue Book had two officers, one noncommissioned officer and one civilian full time and that Hynek "served as a scientific consultant until 1 July 1969." Its paragraph 4 states: "There is still, however, no evidence that Project Blue Book reports have served any intelligence function. Moreover, reports of unidentified flying objects which could affect national security are made in accordance with JANAP 146 or Air Force Manual 55-11, and are not part of the Blue Book system." Its paragraph 6 states that termination "would leave no official federal office to receive reports of UFOs." Paragraph 8 recommends that the records of "over 13,000 sighting cases" be transferred to an archive "to prevent charges that the Air Force is concealing facts," and paragraph 9 records that the Air University would accept them if the Secretary's Office of Information answered all inquiries, "rigidly limit the right of access to recognized, legitimate researchers" and screen researchers' notes to ensure that "confidentiality" is maintained. The introduction on the NICAP site that hosts the text states, citing [[Brad Sparks]], that the document had sixteen attachments, that [[Robert Todd]] obtained its release in January 1979 and spent years trying to get the Air Force to find and release the attachments, and that several remain unreleased.[^28] +An Air Force memorandum dated 20 October 1969, prepared by Major Espey of the Directorate of Research and Development with the signature block of Brigadier General [[C. H. Bolender]], Deputy Director of Development, and titled by the National Investigations Committee site "The Bolender Draft (Not Memo)," states that Blue Book had two officers, one noncommissioned officer and one civilian full time and that Hynek "served as a scientific consultant until 1 July 1969." Its paragraph 4 states: "There is still, however, no evidence that Project Blue Book reports have served any intelligence function. Moreover, reports of unidentified flying objects which could affect national security are made in accordance with JANAP 146 or Air Force Manual 55-11, and are not part of the Blue Book system." Its paragraph 6 states that termination "would leave no official federal office to receive reports of UFOs." Paragraph 8 recommends that the records of "over 13,000 sighting cases" be transferred to an archive "to prevent charges that the Air Force is concealing facts," and paragraph 9 records that the Air University would accept them if the Secretary's Office of Information answered all inquiries, "rigidly limit the right of access to recognized, legitimate researchers" and screen researchers' notes to ensure that "confidentiality" is maintained. The introduction on the NICAP site that hosts the text states, citing [[Brad Sparks]], that the document had sixteen attachments, that [[Robert Todd]] obtained its release in January 1979 and spent years trying to get the Air Force to find and release the attachments, and that several remain unreleased.[^31] On 17 December 1969 Secretary of the Air Force [[Robert C. Seamans Jr.]] announced termination, in a memorandum to Air Force Chief of Staff General [[John D. Ryan]] stating that continuation "cannot be justified either on the ground of national security or in the interest of science."[^1] ### Records -The Air Force retired the Blue Book records to the Air Force archives at [[Maxwell Air Force Base]], [[Alabama]], and in 1976 turned them over to the [[National Archives and Records Administration|National Archives]].[^16] The National Archives describes the textual records, "excluding names of people involved in the sightings," as about 2 cubic feet of unarranged project and administrative files, 37 cubic feet of case files and 3 cubic feet of records of the [[Air Force Office of Special Investigations|Office of Special Investigations]], available on 94 rolls of microfilm (publication T-1206). On the same page it reports that searches of Air Force and Joint Chiefs of Staff records and of the [[National Security Council]] indexes for MJ-12, "majestic," and unidentified flying objects "were all negative except for" a one-page memorandum for General Twining from [[Robert Cutler]], Special Assistant to the President, titled "NCS/MJ-12 Special Studies Project," dated 14 July 1954, which "refers to a briefing to take place on July 16" and "does not identify MJ-12 or the purpose of the briefing."[^29] A Department of the Navy UFO fact sheet gives the files as 61 feet of case files, 20 reels of motion pictures, 23 sound recordings and 8,360 photographs.[^1] +The Air Force retired the Blue Book records to the Air Force archives at [[Maxwell Air Force Base]], [[Alabama]], and in 1976 turned them over to the [[National Archives and Records Administration|National Archives]].[^16] The National Archives describes the textual records, "excluding names of people involved in the sightings," as about 2 cubic feet of unarranged project and administrative files, 37 cubic feet of case files and 3 cubic feet of records of the [[Air Force Office of Special Investigations|Office of Special Investigations]], available on 94 rolls of microfilm (publication T-1206). On the same page it reports that searches of Air Force and Joint Chiefs of Staff records and of the [[National Security Council]] indexes for MJ-12, "majestic," and unidentified flying objects "were all negative except for" a one-page memorandum for General Twining from [[Robert Cutler]], Special Assistant to the President, titled "NCS/MJ-12 Special Studies Project," dated 14 July 1954, which "refers to a briefing to take place on July 16" and "does not identify MJ-12 or the purpose of the briefing."[^32] A Department of the Navy UFO fact sheet gives the files as 61 feet of case files, 20 reels of motion pictures, 23 sound recordings and 8,360 photographs.[^1] -The first roll of the T-1206 microfilm contains a list of contents for all of the rolls and the finding aids. The National Archives page reproduces a United States Air Force fact sheet, "UFOs & Project BLUE BOOK," distributed by the Public Affairs Division at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in January 1985. The fact sheet states that of 12,618 sightings reported from 1947 to 1969, 701 remain unidentified, that the project "was headquartered at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base," and: "Periodically, it is erroneously stated that the remains of extraterrestrial visitors are or have been stored at Wright-Patterson AFB. There are not now nor ever have been, any extraterrestrial visitors or equipment on Wright-Patterson Air Force Base."[^29] +The first roll of the T-1206 microfilm contains a list of contents for all of the rolls and the finding aids. The National Archives page reproduces a United States Air Force fact sheet, "UFOs & Project BLUE BOOK," distributed by the Public Affairs Division at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in January 1985. The fact sheet states that of 12,618 sightings reported from 1947 to 1969, 701 remain unidentified, that the project "was headquartered at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base," and: "Periodically, it is erroneously stated that the remains of extraterrestrial visitors are or have been stored at Wright-Patterson AFB. There are not now nor ever have been, any extraterrestrial visitors or equipment on Wright-Patterson Air Force Base."[^32] -The Project 1947 site states that the Blue Book files lack some reports Hynek forwarded under his contract, among them the [[Slidell, Louisiana]] "car buzzing" case of 8 December 1957 and [[Captain Frost]]'s 1945 sighting, and that Hynek held a copy of the microfilm; the researcher [[Loren Gross]], quoted there, wrote that his comparison of the microfilm with files of the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena, the [[Aerial Phenomena Research Organization]], the Center for UFO Studies and the papers of [[James E. McDonald]] found "very little overlap aside from well-known incidents."[^30] +The Project 1947 site states that the Blue Book files lack some reports Hynek forwarded under his contract, among them the [[Slidell, Louisiana]] "car buzzing" case of 8 December 1957 and [[Captain Frost]]'s 1945 sighting, and that Hynek held a copy of the microfilm; the researcher [[Loren Gross]], quoted there, wrote that his comparison of the microfilm with files of the National Investigations Committee on Aerial Phenomena, the [[Aerial Phenomena Research Organization]], the Center for UFO Studies and the papers of [[James E. McDonald]] found "very little overlap aside from well-known incidents."[^33] ### Footnotes @@ -165,12 +167,15 @@ The Project 1947 site states that the Blue Book files lack some reports Hynek fo [^19]: Subcontract 130-7000, F. W. Dodge Company (McGraw-Hill) and J. Allen Hynek, 4 August 1967, with cover letter of 7 August 1967 from John J. Sweeney, project manager, copied to Major Quintanilla, and schedule of services for the Aerial Phenomena Office, 1 July 1963 to 30 June 1968, as hosted at http://www.project1947.com/hynek/jah_af_contract.htm. [^20]: Condon, Appendix B, "AFR 80-17," pp. 1291-1296, http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/appndx-b.htm. [^21]: Condon, Section V, chapter 2, pp. 886-889. -[^22]: H. Marshall Chadwell, memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence, "Unidentified Flying Objects," 1952, CREST document CIA-RDP81R00560R000100020008-2, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp81r00560r000100020008-2; Haines, notes 36 and 72. -[^23]: Condon, Appendix A, "Special Report of the USAF Scientific Advisory Board Ad Hoc Committee to Review Project 'Blue Book,'" March 1966, https://files.ncas.org/condon/text/appndx-a.htm; Condon, Section V, chapter 2, pp. 902-907 (LeBailly memorandum of 28 September 1965). -[^24]: Condon, Section V, chapter 2, pp. 899-900 and 908-910; Gerald R. Ford to Representatives George P. Miller and L. Mendel Rivers, 28 March 1966, with news release of the same date, Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers, Press Secretary and Speech File, Box D9, folder "Ford Press Releases - UFO, 1966," Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/sites/default/files/pdf_documents/library/document/0054/4525586.pdf. -[^25]: Condon, Section V, chapter 2, p. 908 (hearing of 5 April 1966; Brown's announcement). -[^26]: Condon, Preface and Section II, "Summary of the Study," pp. v-vi and 11-12, http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/preface.htm and http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/sec-ii.htm. -[^27]: Condon, Section I, "Conclusions and Recommendations," p. 6, http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/sec-i.htm. -[^28]: Air Force action memorandum, "Unidentified Flying Objects (UFO)," 20 October 1969, routing block and signature block of Brigadier General C. H. Bolender, paragraphs 1, 2, 4, 6, 8 and 9, with NICAP introduction by Fran Ridge, http://www.nicap.org/Bolender_Memo.htm. -[^29]: National Archives, "Project BLUE BOOK - Unidentified Flying Objects," sections "General Information" and "Project BLUE BOOK Reference Report," https://www.archives.gov/research/military/air-force/ufos. -[^30]: "A few words about the late Dr J. Allen Hynek," Project 1947, http://www.project1947.com/hynek/index.htm, quoting Loren Gross. +[^22]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JANAP 146(C), March 10, 1954, articles 201, 301 and 308. http://www.nicap.org/directives/JANAP-146C%20March%201954.htm +[^23]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JANAP 146(E), March 1966, with Change No. 2 (May 17, 1977), article 208. http://www.nicap.org/directives/JANAP-146E_March%201966.htm +[^24]: Newspaper article "U.S. Officials Persist in Secrecy, But UFOs Real, Claims Authority," December 1, 1973, reviewing Donald E. Keyhoe's *Aliens from Space* (1973), CIA reading room item cia-rdp90-00552r000303250002-8. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00552r000303250002-8 +[^25]: H. Marshall Chadwell, memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence, "Unidentified Flying Objects," 1952, CREST document CIA-RDP81R00560R000100020008-2, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp81r00560r000100020008-2; Haines, notes 36 and 72. +[^26]: Condon, Appendix A, "Special Report of the USAF Scientific Advisory Board Ad Hoc Committee to Review Project 'Blue Book,'" March 1966, https://files.ncas.org/condon/text/appndx-a.htm; Condon, Section V, chapter 2, pp. 902-907 (LeBailly memorandum of 28 September 1965). +[^27]: Condon, Section V, chapter 2, pp. 899-900 and 908-910; Gerald R. Ford to Representatives George P. Miller and L. Mendel Rivers, 28 March 1966, with news release of the same date, Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers, Press Secretary and Speech File, Box D9, folder "Ford Press Releases - UFO, 1966," Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/sites/default/files/pdf_documents/library/document/0054/4525586.pdf. +[^28]: Condon, Section V, chapter 2, p. 908 (hearing of 5 April 1966; Brown's announcement). +[^29]: Condon, Preface and Section II, "Summary of the Study," pp. v-vi and 11-12, http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/preface.htm and http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/sec-ii.htm. +[^30]: Condon, Section I, "Conclusions and Recommendations," p. 6, http://files.ncas.org/condon/text/sec-i.htm. +[^31]: Air Force action memorandum, "Unidentified Flying Objects (UFO)," 20 October 1969, routing block and signature block of Brigadier General C. H. Bolender, paragraphs 1, 2, 4, 6, 8 and 9, with NICAP introduction by Fran Ridge, http://www.nicap.org/Bolender_Memo.htm. +[^32]: National Archives, "Project BLUE BOOK - Unidentified Flying Objects," sections "General Information" and "Project BLUE BOOK Reference Report," https://www.archives.gov/research/military/air-force/ufos. +[^33]: "A few words about the late Dr J. Allen Hynek," Project 1947, http://www.project1947.com/hynek/index.htm, quoting Loren Gross. diff --git a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/PSI_RESEARCH_PROGRAMS/Project 8200.md b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/PSI_RESEARCH_PROGRAMS/Project 8200.md index 3af2f247..dd77293e 100644 --- a/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/PSI_RESEARCH_PROGRAMS/Project 8200.md +++ b/30 - PROGRAMS & PROJECTS/PSI_RESEARCH_PROGRAMS/Project 8200.