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@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ Berlinguer proposed the "historic compromise" (compromesso storico) in a series
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The historic compromise envisioned collaboration between the PCI and the [[Democrazia Cristiana]], bringing the communists - with their massive organizational base in the Italian working class and the unions - into effective partnership with the dominant Christian Democratic governing party. This arrangement, if realized, would have represented the first communist participation in government in a NATO Western European country since the early Cold War consolidation ended communist ministerial participation in France and Italy in 1947.[^2]
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The kidnapping and murder of [[Aldo Moro]] in 1978 by the [[Brigate Rosse]] destroyed the political conditions for the compromise. Berlinguer himself, in the painful position of leading a party that had supported the government's refusal to negotiate for Moro's release, subsequently moved the PCI away from the compromise strategy.
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The kidnapping and murder of [[Aldo Moro]] in 1978 by the [[Brigate Rosse]] destroyed the political conditions for the compromise. Berlinguer himself, in the painful position of leading a party that had supported [[Giulio Andreotti]]'s government's refusal to negotiate for Moro's release, subsequently moved the PCI away from the compromise strategy.
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### Relationship with Moro
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@ -23,13 +23,13 @@ location: "Sassari, Sardinia, Italy"
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summary: "Francesco Cossiga was Italy's Interior Minister during the Aldo Moro kidnapping in 1978 who resigned after Moro's murder, Prime Minister during the Bologna railway station bombing in 1980, and President of the Republic from 1985 to 1992, who became an increasingly outspoken whistleblower on Gladio and Italian intelligence secrets in his final years."
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---
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Francesco Cossiga was born on July 26, 1928, in Sassari, Sardinia - a birthplace shared with Enrico Berlinguer, his PCI counterpart. A Democrazia Cristiana politician and close personal friend of [[Aldo Moro]], he served as Interior Minister (1976-1978), Prime Minister (1979-1980), President of the Senate (1983-1985), and President of the Italian Republic (1985-1992). He died in Rome on August 17, 2010.[^1]
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Francesco Cossiga was born on July 26, 1928, in Sassari, Sardinia - a birthplace shared with [[Enrico Berlinguer]], his PCI counterpart. A [[Democrazia Cristiana]] politician and close personal friend of [[Aldo Moro]], he served as Interior Minister (1976-1978), Prime Minister (1979-1980), President of the Senate (1983-1985), and President of the Italian Republic (1985-1992). He died in Rome on August 17, 2010.[^1]
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### Interior Minister and the Moro Kidnapping
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Cossiga was Interior Minister - and therefore directly responsible for the police and security services - when Moro was kidnapped on March 16, 1978. The catastrophic failure of the investigation, including the notorious non-search of the Via Gradoli safe house where the Red Brigades held operational facilities, occurred under his authority. The address of Via Gradoli - which had been specifically suggested to investigators - was not searched through conventional police work; it was eventually disclosed after a medium at a seance reportedly provided the address.
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Cossiga was Interior Minister - and therefore directly responsible for the police and security services - when Moro was kidnapped on March 16, 1978. The catastrophic failure of the investigation, including the notorious non-search of the Via Gradoli safe house where the [[Brigate Rosse|Red Brigades]] held operational facilities, occurred under his authority. The address of Via Gradoli - which had been specifically suggested to investigators - was not searched through conventional police work; it was eventually disclosed after a medium at a seance reportedly provided the address.
