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@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ aliases:
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- Felix Ramos
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- Félix Ramos Medina
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created: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-10-05
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updated: 2026-10-14
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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@ -119,11 +119,11 @@ On July 29, 1986 Watson noted a whispered message from North at a White House me
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Rodriguez was in Miami on October 5, 1986 when the Enterprise C-123K carrying [[Eugene Hasenfus]] was shot down over Nicaragua. He telephoned the Office of the Vice President that night; Watson's notes of October 6 record "C-123 = Ollie's." Gregg's immediate assumption, he testified, was that the plane belonged to the operation Rodriguez had described in August.[^3] On October 9, Hasenfus named "Max Gomez" and "Ramon Medina" as CIA employees who oversaw housing, transportation, refueling and flight plans, and on October 10 *The San Francisco Examiner* reported that Gomez had been placed at Ilopango by Gregg after being introduced to Bush. Bush's press office said no one on the Vice President's staff was directing an operation in Central America. On October 11 Bush said "I know Felix Gomez," acknowledged meeting him twice, in January 1985 and May 1986, and said they discussed only El Salvador.[^3]
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On October 10, 1986 [[Clair George]] and Fiers briefed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the committee memorandum records the statement that it "appeared possible that Gomez was an alias used by a former Agency contact," with identifying information to follow; later that day Fiers briefed House intelligence committee staff on Rodriguez, and the staff memorandum records that he explained it might appear Rodriguez was still working for the CIA because "they used a house." Abrams told the House intelligence committee on October 14 that Gregg had introduced Rodriguez to the Salvadorans in about 1984. Gregg sent the CIA buttons reading "Who is Max Gomez?" and "I'm Max Gomez."[^4][^9][^3] On October 13 Gregg cabled Corr that Rodriguez intended to keep a low profile in Miami and suggested Steele keep him informed, and on October 16 a note by [[Charles Hill]], aide to Secretary of State [[George Shultz]], recorded Abrams saying "A yr ago Pdx + Ollie told VP staff stop protecting FR as a friend."[^3] George was charged with falsely denying before Congress that he knew the true identity of Max Gomez.[^10] Kerry's staff had already written on October 14, 1986 that Max Gomez was "managing contra supply operations out of Ilopango having allegedly been placed there by NSC."[^11]
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On October 10, 1986 [[Clair George]] and Fiers briefed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the committee memorandum records the statement that it "appeared possible that Gomez was an alias used by a former Agency contact," with identifying information to follow; later that day Fiers briefed House intelligence committee staff on Rodriguez, and the staff memorandum records that he explained it might appear Rodriguez was still working for the CIA because "they used a house." Abrams told the House intelligence committee on October 14 that Gregg had introduced Rodriguez to the Salvadorans in about 1984. Abrams added that the Vice President was aware of Rodriguez's involvement with the Salvadoran Air Force, but that there was no knowledge that Rodriguez had moved on to activities on behalf of the contras.[^9] Gregg sent the CIA buttons reading "Who is Max Gomez?" and "I'm Max Gomez."[^3][^4][^10] On October 13 Gregg cabled Corr that Rodriguez intended to keep a low profile in Miami and suggested Steele keep him informed, and on October 16 a note by [[Charles Hill]], aide to Secretary of State [[George Shultz]], recorded Abrams saying "A yr ago Pdx + Ollie told VP staff stop protecting FR as a friend."[^3] George was charged with falsely denying before Congress that he knew the true identity of Max Gomez.[^11] Kerry's staff had already written on October 14, 1986 that Max Gomez was "managing contra supply operations out of Ilopango having allegedly been placed there by NSC."[^12]
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### Ramon Milian Rodriguez
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In a June 25, 1987 closed session of the Kerry subcommittee, [[Ramon Milian Rodriguez]], a Medellin Cartel money launderer, testified that at a meeting arranged by the Miami private detective Raoul Diaz he offered Felix Rodriguez drug money for the contras and help entrapping the [[Sandinistas]] in a drug sting, in return for dropping charges against him, and that $10 million was provided through couriers. Felix Rodriguez strenuously denied this and said he reported the offer to the FBI and CIA, which took no action; Diaz refused a subpoena, and the subcommittee could not resolve the difference.[^12]
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In a June 25, 1987 closed session of the Kerry subcommittee, [[Ramon Milian Rodriguez]], a Medellin Cartel money launderer, testified that at a meeting arranged by the Miami private detective Raoul Diaz he offered Felix Rodriguez drug money for the contras and help entrapping the [[Sandinistas]] in a drug sting, in return for dropping charges against him, and that $10 million was provided through couriers. Felix Rodriguez strenuously denied this and said he reported the offer to the FBI and CIA, which took no action; Diaz refused a subpoena, and the subcommittee could not resolve the difference.[^13]
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### Ilopango and cocaine
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@ -134,6 +134,7 @@ In *Dark Alliance* Webb wrote that Enrique Miranda, a former aide to [[Norwin Me
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The Independent Counsel investigated Gregg and Watson for false testimony about their knowledge of Rodriguez's role. Walsh's final report stated that despite unresolved conflicts between documents and testimony, the Independent Counsel could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt a criminal case against Gregg, and that Watson's immunized grand jury testimony in 1991 and 1992 did not advance the inquiry. The same report notes that Bush said in March 1987 Gregg had "forgotten" the August 8 meeting.[^3] Gregg was confirmed as ambassador to South Korea on September 12, 1989.[^3] Rodriguez later published *Shadow Warrior* (1989, with John Weisman), a source the Independent Counsel cited for his 1985 movements.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Doyle McManus and William R. Long, "Crash Puts Shadow Warrior in Spotlight," *Los Angeles Times*, October 16, 1986 (copy in CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP90-00965R000504130024-6). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000504130024-6
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[^2]: CIA Inspector General, memorandum for the Deputy Inspector General, "Interview of [redacted] concerning his assignment to Bolivia in 1967 and his role in the capture of Ernesto 'Che' Guevara de la Serna," June 3, 1975 (CIA Historical Review Program), published with a summary in Peter Kornbluh, ed., "The Death of Che Guevara: Declassified," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 5, 1997, document 15. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB5/docs/doc15.pdf and https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB5/index.html (The memorandum's name fields are redacted and its scan is poorly legible; the identification with Rodriguez is the National Security Archive's.)
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[^3]: Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters (Lawrence E. Walsh, August 4, 1993), chapter 29, "Donald P. Gregg" (citing Gregg, Rodriguez, North, Watson, Fiers and Abrams grand jury and Select Committee testimony, North's notebooks, Office of the Vice President chronology of December 15, 1986, and CIA and State cables), and chapter 25, "United States v. Elliott Abrams" (Hill note of October 16, 1986; Abrams HPSCI testimony of October 14, 1986). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_29.htm and https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm
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@ -142,7 +143,8 @@ The Independent Counsel investigated Gregg and Watson for false testimony about
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[^6]: Walsh, chapter 17, "United States v. Clair E. George" (Rodriguez based at Ilopango and coordinating North's weapons shipments; NHAO flights and lethal resupply "indistinguishable"). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_17.htm
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[^7]: Walsh, chapter 14, "Other Money Matters" (fuel fund deposits by Posada and Rodriguez), https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_14.htm, and chapter 8, "The Enterprise and Its Finances" (Posada, alias Ramon Medina, closing out the Ilopango operation after the shootdown), https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_08.htm
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[^8]: Walsh, chapter 19, "United States v. Alan D. Fiers, Jr." (Rodriguez, the C-123K flight from Miami, PRT-250 conversation of August 6, 1986; August 12, 1986 meeting in Gregg's office), and chapter 21, "CIA Subject #1" (Fiers at Ilopango, February 1986). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_19.htm and https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_21.htm
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[^9]: CIA Office of Congressional Affairs, memorandum for the record, "Briefing on the C-123 Crash in Nicaragua: Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 10 October," OCA 86-3575, October 10, 1986, paragraphs 14 and 16. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-00788192
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[^10]: Walsh, chapter 17. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_17.htm
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[^11]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (Committee Print, December 1988), chronology (entry for October 14, 1986). https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
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[^12]: Kerry report, section "Ramon Milian Rodriguez and Felix Rodriguez" (Milian Rodriguez, closed session, June 25, 1987). https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
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[^9]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 29, "Donald P. Gregg," text and n. 137 (Abrams, HPSCI testimony, October 14, 1986, pp. 23 to 24). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_29.htm
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[^10]: CIA Office of Congressional Affairs, memorandum for the record, "Briefing on the C-123 Crash in Nicaragua: Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 10 October," OCA 86-3575, October 10, 1986, paragraphs 14 and 16. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-00788192
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[^11]: Walsh, chapter 17. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_17.htm
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[^12]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (Committee Print, December 1988), chronology (entry for October 14, 1986). https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
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[^13]: Kerry report, section "Ramon Milian Rodriguez and Felix Rodriguez" (Milian Rodriguez, closed session, June 25, 1987). https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
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@ -1,11 +1,13 @@
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---
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created: 2026-05-15
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updated: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-10-14
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title: Gamal Abdel Nasser
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aliases:
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- Gamal Abdel Nasser
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- Nasser
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- Gamal Abdel Nasir
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- Gamal Abdul Nasser
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- Nasser
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- Nasir
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category: "Political Figure"
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tags:
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- Person
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@ -14,42 +16,158 @@ tags:
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- PanArabism
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- ColdWar
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- SuezCrisis
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- SixDayWar
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- Yemen
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- FreeOfficers
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- Soviet
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- CIA
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- Mossad
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- MI6
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- LavonAffair
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- 1950s
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- 1960s
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- 1970s
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summary: "Gamal Abdel Nasser was the second president of Egypt (1956-1970), the dominant figure of Arab nationalism and the Non-Aligned Movement, whose nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 triggered the tripartite Anglo-French-Israeli invasion and whose death from a heart attack in 1970 was reportedly predicted by Uri Geller during a Tel Aviv telepathy demonstration."