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2025-07-22 -updated: 2025-07-22 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Project 8200 tags: - program @@ -12,8 +12,8 @@ category: "Intelligence Operation" summary: "Project 8200 is the subject of a 2024 book by former STARGATE remote viewer Frederick Atwater claiming the existence of classified UAP base locations identified through remote viewing operations." --- -[[Project 8200]] is a program related to UFO/UAP (Unidentified Aerial Phenomena) bases and activities. It is mentioned in the context of [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]]'s publications, specifically his 2024 book *Project 8200: UFO/UAP Bases and Activities: The original Remote Viewing Transcripts* (ISBN-10 3911151047). This suggests a connection between remote viewing and the investigation of unexplained aerial phenomena, potentially involving the use of remote viewing to gather intelligence on such subjects.[^1] +[[Project 8200]] is a program related to UFO/UAP (Unidentified Aerial Phenomena) bases and activities. It is mentioned in the context of [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]]'s publications, specifically his 2024 book *Project 8200: UFO/UAP Bases and Activities: The original Remote Viewing Transcripts* (ISBN-10 3911151047). The book's own description is of UAP bases identified through remote viewing. The number in the title is shared with [[Unit 8200]], the Israeli signals-intelligence unit.[^1] --- -[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997. \ No newline at end of file +[^1]: Frederick Atwater, *Project 8200: UFO/UAP Bases and Activities: The Original Remote Viewing Transcripts* (2024), ISBN-10 3911151047. \ No newline at end of file diff --git a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Iran-Contra Affair.md b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Iran-Contra Affair.md index 191891c8..5066787a 100644 --- a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Iran-Contra Affair.md +++ b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Iran-Contra Affair.md @@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ aliases: - Iran/Contra - Iran-Contra scandal created: 2024-04-25 -updated: 2026-10-05 +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Event - Political @@ -40,14 +40,14 @@ relations: start: 1986-12-01 end: 1987-02-26 role: "President's Special Review Board, Executive Order 12575" - fn: 9 + fn: 11 - type: investigated with: "[[Kerry Committee]]" reverse: true start: 1987 end: 1988-12 role: "Senate subcommittee on Contra drug links and Noriega" - fn: 12 + fn: 19 - type: participant_in with: "[[Oliver North]]" reverse: true @@ -68,21 +68,21 @@ relations: start: 1985-12 end: 1986-11 role: "national security adviser who authorized the diversion; convicted April 7, 1990, reversed November 15, 1991" - fn: 11 + fn: 18 - type: participant_in with: "[[Richard Secord]]" reverse: true start: 1984 end: 1986-11 role: "retired Air Force general who ran the Enterprise; pleaded guilty November 8, 1989" - fn: 11 + fn: 18 - type: participant_in with: "[[Albert Hakim]]" reverse: true start: 1984 end: 1986-11 role: "Enterprise financial manager; pleaded guilty November 21, 1989" - fn: 11 + fn: 18 - type: participant_in with: "[[William J. Casey]]" reverse: true @@ -110,7 +110,14 @@ relations: start: 1987 end: 1993 role: "14 persons charged, 11 convicted, 2 convictions overturned, 2 pardoned before trial, 1 case dismissed" - fn: 11 + fn: 18 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Joint Chiefs of Staff]]" + reverse: true + role: "Vessey, Gabriel and Crowe appear in 1985 Weinberger diary entries on Iran contacts, Saudi contra funding and hostage rescue" + start: 1985-03 + end: 1985-11 + fn: 13 --- The Iran-Contra Affair was the exposure, in October and November 1986, of two secret operations of the [[Ronald Reagan]] administration: the military support of the [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] [[Contras]] during an October 1984 to October 1986 prohibition on such aid, and the sale of U.S. arms to [[Iran]] in contravention of stated U.S. policy. In late November 1986 officials announced that some of the proceeds of the Iran sales had been diverted to the Contras. The Independent Counsel's Final Report states that the two operations were coordinated by the staff of the [[National Security Council]] and merged when Iran sale funds were diverted to the Contra effort, and that "both the Iran and contra operations, separately, violated [[United States]] policy and law."[^1] The secrecy was pierced on October 5, 1986, when [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] soldiers shot down an American cargo plane carrying supplies to the Contras and captured its sole surviving crew member, [[Eugene Hasenfus]]; on November 3, 1986 a Lebanese magazine reported the Iran sales; and on November 25, 1986 Attorney General [[Edwin Meese]] announced the diversion.[^1] @@ -118,7 +125,7 @@ The Iran-Contra Affair was the exposure, in October and November 1986, of two se In December 1981 President Reagan signed a Finding authorizing a covert [[Central Intelligence Agency]] operation to support the anti-Sandinista rebels. The first [[Boland Amendment]] (December 21, 1982) prohibited funds for overthrowing the Nicaraguan government; in early December 1983 Contra funding was capped at $24 million; in April 1984 the CIA's mining of Nicaraguan harbors was exposed; and the October 1984 amendment provided that "no funds available to the Central Intelligence Agency, the Department of Defense, or any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities may be obligated or expended for the purpose or which would have the effect of supporting, directly or indirectly, military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua by any nation, group, organization, movement, or individual."[^2][^3] National security adviser [[Robert McFarlane]] had, according to his testimony, been told by Reagan to keep the Contras alive "body and soul," and assigned the task to NSC staff member [[Oliver North]]. In May 1984 Saudi ambassador Prince [[Bandar bin Sultan]] agreed to give $1 million a month; [[Saudi Arabia]] ultimately gave $32 million and [[Taiwan]] $2 million.[^2][^4] -CIA Director [[William J. Casey]] reorganized the CIA's Operations Directorate in 1984, removing the Latin American Division chief [[Dewey Clarridge]] and installing [[Alan Fiers]] as chief of the Central American Task Force; Fiers soon learned who had "taken the reins on contra activities: North." The CIA's deputy director for operations [[Clair George]] told Fiers in November 1984 that Casey had promised the President to take care of the Contras and that any denial of operational activity by North would be "just for show." North, on Casey's recommendation, asked retired Air Force Major General [[Richard Secord]] to help the Contra leader [[Adolfo Calero]] buy arms with Saudi money.[^2] Walsh lists about $1.7 million in private contributions passed through the tax-exempt [[National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty]] to accounts North controlled, and approximately $4 million from the Iran arms sales; the fundraisers [[Carl Channell]] and [[Richard Miller]] pleaded guilty in 1987 to conspiracy to defraud the United States and named North as an unindicted co-conspirator.[^5][^1] +CIA Director [[William J. Casey]] reorganized the CIA's Operations Directorate in 1984, removing the Latin American Division chief [[Dewey Clarridge]] and installing [[Alan Fiers]] as chief of the Central American Task Force; Fiers soon learned who had "taken the reins on contra activities: North." The CIA's deputy director for operations [[Clair George]] told Fiers in November 1984 that Casey had promised the President to take care of the Contras and that any denial of operational activity by North would be "just for show." North, on Casey's recommendation, asked retired Air Force Major General [[Richard Secord]] to help the Contra leader [[Adolfo Calero]] buy arms with Saudi money.[^2] Walsh lists about $1.7 million in private contributions passed through the tax-exempt [[National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty]] to accounts North controlled, and approximately $4 million from the Iran arms sales; the fundraisers [[Carl Channell]] and [[Richard Miller]] pleaded guilty in 1987 to conspiracy to defraud the United States and named North as an unindicted co-conspirator.[^1][^5] On August 10, 1985 North flew to [[Costa Rica]] to meet Ambassador [[Lewis Tambs]] and the CIA station chief [[Joseph Fernandez]] about a secret airstrip for the Contra operation; Costa Rican officials disclosed the airstrip on September 25, 1986 after Ambassador Tambs had called President [[Oscar Arias]] to cancel a press conference.[^3] In 1985 and 1986 the Enterprise's air operation flew from [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]], where General [[Juan Rafael Bustillo]] ordered the operation's warehouse; the Hasenfus shootdown "settled irrevocably the question of CIA assumption" of the operation, in the words of Walsh's Enterprise chapter.[^6] @@ -126,45 +133,50 @@ On August 10, 1985 North flew to [[Costa Rica]] to meet Ambassador [[Lewis Tambs Secord and Albert [[Hakim]] founded [[Stanford Technology Trading Group International]] in 1983; by 1986, Walsh writes, its business "was the Enterprise." Its finances were managed in [[Switzerland]] by the fiduciary [[Compagnie de Services Fiduciaire]], controlled by the American tax lawyer [[Willard Zucker]]. In late June 1985 North and Secord met Calero and the Contra commander [[Enrique Bermudez]] in [[Miami]] and told them that private and third-country donors would pay the Enterprise directly, removing Calero as a money-handler. In July 1985 Zucker's firm created a Liberian shell, [[Defex]] S.A., deliberately named like the Portuguese arms firm Defex, so that the Enterprise's mark-ups would appear in its books as payments to the supplier; Zucker's memorandum of July 8, 1985 describes the objective as having "sufficient debit advices" to show payments "approximating the amounts received." The Enterprise's receiving account was moved to [[Lake Resources]] in [[Geneva]], and all receipts were commingled. Draws from Contra arms sales between April 1985 and September 1986 came to $4.579 million.[^6] The congressional Committees found that Secord testified his mark-up "averaged out almost exactly 20 percent" while the actual commission averaged 38 percent, and that Calero was unaware of it.[^3] In total the Walsh report counts "more than $47 million" through Enterprise accounts; the Committees' figure is nearly $48 million, of which $16.5 million supported the Contras or bought arms sold to them, $15.2 million was spent on Iran, Secord, Hakim and [[Thomas Clines]] took $6.6 million in commissions and profit, and about $1 million went to other North-sponsored covert operations.[^1][^3] -In July 1986 the Enterprise paid the Portuguese firm Defex $2.6 million and $500,000 to the arms dealer [[Monzer Al-Kassar]] for Contra weapons. Walsh's trial-proof estimate of the diversion is $3.6 million and excludes that $500,000 payment, because Al-Kassar "was not available to testify," as well as a $200,000 Jetstar and about $535,000 for the freighter *Erria*, bought in April 1986 through the Panamanian shell company Dolmy Business Inc. The Committees put the amount of the diversion at about $3.8 million of $16.1 million in Iran arms profits.[^6][^3] The writer [[Cheri Seymour]] wrote that Al-Kassar, a Syrian arms dealer, supplied drug profits to North for Contra arms, and Seymour and [[Gary Webb]] each state that the Tower Commission probe revealed Al-Kassar had been paid $1.2 million by Secord to move weapons from [[Israel]] to the Contras; the Tower Commission excerpts and the Walsh report, which place the Enterprise's payment to Al-Kassar at $500,000 in July 1986, contain no such figure. Seymour and Webb give the $1.2 million figure.[^7][^8] +In July 1986 the Enterprise paid the Portuguese firm Defex $2.6 million and $500,000 to the arms dealer [[Monzer Al-Kassar]] for Contra weapons. Walsh's trial-proof estimate of the diversion is $3.6 million and excludes that $500,000 payment, because Al-Kassar "was not available to testify," as well as a $200,000 Jetstar and about $535,000 for the freighter *Erria*, bought in April 1986 through the Panamanian shell company Dolmy Business Inc. The Committees put the amount of the diversion at about $3.8 million of $16.1 million in Iran arms profits.[^3][^6] The writer [[Cheri Seymour]] wrote that Al-Kassar, a Syrian arms dealer, supplied drug profits to North for Contra arms, and Seymour and [[Gary Webb]] each state that the Tower Commission probe revealed Al-Kassar had been paid $1.2 million by Secord to move weapons from [[Israel]] to the Contras; the Tower Commission excerpts and the Walsh report, which place the Enterprise's payment to Al-Kassar at $500,000 in July 1986, contain no such figure. Seymour and Webb give the $1.2 million figure.[^7][^8] ### The Iran arms sales -In 1985 the Israelis, working through [[Michael Ledeen]], [[David Kimche]], [[Yaacov Nimrodi]], [[Al Schwimmer]] and the broker Manucher Ghorbanifar, "an Iranian exile and former CIA informant who had been discredited by the agency as a fabricator,"[^6] sold 504 U.S.-made TOW missiles to Iran in August and September 1985 (96 on August 20 and 408 on September 14, the day the Reverend Benjamin Weir was released) after McFarlane obtained President Reagan's approval for Israeli sales with U.S. replenishment; McFarlane stood alone in testifying that Reagan had approved them, until notes found late in the investigation corroborated him. On November 24 to 25, 1985 the CIA arranged an airlift of 18 HAWK missiles from Israel to Iran aboard a CIA front-company plane; Iran rejected them after test-firing one. Poindexter later testified that he destroyed the December 1985 Finding that retroactively authorized the shipment.[^4][^3] Israel paid $1 million into the Enterprise's Lake Resources account on November 20, 1985 for the airlift; the Enterprise spent $127,700, and approximately $870,000 remained in the account, which Secord testified North told him they could use "for whatever purpose we wanted. We actually expended it on the Contra project."[^6] +In 1985 the Israelis, working through [[Michael Ledeen]], [[David Kimche]], [[Yaacov Nimrodi]], [[Al Schwimmer]] and the broker Manucher Ghorbanifar, "an Iranian exile and former CIA informant who had been discredited by the agency as a fabricator,"[^6] sold 504 U.S.