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Cossiga was a personal friend of Moro and a member of the government that maintained the refusal to negotiate for his release. When Moro's body was found on May 9, 1978, Cossiga resigned as Interior Minister, accepting personal responsibility for the investigation's failures. His resignation, genuinely painful rather than tactical, was the act that established his subsequent reputation as a person who accepted accountability in Italian politics in a way most of his colleagues did not.[^1]
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Cossiga was a personal friend of Moro and a member of [[Giulio Andreotti]]'s government that maintained the refusal to negotiate for his release. When Moro's body was found on May 9, 1978, Cossiga resigned as Interior Minister, accepting personal responsibility for the investigation's failures. His resignation, genuinely painful rather than tactical, was the act that established his subsequent reputation as a person who accepted accountability in Italian politics in a way most of his colleagues did not.[^1]
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### Prime Minister and Bologna
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@ -36,7 +36,7 @@ His political method was characterized by extreme patience, deliberate ambiguity
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As Prime Minister in March-May 1978, Andreotti faced the [[Brigate Rosse|Red Brigades]] kidnapping of [[Aldo Moro]], who had been Andreotti's political patron and was traveling to parliament that morning to present the new Andreotti government - whose formation had required PCI agreement, the practical realization of the "historic compromise." Andreotti's government maintained an absolute refusal to negotiate for Moro's release, a position that held despite Moro's letters pleading for negotiation and despite the advocacy of the [[Italian Socialist Party|Socialists]] under Bettino Craxi.
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The refusal was justified as a constitutional principle that the state could not bargain with terrorists. Critics then and since have noted that Andreotti had strong personal and political reasons to prefer Moro's death to his release: Moro was the DC's most credible voice for engagement with the [[Italian Communist Party|PCI]], and his captivity letters, which grew increasingly critical of DC colleagues, would have been devastating to party cohesion if Moro had survived to develop them into public statements.[^2]
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The refusal was justified as a constitutional principle that the state could not bargain with terrorists. Critics then and since have noted that Andreotti had strong personal and political reasons to prefer Moro's death to his release: Moro was the DC's most credible voice for engagement with the [[Italian Communist Party|PCI]] under [[Enrico Berlinguer]], and his captivity letters, which grew increasingly critical of DC colleagues, would have been devastating to party cohesion if Moro had survived to develop them into public statements.[^2]
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### Gladio Disclosure
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@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ As the war ended, Gelli demonstrated the opportunism that would characterize his
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### Post-War Intelligence Relationships
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Through the late 1940s and 1950s, Gelli developed relationships with Italian military intelligence (SIFAR, later reorganized as SISMI), with American intelligence through CIA contacts in Rome, and with Argentine intelligence - he traveled to Argentina repeatedly and developed relationships with figures in both the Peron government and its successors, later facilitating the flight of Italians to Argentina and other South American countries. His Argentine connections would prove useful when he needed to flee Italy after 1981.[^1]
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Through the late 1940s and 1950s, Gelli developed relationships with Italian military intelligence ([[SISMI|SIFAR, later reorganized as SID and then SISMI]]), with American intelligence through CIA contacts in Rome, and with Argentine intelligence - he traveled to Argentina repeatedly and developed relationships with figures in both the Peron government and its successors, later facilitating the flight of Italians to Argentina and other South American countries. His Argentine connections would prove useful when he needed to flee Italy after 1981.[^1]
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Gelli was admitted to Masonry through conventional channels and joined the Propaganda Due lodge in 1963, becoming its Venerable Master in 1967. He subsequently expanded the lodge's membership far beyond its original hundred-odd members, recruiting throughout the Italian security establishment, banking sector, political class, and media.
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@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ His connections extended internationally. He was reportedly in contact with CIA
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### Exposure and Flight
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On March 17, 1981, officers of the Italian Finance Police raided Gelli's villa in Arezzo in the course of an investigation into the bankruptcy of Banco Ambrosiano and the affairs of [[Roberto Calvi]]. In a filing cabinet at the villa they discovered a list of 962 current P2 members, along with extensive files documenting the lodge's finances and activities.
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On March 17, 1981, officers of the Italian Finance Police raided Gelli's villa in Arezzo in the course of an investigation into the bankruptcy of [[Banco Ambrosiano]] and the affairs of [[Roberto Calvi]]. In a filing cabinet at the villa they discovered a list of 962 current P2 members, along with extensive files documenting the lodge's finances and activities.
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The membership list was turned over to Prime Minister Arnaldo Forlani, who disclosed its contents to Parliament in May 1981. The disclosure produced an immediate political crisis: the heads of all three intelligence services resigned, as did several Cabinet ministers whose names appeared on the list. Parliament passed a law dissolving secret associations, specifically targeting P2, in January 1982.
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