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summary: "Gamal Abdel Nasser was Egypt's president from 1956 to 1970, whose nationalization of the Suez Canal and closure of the Strait of Tiran preceded the 1956 and 1967 wars."
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born: 1918-01-15
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died: 1970-09-28
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location: "Alexandria, Egypt"
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relations:
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- type: head_of
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with: "[[Egypt]]"
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role: "President"
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start: 1956
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end: 1970
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fn: 1
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- type: participant_in
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with: "[[Suez Crisis]]"
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role: "Egyptian head of state"
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start: 1956-07-26
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end: 1956-11-07
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fn: 1
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- type: participant_in
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with: "[[Bandung Conference]]"
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start: 1955-04-18
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end: 1955-04-24
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fn: 17
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---
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Gamal Abdel Nasser (January 15, 1918 - September 28, 1970) was the second president of [[Egypt]], serving from 1956 until his death. A founding member of the Free Officers movement that overthrew King Farouk in 1952, Nasser became the dominant figure in Arab nationalism and the Non-Aligned Movement during the [[Cold War]]. His presidency was defined by the nationalization of the [[Suez Canal]], the 1956 tripartite war with Israel, Britain, and France, and Egypt's shifting alliance from the West to the Soviet bloc.[^1]
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Gamal Abdel Nasser (January 15, 1918 to September 28, 1970) was the second president of [[Egypt]], serving from 1956 until his death. A founding member of the [[Free Officers Movement]] that overthrew King [[Farouk]] in 1952, Nasser became the dominant figure in Arab nationalism and the [[Non-Aligned Movement]] during the [[Cold War]]. His presidency was defined by the nationalization of the [[Suez Canal]] in July 1956, the Anglo-French-Israeli war that followed, Egypt's move toward the Soviet bloc, and the wars with [[Israel]] of 1956 and 1967. [[Seymour Hersh|Hersh]] wrote that his promotion of Pan-Arabism, the idea of a unified Arab nation transcending existing state boundaries, alarmed Israel, which turned to the [[United States]] for diplomatic support, and that his ability to articulate Arab grievances against the colonial powers gave him a regional standing no other Arab leader of the period matched.[^1][^2]
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### Rise to Power and Pan-Arab Vision
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### Free Officers and the first American contacts
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Nasser emerged as premier in 1954 after the 1952 coup. His promotion of Pan-Arabism - the idea of a unified Arab nation transcending existing state boundaries - created concern in [[Israel]], which turned to the [[United States]] for diplomatic support in response to the growing regional challenge. Nasser's personal charisma and his ability to articulate Arab grievances against colonial powers gave him a regional standing no other Arab leader of the period matched.[^2]
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Copeland wrote in *The Game Player* that in late March 1952, four months before the coup that ousted King Farouk, Kermit Roosevelt and Nasser began a series of meetings, that Roosevelt first met a committee of officers far enough from the center of the movement to be expendable, and that a second meeting was attended by Nasser himself. Copeland wrote that he attended none of them, although he and a colleague waited in the hotel during the third, and that he wrote up the agreement Roosevelt and Nasser reached from Roosevelt's oral account. Of the second meeting he wrote that [[Mohamed Hassanein Heikal]] "can deny all he wants; it was documented and photographed."[^3]
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### Shift Toward Soviet Alliance
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Embassy officers in Cairo held a dinner meeting on October 11, 1952 with Lieutenant Colonel [[Gamal Abdel Nasir]], as the record spells his name, together with Major [[Hakim Amer]] and Major [[Salah Salem]], members of the Free Officers' military high committee; Ambassador [[Jefferson Caffery]] reported it the next day.[^4] On May 20, 1953 the Director of Central Intelligence, [[Allen Dulles]], told the [[National Security Council]] that the situation in Egypt had taken a critical turn, that the Soviets were assuring the Egyptian government of all possible support against the "Anglo-American imperialists", and that the British forces in the Suez area were "the last stronghold of the Western powers in the Middle East".[^5]
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After an Israeli military strike on an Egyptian military camp at [[Gaza]] in February 1955, Nasser began seeking arms outside Western channels. At the Bandung Conference of African and Asian nations in April 1955, he secured a promise of arms from Chinese premier Chou En-lai. Soviet delegations arrived in [[Cairo]] in July 1955, and by September Nasser announced Egypt would receive 200 Soviet bombers, 230 tanks, 200 troop carriers, and over 500 artillery pieces along with Soviet advisers - a deal that fundamentally altered the military balance in the [[Middle East]] and accelerated Egypt's move into the Soviet orbit.[^2]
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On May 12, 1953, Secretary of State [[John Foster Dulles]] met the Revolutionary Command Council representatives at the American embassy in Cairo. The notetakers recorded that from one point it was extremely difficult to take notes because the officers, Nasser in particular, spoke in low voices. Nasser said that "nobody" would now accept the statement that the British could be genuine allies of the Arabs.[^6] In June 1953 the military leadership announced that Egypt was a republic, with General [[Mohamed Naguib]] as president and premier and Nasser as vice premier and minister of the interior; Caffery reported the announcement on June 18.[^7] Later that month Nasser and Hakim Amer told the embassy that Egypt desired a complete interim arms purchase, and that their current interest was in "some showy items" to boost army morale and strengthen Amer's position as newly appointed commander in chief.[^8] Hersh wrote that Nasser emerged as premier in 1954 after the 1952 coup.[^2]
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### The Suez Crisis
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On September 27, 1954 representatives of the State Department, the Defense Department, the Foreign Operations Administration and the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] met in the Operations Coordinating Board's offices on military assistance to Egypt. The record states that "Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Bissell described briefly the situation in Egypt" (the CIA's [[Kermit Roosevelt]] and [[Richard Bissell]]); the group proposed that someone get in touch with Colonel Nasir about up to $10 million for purchases of American military supplies. A memorandum of the following day by Deputy Assistant Secretary [[Joseph Jernegan]] states that there was "some merit in the CIA argument that Nasir genuinely believes we are committed to give him some military help" and that he "can be very useful to us in the Near Eastern picture if properly supported and cultivated".[^9]
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In July 1956 Nasser nationalized the [[Suez Canal]], which had been controlled by a British-French corporation. Britain, France, and Israel conducted secret planning and launched a coordinated invasion in October 1956 - Israel attacking the Sinai while British and French forces seized the Canal Zone. U.S. President Eisenhower, furious at being excluded from the planning and fearing Soviet exploitation of the crisis, forced all three to withdraw. The outcome cemented Nasser's standing as a hero of decolonization and weakened British and French influence in the region dramatically.[^2]
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[[Miles Copeland]], a CIA officer, was a friend of Nasser and was known for his hostility to Israel. Copeland wrote in *The Game of Nations* that $3,000,000 in unvouchered funds was offered to Nasser as a "personal gift" over the doubts of Ambassador Jefferson Caffery, who told him that if anybody delivered the money to Nasser it would have to be Copeland. Copeland wrote that he told [[Hassan Touhami]], head of Nasser's bodyguard unit, that the sum was available if he wanted it, and that Touhami answered: "We can always find some use for $3,000,000. Let's see what it looks like." After obtaining Nasser's personal assurance that the money was acceptable, Copeland wrote, he drove two suitcases containing $3,000,000 in cash to Touhami's house in Ma'adi. Copeland wrote that Nasser received $2,999,990, and that Nasser used the money to build a tower on Gezira island, the [[Cairo Tower]], which Nasser's aides called, in Copeland's transliteration, "el wa'ef rusjel," roughly translatable as "Roosevelt's erection." Copeland wrote that Kermit Roosevelt had taken the lead in Washington in arguing for the offer, that the story leaked in July 1955, eight months after Nasser received the money, and that State Department officials who knew of it blamed Roosevelt because they thought he had tried to make a fool of Nasser, while Touhami and Nasser's other close associates saw the amount as an attempted bribe.[^10] Egyptian government documents published by Major General [[Adel Shaheen]] state that the American government gave Nasser between $1 million and $3 million as a "personal gift" and that Nasser, insulted, put the funds into the state treasury and spent them on the tower.[^11] Hersh wrote that the CIA's interest in Nasser fluctuated between viewing him as a potentially useful nationalist counterweight to Soviet influence and seeing him as a destabilizing force in a region critical to Western oil supply.[^2]