-made TOW missiles to Iran in August and September 1985 (96 on August 20 and 408 on September 14, the day the Reverend Benjamin Weir was released) after McFarlane obtained President Reagan's approval for Israeli sales with U.S. replenishment; McFarlane stood alone in testifying that Reagan had approved them, until notes found late in the investigation corroborated him. On November 24 to 25, 1985 the CIA arranged an airlift of 18 HAWK missiles from Israel to Iran aboard a CIA front-company plane; Iran rejected them after test-firing one. Poindexter later testified that he destroyed the December 1985 Finding that retroactively authorized the shipment.[^3][^4] Israel paid $1 million into the Enterprise's Lake Resources account on November 20, 1985 for the airlift; the Enterprise spent $127,700, and approximately $870,000 remained in the account, which Secord testified North told him they could use "for whatever purpose we wanted. We actually expended it on the Contra project."[^6] -A January 17, 1986 Finding authorized direct U.S. sales to Iran with Secord as agent, and [[Amiram Nir]] replaced Kimche as the Israeli official in the deals. Ghorbanifar borrowed from the financier [[Adnan Khashoggi]]; between February 7 and 18, 1986 Khashoggi deposited $10 million into Lake Resources, of which $5 million came from his own account at the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] in [[Monte Carlo]] and the remainder from a wealthy woman in Monte Carlo and from Galliot Lines, owned by the Syrian banker [[Oussama Lababidi]]. North and Secord negotiated a price of $10,000 per TOW, while telling the [[Department of Defense|Defense Department]] and CIA that Secord would receive $6,000; the Pentagon sold to the CIA at $3,700. The Enterprise's direct expenses were about $716,000, leaving a surplus of $5.6 million. Between February 17 and 27, 1986 1,000 TOWs were shipped.[^6] The Tower Commission quotes Ghorbanifar as saying North was "greatly relieved" when told the Iranians would pay $10,000 rather than $6,500 per missile.[^9] On May 25, 1986 McFarlane, North and others flew to [[Tehran]] with HAWK spare parts and left on May 28 without a hostage release. An August 25, 1986 meeting in [[Brussels]] opened a "Second Channel" through a [[Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps|Revolutionary Guards]] officer; a further 500 TOWs were sent on October 28, 1986, and the Committees' chronology states that 2,004 TOWs were sent in all, not the 1,000 President Reagan cited at his November 19 press conference.[^3] +The Tower Commission report gives an account by [[George P. Shultz]] of a conversation in which McFarlane said that "Foreign Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]] had told Mr. Kimche that he wanted to know explicitly whether I was informed."[^9] Shamir was foreign minister from March 1980 to October 20, 1986. In September 1986 a memorandum from North recorded that "Incoming PM Shamir and outgoing PM Peres have agreed that Nir will remain in his current capacity after the change of government in October."[^10] + +A January 17, 1986 Finding authorized direct U.S. sales to Iran with Secord as agent, and [[Amiram Nir]] replaced Kimche as the Israeli official in the deals. Ghorbanifar borrowed from the financier [[Adnan Khashoggi]]; between February 7 and 18, 1986 Khashoggi deposited $10 million into Lake Resources, of which $5 million came from his own account at the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] in [[Monte Carlo]] and the remainder from a wealthy woman in Monte Carlo and from Galliot Lines, owned by the Syrian banker [[Oussama Lababidi]]. North and Secord negotiated a price of $10,000 per TOW, while telling the [[Department of Defense|Defense Department]] and CIA that Secord would receive $6,000; the Pentagon sold to the CIA at $3,700. The Enterprise's direct expenses were about $716,000, leaving a surplus of $5.6 million. Between February 17 and 27, 1986 1,000 TOWs were shipped.[^6] The Tower Commission quotes Ghorbanifar as saying North was "greatly relieved" when told the Iranians would pay $10,000 rather than $6,500 per missile.[^11] On May 25, 1986 McFarlane, North and others flew to [[Tehran]] with HAWK spare parts and left on May 28 without a hostage release. An August 25, 1986 meeting in [[Brussels]] opened a "Second Channel" through a [[Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps|Revolutionary Guards]] officer; a further 500 TOWs were sent on October 28, 1986, and the Committees' chronology states that 2,004 TOWs were sent in all, not the 1,000 President Reagan cited at his November 19 press conference.[^3] ### The diversion, exposure and cover-up -On December 6, 1985 North told an Israeli official he planned to use profits from future arms sales to support the Contras; on April 4, 1986 he wrote an unsigned memorandum proposing $12 million in residuals "to purchase critically needed supplies for the Nicaraguan Democratic Resistance Forces," which, the Tower Commission found, "no evidence has emerged" was ever placed before Poindexter, the President or any other official.[^3][^9] Poindexter told [[United States Congress|Congress]] he made the decision on his own, did not tell the President and believed he would have approved; North testified he believed the President authorized it. The Independent Counsel could not prove that Reagan authorized or knew of the diversion.[^1] In the Tower Commission's account Attorney General Meese told it that North said in their November 23, 1986 interview that the Israelis had handled the money and that he gave them numbers of three Swiss accounts opened by Calero; the March 1988 indictment charged that the statement about Calero was false.[^9][^10] +On December 6, 1985 North told an Israeli official he planned to use profits from future arms sales to support the Contras; on April 4, 1986 he wrote an unsigned memorandum proposing $12 million in residuals "to purchase critically needed supplies for the Nicaraguan Democratic Resistance Forces," which, the Tower Commission found, "no evidence has emerged" was ever placed before Poindexter, the President or any other official.[^3][^11] Poindexter told [[United States Congress|Congress]] he made the decision on his own, did not tell the President and believed he would have approved; North testified he believed the President authorized it. The Independent Counsel could not prove that Reagan authorized or knew of the diversion.[^1] In the Tower Commission's account Attorney General Meese told it that North said in their November 23, 1986 interview that the Israelis had handled the money and that he gave them numbers of three Swiss accounts opened by Calero; the March 1988 indictment charged that the statement about Calero was false.[^11][^12] North began shredding documents on November 21, 1986 after being told [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] officials would inspect his files; a Justice Department official found the April 1986 memorandum on November 22; on November 24 Meese told Reagan of the diversion, and on November 25 Reagan announced Poindexter's resignation and North's dismissal.[^3] Walsh found that "the President's most senior advisers and the Cabinet members on the National Security Council participated in the strategy to make National Security staff members McFarlane, Poindexter and North the scapegoats," and that notes of Reagan's chief of staff [[Donald Regan]] showed Poindexter and Meese attempting to create a false account of the 1985 shipments from Israeli stocks; [[Weinberger]]'s diary notes, withheld from investigators until late 1991, and the notes of [[Charles Hill]] and [[Nicholas Platt]] of the [[United States Department of State|State Department]] showed that Secretaries [[Caspar Weinberger]] and [[George Shultz]] knew more than they told Congress. Vice President [[George H.W. Bush]] "was fully aware of the Iran arms sales"; the Independent Counsel learned in December 1992 that he had not produced a diary containing contemporaneous notes, and the pardon of Weinberger on December 24, 1992 "pre-empted a trial in which defense counsel indicated that they intended to call Bush as a witness."[^1] ### Investigations -President Reagan created the President's Special Review Board, known as the [[Tower Commission]], on December 1, 1986 under Executive Order 12575, with former Senator [[John Tower]] as chairman. Its report of February 26, 1987 stated that Poindexter, North, Israeli participants and other key witnesses "refused to appear before the board," that the bank records could not be obtained, and that "there was considerable evidence before the board of a diversion to support the contras. But the board had no hard proof."[^9][^3] The [[Lawrence Walsh|Independent Counsel]] was appointed on December 19, 1986. The Senate and House select committees were set up on January 6 and 7, 1987, held televised hearings from May 5 to August 3, 1987 with more than 250 hours of testimony from 28 public witnesses, took North's testimony for six days beginning July 7 and Poindexter's for five beginning July 15, and issued their report on November 18, 1987.[^3] +President Reagan created the President's Special Review Board, known as the [[Tower Commission]], on December 1, 1986 under Executive Order 12575, with former Senator [[John Tower]] as chairman. Its report of February 26, 1987 stated that Poindexter, North, Israeli participants and other key witnesses "refused to appear before the board," that the bank records could not be obtained, and that "there was considerable evidence before the board of a diversion to support the contras. But the board had no hard proof."[^3][^11] The [[Lawrence Walsh|Independent Counsel]] was appointed on December 19, 1986. The Senate and House select committees were set up on January 6 and 7, 1987, held televised hearings from May 5 to August 3, 1987 with more than 250 hours of testimony from 28 public witnesses, took North's testimony for six days beginning July 7 and Poindexter's for five beginning July 15, and issued their report on November 18, 1987.[^3] + +The Joint Chiefs of Staff appear in the independent counsel's record of the Defense Department. Walsh's Part VIII records that General [[John W. Vessey, Jr.]], then chairman of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], recalled that Weinberger told him "incredulously," after attending a White House meeting in the summer of 1985, that someone had proposed contacts with Iran.[^13] Vessey recalled that Prince Bandar bin Sultan told him on two occasions that the Saudis were funding the contras, that on each occasion he reported the statement to Weinberger, and that Weinberger responded that he did not want the issue to become public; in his April 17, 1987 deposition to the Select Committees he described one such occasion.[^14] Weinberger's daily notes for March 13, 1985, made after a meeting with Vessey ("Jack Vessey in office alone"), record that Weinberger "passed on to him Jack Vessey's report that Bandar is giving $25 million to Contras" in a call to Robert McFarlane the same day, with the suggestion that, if so, the United States go for "covert non-lethal aid of $14 mil."[^13] The memorandum for the record of Deputy Director of Central Intelligence [[John N. McMahon]] on the March 15, 1985 breakfast of Weinberger, William J. Casey and McMahon records Weinberger's statement that he had heard that Bandar had earmarked $25 million for the contras in $5 million increments.[^15] The diary entry for August 22, 1985 records a meeting in Weinberger's office with McFarlane, [[Colin Powell]] and General [[Charles Gabriel]], the acting chairman of the Joint Chiefs, at which an Israeli message that two Iranians had offered to return some hostages was discussed.[^16] The diary entry for November 21, 1985 records [[William J. Crowe, Jr.]] in office, regarding the president's decisions at Geneva and hostage rescue attempts.[^17] Walsh's Final Report (August 4, 1993) states that the Iran operations were carried out with the knowledge of Reagan, Bush, Shultz, Weinberger, Casey, McFarlane and Poindexter, of whom only Weinberger and Shultz dissented, and that "large volumes of highly relevant, contemporaneously created documents were systematically and willfully withheld from investigators by several Reagan Administration officials." Casey, hospitalized with a fatal illness before the Independent Counsel was appointed, was never formally investigated. Walsh observed that the problems were "not those of rogue operations, but rather those of Executive Branch efforts to evade congressional oversight," and that grants of immunity to North, Poindexter and [[Albert Hakim]] by Congress, and the attorney general's discretion under the [[Classified Information Procedures Act]] to refuse to declassify information, undermined prosecutions.[^1] ### Prosecutions and pardons -After the Independent Counsel's appointment 14 persons were charged, 11 were convicted (two convictions being overturned on appeal), two were pardoned before trial and one case was dismissed when the Bush administration declined to declassify information needed at trial. Pleas: Carl Channell (April 29, 1987) and Richard Miller (May 6, 1987); McFarlane (March 11, 1988); Secord (November 8, 1989, one felony of false statements to Congress); Hakim (November 21, 1989, a misdemeanor of supplementing North's salary, with Lake Resources Inc. pleading to theft of government property); Fiers (July 9, 1991, two misdemeanors); [[Elliott Abrams]] (October 7, 1991, two misdemeanors, including his solicitation of $10 million from the Sultan of [[Brunei]]). Convictions at trial: Clines (September 18, 1990, four tax-related felonies, 16 months); North (May 4, 1989, three counts, vacated July 20, 1990, dismissed September 16, 1991); Poindexter (April 7, 1990, five felony counts, reversed November 15, 1991, certiorari denied December 7, 1992, indictment dismissed in 1993); George (December 9, 1992, two felonies, pardoned before sentencing). The case against Joseph Fernandez was dismissed on November 24, 1989 after Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]] blocked the disclosure of classified information ruled relevant to the defense; the Fourth Circuit upheld that ruling on September 6, 1990.