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### American Intelligence Connections
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### Operation Susannah and the Cairo trial
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Nasser maintained complex relationships with Western intelligence figures throughout his presidency. [[Miles Copeland]], a retired CIA officer, was a personal friend. Israeli intelligence believed Copeland was responsible for U.S. pressure on Israel, Britain, and France to withdraw from the Suez Canal area in 1956 and for pushing Israel to withdraw from Sinai. The CIA's interest in Nasser fluctuated between viewing him as a potentially useful nationalist counterweight to Soviet influence and seeing him as a destabilizing force in a region critical to Western oil supply.[^2]
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In the summer of 1954 Israeli military intelligence ran Operation Susannah (the [[Lavon Affair]]) in Egypt, recruiting Egyptian Jews to plant bombs in cinemas, libraries and American educational centers; the attacks were to be blamed on the Muslim Brotherhood and Egyptian Communists, at a time when Egypt was negotiating with Britain over the evacuation of the Suez Canal zone. After the operation failed, eleven Egyptian Jews were arrested. The trial in Egypt ran from December 11, 1954 to January 27, 1955; [[Moshe Marzouk]] and [[Shmuel Azar]] were sentenced to hanging, two defendants were acquitted, and six received long prison terms.[^12] The IDF Archives page states that [[Pinhas Lavon]], the defense minister, denied knowing of the operation, that Colonel [[Benjamin Gibli]], head of military intelligence, "claimed to have received a verbal instruction from Lavon", that Chief of Staff [[Moshe Dayan]] also blamed the defense minister, and that a two-member commission of inquiry appointed by Prime Minister [[Moshe Sharett]] "did not succeed in exposing the truth." Gibli and Major Motke Ben-Zur, commander of Unit 131, were dismissed and Lavon resigned in February 1955.[^12]
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### Death and the Uri Geller Incident
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On December 17, 1954 Israeli Ambassador [[Abba Eban]] told Acting Assistant Secretary Jernegan in Washington that the Alexandria trial of Jews charged with espionage was among the discouraging developments and "held serious dangers"; the State Department's reply, which Jernegan read from notes, was that the American ambassador in Cairo had informally told the Egyptian government that "handing down death sentences to the accused eleven Jews could seriously affect the security situation in the area."[^13] The Foreign Relations volume for 1955 records that the Supreme Military Tribunal, which had begun the trial of thirteen persons charged with spying for Israel on December 11, 1954, made public its sentences on January 27, 1955: of ten defendants present, two were sentenced to death, two acquitted and six sentenced to hard labor for terms from two years to life, and that Eban appealed to the United States for clemency the same day.[^14] On October 11, 1955 Eban told Assistant Secretary George Allen that Nasser "had promised that there would be no death sentences for the 'Zionist spies'" and that "Several of these people were then hanged", which he said played a major part in the Israeli raid on Gaza of February 28, 1955.[^15] On December 5, 1955 the American ambassador in Israel told the Israeli official Herzog that Israel in the summer of 1954 "for no good purpose had activated sabotage group in Egypt", that once Muslim Brotherhood members had been executed it was inevitable that some of the Jews would meet the same fate, and that the hanging of "Jewish spies" and the Bat Galim case had so inflamed Israeli opinion that the Gaza incident followed.[^16]
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Nasser died on September 28, 1970, from a heart attack after hosting the Arab League summit in Cairo. He was 52. His death was reportedly preceded by an unusual event: Israeli psychic [[Uri Geller]], performing a telepathy demonstration at the Tzavta Theater in [[Tel Aviv]], became physically ill during the performance and announced that Nasser "had just died or is about to die." Israeli journalist [[Ruth Hefer]], in the audience, immediately called her contact at Israel Radio International and was told there was no news about Nasser. Twenty minutes later, someone announced that Radio Cairo had confirmed Nasser's death from a heart attack.
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### Arms from the Soviet bloc and the Bandung Conference
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The incident was widely reported in Israel and significantly boosted Geller's local reputation. Prime Minister [[Golda Meir]] reportedly quipped, when asked about Israel's future, "Don't ask me... Ask Uri Geller." Nasser's successor was [[Anwar Sadat]], who charted a dramatically different course for Egyptian foreign policy, ultimately making peace with Israel through the 1978 Camp David Accords.[^1]
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Hersh wrote that after an Israeli raid on an Egyptian military camp at [[Gaza]] in February 1955, Nasser began seeking arms outside Western channels.[^2] The Asia-Africa Conference at [[Bandung]], Indonesia, was held from April 18 to 24, 1955.[^17] Hersh wrote that Nasser received a promise of arms from Chinese premier [[Chou En-lai]] at the conference.[^2]
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In May 1955 a U.S. government cable reported that Soviet Ambassador Daniil Solod had offered technical and economic assistance on May 23 and that Nasser, declining it, asked whether the USSR would barter heavy artillery for cotton. The cable described the arrangement, if finalized, as "the first sale of arms by the USSR outside the Soviet bloc since World War II."[^18] Hersh wrote that Soviet delegations arrived in [[Cairo]] in July 1955, and that by September 1955 Nasser had announced that Egypt would receive 200 Soviet bombers, 230 tanks, 200 troop carriers, and more than 500 artillery pieces, along with Soviet advisers, a deal that altered the military balance in the [[Middle East]] and drew Egypt toward the Soviet orbit.[^2] A State Department editorial note for a message of September 28, 1955 refers to Copeland's account, at pages 160 to 165 of The Game of Nations, of the circumstances in which the message reached the State Department.[^19]
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### Omega, the Aswan Dam offer and the Suez Canal
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On March 28, 1956 Dulles sent President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] a memorandum proposing that the United States adjust its Near East policies "to let Colonel Nasser realize that he cannot cooperate as he is doing with the Soviet Union and at the same time enjoy most-favored-nation treatment from the United States", avoiding for the time being "any open break", with planning "at once with a view to possibly more drastic action" if the courses did not work. Eisenhower approved it the same day.[^20] The State Department adopted the code name Omega for the handling of material on the policy; those personally informed of Omega by Dulles included Allen Dulles of the CIA.[^21] At an April 1, 1956 meeting at Dulles's residence with Sir Roger Makins, the British ambassador, Dulles proposed secret rather than public cooperation with the United Kingdom, delay of the International Bank's decision on the High [[Aswan Dam]], and winning King [[Saud]] away from Nasser; Makins said the British took a dimmer view of the chance of bringing Nasser around, and agreed that in the first phase "we ought to keep Nasser guessing."[^21]
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On July 19, 1956, Dulles told the Egyptian ambassador, [[Ahmed Hussein]], that "he had reluctantly come to the conclusion that it was not feasible at present for the United States to go forward with this undertaking" and that the foreign aid program had been injured more by the proposal to assist in financing the dam than by anything else.[^22]
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On July 26, 1956, in a broadcast from Alexandria, Nasser announced a presidential decree nationalizing the Suez Canal Company, whose existence rested on an Egyptian joint stock concession dating from the nineteenth century.[^1] At a conference with Eisenhower on July 27, Dulles said that there was "a note of desperation in Nasser's action, relating to the Aswan Dam."[^23] On July 29 Miles Copeland was among those present at a meeting on Suez at Dulles's home with Allen Dulles and other officials.[^24] At a July 31 meeting Treasury Secretary [[George Humphrey]] cited the danger that the United States might be pressed into agreeing to finance the dam in return for Nasser's giving up the canal, which he said could only build up his prestige; Dulles answered that "Nasser must be made to disgorge his theft."[^25] On August 13 Kermit Roosevelt attended a meeting on the Suez situation with Allen Dulles, [[Gordon Gray]], [[Arthur Flemming]], Humphrey and others, according to the Secretary's appointment book cited in the Foreign Relations volume.[^26]
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### British plans to kill Nasser
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|
||||
[[Stephen Dorril]] reported in 1985 that [[Anthony Nutting]], a minister of state at the [[Foreign Office]] who resigned over Suez, said on Channel 4's The End of Empire that Prime Minister [[Anthony Eden]] had telephoned him over an open line and shouted: "What is all this poppy-cock you have sent me about isolation and quarantining Nasser. Can't you understand...that I want Nasser murdered!" Dorril dates the call about six months before the invasion, and adds a Daily Telegraph report that Eden told the Foreign Office's senior civil servant, Sir [[Ivone Kirkpatrick]], the same.[^27] According to [[Chapman Pincher]], in collaboration with leaders of the [[Special Air Service]], a plan was drawn up to kill Nasser and his bodyguards with canisters of poison gas, which Eden vetoed; Dorril names former [[MI6]] head [[Maurice Oldfield]] as a possible source for Pincher.[^27] Dorril also relayed a second MI6 plan, under an officer named "Colonel Yarrow", to be carried out by Egyptian officers: the Egyptian Air Force intelligence chief [[Mahmoud Khalil]] was met by an MI6 contact in Rome in February 1957 and received £162,500 by November for a coup to restore the monarchy, and Nasser announced the "restoration plot" on December 23. Per the account Dorril cites, Khalil was never really working with the British.[^27] Dorril quotes [[Wilbur Crane Eveland]]'s Ropes of Sand on a drunk envoy of MI6 deputy director George Young at a Beirut meeting who said "Teams had been fielded to assassinate Nasser", and [[Anthony Verrier]]'s Through the Looking Glass for the claim that Eden ordered Nasser's assassination before leaving for Jamaica and that "the Prime Ministerial order was disobeyed."[^27] Andrew Kelly wrote that Eden worked on plans, "in conjunction with the British Secret Intelligence Service", to assassinate Nasser either covertly or through a large-scale invasion.[^28]
|
||||
|
||||
A September 5, 1956 document in the Foreign Relations volume states that the danger of assassination or other acts of individual terrorism against those suspected of undue partiality for the West would continue almost indefinitely.[^29] On October 9, 1956 Egyptian official Ali Sabry told Assistant Secretary [[William Rountree]] in New York that the Egyptian government had realized for some time that the British and French were actively seeking the downfall of the regime, and that recent actions of the United States, particularly the withdrawal of the Aswan Dam offer and the manner of it, had raised serious questions as to American intentions.[^30] Hersh wrote that Israeli intelligence believed Copeland was responsible for American pressure on Israel, Britain and France to withdraw from the Suez Canal area in 1956, and for pushing Israel to withdraw from Sinai.[^2] Hersh also wrote that Britain, France and Israel conducted secret planning and launched a coordinated invasion in October 1956, with Israeli forces attacking the Sinai while British and French forces seized the Canal Zone, and that Eisenhower, angry at being excluded from the planning and fearing Soviet exploitation of the crisis, forced all three to withdraw. He wrote that the outcome cemented Nasser's standing as a hero of decolonization and weakened British and French influence in the region.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### German scientists and the Egyptian rocket program
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ronen Bergman]]'s 2010 article "Killing the Killers" describes Nasser's July 1962 announcement of four successful missile tests, and an Egyptian plan to build some 900 missiles at a secret facility in the desert, Factory 333, staffed by German scientists. Egypt still needed the German scientists to begin mass production, and Bergman writes that the [[Mossad]] called the first operation of its campaign against them Damocles.[^31] He writes that Heinz Krug, head of Intra, a shell company for Factory 333, vanished in Munich in September 1962; that two parcel bombs sent in November 1962 to the project's director, [[Wolfgang Pilz]], maimed his secretary and killed five Egyptian workers; that in February 1963 the scientist Hans Kleinwachter escaped an ambush in Switzerland; and that in April 1963 two Mossad agents in Basel threatened Paul Goerke, the project manager, and his daughter. According to Bergman, Israel then shared its intelligence on Factory 333 with the West German government, which pressured the scientists to quit; nearly all accepted and Egypt abandoned the plot.[^31]
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1965 the State Department told its embassy in Israel that it was "disturbed at continued press campaign about alleged role Cubic Corporation in UAR rocket program and hiring of German technicians from Litton subsidiaries."[^32] On February 15, 1965 presidential emissary [[Robert Komer]] reported from Tel Aviv that after a tense session with Prime Minister [[Levi Eshkol]] on American arms for Jordan he had raised "the Cubic matter, UAR missiles, and Jordan waters" to ease the tension.[^33]
|
||||
|
||||
### Syria and the United Arab Republic
|
||||
|
||||
The union of Egypt and Syria, formally called the [[United Arab Republic]], took effect in February 1958.[^34] Israel's view, as recorded in a February 27, 1958 memorandum of a conversation between Secretary Dulles and Ambassador Eban, was that "Soviet influence would dominate Nasser's policies from the very outset of the union."[^35] By July 1958 the Syrians wanted more independence, and Nasser had already been forced to make certain concessions to them.[^36]
|
||||
|
||||
### Yemen
|
||||
|
||||
Egyptian forces appeared in Yemen after the republican revolution of 1962. A Central Intelligence Agency special memorandum of November 5, 1965 states that the revolution made no substantial change until Egyptian forces appeared and Egyptian influence rose in republican Yemen, which led to strong British fears of UAR meddling in [[Aden]].[^37] In May 1964, after Nasser's visit to Yemen, Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]] recalled reports that morale among Egyptian troops there was poor and asked a Saudi official whether the UAR was determined to stay.[^38] A May 1964 State Department paper for the Special Group (Counterinsurgency) listed disengagement of Egyptian forces from Yemen and a continued bar on Saudi support of the royalists among the steps toward minimizing the potential for UAR-Saudi conflict.[^39] In June 1966 Rusk told [[Walt Rostow]] by telephone that [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] should emphasize American interest in a Yemen settlement that would return Egyptian troops to Egypt.[^40]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Six-Day War
|
||||
|
||||
On May 21, 1967 the American embassy in the United Arab Republic reported that an Egyptian official named Aziz had told Miles Copeland, a former CIA officer in Cairo on private business, that UAR forces had been given orders to "hit Israelis with everything they have" if anything erupted along the border; the embassy's chargé commented that Copeland's account might not be accurate.[^41] On May 22 the State Department instructed its embassies to remain in close contact in light of reports of a UAR decision to close the [[Strait of Tiran]].[^42] The same day Rostow wrote the Israeli ambassador, [[Avraham Harman]], that the problem of the Gulf of Aqaba should be handled "in a peaceful manner, preferably through the United Nations", and that the presence of UAR troops on UAR territory "is not in itself illegal."[^43]
|
||||
|
||||
On May 24 [[Luke Battle]] told Johnson that until Nasser threatened to blockade the Gulf of Aqaba he would have agreed with [[Richard Helms]] that all Nasser wanted was a limited propaganda victory; Battle added that he could not help but wonder whether Nasser had more Soviet support than the United States knew about, "or had gone slightly insane."[^44] On May 31 [[Hussein of Jordan|King Hussein]] said that Nasser had told him that in case of American intervention against the UAR he was prepared to ask for Soviet assistance.[^45] On June 7 Rostow sent Johnson a memorandum proposing quiet beginnings of discussions with moderate Arabs and, as a separate item, encouragement of "arrangements which tend to split the Arab world"; in connection with the discussions, the memorandum states that "men like Eugene Black, Robert Anderson, Raymond Hare, Kermit Roosevelt might be helpful."[^46]
|
||||
|
||||
### Death and succession
|
||||
|
||||
Nasser died on September 28, 1970, from a heart attack after hosting the Arab League summit in Cairo. He was 52. According to [[Annie Jacobsen]]'s account, the death was preceded by an unusual event. Israeli psychic [[Uri Geller]], performing a telepathy demonstration at the [[Tzavta Theater]] in [[Tel Aviv]], became physically ill during the performance and announced that Nasser "had just died or is about to die." Israeli journalist [[Ruth Hefer]], in the audience, called her contact at [[Israel Radio International]] and was told there was no news about Nasser. Twenty minutes later, someone announced that [[Radio Cairo]] had confirmed Nasser's death from a heart attack.[^47]
|
||||
|
||||
The incident was widely reported in Israel and boosted Geller's local reputation. Prime Minister [[Golda Meir]] is reported to have quipped, when asked about Israel's future, "Don't ask me... Ask Uri Geller."[^47] Nasser's successor was [[Anwar Sadat]], who charted a dramatically different course for Egyptian foreign policy and made peace with Israel through the 1978 Camp David Accords.[^47]
|
||||
|
||||
### Saudi channel and Kamal Adham
|
||||
|
||||
[[Joseph Kechichian]]'s article in [[Gulf News]] states that King [[Faisal of Saudi Arabia|Faisal]] created the General Intelligence Directorate and gave it to [[Kamal Adham]], whom the article calls the first (and only) ethnic non-Arab chief of Saudi intelligence.[^48] Kechichian writes that Adham's Egyptian contacts allowed him to fashion the 1967 Faisal-Nasser reconciliation, and that Adham befriended Sadat when Sadat was vice president and encouraged him after he became president in 1970.[^48] The article says Adham held the post until 1979, when King Khalid replaced him with [[Turki Al Faisal]], and that his contacts with the Central Intelligence Agency were "unusually intimate."[^48] Citing [[Bob Woodward]], Kechichian writes that in 1970 the Saudis provided Sadat with a regular income.[^48]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis.* Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
[^1]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Suez Crisis, July 26-December 31, 1956, Document 1 (editorial note on the July 26, 1956 nationalization broadcast). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d1
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991.