[^11] +After the Independent Counsel's appointment 14 persons were charged, 11 were convicted (two convictions being overturned on appeal), two were pardoned before trial and one case was dismissed when the Bush administration declined to declassify information needed at trial. Pleas: Carl Channell (April 29, 1987) and Richard Miller (May 6, 1987); McFarlane (March 11, 1988); Secord (November 8, 1989, one felony of false statements to Congress); Hakim (November 21, 1989, a misdemeanor of supplementing North's salary, with Lake Resources Inc. pleading to theft of government property); Fiers (July 9, 1991, two misdemeanors); [[Elliott Abrams]] (October 7, 1991, two misdemeanors, including his solicitation of $10 million from the Sultan of [[Brunei]]). Convictions at trial: Clines (September 18, 1990, four tax-related felonies, 16 months); North (May 4, 1989, three counts, vacated July 20, 1990, dismissed September 16, 1991); Poindexter (April 7, 1990, five felony counts, reversed November 15, 1991, certiorari denied December 7, 1992, indictment dismissed in 1993); George (December 9, 1992, two felonies, pardoned before sentencing). The case against Joseph Fernandez was dismissed on November 24, 1989 after Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]] blocked the disclosure of classified information ruled relevant to the defense; the Fourth Circuit upheld that ruling on September 6, 1990.[^18] -On December 24, 1992 President Bush pardoned Weinberger (indicted June 16, 1992, trial set for January 5, 1993), [[Duane Clarridge]] (indicted November 26, 1991 on seven counts of perjury and false statements, trial set for March 15, 1993), George, Abrams, Fiers and McFarlane. Fernandez, whose case had been dismissed, was not among those pardoned.[^11] +On December 24, 1992 President Bush pardoned Weinberger (indicted June 16, 1992, trial set for January 5, 1993), [[Duane Clarridge]] (indicted November 26, 1991 on seven counts of perjury and false statements, trial set for March 15, 1993), George, Abrams, Fiers and McFarlane. Fernandez, whose case had been dismissed, was not among those pardoned.[^18] ### The Contra network and drug trafficking -The Kerry Committee's report of December 1988 stated that "individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers," and that "in each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter." It found that the State Department paid funds Congress had authorized for humanitarian assistance to traffickers, "in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges." It found no evidence that the Contra leadership participated directly in narcotics smuggling, but that the FDN "did move Contra funds through a narcotics trafficking enterprise and money laundering operation," and that "some officials may have turned a blind eye." It concluded that "there are serious questions as to whether or not U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war effort against Nicaragua," citing the delay in dealing with [[Manuel Noriega]], the premature public announcement of the DEA's [[Barry Seal]] sting of Sandinista officials shortly before a crucial congressional vote on Contra aid, and the case of the Honduran General [[Jose Bueso Rosa|José Bueso-Rosa]], convicted of a plot to assassinate President [[Roberto Suazo Cordova|Roberto Suazo Córdova]] financed by a $40 million cocaine sale, who received a light sentence after U.S. officials intervened.[^12] The Kerry report also described Contra supply contractors paid by the State Department's Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office, the Contra supply officer [[Mario Calero]]'s agreement with the pilot [[Frank Moss]], and the passage of Contra funds through traffickers.[^12] +The Kerry Committee's report of December 1988 stated that "individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers," and that "in each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter." It found that the State Department paid funds Congress had authorized for humanitarian assistance to traffickers, "in some cases after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges." It found no evidence that the Contra leadership participated directly in narcotics smuggling, but that the FDN "did move Contra funds through a narcotics trafficking enterprise and money laundering operation," and that "some officials may have turned a blind eye." It concluded that "there are serious questions as to whether or not U.S. officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war effort against Nicaragua," citing the delay in dealing with [[Manuel Noriega]], the premature public announcement of the DEA's [[Barry Seal]] sting of Sandinista officials shortly before a crucial congressional vote on Contra aid, and the case of the Honduran General [[Jose Bueso Rosa|José Bueso-Rosa]], convicted of a plot to assassinate President [[Roberto Suazo Cordova|Roberto Suazo Córdova]] financed by a $40 million cocaine sale, who received a light sentence after U.S. officials intervened.[^19] The Kerry report also described Contra supply contractors paid by the State Department's Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office, the Contra supply officer [[Mario Calero]]'s agreement with the pilot [[Frank Moss]], and the passage of Contra funds through traffickers.[^19] -The National Security Archive's briefing book prints North's notebook for July 12, 1985, in which Secord is quoted as saying that "14 M to finance [the arms in a Honduran warehouse] came from drugs," and North's August 9, 1985 entry that a Honduran DC-6 used for runs out of New Orleans "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S."; the briefing book also notes that DEA agents testified on July 28, 1988 that North had wanted $1.5 million in Cartel money carried by a DEA informant given to the Contras.[^10] The Kerry report states that the pilot [[Floyd Carlton]] testified that Noriega was paid $100,000 to $250,000 for each of four cocaine flights he piloted for the [[Medellin Cartel]], and that the same Panamanian general met North in June 1985 and again in [[London]] on September 22, 1986 to discuss sabotage in Nicaragua; when North proposed a meeting on August 23, 1986, Poindexter replied, "I have nothing against him other than his illegal activities," and Walsh records that the decision was made not to pay Noriega the $1 million.[^12][^10][^13] +The National Security Archive's briefing book prints North's notebook for July 12, 1985, in which Secord is quoted as saying that "14 M to finance [the arms in a Honduran warehouse] came from drugs," and North's August 9, 1985 entry that a Honduran DC-6 used for runs out of New Orleans "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S."; the briefing book also notes that DEA agents testified on July 28, 1988 that North had wanted $1.5 million in Cartel money carried by a DEA informant given to the Contras.[^12] The Kerry report states that the pilot [[Floyd Carlton]] testified that Noriega was paid $100,000 to $250,000 for each of four cocaine flights he piloted for the [[Medellin Cartel]], and that the same Panamanian general met North in June 1985 and again in [[London]] on September 22, 1986 to discuss sabotage in Nicaragua; when North proposed a meeting on August 23, 1986, Poindexter replied, "I have nothing against him other than his illegal activities," and Walsh records that the decision was made not to pay Noriega the $1 million.[^12][^19][^20] -Webb wrote that Kerry investigation director [[Jack Blum]] told him: "We were even dumped on by the Iran-Contra Committee. They wouldn't touch this issue with a ten-foot pole," and that during North's July 1987 testimony two men from Baltimore stood with a banner reading "Ask about the cocaine smuggling" before police removed them. Webb also wrote that the plane shot down over Nicaragua was a Fairchild C-123K called The Fat Lady, based at [[Mena, Arkansas]] before Barry Seal sold it, after which it flew weapons for North and the [[FDN]]; that Hasenfus was a former [[Air America]] cargo handler; that congressional records show North was regularly briefed by the CIA on Seal's joint CIA-DEA sting of the Sandinistas and allegedly leaked it to the press shortly before a critical vote on Contra aid; and that the Enterprise's flights from Ilopango reportedly brought cocaine back on return flights, with Hangar No. 4 there used by the CIA until it was turned over to North's operation in 1985. The Committees' account identifies the aircraft only as one belonging to the Enterprise, with a [[Southern Air Transport]] identification card found on the pilot.[^8][^3] +Webb wrote that Kerry investigation director [[Jack Blum]] told him: "We were even dumped on by the Iran-Contra Committee. They wouldn't touch this issue with a ten-foot pole," and that during North's July 1987 testimony two men from Baltimore stood with a banner reading "Ask about the cocaine smuggling" before police removed them. Webb also wrote that the plane shot down over Nicaragua was a Fairchild C-123K called The Fat Lady, based at [[Mena, Arkansas]] before Barry Seal sold it, after which it flew weapons for North and the [[FDN]]; that Hasenfus was a former [[Air America]] cargo handler; that congressional records show North was regularly briefed by the CIA on Seal's joint CIA-DEA sting of the Sandinistas and allegedly leaked it to the press shortly before a critical vote on Contra aid; and that the Enterprise's flights from Ilopango reportedly brought cocaine back on return flights, with Hangar No. 4 there used by the CIA until it was turned over to North's operation in 1985. The Committees' account identifies the aircraft only as one belonging to the Enterprise, with a [[Southern Air Transport]] identification card found on the pilot.[^3][^8] ### The Octopus and the BCCI cluster The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that the Iran-Contra Affair was a significant component of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" investigation, which Casolaro believed was interconnected with the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] and the BCCI scandal; that he obtained photocopies of checks drawn on BCCI accounts for Khashoggi and Ghorbanifar from [[Bob Bickel]], who had them from the [[October Surprise]] source [[Richard Brenneke]]; that [[Ian Stuart Spiro]]'s name appeared in North's notebooks and his death was linked to a spy network and the affair; that [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], a self-described Israeli military intelligence officer, tipped off the Lebanese magazine; and that the former White House aide [[Barbara Honegger]] alleged in her book *October Surprise* that Al-Kassar's heroin smuggling network in [[Italy]] was used to launder [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization|NATO]] arms stocks, diverting them to Iran with the help of Italian intelligence officials linked to the P2 lodge.[^7] The Walsh report places Khashoggi's own BCCI account in Monte Carlo as the origin of $5 million of the February 1986 bridge financing.[^6] ### Footnotes + [^1]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, Division for the Purpose of Appointing Independent Counsels, August 4, 1993), Executive Summary. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/execsum.htm [^2]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Part I, "Iran/contra: The Underlying Facts," sections "The Reagan Administration's Contra Policy," "The Funding Cut-Off." https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/part_i.htm [^3]: Brinkley, Joel, and Stephen Engelberg, eds. *Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, with the Minority Views*, abridged edition (New York: Times Books/Random House, 1988), "Iran-Contra Chronology," Parts I to III and the Committees' findings (S. Rept. 100-216, H. Rept. 100-433, November 18, 1987). https://archive.org/details/reportofcongres00unit @@ -173,8 +185,15 @@ The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that the Iran-Contra Affair was a significant com [^6]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 8, "The Enterprise and Its Finances," including notes 5, 30 to 35 and 51. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_08.htm [^7]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. [^8]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998, Prologue, ch. 6 ("They were doing their patriotic duty") and ch. 4. -[^9]: Tower Commission, *Report of the President's Special Review Board* (February 26, 1987), Part I, "Contra Diversion" and "N.S.C. Staff and Support for the Contras" (excerpts published by the American Presidency Project). https://archive.org/details/tower-commission-report-excerpts-reagan -[^10]: National Security Archive, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations," Electronic Briefing Book No. 2 (North notebooks of July 12 and August 9, 1985; North and Poindexter electronic messages of August 23, 1986). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/index.html -[^11]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, "Summary of Prosecutions." https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/summpros.htm -[^12]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (December 1988), "Summary of Findings," chapters on the Contras and on Panama, and the Conclusions. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras -[^13]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 25, "United States v. Elliott Abrams," section on the September 19 and 20, 1986 meetings. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm +[^9]: Report of the President's Special Review Board (Tower Commission), February 26, 1987. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit +[^10]: Memorandum from Oliver North, September 1986, reproduced in the Tower Commission report. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit +[^11]: Tower Commission, *Report of the President's Special Review Board* (February 26, 1987), Part I, "Contra Diversion" and "N.S.C. Staff and Support for the Contras" (excerpts published by the American Presidency Project). https://archive.org/details/tower-commission-report-excerpts-reagan +[^12]: National Security Archive, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations," Electronic Briefing Book No. 2 (North notebooks of July 12 and August 9, 1985; North and Poindexter electronic messages of August 23, 1986). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/index.html +[^13]: Lawrence E. Walsh, *Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, Part VIII, notes 10 and 165 (Vessey, Select Committees deposition, April 17, 1987, pp. 30-31; Weinberger diary, March 13, 1985, ALZ 0039320B-C). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^14]: Walsh, Part VIII, notes 168-170 (Vessey, FBI 302, June 11, 1992, pp. 6-7; Vessey, FBI 302, February 11, 1987, p. 1; Vessey, Select Committees Deposition, April 17, 1987, pp. 5-9). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^15]: Walsh, Part VIII, note 167 (McMahon, memorandum for the record, March 15, 1985, ER 26,187-88 and ER 92-00116-17). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^16]: Walsh, Part VIII, notes 16-18 (Weinberger diary, August 22, 1985, ALZ 0039606-07; Weinberger calendar, LC-007474; Powell, Select Committees deposition, June 19, 1987, p. 5). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^17]: Walsh, Part VIII, citing Weinberger diary, November 21, 1985 (ALZ 0039802-03). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/part_viii.htm +[^18]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, "Summary of Prosecutions." https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/summpros.htm +[^19]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (December 1988), "Summary of Findings," chapters on the Contras and on Panama, and the Conclusions. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras +[^20]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 25, "United States v. Elliott Abrams," section on the September 19 and 20, 1986 meetings. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm diff --git a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Lockheed bribe scandal.md b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Lockheed bribe scandal.md index 5fc001d1..79606c3c 100644 --- a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Lockheed bribe scandal.md +++ b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Lockheed bribe scandal.md @@ -4,22 +4,23 @@ aliases: - Lockheed bribe scandal - Lockheed bribery scandal created: 2026-05-17 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 tags: - Event - Scandal - Israel - UnitedStates category: "Intelligence Scandal" -summary: "1976 scandal involving bribes paid by Lockheed Aircraft Company to Israeli Defense Minister Shimon Peres and other international figures." +summary: "1976 scandal over Lockheed Aircraft Company payments to international figures, including Ari Ben-Menashe's account of a bribe to Israeli Defense Minister Shimon Peres." start: 1976-01-01 location: "Israel" --- -The Lockheed bribe scandal refers to a series of bribery incidents involving the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]]. In [[Israel]], a specific instance of this scandal came to light in 1976 through an intercepted telegram.[^1] +The Lockheed bribe scandal refers to a series of bribery incidents involving the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company]]. In his 1992 book, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] described a specific instance in [[Israel]] that he said came to light in 1976 through an intercepted telegram.[^1] -[[Ari Ben-Menashe]], while serving as a duty officer in [[Unit 8200]], intercepted a telegram from the [[Iran|Iranian]] Embassy in [[Ramat Gan]] to [[Tehran]]. This telegram detailed a meeting between a Lockheed representative in Israel and [[Shimon Peres]], then Defense Minister, revealing a bribe of $3.5 million deposited into one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]].[^1] +In his 1992 book, Ben-Menashe wrote that, while serving as a duty officer in [[Unit 8200]], he intercepted a telegram from the [[Iran|Iranian]] Embassy in [[Ramat Gan]] to [[Tehran]]. He wrote that the telegram detailed a meeting between a Lockheed representative in Israel and [[Shimon Peres]], then Defense Minister, revealing a bribe of $3.5 million deposited into one of Peres's brother's business accounts in [[Europe]].[^1] -Despite the explosive nature of this information, it was covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors, including [[Yoel Ben-Porat|Col. Yoel Ben-Porat]] and [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]]. The original telegram, its translation, and related logs were ordered to be erased, and the young woman working with Ari Ben-Menashe was transferred to another unit. No public disclosure or inquiry was ever made regarding Israel's involvement in the scandal.[^1] +He wrote that the information was covered up by Israeli military intelligence superiors, including [[Yoel Ben-Porat|Col. Yoel Ben-Porat]] and [[Sasson Yishaek|Lt. Col. Sasson Yishaek]], that the original telegram, its translation, and related logs were ordered to be erased, and that the young woman working with him was transferred to another unit. He wrote that no public disclosure or inquiry was ever made regarding Israel's involvement in the scandal.[^1] ### Footnotes + [^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). diff --git a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Operation NORTHWOODS.md b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Operation NORTHWOODS.md index e2e6b426..b5217d93 100644 --- a/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Operation NORTHWOODS.md +++ b/40 - EVENTS/INTELLIGENCE_SCANDALS/Operation NORTHWOODS.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2026-05-15 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Operation NORTHWOODS aliases: - Northwoods @@ -17,6 +17,13 @@ category: "Intelligence Scandal" summary: "Joint Chiefs of Staff paper of March 13, 1962 proposing staged incidents, blamed on Cuba, as pretexts for a U.S. invasion; declassified in 1997 and publicized by James Bamford in 2001." start: 1962-03-13 location: "Washington, D.C." +relations: + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Joint Chiefs of Staff]]" + reverse: true + role: "submitted JCS 1969/321 with Enclosure A to Secretary McNamara" + start: 1962-03-13 + fn: 5 --- Operation NORTHWOODS was a set of proposals developed by the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff under General [[Lyman Lemnitzer]] and formally submitted to Secretary of Defense [[Robert McNamara]] on March 13, 1962. The document, titled "Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba," proposed creating or staging a series of violent incidents - including attacks on American citizens - that could be attributed to [[Cuba]] and used as a pretext for a U.S. military invasion. [[James Bamford]] wrote that the proposals were rejected by McNamara and President [[John F. Kennedy]].[^1] The document was declassified in 1997 through the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act and brought to wide public attention by journalist James Bamford.[^1] @@ -25,7 +32,9 @@ Operation NORTHWOODS was a set of proposals developed by the United States Joint Operation NORTHWOODS was developed within the framework of [[Operation Mongoose]] and the broader Kennedy administration effort to develop options for ending [[Fidel Castro|Castro]]'s rule in Cuba. After the [[Bay of Pigs]] failure in April 1961, American military and intelligence planners continued to develop contingency plans for a direct military intervention in Cuba. The strategic problem was the absence of a legitimate trigger - a clear provocation or attack by Cuba that could justify military action before world opinion and the [[United Nations]]. -General Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and the Department of Defense's Office of Special Operations developed NORTHWOODS as a response to this problem. The document proposed manufacturing the trigger.[^1] +Earlier Joint Chiefs planning on Cuba had already proposed an incident as justification. On April 26, 1961 the Joint Chiefs sent Secretary of Defense McNamara a memorandum (JCSM-278-61, "Cuba") answering his memorandum of April 20 with an analysis of courses of action for the overthrow of the Castro government. It cited CINCLANT Operation Plan 312-61 as a plan "which has previously been reviewed and approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff," and recommended: "One action that is recommended is the creation of an incident which will provide justification for the overthrow of the Castro government by the United States."[^2] [[Earle G. Wheeler]] signed for the Joint Chiefs, above the typed signature of [[Arleigh Burke]], chief of naval operations.[^2] + +General Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, signed the Joint Chiefs' memorandum of March 13, 1962, which responded to a March 5 request from the Chief of Operations of Operation Mongoose, [[Edward Lansdale]], Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Special Operations, relayed through Brigadier General [[William H. Craig]], the Joint Chiefs' representative on his group; the Joint Staff drew up the list of pretexts.[^3] The document proposed manufacturing the trigger.[^1] ### Proposed Operations @@ -35,6 +44,8 @@ The NORTHWOODS document proposed a range of false-flag operations: Simulated attacks on Guantanamo: Staging mortar attacks on the Guantanamo perimeter, having U.S. Marines fire at each other in a way that could be attributed to Cuban snipers, and blowing up ammunition at Guantanamo and blaming Cuba. +The annex, which states that its courses of action "are arranged neither chronologically nor in ascending order," proposed that "a 'Remember the Maine' incident could be arranged in several forms," including the destruction of a U.S. ship in Guantanamo Bay and blaming Cuba, or an unmanned vessel exploded near Havana or Santiago. Its appendix described the purpose of the plan as enabling "a logical build-up of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camouflage the ultimate objective."[^4] The Joint Chiefs' cover memorandum recommended that the enclosure be forwarded to the secretary of defense for approval and transmittal to the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, and that it not be forwarded to unified commanders, to U.S. officers assigned to NATO, or to the U.S. delegation to the United Nations Military Staff Committee.[^5] + Terror campaign in Miami and Washington D.C.: The document proposed staging "a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington." This included sinking boats carrying Cuban refugees, attacks on Cuban exiles who had "been to retaliate against any Cubans who assisted the US in the invasion," and U.S.-staged bombings. Staged aircraft incidents: Proposing to use CIA aircraft painted to simulate Cuban Air Force colors to harass or "attack" U.S. aircraft over international waters, creating incidents that could be documented and publicized. A separate proposal suggested that a passenger aircraft could be hijacked by a "Cuban" (actually a U.S. covert operations team), diverting it and creating an international incident. @@ -43,9 +54,9 @@ Killing of Americans: The document explicitly contemplated staging incidents in ### Rejection -On March 6, 1962 [[Edward Lansdale]], chief of operations of Operation Mongoose, wrote that he was asking the Defense representative, General Craig, "to give me a brief but precise description of pretexts which the JCS believes desirable if a decision is ultimately made to use direct military intervention."[^2] The Joint Chiefs' memorandum of March 13 recommended that the paper be forwarded "as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purposes." The paper (JCS 1969/321) rested on the premise that intervention "will result from a period of heightened US-Cuban tensions which place the United States in the position of suffering justifiable grievances," and a draft memorandum appended to it stated that a plan built from the suggestions "would enable a logical build-up of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camouflage the ultimate objective and create the necessary impression of Cuban rashness and irresponsibility on a large scale."[^3] +On March 6, 1962 Edward Lansdale, chief of operations of Operation Mongoose, wrote that he was asking the Defense representative, General Craig, "to give me a brief but precise description of pretexts which the JCS believes desirable if a decision is ultimately made to use direct military intervention."[^6]On March 5, 1962 the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, wrote to General Craig with the request, under the subject "Operation MONGOOSE." The Joint Chiefs' memorandum takes "cognizance of a suggested course of action proposed by the US Navy relating to generated instances in the Guantanamo area," citing a March 8, 1962 memorandum from the chief of naval operations to the Joint Chiefs titled "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba (TS)."[^7] The Joint Chiefs' memorandum of March 13 recommended that the paper be forwarded "as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purposes." The paper (JCS 1969/321) rested on the premise that intervention "will result from a period of heightened US-Cuban tensions which place the United States in the position of suffering justifiable grievances," and a draft memorandum appended to it stated that a plan built from the suggestions "would enable a logical build-up of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camouflage the ultimate objective and create the necessary impression of Cuban rashness and irresponsibility on a large scale."[^8] -On March 16, 1962 President Kennedy met with [[John A. McCone]], General [[Maxwell Taylor]], [[Roswell Gilpatric]], Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy]], [[McGeorge Bundy]] and Lemnitzer to discuss the Mongoose guidelines. [[U. Alexis Johnson]]'s handwritten note records that "The President also expressed skepticism that in so far as can now be foreseen circumstances will arise that would justify and make desirable the use of American forces for overt military action," and that "no decision was expressed or implied approving the use of such forces although contingency planning would proceed."[^4] At the April 11, 1962 meeting of the Special Group (Augmented), according to McCone's notes, the "JCS paper on pretext or provocative actions was discussed," and McCone wrote that "We should have and review this paper as it is considered to be a very thoughtful and useful document."[^5] +On March 16, 1962 President Kennedy met with [[John A. McCone]], General [[Maxwell Taylor]], [[Roswell Gilpatric]], Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy]], [[McGeorge Bundy]] and Lemnitzer to discuss the Mongoose guidelines. [[U. Alexis Johnson]]'s handwritten note records that "The President also expressed skepticism that in so far as can now be foreseen circumstances will arise that would justify and make desirable the use of American forces for overt military action," and that "no decision was expressed or implied approving the use of such forces although contingency planning would proceed."[^9] On April 5, 1962 the Special Group concluded that Mongoose should re-examine its basic philosophy "with particular reference to the possibility of finding a pretext for early... intervention," and five days later (April 10) the Joint Chiefs answered yes to both questions put by General Maxwell Taylor, whether the United States should invade Cuba and whether it had the capacity to do so.