|
||||
[^3]: Copeland, Miles. *The Game Player: Confessions of the CIA's Original Political Operative.* London: Aurum Press, 1989, pp. 153-155.
|
||||
[^4]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1015, telegram from the Ambassador in Egypt (Caffery), October 12, 1952, reporting the previous evening's dinner. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1015
|
||||
[^5]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1169, memorandum of discussion at the 145th meeting of the National Security Council, May 20, 1953. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1169
|
||||
[^6]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 1, Document 5, memorandum of conversation prepared in the Embassy in Cairo, May 12, 1953. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p1/d5
|
||||
[^7]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1191, telegram from the Ambassador in Egypt, June 19, 1953, and its note on the June 18 announcement. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1191
|
||||
[^8]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1193, June 29, 1953. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1193
|
||||
[^9]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1364, memoranda of September 28, 1954 (Jernegan to the Acting Secretary of State, and Staats to the Operations Coordinating Board on the September 27 meeting). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1364
|
||||
[^10]: Copeland, Miles. *The Game of Nations: The Amorality of Power Politics.* London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969, pp. 148-150.
|
||||
[^11]: Shariff, Omar. "Cairo Tower: Symbol of Egyptian pride, and Cold War politics." Gulf News, updated October 27, 2021, citing documents published by Maj. Gen. Adel Shaheen. https://gulfnews.com/world/mena/cairo-tower-symbol-of-egyptian-pride--and-cold-war-politics-1.83250980
|
||||
[^12]: Israel Defense Forces and Defense Establishment Archives, "The 'Unfortunate' or the Lavon Affair" (online exhibition). https://archives.mod.gov.il/sites/English/Exhibitions/Pages/The-Lavon-affair.aspx.
|
||||
[^13]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 1, Document 935, memorandum of conversation by Jernegan, December 17, 1954. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p1/d935
|
||||
[^14]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1955, Document 4, editorial note on the trial that began December 11, 1954, and Document 11, telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Israel, January 28, 1955, with its editorial note on the January 27 sentences. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d11
|
||||
[^15]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Document 333, memorandum of a conversation, Department of State, October 11, 1955. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d333
|
||||
[^16]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Document 435, telegram from the Embassy in Israel, Tel Aviv, December 5, 1955. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d435
|
||||
[^17]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1955, Document 52, which states that the Asia-Africa Conference at Bandung was held April 18-24, 1955. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d52
|
||||
[^18]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1955, Document 136, May 23, 1955. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d136
|
||||
[^19]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XIV, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1955, Document 318, telephone conversation of September 28, 1955 and editorial note citing Copeland, *The Game of Nations* (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969), pp. 160-165. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v14/d318
|
||||
[^20]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XV, Arab-Israeli Dispute, January 1-July 26, 1956, Document 223, memorandum from the Secretary of State to the President, March 28, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v15/d223
|
||||
[^21]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XV, Document 232, editorial note on Omega and memorandum of conversation, Secretary Dulles's residence, April 1, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v15/d232
|
||||
[^22]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XV, Document 478, memorandum of conversation, Washington, July 19, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v15/d478
|
||||
[^23]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Suez Crisis, Document 3, memorandum of a conference with the President, July 27, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d3
|
||||
[^24]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Document 23, editorial note on the July 29, 1956 meeting, citing the Dulles Papers. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d23
|
||||
[^25]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Document 34, July 31, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d34
|
||||
[^26]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Document 57, editorial note on the August 13, 1956 meeting, citing the Secretary's Appointment Book. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d57
|
||||
[^27]: Dorril, Stephen. "Trying to kill Nasser." Lobster, issue 9 (1985), citing the Daily Telegraph of May 24, 25 and 29, 1985, Chapman Pincher, *Their Trade is Treachery*, p. 206, Bloch and Fitzgerald, *British Intelligence and Covert Action* (Brandon Books, 1982), p. 126, Wilbur Crane Eveland, *Ropes of Sand* (Norton, 1980) and Anthony Verrier, *Through the Looking Glass* (1983). https://www.lobster-magazine.co.uk/article/issue/9/trying-to-kill-nasser
|
||||
[^28]: Kelly, Andrew. *ANZUS and the Early Cold War*, ch. 8, "Suez." Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://books.openedition.org/obp/7111
|
||||
[^29]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Document 175, September 5, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d175
|
||||
[^30]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Document 315, memorandum of conversation, Waldorf Astoria, New York, October 9, 1956. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d315
|
||||
[^31]: Bergman, Ronen. "Killing the Killers." Newsweek, December 13, 2010. https://www.newsweek.com/killing-killers-69081
|
||||
[^32]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XVIII, Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1964-1967, Document 131, February 1, 1965. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v18/d131
|
||||
[^33]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XVIII, Document 150, telegram from the Embassy in Israel (Komer), February 15, 1965. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v18/d150
|
||||
[^34]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, vol. XII, Near East Region; Iraq; Iran; Arabian Peninsula, Document 11, editorial note on the Syro-Egyptian union, officially the United Arab Republic. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1958-60v12/d11
|
||||
[^35]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, vol. XIII, Document 10, February 27, 1958. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1958-60v13/d10
|
||||
[^36]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, vol. XIII, Document 31, July 27, 1958. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1958-60v13/d31
|
||||
[^37]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXI, Near East Region; Arabian Peninsula, Document 67, Central Intelligence Agency special memorandum, November 5, 1965. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v21/d67
|
||||
[^38]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXI, Document 226, memorandum of conversation, May 15, 1964. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v21/d226
|
||||
[^39]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXI, Document 227, memorandum from Assistant Secretary Talbot to the Special Group (Counterinsurgency), May 1964. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v21/d227
|
||||
[^40]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXI, Document 274, June 21, 1966, record of a telephone conversation between Rusk and Rostow. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v21/d274
|
||||
[^41]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967, Document 28, telegram from the Embassy in the United Arab Republic, May 21, 1967, including the editorial note on Aziz and Copeland. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d28
|
||||
[^42]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 35, May 22, 1967. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d35
|
||||
[^43]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 36, letter from Rostow to the Israeli Ambassador (Harman), May 22, 1967. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d36
|
||||
[^44]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 54, memorandum for the record of the May 24, 1967 meeting. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d54
|
||||
[^45]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 107, telegram from the Embassy in Jordan, May 31, 1967. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d107
|
||||
[^46]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 189, memorandum from the President's Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson, June 7, 1967. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d189
|
||||
[^47]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis.* Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
[^48]: Kechichian, Joseph A. "The man behind the scenes." Gulf News, updated September 15, 2018 (the Woodward claim is Kechichian's citation of Woodward). https://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/uae/general/the-man-behind-the-scenes-1.581564
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,5 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Criminals & Offenders"
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- John Paul Norman
|
||||
- Evan Goodwin
|
||||
- Allen Hitchcock
|
||||
- John Shanks
|
||||
- Steven Gurwell
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- KeyFigure
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -23,15 +29,28 @@ relations:
|
|||
with: "[[Phillip Paske]]"
|
||||
role: "closest associate; ran the Delta Project while Norman was in prison"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[Homewood Police Department]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1973
|
||||
end: 1973
|
||||
fn: 5
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1976
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
created: 2026-04-28
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-14
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
John David Norman ran a succession of organizations that, according to police in [[Chicago]], [[Los Angeles]] and [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], supplied boy prostitutes to paying clients across the country: the Norman Foundation, Epic International, the [[Odyssey Foundation]] and the [[Delta Project]]. He also used the names Evan Goodwin, Allen Hitchcock, John Shanks and Steven Gurwell, and the Hasting Foundation. By 1977 he had thirteen arrests for sex offenses going back to 1954.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Dallas and the Index Cards
|
||||
|
||||
Lieutenant Harold Hancock of the Dallas police arrested Norman in March 1973 on charges of contributing to juvenile violations of state drug laws and seized more than 30,000 index cards listing clients, "some of them prominent people and some federal employees in Washington." "I felt that some federal agency should get the cards and I contacted the [[State Department]] through the FBI, I think it was," Hancock told the *Chicago Tribune*. "All the cards were sent to Washington to the State Department, and that's the last I heard of." Matthew Nimetz, a counselor of the State Department, told the paper that officials had found "the cards were not relevant to any fraud case concerning a passport" and destroyed them; he "was unable to explain" why the department had looked at them only for passport irregularities or why it had not passed them to the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] or the postal inspectors.[^1] Tribune reporters told a Senate subcommittee in May 1977 that the department said it had shredded the cards in 1974 "because they couldn't find any use for them," and that "some passports were issued for taking a boy across the seas and into another country."[^2]
|
||||
The Dallas police announced on August 15, 1973, that a raid the previous evening on an apartment in the city had uncovered a procurement ring operating as the Odyssey Foundation, with a San Diego, California, post office box. They gave the name of its alleged leader as John Paul Norman, 45, who was freed on $7,000 bond on state narcotics charges after marijuana was found in the apartment. The police said he had been arrested in Houston in 1954 and 1956 on sexual assault charges, had been convicted in California in 1963 and in 1971 (the latter a federal conviction for sending obscene literature through the mail), and had been committed to a state hospital by the California Department of Mental Hygiene as a sex offender. The material seized included catalogue files the police put at 50,000 to 100,000 names and stationery bearing the name Epic International.[^3] The writer [[Robin Lloyd]] wrote in 1976 that sponsors were selected from a master list of 50,000 prospects and sent a booklet called "Fellows 1973."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The *Chicago Tribune* gave the date of the arrest as March 1973. Lieutenant Harold Hancock of the Dallas police arrested Norman on charges of contributing to juvenile violations of state drug laws and seized more than 30,000 index cards listing clients, "some of them prominent people and some federal employees in Washington." "I felt that some federal agency should get the cards and I contacted the [[State Department]] through the FBI, I think it was," Hancock told the *Chicago Tribune*. "All the cards were sent to Washington to the State Department, and that's the last I heard of." Matthew Nimetz, a counselor of the State Department, told the paper that officials had found "the cards were not relevant to any fraud case concerning a passport" and destroyed them; he "was unable to explain" why the department had looked at them only for passport irregularities or why it had not passed them to the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] or the postal inspectors.[^1] Tribune reporters told a Senate subcommittee in May 1977 that the department said it had shredded the cards in 1974 "because they couldn't find any use for them," and that "some passports were issued for taking a boy across the seas and into another country."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Dallas police told the Chicago police that they had information associating Norman with the ring that supplied boys to [[Dean Corll]], whose murders of 27 boys in Houston came to light in 1973 after [[Elmer Wayne Henley]] shot him; a Tribune reporter testified that Dallas had investigated Norman "as a possible solicitor for these boys."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -39,18 +58,34 @@ Dallas police told the Chicago police that they had information associating Norm
|
|||
|
||||
Norman moved to Homewood, Illinois, in mid-1973 and lived with an Epic International client, who told police that Norman had supplied him that summer with a sixteen-year-old Missouri boy for a three-week, 4,500-dollar tour of Europe. Using the name Steven Gurwell, Norman was arrested in October 1973 after a tip that he had plied ten teenagers with beer to have sex with him; police seized pornography and a list of 5,000 names and addresses of clients.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Held in [[Cook County Jail]] in 1976 on charges of indecent liberties with ten boys, Norman used the jail's printing facilities to send three newsletters to clients announcing the Delta Project, which would place boy "cadets" with "dons" in "Delta-Dorms" around the country: "The nature of the relationship between cadet and sponsor is left entirely to the two of them." He said he corresponded with more than 7,000 people from the jail. Someone in California whom police could not identify paid his 36,000-dollar bail in cash. In December 1976 he pleaded guilty to eight counts of indecent liberties with a child and was sentenced to four years; his associate [[Phillip Paske]], "a convicted murderer and thief" on probation, kept the project going from post office box 5094 in Chicago. Norman told the Tribune: "This has nothing to do with sex. I didn't want to get young kids involved in sex." The police said both the Delta Project and the Chicago newsletter [[Hermes]] "were controlled by separate groups of men working together in an interlocking web of vice."[^1] His 1979 petition against the Cook County sheriff reached the Illinois Supreme Court.[^3]
|
||||
A Homewood police supplementary report dated November 5, 1973, states that the department was then seeking a warrant for Gurwell's arrest and that the subject had left Illinois on October 25, 1973.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Paske later worked for the contracting business of [[John Wayne Gacy]], who after his conviction named Paske and Norman in connection with his crimes. Norman was arrested again in Pennsylvania in 1983, jumped bail, was recaptured in Illinois in July 1987, and died in 2011.[^4]
|
||||
Held in [[Cook County Jail]] in 1976 on charges of indecent liberties with ten boys, Norman used the jail's printing facilities to send three newsletters to clients announcing the Delta Project, which would place boy "cadets" with "dons" in "Delta-Dorms" around the country: "The nature of the relationship between cadet and sponsor is left entirely to the two of them." He said he corresponded with more than 7,000 people from the jail. Someone in California whom police could not identify paid his 36,000-dollar bail in cash. In December 1976 he pleaded guilty to eight counts of indecent liberties with a child and was sentenced to four years; his associate [[Phillip Paske]], "a convicted murderer and thief" on probation, kept the project going from post office box 5094 in Chicago. Norman told the Tribune: "This has nothing to do with sex. I didn't want to get young kids involved in sex." The police said both the Delta Project and the Chicago newsletter [[Hermes]] "were controlled by separate groups of men working together in an interlocking web of vice."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On October 19, 1976, the FBI Chicago office recorded in a memorandum (file 166-2548) an investigator's information that Norman, John Shanks and Phillip Paske ran "The Delta Project" as a business transporting young males interstate to paying customers, and that some customers may be federal employees. The memorandum recommended opening a new case.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
On March 21, 1979, the Illinois Supreme Court denied an original petition for habeas corpus filed by Norman. The order states that he claimed he had been misadvised, when he pleaded guilty, that there would be no mandatory parole term after his sentence. The court held that habeas corpus did not lie for that claim and denied the petition without prejudice to a post-conviction petition in the trial court.[^7][^8]
|
||||
|
||||
Paske later worked for the contracting business of [[John Wayne Gacy]], who after his conviction named Paske and Norman in connection with his crimes. Norman was arrested again in Pennsylvania in 1983, jumped bail, was recaptured in Illinois in July 1987, and died in 2011.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
### Colorado Records
|
||||
|
||||
A Colorado Bureau of Investigation identification record for Norman, issued April 1, 2020, lists Denver arrests on February 26, 1982, on a commercial sex solicitation charge and a felony charge of commercial sexual exploitation of a child. A Denver police entry dated June 10, 1988, lists second-degree sexual assault and sexual assault on a child. The record shows Norman received at the Territorial Correctional Facility in Canon City on April 30, 1990, on two counts of sexual assault on a child.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Finders
|
||||
|
||||
Two names in the address book seized from the [[The Finders|Finders]] members [[Douglas Ammerman]] and [[James Michael Holwell]] at their arrest in Tallahassee on February 4, 1987, appear, according to the writer S. Dovey, in an FBI Dallas file on child prostitution that concerned Norman's Odyssey Foundation, and a third in a Buffalo file on members of [[NAMBLA]] suspected of murder. No direct tie between Norman and the Finders' leadership has been documented.[^4][^5]
|
||||
Two names in the address book seized from the [[The Finders|Finders]] members [[Douglas Ammerman]] and [[James Michael Holwell]] at their arrest in Tallahassee on February 4, 1987, appear, according to the writer S. Dovey, in an FBI Dallas file on child prostitution that concerned Norman's Odyssey Foundation, and a third in a Buffalo file on members of [[NAMBLA]] suspected of murder. No direct tie between Norman and the Finders' leadership has been documented.[^9][^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Moseley, Ray, with Michael Sneed and George Bliss. "Chicago Is Center of National Child Porno Ring." *Chicago Tribune,* May 16, 1977, reprinted in U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Crime. *Sexual Exploitation of Children,* hearings, 95th Congress, 1st session, Serial No. 12, 1977, pp. 433-435. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41153502_0041
|
||||
[^2]: Testimony of George Bliss and Michael Sneed, U.S. Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency. *Protection of Children Against Sexual Exploitation,* hearings, Chicago, May 27, 1977, 95th Congress, 1st session. https://archive.org/details/protectionofchil00unit
|
||||
[^3]: *Norman v. Elrod,* 76 Ill. 2d 426, 394 N.E.2d 1043 (Ill. 1979).