[^10] At the April 11, 1962 meeting of the Special Group (Augmented), according to McCone's notes, the "JCS paper on pretext or provocative actions was discussed," and McCone wrote that "We should have and review this paper as it is considered to be a very thoughtful and useful document."[^11] Bamford wrote that McNamara rejected the proposals and that Kennedy, meeting with Lemnitzer shortly after receiving the document, left no doubt about his reaction.[^1] In July 1962, Kennedy declined to reappoint Lemnitzer as JCS Chairman when his term expired; Lemnitzer was transferred to command [[NATO]] forces in Europe. The direct connection between NORTHWOODS and Lemnitzer's removal was not confirmed at the time but became a subject of historical interpretation after declassification.[^1] @@ -53,13 +64,19 @@ Bamford wrote that McNamara rejected the proposals and that Kennedy, meeting wit The document remained classified for thirty-five years and was among the records released in 1997 under the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act, which required declassification of documents relating to the Kennedy assassination regardless of their original security designation. NORTHWOODS was included because it was part of the operational planning environment in which Kennedy and the Joint Chiefs were operating in 1962-1963. -James Bamford brought the document to wide public attention in his 2001 book *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency*. The NORTHWOODS document became one of the most frequently cited pieces of evidence in discussions of false-flag operations, government deception, and conspiracy theory - used both by legitimate researchers documenting Cold War operational planning and by conspiracy theorists arguing that subsequent events (the [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident|Gulf of Tonkin incident]], 9/11) followed the template NORTHWOODS had proposed.[^6] +James Bamford brought the document to wide public attention in his 2001 book *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency*. The NORTHWOODS document became one of the most frequently cited pieces of evidence in discussions of false-flag operations, government deception, and conspiracy theory - used both by legitimate researchers documenting Cold War operational planning and by conspiracy theorists arguing that subsequent events (the [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident|Gulf of Tonkin incident]], 9/11) followed the template NORTHWOODS had proposed.[^12] ### Footnotes [^1]: Bamford, James. *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency.* Doubleday, 2001. Original document: "Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba" (TS), JCS files, March 13, 1962; declassified 1997. Available at nsarchive.gwu.edu. -[^2]: Lansdale to Goodwin, March 6, 1962 (Top Secret; Sensitive), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 310. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d310 -[^3]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)," March 13, 1962, signed by L. L. Lemnitzer, Chairman, with Enclosure A, its appendix and annex, and Enclosure B, from JCS 1969/321 (Top Secret, Special Handling, Noforn; declassified 1997). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf -[^4]: Guidelines for Operation Mongoose and editorial note quoting U. Alexis Johnson's handwritten covering memorandum of March 16, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 314. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d314 -[^5]: Memorandum by Director of Central Intelligence McCone on the April 11, 1962 meeting of the Special Group (Augmented), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 325. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d325 -[^6]: Weiner, Tim. *Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA.* Doubleday, 2007. +[^2]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, JCSM-278-61, "Cuba," April 26, 1961, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 178. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d178 +[^3]: JCS 1969/321 (memorandum of March 13, 1962 and appendix); Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, chapter 11 and note 2, https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 ; *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 310 and list of persons, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10 +[^4]: JCS 1969/321, Enclosure A, appendix, paragraph 3, and the annex "Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba," paragraphs 2-3. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^5]: JCS 1969/321, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, March 13, 1962, paragraphs 2 and 8. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^6]: Lansdale to Goodwin, March 6, 1962 (Top Secret; Sensitive), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 310. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d310 +[^7]: Memorandum for General Craig from the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, subject "Operation MONGOOSE," March 5, 1962, and memorandum for the Chairman, JCS, from the Chief of Naval Operations, subject "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba (TS)," March 8, 1962, both cited in footnotes in JCS 1969/321, with paragraph 3 of the enclosure memorandum. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^8]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)," March 13, 1962, signed by L. L. Lemnitzer, Chairman, with Enclosure A, its appendix and annex, and Enclosure B, from JCS 1969/321 (Top Secret, Special Handling, Noforn; declassified 1997). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^9]: Guidelines for Operation Mongoose and editorial note quoting U. Alexis Johnson's handwritten covering memorandum of March 16, 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 314. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d314 +[^10]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, vol. VIII, *The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1961-1964*, chapter 11, pp. 158-160. https://archive.org/details/DTIC_ADA551509 +[^11]: Memorandum by Director of Central Intelligence McCone on the April 11, 1962 meeting of the Special Group (Augmented), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. X, Document 325. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d325 +[^12]: Weiner, Tim. *Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA.* Doubleday, 2007. diff --git a/40 - EVENTS/MAJOR_CONFLICTS/Gulf of Tonkin Incident.md b/40 - EVENTS/MAJOR_CONFLICTS/Gulf of Tonkin Incident.md index fc6e3caa..e6445733 100644 --- a/40 - EVENTS/MAJOR_CONFLICTS/Gulf of Tonkin Incident.md +++ b/40 - EVENTS/MAJOR_CONFLICTS/Gulf of Tonkin Incident.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- created: 2026-05-15 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 title: Gulf of Tonkin Incident aliases: - Gulf of Tonkin @@ -23,7 +23,14 @@ relations: reverse: true start: 1964-08-03 role: "Secretary of Defense; briefed congressional leaders" - fn: 4 + fn: 6 + - type: participant_in + with: "[[Joint Chiefs of Staff]]" + reverse: true + role: "issued DeSoto patrol orders JCS 7680 and 7681 and attended the August 4 Pentagon meeting" + start: 1964-08-02 + end: 1964-08-04 + fn: 2 --- The Gulf of Tonkin Incident refers to two separate events on August 2 and August 4, 1964, in the Gulf of Tonkin off the coast of North Vietnam, the second of which was used by the [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] administration to obtain congressional authorization for the dramatic escalation of American involvement in [[Vietnam War|the Vietnam War]]. Subsequent declassification - principally of [[NSA]] documents released in 2005 - confirmed what internal doubts at the time suggested: the August 4 "attack" almost certainly did not occur.[^1] @@ -34,13 +41,15 @@ On August 2, 1964, the USS Maddox, a destroyer conducting electronic intelligenc The Maddox was conducting DESOTO patrols - intelligence-gathering missions that collected electronic signals from North Vietnamese radar and communications installations. The patrols ran in coordination with South Vietnamese commando raids against North Vietnamese coastal targets. North Vietnam apparently attacked the Maddox in response to those raids, believing American vessels were directly supporting the attacks. +The [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] handled the orders for the patrol after the engagement. At 12:25 p.m. Washington time on August 2, 1964, Chairman [[Earle G. Wheeler]] sent [[Ulysses S. Grant Sharp|Admiral Sharp]], commander in chief of the Pacific, telegram JCS 7680 authorizing the DeSoto patrol to continue in the Gulf of Tonkin on routes and times specified by the Pacific Fleet, with the closest approach to the North Vietnamese mainland set at 11 miles and combat air patrol kept to seaward of the destroyers.[^2] The telegram records that the Pacific Fleet had asked for the resumption of the patrols "at the earliest," and that the Pacific command concurred.[^2] At 6:49 p.m. the same day, JCS 7681 instructed that if the destroyers were attacked in international waters, 11 miles or more offshore, the commander was to destroy the attacking forces, but that "pursuit into hostile waters or air space is not authorized."[^3] + ### Secretary of Defense briefings, August 3 and 4, 1964 -On August 3, 1964 the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, [[Peter Solbert]], sent [[Robert S. McNamara]] a memorandum on the aftermath of the Maddox engagement. Among the actions it listed were the aerial mining of North Vietnamese naval bases or harbors and further covert [[Operation 34-A]] missions against those bases.[^2] +On August 3, 1964 the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, [[Peter Solbert]], sent [[Robert S. McNamara]] a memorandum on the aftermath of the Maddox engagement. Among the actions it listed were the aerial mining of North Vietnamese naval bases or harbors and further covert [[Operation 34-A]] missions against those bases.[^4] -In a telephone call at 10:30 a.m. on August 3, McNamara proposed explaining the covert naval operations to Congress: "And we're going to, and I think I should also, or we should also at that time, Mr. President, explain this Op Plan 34-A, these covert operations. There's no question but what that had bearing on."[^3] +In a telephone call at 10:30 a.m. on August 3, McNamara proposed explaining the covert naval operations to Congress: "And we're going to, and I think I should also, or we should also at that time, Mr. President, explain this Op Plan 34-A, these covert operations. There's no question but what that had bearing on."[^5] -At the meeting of congressional leaders on August 4, McNamara began his briefing: "The first indication we had of another attack on the destroyers, the Maddox and Turner Joy, was received at 7:30 A.M. today."[^4] In a 9:43 a.m. call that day, McNamara said of the destroyer: "this ship is allegedly, uh, to be attacked tonight." [[John Prados]] wrote that McNamara's later public statements on the 34-A link were made against this record.[^5] +At the meeting of congressional leaders on August 4, McNamara began his briefing: "The first indication we had of another attack on the destroyers, the Maddox and Turner Joy, was received at 7:30 A.M. today."[^6] In a 9:43 a.m. call that day, McNamara said of the destroyer: "this ship is allegedly, uh, to be attacked tonight." [[John Prados]] wrote that McNamara's later public statements on the 34-A link were made against this record.[^7] ### August 4: The Fabricated Attack @@ -48,6 +57,8 @@ On August 4, 1964, the Maddox and USS Turner Joy reported that they were under a Captain John Herrick, commanding the Maddox, sent a message to Washington the same day stating that many of the reported "torpedoes" were likely false readings from sonar conditions and that there was "freak weather effects on radar" and "overeager sonar men." He recommended a "complete evaluation before any further action." This cable was available to Secretary of Defense [[Robert McNamara]] and the Johnson White House.[^1] +On August 4, 1964, at 11:40 a.m., McNamara, Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], [[McGeorge Bundy]], Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs [[Marshall Green]], and the Joint Chiefs of Staff met at the Pentagon. The Foreign Relations editorial note, drawing on the August 28 Top Secret chronology that Bundy submitted to the president on September 4, records McNamara describing five options at that meeting. At 12:04 p.m. the civilians moved to McNamara's office, where the options were refined to three: "1. Sharp limited strikes against such target as PT boats, PT bases, oil depots, etc. 2. Continuing pressure, i.e., mining the Vietnam coast. 3. A combination of both."[^8] The Joint Chiefs stayed in the dining room until 1:49 p.m. and, at their direction, General Burchinal telephoned McNamara at the White House to recommend the sharp limited response option.[^8] + Despite these doubts, Johnson and McNamara presented the August 4 incident to Congress and the public as a clear unprovoked attack requiring a military response. NSA signals intelligence was cited as corroborating the attack; in fact, the signals were later determined to have been misinterpreted or fabricated by NSA analysts seeking to confirm the attack rather than evaluate it objectively. ### Gulf of Tonkin Resolution @@ -66,13 +77,16 @@ In 2005, the NSA released previously classified documents including a 2001 inter The Gulf of Tonkin Incident is significant both as a historical event - the manufactured pretext for the most costly American military engagement of the Cold War - and as a paradigm case in discussions of false-flag operations and government deception. Read alongside the declassified [[Operation NORTHWOODS]] document proposing staged incidents to justify Cuba intervention (1962), Tonkin demonstrated that American officials were not only willing to plan such fabrications but to execute them. -The incident also illustrated the institutional dynamics of intelligence assessment under political pressure: the NSA analysis that confirmed the August 4 attack reflected what policymakers wanted to hear rather than what the evidence showed - a pattern subsequently analyzed in discussions of intelligence and policy.