|
||||
[^4]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023.
|
||||
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, "The Finders," FBI Records: The Vault, released November 2019, https://vault.fbi.gov/the-finders.
|
||||
[^3]: "Alleged Homosexual Ring Found in a Raid on Apartment in Dallas," *New York Times*, August 16, 1973, p. 16. https://www.nytimes.com/1973/08/16/archives/alleged-homosexual-ring-found-in-a-raid-on-apartment-in-dallass.html
|
||||
[^4]: Robin Lloyd, *For Money or Love: Boy Prostitution in America* (1976), p. 80. https://archive.org/details/formoneyorlovebo0000lloy
|
||||
[^5]: Homewood, Illinois, Police Department, Supplementary Investigation Report, Case No. 20228, dated November 5, 1973, second page. https://archive.org/details/JohnNorman_HomewoodPD
|
||||
[^6]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, memorandum, SAC Chicago (166-NEW), dated October 19, 1976, file 166-2548, FOIPA release 1352511-001 (Philip Paske file). https://vault.fbi.gov/philip-paske/philip-paske-part-01
|
||||
[^7]: *Norman v. Elrod,* 76 Ill. 2d 426, 394 N.E.2d 1043 (Ill. 1979).
|
||||
[^8]: *Norman v. Elrod*, 76 Ill. 2d 426 (1979), No. 51521, order entered March 21, 1979 (per curiam). https://static.case.law/ill-2d/76/cases/0426-01.json
|
||||
[^9]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023.
|
||||
[^10]: Colorado Bureau of Investigation, identification record for "Norman, John David," issued April 1, 2020. https://archive.org/details/JohnNorman_CBI
|
||||
[^11]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, "The Finders," FBI Records: The Vault, released November 2019, https://vault.fbi.gov/the-finders.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,9 +9,31 @@ summary: "CIA officer who orchestrated the 1953 coup that restored the Shah of I
|
|||
born: 1916-02-16
|
||||
died: 2000-06-08
|
||||
location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: participant_in
|
||||
with: "[[Suez Crisis]]"
|
||||
role: "attendee, Suez meeting"
|
||||
start: 1956-08-13
|
||||
end: 1956-08-13
|
||||
fn: 5
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-14
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Kermit Roosevelt]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer who, along with [[Miles Copeland]], helped the [[Iran|Iranian]] military restore the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah]] of [[Iran]] to power in 1953. This occurred after the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah]] had been overthrown by [[Mohammed Mossadegh]] during the turmoil that followed the nationalization of [[Iran|Iranian]] oil.[^1]
|
||||
[[Kermit Roosevelt]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer who, along with [[Miles Copeland]], helped the [[Iran|Iranian]] military restore the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah]] of Iran to power in 1953. This occurred after the Shah had been overthrown by [[Mohammed Mossadegh]] during the turmoil that followed the nationalization of Iranian oil.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Egypt and the Suez crisis
|
||||
|
||||
Miles Copeland wrote in *The Game Player* that in late March 1952, four months before the coup against King Farouk, Roosevelt and Gamal Abdel Nasser began a series of meetings, the first with a committee of officers far from the center of the movement and the second attended by Nasser himself, and that Copeland wrote up the agreement they reached from Roosevelt's oral account. Copeland wrote that [[Mohamed Hassanein Heikal]] denied the meetings and that the second "was documented and photographed."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
At a September 27, 1954 meeting of State, Defense, Foreign Operations Administration and CIA representatives on military assistance to Egypt, "Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Bissell described briefly the situation in Egypt."[^3] Copeland wrote in *The Game of Nations* that Roosevelt took the lead in Washington in arguing for the $3,000,000 offer to Nasser, and that Nasser's aides called the Cairo Tower built with the money, in Copeland's transliteration "el wa'ef rusjel," "Roosevelt's erection"; Copeland wrote that State Department officials who knew of the offer blamed Roosevelt because they thought he had tried to make a fool of Nasser.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
On August 13, 1956, Roosevelt attended a meeting on the Suez situation with [[Allen Dulles]], [[Gordon Gray]], [[Arthur Flemming]], [[George Humphrey]] and others, according to the Secretary's Appointment Book cited in the Foreign Relations volume.[^5] On June 7, 1967, during the Six-Day War crisis, [[Walt Rostow]] sent [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] a memorandum proposing quiet beginnings of discussions with moderate Arabs and stating that "men like Eugene Black, Robert Anderson, Raymond Hare, Kermit Roosevelt might be helpful" in connection with them.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015).
|
||||
[^2]: Copeland, Miles. *The Game Player: Confessions of the CIA's Original Political Operative.* London: Aurum Press, 1989, pp. 153-155.
|
||||
[^3]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, vol. IX, Part 2, Document 1364, memorandum by Staats to the Operations Coordinating Board, September 28, 1954. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1364
|
||||
[^4]: Copeland, Miles. *The Game of Nations: The Amorality of Power Politics.* London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969, pp. 148-150.
|
||||
[^5]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957, vol. XVI, Suez Crisis, Document 57, editorial note on the August 13, 1956 meeting, citing the Secretary's Appointment Book. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v16/d57
|
||||
[^6]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967, Document 189, memorandum from the President's Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson, June 7, 1967. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d189
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,19 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Person
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
summary: "Paske acted as custodian of The Delta Project during periods when Norman was imprisoned, managing its activities which included recruiting local Chicago, Illinois, boys for prostitution and pornography."
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-14
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Chicago, Illinois]]"
|
||||
role: "summer children's supervisor at a fire department pool; dismissed August 15, 1977"
|
||||
start: 1977
|
||||
end: 1977
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1976
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Phillip R. Paske, a 25-year-old convicted murderer and thief, served as the closest associate of [[John David Norman]] in the [[Odyssey Network]], also known as the [[Odyssey Foundation]] and later rebranded as [[Delta Project]]. A tall, slimly built transvestite in his twenties with long blond hair, Paske met Norman while incarcerated in Cook County Jail, where he faced charges for accessory to murder, later pled down to theft. Paroled in January 1976 despite his probation status, Paske continued to manage Norman's child trafficking enterprise, operating out of a basement apartment on W. Wrightwood Avenue in [[Chicago]], which functioned as a photography studio for producing child pornography.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,6 +30,12 @@ The Delta Project under Paske's involvement maintained operations in Chicago, [[
|
|||
|
||||
Paske was implicated in the procurement of boys for sex and movies, as detailed in payroll records showing his employment at [[John Wayne Gacy]]'s PDM Construction company in September 1978, just months before Gacy's arrest. Receipts dated September 12, 19, and 25, 1978, confirm Paske's work there, during which he had keys to Gacy's house and allegedly used it for illicit activities when Gacy was absent. These actions tied Paske to a broader network of child exploitation, including potential involvement in snuff films as claimed by Gacy in 1992 interviews.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Chicago Tribune and FBI Records, 1976 and 1977
|
||||
|
||||
The Chicago Tribune reported in May 1977 that Paske had been out of jail on probation "since last July," which places his release in July 1976 rather than January 1976, and that the Chicago police Area 6 youth division had found a Chicago post office box used by the Delta Project registered to Paske and Norman.[^2] An FBI memorandum dated October 19, 1976 (file 166-2548) names Paske together with Norman and John Shanks in an investigation of the Delta Project, as reported by an investigator for the Cook County state's attorney's office on October 18, 1976.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The Tribune reported on August 16, 1977, that the city of Chicago had fired Paske, 25, on August 15 from a summer job as children's supervisor at a fire department swimming pool near Navy Pier, after the paper informed city officials of his background. City records showed he was hired July 28 at $4.75 an hour under the federal Comprehensive Employment and Training Act. The paper reported that Paske and Norman had shared a post office box until July 1, and that Paske had been jailed as the driver of a getaway car in the robbery-killing of a stamp collector, originally charged with murder and later pleading guilty to attempted armed robbery under a plea bargain.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections
|
||||
Paske was a close associate of John David Norman, meeting him in Cook County Jail where he assisted in launching The Delta Project and later cohabited with him in a Chicago, apartment for pornography production. [[Charles Rehling]], a client of Norman's Epic International service, leased his apartment to Norman under the alias Steven Gurwell, indirectly connecting Paske to the property used for Delta Project operations. [[Kenneth Hellstrom]], a boy who testified against Norman in 1976, was murdered in January 1977, with Paske emerging as a prime suspect due to his role in the network, though the case remained unsolved for decades until 2007.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,12 +44,16 @@ Paske connected to John Wayne Gacy through employment at Gacy's PDM Construction
|
|||
Paske's ties extended to Norman's broader network, including links to operations in New Orleans, via [[Troop 137]] and publications like Hermes, which advertised Delta Project services. Through Gacy, Paske connected to political figures in Chicago, as Gacy's home inventory listed files on payoffs to city inspectors and politicians, potentially overlapping with Paske's procurement activities. These connections formed a web of child trafficking involving pimping, pornography, and possible murders tied to silencing witnesses.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Legal Outcome
|
||||
Paske was arrested alongside John David Norman in November 1973 during a raid on Charles Rehling's Homewood apartment, where police found Odyssey Foundation materials, but specific charges against Paske from this incident are not detailed beyond his incarceration for prior offenses. He was released on probation in 1976, in July according to Chicago police, and carried on the Delta Project, avoiding immediate charges for jail-based operations.[^2] In June 1978, following the raid on the Wrightwood Avenue apartment after Michael Salcido's report, Paske was released without charge despite living there and being linked to the seized client cards for The Creative Corps.[^1]
|
||||
Paske was arrested alongside John David Norman in November 1973 during a raid on Charles Rehling's Homewood apartment, where police found Odyssey Foundation materials, but specific charges against Paske from this incident are not detailed beyond his incarceration for prior offenses. He was released on probation in 1976, in July according to Chicago police, and carried on the Delta Project, avoiding immediate charges for jail-based operations.[^5] In June 1978, following the raid on the Wrightwood Avenue apartment after Michael Salcido's report, Paske was released without charge despite living there and being linked to the seized client cards for The Creative Corps.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Paske became a prime suspect in Kenneth Hellstrom's January 1977 murder due to Hellstrom's testimony against Norman, but no conviction resulted, and the case went cold until [[Fred Rogers]] confessed in 2007. Similarly, Paske was suspected in Michael Salcido's February 1979 murder, as Salcido was set to testify against Norman, but the case was attributed to drug dealers with no charges against Paske. During John Wayne Gacy's 1980 trial, Paske was listed as a potential witness for both prosecution and defense, but he was never charged in connection to Gacy's crimes despite payroll evidence and Gacy's 1992 claims of his involvement in procuring victims and snuff films.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Paske's legal entanglements culminated in his loss of employment as a children's supervisor in 1978 following Norman's arrest, but he faced no further convictions for child trafficking or pimping documented in the records. Gacy's pre-execution statements in 1992 naming Paske as an accomplice prompted no new investigations or charges against him. Overall, Paske evaded conviction for his central role in The Delta Project and related activities, remaining free after 1978 without documented legal repercussions for child exploitation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). Eye of the Chickenhawk. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
[^2]: *Chicago Tribune,* May 1977, reprinted in U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Crime. *Sexual Exploitation of Children,* hearings, 95th Congress, 1st session, Serial No. 12, 1977, which describes Paske, 25, as "a convicted murderer and thief" on probation "since last July" (that is, July 1976) and carrying on the Delta Project in Norman's absence; it gives no January 1976 parole. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41153502_0041
|
||||
[^2]: *Chicago Tribune*, May 16, 1977, reprinted in U.S. House of Representatives, *Sexual Exploitation of Children*, hearings, Serial No. 12 (1977), p. 434. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41153502_0041
|
||||
[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, memorandum, SAC Chicago (166-NEW), dated October 19, 1976, file 166-2548, FOIPA release 1352511-001 (Philip Paske file). https://vault.fbi.gov/philip-paske/philip-paske-part-01
|
||||
[^4]: "Porno-Ring Suspect Fired by City," *Chicago Tribune*, August 16, 1977, p. 31.
|
||||
[^5]: *Chicago Tribune,* May 1977, reprinted in U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Crime. *Sexual Exploitation of Children,* hearings, 95th Congress, 1st session, Serial No. 12, 1977, which describes Paske, 25, as "a convicted murderer and thief" on probation "since last July" (that is, July 1976) and carrying on the Delta Project in Norman's absence; it gives no January 1976 parole. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41153502_0041
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,6 +13,13 @@ tags:
|
|||
- u.s.-government
|
||||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Oliver North's courier in Central America whose phone number was found aboard a drug-seized Contra supply plane.
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: partner_of
|
||||
with: "[[Oliver North]]"
|
||||
role: "courier for North's Central American network"
|
||||
start: 1985
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-14
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert Owen was [[Oliver North]]'s courier in [[Central America]] during the Contra war, serving as a key link in North's illegal resupply operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
|
@ -37,7 +44,11 @@ Rob Owen was Oliver North's courier and liaison to the Contra leadership who rep
|
|||
|
||||
### Reports on Drug Trafficking
|
||||
|
||||
Owen reported to North that a DC-6 owned by [[Mario Calero]], brother of [[FDN]] leader Adolfo Calero, which was being used for runs out of New Orleans, "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S." Owen also relayed information about [[Dagoberto Nunez|Dagoberto Nuñez]]'s intelligence-gathering operations against the Sandinistas. His memos to North documented the overlap between drug trafficking and the Contra supply chain, providing some of the most direct evidence that the [[National Security Council]] operation knowingly used drug-connected companies like [[SETCO]] and Hondu Carib Cargo for logistical operations.[^5]
|
||||
Owen reported to North that a DC-6 owned by [[Mario Calero]], brother of [[FDN]] leader Adolfo Calero, which was being used for runs out of New Orleans, "is probably being used for drug runs into U.S." Owen also relayed information about Dagoberto Nuñez's intelligence-gathering operations against the Sandinistas. His memos to North documented the overlap between drug trafficking and the Contra supply chain, providing some of the most direct evidence that the [[National Security Council]] operation knowingly used drug-connected companies like [[SETCO]] and Hondu Carib Cargo for logistical operations.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### NHAO and Cash Couriers
|
||||
|
||||
After the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office was created in August 1985, North and [[Elliott Abrams]] persuaded [[Robert W. Duemling]], the office's director, to add Owen to the NHAO staff. Owen was North's Central American courier.[^6] The independent counsel's report records that Owen, in addition to handling traveler's checks for contra leaders, picked up and delivered $16,500 in cash.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -46,3 +57,5 @@ Owen reported to North that a DC-6 owned by [[Mario Calero]], brother of [[FDN]]
|
|||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 17: "We're going to blow your fucking head off"
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15.
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 15, Ch. 7.
|
||||
[^6]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 25, "Abrams, North and NHAO." https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_25.htm
|
||||
[^7]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 14, description of the Enterprise couriers. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_14.htm
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,10 +9,12 @@ summary: "Walter Schellenberg (1910–1952) was an SS-Brigadeführer and the hea
|
|||
born: 1910-01-16
|
||||
died: 1952-03-31
|
||||
location: "Saarbrücken, Germany"
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-14
|
||||
---
|
||||
Walter Schellenberg (1910–1952) was an SS-Brigadeführer and the head of foreign intelligence for [[Nazi Germany]] during [[World War II]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Schellenberg conveyed to astrologer [[Wilhelm Wulff]] that mystical belief systems were "a suitable vehicle for the propagation of political concepts and for the political control of a nation"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. New York: Little, Brown, 2017, p. 17, citing Wilhelm Wulff, *Zodiac and Swastika* (1973), p. 94.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
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