[^6] +The incident also illustrated the institutional dynamics of intelligence assessment under political pressure: the NSA analysis that confirmed the August 4 attack reflected what policymakers wanted to hear rather than what the evidence showed - a pattern subsequently analyzed in discussions of intelligence and policy.[^9] ### Footnotes [^1]: Hanyok, Robert J. "Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, and the Flying Fish: The Gulf of Tonkin Mystery, 2-4 August 1964." *Cryptologic Quarterly.* NSA. Declassified 2005; available at nsarchive.gwu.edu. Moise, Edwin E. *Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War.* University of North Carolina Press, 1996. -[^2]: Peter Solbert, memorandum to Secretary of Defense McNamara, August 3, 1964 (Top Secret; Sensitive), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Vol. I, Document 268. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d268 -[^3]: Telephone conversation, Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert S. McNamara, August 3, 1964, 10:30 a.m., National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 132. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB132/tapes.htm -[^4]: Notes of the Leadership Meeting, White House, August 4, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Vol. I, Document 280. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d280 -[^5]: John Prados, "The Gulf of Tonkin Incident, 40 Years Later," National Security Archive, August 4, 2004 (telephone conversation of August 4, 1964, 9:43 a.m.). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB132/essay.htm -[^6]: The Pentagon Papers (Senator Gravel edition). Beacon Press, 1971. Mann, Robert. *A Grand Delusion: America's Descent into Vietnam.* Basic Books, 2001. +[^2]: Joint Chiefs of Staff (Wheeler) to Commander in Chief, Pacific (Sharp), telegram JCS 7680, August 2, 1964, 12:25 p.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, document 259. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d259 +[^3]: Joint Chiefs of Staff to Commander in Chief, Pacific, telegram JCS 7681, August 2, 1964, 6:49 p.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, document 261. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d261 +[^4]: Peter Solbert, memorandum to Secretary of Defense McNamara, August 3, 1964 (Top Secret; Sensitive), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Vol. I, Document 268. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d268 +[^5]: Telephone conversation, Lyndon B. Johnson and Robert S. McNamara, August 3, 1964, 10:30 a.m., National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 132. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB132/tapes.htm +[^6]: Notes of the Leadership Meeting, White House, August 4, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Vol. I, Document 280. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d280 +[^7]: John Prados, "The Gulf of Tonkin Incident, 40 Years Later," National Security Archive, August 4, 2004 (telephone conversation of August 4, 1964, 9:43 a.m.). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB132/essay.htm +[^8]: Editorial note on the meeting of the Joint Chiefs of Staff with McNamara, Rusk, Bundy and Green at the Pentagon, August 4, 1964, 11:40 a.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. I, document 276. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v01/d276 +[^9]: The Pentagon Papers (Senator Gravel edition). Beacon Press, 1971. Mann, Robert. *A Grand Delusion: America's Descent into Vietnam.* Basic Books, 2001. diff --git a/60 - PLACES/CITIES/Beersheba.md b/60 - PLACES/CITIES/Beersheba.md index fc6ac832..24627b21 100644 --- a/60 - PLACES/CITIES/Beersheba.md +++ b/60 - PLACES/CITIES/Beersheba.md @@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags: - Intelligence summary: "Beersheba (Be'er Sheva) is the largest city in southern Israel and the Negev's administrative capital, the nearest city to the Negev Nuclear Research Center at Dimona and a hub of southern military and intelligence infrastructure." created: 2026-05-15 -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 location: "Beersheba, Israel" --- @@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ The city is also the location of IDF Southern Command headquarters, which coordi ### Israeli Cyber and Technology Infrastructure -Beersheba has become a significant node in Israel's high-technology and cybersecurity sector from approximately 2014 onward, when the government invested in a "CyberSpark" technology park adjacent to Ben-Gurion University. The Israeli [[Unit 8200]] - the signals intelligence unit of the [[Aman]] directorate and the Israeli equivalent of the [[NSA]] - established a major facility in the Negev near Beersheba in conjunction with this development. The relocation of Unit 8200 components to the Negev was partly security-driven (distance from Tel Aviv) and partly associated with a deliberate government strategy to develop Beersheba as a high-technology center.[^1] +Beersheba has become a significant node in Israel's high-technology and cybersecurity sector from approximately 2014 onward, when the government invested in a "CyberSpark" technology park adjacent to Ben-Gurion University. The army's plan to move its bases to the Negev, under which most of the Glilot compound in [[Ramat HaSharon]], home to the central base of the [[Unit 8200]] signals unit, was to be evacuated, was decided in 2008. Reporting in August 2024 said the transition had been delayed repeatedly and was expected to take place in phases over later years.[^5] ### Footnotes @@ -32,3 +32,4 @@ Beersheba has become a significant node in Israel's high-technology and cybersec [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M., *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*, Random House, 1991, chapter 5, "Internal Wars," pp. 62 to 63. [^3]: Post-mortem on SNIE 100-8-60, draft for USIB approval, January 1961, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 510, Document 27A, paragraph 27 (the secretary's report to her State Department supervisor "several months earlier"; CIA/CS learned of it on August 19, 1960; "discussed informally in JAEIC on 12 January 1961"). https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb510/docs/doc%2027A.pdf [^4]: Cohen, Avner. *Israel and the Bomb.* Columbia University Press, 1998. +[^5]: Ynet, "Intelligence and Cyberwarfare: Israeli locations Hezbollah targeted for destruction," *Ynetnews*, August 25, 2024. https://www.ynetnews.com/magazine/article/sy3etztic diff --git a/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Israel.md b/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Israel.md index 0d0aec52..aec27c71 100644 --- a/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Israel.md +++ b/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Israel.md @@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ tags: - ArmsTrade summary: "Middle Eastern state whose undeclared nuclear arsenal, intelligence operations in the United States, covert arms sales to Iran and Latin America, and surveillance-technology industry run through much of this vault." created: 2025-07-22 -updated: 2026-09-22 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- The State of [[Israel]] was established in 1948. Its intelligence services are the [[Mossad]] (foreign intelligence), [[Shin Bet]] (internal security) and military intelligence, [[Aman]], whose signals arm is [[Unit 8200]]; a fourth agency under the defense ministry, the Science Liaison Bureau, [[LAKAM]], collected technical information abroad until the [[Jonathan Pollard]] case of 1985.[^1][^2] @@ -43,7 +43,7 @@ The former Mossad officer [[Mike Harari]] was named by [[Jose Blandon|José Blan ### Surveillance Technology -Unit 8200 is the recruiting ground of the Israeli private surveillance industry; the founders of the spyware maker [[NSO Group]] are its alumni.[^13] In 2015 the former prime minister [[Ehud Barak]] arranged an investment of about one million dollars by [[Jeffrey Epstein]] in Reporty, later [[Carbyne]], which also had backing from [[Peter Thiel]]'s [[Founders Fund]].[^14] On January 12, 2024, [[Palantir Technologies]] announced "a strategic partnership with the Israeli Ministry of Defense to supply Palantir technology to help the country's war effort."[^15] +Unit 8200 is a recruiting ground of the Israeli private surveillance industry; veterans of the unit are known to have helped develop the technology of the spyware maker [[NSO Group]], according to the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.[^13] Ynet reported in 2019 that NSO co-founder [[Shalev Hulio]] did not serve in the unit.[^14] In 2015 the former prime minister [[Ehud Barak]] arranged an investment of about one million dollars by [[Jeffrey Epstein]] in Reporty, later [[Carbyne]], which also had backing from [[Peter Thiel]]'s [[Founders Fund]].[^15] On January 12, 2024, [[Palantir Technologies]] announced "a strategic partnership with the Israeli Ministry of Defense to supply Palantir technology to help the country's war effort."[^16] ### Footnotes @@ -59,6 +59,7 @@ Unit 8200 is the recruiting ground of the Israeli private surveillance industry; [^10]: "Probe by House finds no 'October surprise,'" *The Baltimore Sun,* January 13, 1993. https://www.baltimoresun.com/news/bs-xpm-1993-01-13-1993013111-story.html [^11]: "Ex-agent of the Mossad Implicated in Drug Deals with Panamanian," *Jewish Telegraphic Agency,* February 1988. https://www.jta.org/archive/ex-agent-of-the-mossad-implicated-in-drug-deals-with-panamanian [^12]: "Media Baron Sues Seymour Hersh," *The Washington Post,* October 25, 1991. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1991/10/25/media-baron-sues-seymour-hersh/c16c29e2-04ba-4038-9fff-08113fa33b77/ ; "Maxwell, Colossus Even in Death, Laid to Rest on Mount of Olives," *Jewish Telegraphic Agency,* 1991. https://www.jta.org/archive/maxwell-colossus-even-in-death-laid-to-rest-on-mount-of-olives -[^13]: "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg," OCCRP. https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project -[^14]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 2026. -[^15]: "Palantir, Israel Agree Strategic Partnership for Battle Tech." *Bloomberg,* January 12, 2024. +[^13]: "Where NSO Group Came From and Why It's Just the Tip of the Iceberg," OCCRP, The Pegasus Project. https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-pegasus-project/where-nso-group-came-from-and-why-its-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg +[^14]: Ronen Bergman, "Weaving a cyber web," *Ynetnews*, January 11, 2019. https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-5444998,00.html +[^15]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 2026. +[^16]: "Palantir, Israel Agree Strategic Partnership for Battle Tech." *Bloomberg,* January 12, 2024. diff --git a/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Uruguay.md b/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Uruguay.md index df6728c6..e459b88d 100644 --- a/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Uruguay.md +++ b/60 - PLACES/COUNTRIES/Uruguay.md @@ -1,4 +1,4 @@ ---- +--- category: "Country" tags: - Country @@ -7,9 +7,9 @@ tags: - CIA - Tupamaro - ColdWar -summary: "Uruguay under its military dictatorship (1973-1985) was a founding Operation Condor participant whose intelligence service coordinated the cross-border tracking and killing of Uruguayan political opponents who had fled to Argentina and elsewhere; the Tupamaro guerrilla movement that prompted the dictatorship had itself been used as a CIA training case study." +summary: "Uruguay's military dictatorship (1973-1985) was a founding Operation Condor participant whose intelligence service tracked and killed exiled opponents; the Tupamaro movement had been a CIA training case study." created: 2026-05-14 -updated: 2026-05-17 +updated: 2026-10-12 location: "Montevideo, Uruguay" --- @@ -17,13 +17,17 @@ Uruguay is a small country on the Atlantic coast of [[South America]], bordered ### Tupamaro Movement and CIA -The [[Tupamaro]] (Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional, MLN) urban guerrilla movement emerged in Uruguay in the early 1960s and conducted high-profile kidnappings and bank robberies through the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Tupamaros' operations became a training case study for both the CIA and the U.S. Agency for International Development's Office of Public Safety (OPS), which trained Latin American police forces in counterinsurgency techniques that often included torture. +The [[Tupamaro]] (Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional, MLN) urban guerrilla movement emerged in Uruguay in the early 1960s and conducted high-profile kidnappings and bank robberies through the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Tupamaros' operations became a training case study for both the CIA and the [[Agency for International Development|U.S. Agency for International Development's]] Office of Public Safety (OPS), which trained Latin American police forces in counterinsurgency techniques that often included torture. -Dan Mitrione, an OPS adviser stationed in Montevideo, was kidnapped by the Tupamaros in August 1970 and killed when the Uruguayan government refused to release prisoners. The Mitrione case brought international attention to the U.S. public safety program's role in supporting torture training; it was dramatized in Constantin Costa-Gavras's 1972 film *State of Siege*.[^2] +[[Dan Mitrione]], an OPS adviser stationed in Montevideo, was kidnapped by the Tupamaros in August 1970 and killed when the Uruguayan government refused to release prisoners. The Mitrione case brought international attention to the U.S. public safety program's role in supporting torture training; it was dramatized in Constantin Costa-Gavras's 1972 film *State of Siege*.[^2] + +On August 11, 1970 Representative [[Gerald R. Ford]] told the House that the death Monday of an American citizen in Montevideo "at the hands of Communist terrorists" was "a senseless, savage, cowardly act." Ford commended [[Byron Engle]], the director of the Office of Public Safety in AID, for "the leading role he played in this effort" to secure Mitrione's release.[^3] The Tupamaros had demanded the release of 150 imprisoned Tupamaros; the government of President [[Jorge Pacheco Areco]] stated that it could not release them, and Mitrione's body was found on Monday, August 10, 1970.[^4] + +[[A. J. Langguth]] wrote in Hidden Terrors (1978) that the Montevideo police were torturing prisoners with a rudimentary electric needle from Argentina when Mitrione arrived, that Mitrione arranged newer needles which a Uruguayan police officer understood to have come in through the embassy's diplomatic pouch, and that the police commissioner [[Alejandro Otero]] was told by a detainee that Mitrione had watched and assisted at an interrogation.[^4] [[Manuel Hevia Cosculluela]], a Cuban who had worked alongside Mitrione in Montevideo, wrote in Pasaporte 11333 (Havana, 1978) that beggars from the outskirts of Montevideo and a woman were used in a demonstration of electric shock and drugs for Uruguayan police, and that "the four of them died"; in a statement reported in The New York Times of August 5, 1978 he said that Mitrione had personally tortured four beggars to death.[^5] The AID public safety program in Uruguay began in 1964 and was phased out in August 1974.[^6] ### Military Dictatorship and Condor -The military coup of June 27, 1973, dissolved the Uruguayan parliament and established a civilian government under military control that shifted to outright military rule in 1976. Uruguay became a founding member of [[Operation Condor]] at the November 1975 Santiago meeting. Uruguayan intelligence (OCOA, Organismo Coordinador de Operaciones Antisubversivas) participated in Phase I and Phase II Condor operations, tracking and returning Uruguayan opponents who had fled to [[Argentina]], [[Chile]], and other Condor partner states. +The military coup of June 27, 1973, dissolved the Uruguayan parliament and established a civilian government under military control that shifted to outright military rule in 1976. Uruguay became a founding member of Operation Condor at the November 1975 Santiago meeting. Uruguayan intelligence (OCOA, Organismo Coordinador de Operaciones Antisubversivas) participated in Phase I and Phase II Condor operations, tracking and returning Uruguayan opponents who had fled to Argentina, [[Chile]], and other Condor partner states. The assassination in [[Buenos Aires]] on May 20, 1976, of former Uruguayan Senators Zelmar Michelini and Hector Gutierrez Ruiz - both abducted and killed by a joint Argentine-Uruguayan Condor team - was among the most prominent Phase II operations. Their murders occurred shortly after the Argentine coup of March 1976, when the new Argentine junta's expanded cooperation with Condor created the conditions for such operations.[^1] @@ -35,3 +39,7 @@ The military government negotiated a return to civilian rule. Julio Maria Sangui [^1]: "Uruguay," *Encyclopaedia Britannica.* https://www.britannica.com/place/Uruguay [^2]: McSherry, J. Patrice. *Predatory States: Operation Condor and Covert War in Latin America.* Rowman & Littlefield, 2005. +[^3]: Gerald R. Ford, House floor statement, August 11, 1970, "House Speech Assassination of Dan Mitrione, August 11, 1970," Ford Congressional Papers, Press Secretary and Speech File, Box D30, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/document/0054/4526305.pdf +[^4]: A. J. Langguth, Hidden Terrors: The Truth About U.S. Police Operations in Latin America (New York: Pantheon, 1978), account of Mitrione's Montevideo posting (the Tupamaro demand for 150 prisoners, the discovery of the body on Monday, August 10, 1970, the electric needles, and the Otero complaint). +[^5]: Manuel Hevia Cosculluela, Pasaporte 11333: Ocho años con la CIA (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1978), pp. 284-287; Hevia's later statement reported in The New York Times, August 5, 1978, p. 3. +[^6]: U.S. General Accounting Office, Stopping U.S. Assistance to Foreign Police and Prisons, Report ID-76-5 to the Congress by the Comptroller General of the United States, February 19, 1976, chapters 1 and 3. https://www.gao.gov/assets/id-76-5.pdf diff --git a/60 - PLACES/LANDMARKS/Skinwalker Ranch.md b/60 - PLACES/LANDMARKS/Skinwalker Ranch.md index 55c6267c..bd47cd6f 100644 --- a/60 - PLACES/LANDMARKS/Skinwalker Ranch.md +++ b/60 - PLACES/LANDMARKS/Skinwalker Ranch.md @@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags: - Paranormal category: "Landmark" summary: "Skinwalker Ranch is a 480-acre property in Utah known for a long history of paranormal and Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena-related events." -updated: 2026-10-09 +updated: 2026-10-12 --- [[Skinwalker Ranch]] is a 480-acre property in [[Utah]] known for a long history of paranormal and [[Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena|UAP]]-related events. The ranch was a subject of investigation for the [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]] (AAWSAP), the precursor to the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program (AATIP).[^1] @@ -31,13 +31,18 @@ One of the most dangerous phenomena reported at the ranch are the blue orbs. In The investigation of Skinwalker Ranch was a controversial aspect of the AATIP program. While program leader [[James Lacatski]] believed that the paranormal events at the ranch were inextricably linked to the UAP mystery, the focus on such phenomena drew criticism from within the [[Pentagon]] and contributed to the internal opposition that ultimately led to the program losing its official support.[^1] +### Kelleher's 1997 Account + +On the night of March 12, 1997, after the ranch had been sold, [[Colm Kelleher]], working with Robert Bigelow's National Institute for Discovery Science, reported seeing a large humanoid creature watching the research team from a tree perch about 20 feet off the ground and about 50 yards away. He describes it in [[Hunt for the Skinwalker]] as "the large creature that lay motionless, almost casually, in the tree." After he fired a rifle at it the creature disappeared, and he found "a single, obvious oval track about six inches in diameter embedded deeply in the patch of snow."[^3] + ### Hunt for the Skinwalker -The 2018 documentary [[Hunt for the Skinwalker]], written and directed by [[Jeremy Corbell]], is listed on [[IMDb]] with a publication date of September 11, 2018. Its promotional description says that "An exhaustive, multidisciplinary scientific study began in 1996, spearheaded by an enigmatic Las Vegas billionaire," and the cast list includes [[George Knapp]], [[Colm Kelleher]] and Robert Bigelow.[^3] The [[United States Copyright Office]] catalog lists the book Hunt for the Skinwalker (TX0006340176, registered April 27, 2006, first published November 15, 2005) with Kelleher and Knapp as claimants.[^4] +The 2018 documentary Hunt for the Skinwalker, written and directed by [[Jeremy Corbell]], is listed on [[IMDb]] with a publication date of September 11, 2018. Its promotional description says that "An exhaustive, multidisciplinary scientific study began in 1996, spearheaded by an enigmatic Las Vegas billionaire," and the cast list includes [[George Knapp]], Colm Kelleher and Robert Bigelow.[^4] The [[United States Copyright Office]] catalog lists the book Hunt for the Skinwalker (TX0006340176, registered April 27, 2006, first published November 15, 2005) with Kelleher and Knapp as claimants.[^5] ### Footnotes [^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024. [^2]: Zack Van Eyck, "No UFOs or ETs have dropped in at spooky ranch," *The Uintah Basin Standard* (Roosevelt, Utah; reprinted from the *Deseret News*), April 29, 1997, p. 2, https://www.newspapers.com/image/725294178/. -[^3]: IMDb title page for Hunt for the Skinwalker (tt8399718), Internet Archive snapshot of 2019 (director and writer credits, publication date 2018-09-11, promotional description, cast list). https://web.archive.org/web/2019/https://www.imdb.com/title/tt8399718/ -[^4]: U.S. Copyright Office Public Records System, registration TX0006340176. https://publicrecords.copyright.gov/ +[^3]: Adam Janos, "Skinwalker Ranch," History.com, quoting Kelleher's account of March 12, 1997 from Hunt for the Skinwalker. https://www.history.com/articles/skinwalker-ranch-paranormal-ufos-mutilation +[^4]: IMDb title page for Hunt for the Skinwalker (tt8399718), Internet Archive snapshot of 2019 (director and writer credits, publication date 2018-09-11, promotional description, cast list). https://web.archive.org/web/2019/https://www.imdb.com/title/tt8399718/ +[^5]: U.S. Copyright Office Public Records System, registration TX0006340176. https://publicrecords.copyright.gov/ diff --git a/60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Wright-Patterson Air Force Base.md b/60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Wright-Patterson Air Force Base.md index 7b35938d..34f842ae 100644 --- a/60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Wright-Patterson Air Force Base.md +++ b/60 - PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Wright-Patterson Air Force Base.md @@ -240,7 +240,7 @@ NAMRU-D houses the [[Environmental Health Effects Laboratory]] and NAMRL.[^2] [[ [^24]: James McAndrew, *The Roswell Report: Case Closed* (U.S. Air Force, 1997), Project Gutenberg ebook 63659, https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/63659/pg63659-images.html [^25]: Thomas J. Carey and Donald R. Schmitt, *Inside the Real Area 51: The Secret History of Wright-Patterson* (Career Press, 2013), chapter 2, "The Mystery of Hangar 18 Solved!" and chapter 5, "The Senator and the Blue Room," citing "Statement by Barry Goldwater Concerning UFOs," Larry King Radio Show, October 13, 1988, and the Larry King Live broadcast of October 1, 1994. [^26]: Timothy Good, *Above Top Secret: The Worldwide UFO Cover-Up* (New York: William Morrow, 1988), chapter 15, "Senator Goldwater Confirms Withheld UFO Data," pp. 404 to 405, reproducing Barry Goldwater's letters to Shlomo Arnon (March 28, 1975) and to Lee Graham (April 11, 1979 and October 19, 1981). -[^27]: George Knapp, written testimony, Committee on Oversight and Accountability, hearing "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena," September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf +[^27]: George Knapp, written testimony (headed Hearing on "Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena"), House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, hearing "Restoring Public Trust Through UAP Transparency and Whistleblower Protection," Serial No. 119-44, September 9, 2025, https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/George-Knapp-Written-Testimony.pdf [^28]: AFOSI Form 96, file 8017D93-0/29, "Kirtland AFB, NM, 8 Aug - 3 Sep 80, Alleged Sightings of Unidentified Aerial Lights in Restricted Test Range," transmittal date October 28, 1980, signed Thomas A. Cseh, Appendix E, pp. 93 to 94, in William L. Moore and Jaime H. Shandera, *The MJ-12 Documents: An Analytical Report* (Fund for UFO Research, 1990), http://www.openminds.tv/wp-content/uploads/S1-Bennewitz-AFOSI-Visit-Oct-80.pdf [^29]: Greg Bishop and Richard Doty, *Coast to Coast AM* with host Art Bell, broadcast of February 27, 2005, transcript, http://www.openminds.tv/wp-content/uploads/S5-Greg-Bishop-and-Richard-Doty-Coast-to-Coast-AM-with-host-Art-Bell-Interview-Transcript.pdf [^30]: Alejandro Rojas, "Open letter to the U.S. Air Force regarding allegations of UFO disinformation," Open Minds, May 6, 2014, https://openminds.tv/open-letter-u-s-air-force-allegations-ufo-disinformation/ diff --git a/70 - DISPATCHES/2026-10-12 The Creation of an Incident.md b/70 - DISPATCHES/2026-10-12 The Creation of an Incident.md new file mode 100644 index 00000000..6fd65299 --- /dev/null +++ b/70 - DISPATCHES/2026-10-12 The Creation of an Incident.md @@ -0,0 +1,29 @@ +--- +title: "The Creation of an Incident" +date: 2026-10-12 +status: published +summary: "Nine days after the Bay of Pigs the Joint Chiefs recommended a staged incident to justify overthrowing Castro, eleven months before Northwoods." +entities: + - "[[Joint Chiefs of Staff]]" + - "[[Operation NORTHWOODS]]" + - "[[Robert S. McNamara]]" + - "[[Arleigh Burke]]" + - "[[Lyman Lemnitzer]]" + - "[[Edward Lansdale]]" + - "[[Operation Mongoose]]" + - "[[Fidel Castro]]" +tags: + - Cuba + - JointChiefsOfStaff + - Northwoods + - FalseFlag +--- +# The Creation of an Incident + +On April 26, 1961, nine days after the landing at the Bay of Pigs, the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] sent Secretary of Defense [[Robert S. McNamara]] memorandum JCSM-278-61, "Cuba." It recommended a military plan to overthrow the [[Fidel Castro|Castro]] government and pointed to Operation Plan 312-61, "which has previously been reviewed and approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff." It continued: "One action that is recommended is the creation of an incident which will provide justification for the overthrow of the Castro government by the United States. Such an incident must be carefully planned and handled, to insure that it is plausible and that it occurs prior to any indication that the United States has decided to take military action against Cuba. Premature exposure of the fact that the incident was created by the United States could cause a shift in sentiment by the Cuban people against the United States." Earle G. Wheeler signed for the Joint Chiefs above the typed name of [[Arleigh Burke]].[^1] + +On March 5, 1962 the Chief of Operations of the Cuba Project under [[Edward Lansdale]] asked the Joint Chiefs for pretexts. On March 8 the chief of naval operations sent the chairman a memorandum titled "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba."[^2] On March 13 [[Lyman Lemnitzer]] signed the reply, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba," which became known as [[Operation NORTHWOODS|Northwoods]]. Its annex listed incidents around Guantanamo, a "Remember the Maine" incident, and a chartered airliner to be replaced at Eglin Air Force Base by a duplicate drone. The Joint Chiefs recommended that responsibility "for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff."[^3] + +[^1]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, JCSM-278-61, "Cuba," April 26, 1961, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, document 178. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d178 +[^2]: Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, memorandum for General Craig, "Operation MONGOOSE," March 5, 1962, and Chief of Naval Operations, memorandum for the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, "Instances to Provoke Military Actions in Cuba (TS)," March 8, 1962, both cited in JCS 1969/321. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf +[^3]: Joint Chiefs of Staff, JCS 1969/321, memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, "Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)," March 13, 1962, signed by L. L. Lemnitzer, with Enclosure A and annex "Pretexts to Justify US Military Intervention in Cuba." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/news/20010430/northwoods.pdf