vault backup: 2026-06-13 00:41:23

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/APRE.md

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+---
+category: "Organization"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - Military
+  - MilitaryPsychology
+  - UnitedKingdom
+  - ColdWar
+alias: Army Personnel Research Establishment, APRE
+summary: "The British Army's primary human factors research unit, established as an independent organization in 1965 at Farnborough by merging two predecessor establishments, that focused on selection, training, ergonomics, and environmental physiology while maintaining a secondary role advising the Special Air Service on interrogation-relevant subjects."
+location: Farnborough, United Kingdom
+created: 2026-06-04
+updated: 2026-06-04
+---
+The Army Personnel Research Establishment (APRE) is the [[British Army]]'s main human factors research unit, located at [[Farnborough]] in Hampshire. It became an independent organization in 1965, created by merging the human factors division of the Army Operational Research Establishment (AORE) at West Byfleet with the Clothing and Equipment Physiological Research Establishment (CEPRE). The two components were not fully integrated until August 1972.[^1]
+
+### Structure and Mandate
+
+APRE's research program is determined by the Army Human Factors Research Committee and reviewed by a scientific advisory panel appointed by the Army Personnel Research Committee of the Medical Research Council. The organization is the sole British Army unit concerned with human factors research, with a staff of approximately seventy-five scientists, fifteen industrial staff, six military officers, and thirty other ranks.[^1]
+
+Its five research sections cover manpower studies, experimental psychology, applied physiology and field trials, weapons and vehicle ergonomics, and a human factors unit. The annual budget was estimated at roughly £500,000, certainly less than £1 million, substantially smaller in scale than comparable American organizations like [[HumRRO]] and [[USARIBSS]].[^1]
+
+### Research Priorities
+
+British military psychology research under APRE's umbrella concentrated on four areas: the stress of working in hot, tropical climates, drawing on resources from the [[London School of Tropical and Hygienic Medicine]]; attrition and waste in an increasingly small professional army, with selection centralized at Sutton Coldfield; remote-controlled devices for future warfare; and ergonomics of vehicles for chemical or biological warfare conditions.[^1]
+
+Additional work has been conducted on vigilance, isolation, discipline, and sleep deprivation. By the late 1970s APRE had not yet managed to get psychology recognized as a central element of weapons planning at the highest levels of the Ministry of Defence, though it had been integrated into lower-level hardware decisions since the merging of AORE and CEPRE.[^1]
+
+### Intelligence and Interrogation Connections
+
+The psychiatrists working within the British Army establishment, rather than APRE's psychologists, carry out the more operationally sensitive functions. According to General [[McGhie]], chief army psychiatrist, all British Army psychiatrists are cleared to top security levels and help screen for sensitive posts. They also advise the [[Special Air Service]] and other special forces on the effects of drugs, hypnosis, and isolation as used in interrogation, and they train soldiers in resistance to interrogation techniques.[^1]
+
+The Naval Applied Psychology Unit at [[Teddington]], [[Middlesex]], operates in parallel. It is under a senior psychologist and carries out research on stress resistance using overload methods, as well as isolation studies in [[Polaris submarine]] environments. The Naval APU also conducts computer-assisted instruction research.[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Peter Watson, *War on the Mind: The Military Uses and Abuses of Psychology*. Basic Books, 1978. pp. 462-468 (App. II).

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/British Intelligence.md

@@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ summary: "British Intelligence refers to the various intelligence agencies of th
 
 [[British Intelligence]] refers to the various intelligence agencies of the United Kingdom, including the Secret Intelligence Service (MI6). During World War II, British Intelligence engaged in a variety of unconventional warfare tactics, including the use of black propaganda and psychological operations.[^1]
 
-One notable example was the use of astrologers like [[Sybil Leek]] and [[10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Louis de Wohl]] to spread disinformation and influence the behavior of high-ranking Nazi officials. These operations highlight the willingness of intelligence agencies to exploit beliefs in the paranormal for strategic advantage.[^1]
+One notable example was the use of astrologers like [[Sybil Leek]] and [[Louis de Wohl]] to spread disinformation and influence the behavior of high-ranking Nazi officials. These operations highlight the willingness of intelligence agencies to exploit beliefs in the paranormal for strategic advantage.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/FUNAI.md

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+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - Brazil
+  - IndigenousTribes
+  - Amazon
+  - Military
+  - Dictatorship
+summary: "FUNAI (Fundacao Nacional do Indio) replaced the scandal-ridden SPI in 1967 under the Brazilian military dictatorship and was placed under military supervision, serving as the instrument through which the post-1964 regime managed, surveilled, and in many cases destroyed indigenous communities standing in the path of Amazon development projects."
+location: Brasília, Brazil
+created: 2026-06-05
+updated: 2026-06-12
+---
+
+The Fundacao Nacional do Indio (FUNAI, National Indian Foundation) was established in 1967 by the Brazilian military government of [[Humberto Castelo Branco]]'s successor, [[General Artur da Costa e Silva]], to replace the [[SPI]] (Servico de Protecao aos Indios), which had been dissolved after a 1967 congressional investigation exposed its personnel for murdering, enslaving, and systematically exploiting indigenous peoples in their care. FUNAI was placed under military supervision and became the primary state mechanism through which the dictatorship managed indigenous populations during the Amazon development drive of the late 1960s and 1970s, a period in which roads, dams, and mining operations penetrated territories inhabited by tribes with no prior contact with Brazilian national society.
+
+### Creation After the SPI Scandal
+
+The SPI had been Brazil's indigenous affairs agency since 1910, founded on a positivist philosophy of gradual integration. By the 1960s, SPI personnel had accumulated decades of documented abuses: murder of tribal leaders, theft of indigenous lands, forced labor, deliberate introduction of disease, and sale of indigenous women. The 1967 congressional investigation by attorney [[Jader Figueiredo]] produced a report documenting these crimes and naming specific SPI officials. The Figueiredo Report, running to thousands of pages, was used by the military government to abolish SPI and replace it with FUNAI, ostensibly on a reformist basis but in practice simply reorganizing the bureaucracy under tighter military control.[^1]
+
+Interior Minister General Afonso Augusto de Albuquerque Lima and Figueiredo promised justice. A civilian, Dr. José de Queiroz Campos, was named FUNAI's first president. The [[Xingu National Park]] was expanded from 22,000 to 30,000 square kilometers, and three new Indian parks were established: the Aripuanã Park in western [[Mato Grosso]] and Rondônia, the Araguaia Park on the Ilha do Bananal, and Tumucumaque Park in Pará. New single-tribe reserves were recognized, including a 3,000-square-mile reservation for the Beiços-de-Pau. Of the 100,000 to 200,000 Indians estimated to be living in Brazil in 1957, some anthropologists claimed fewer than 50,000 had survived by the time FUNAI was created.[^2]
+
+### Military Supervision and the 1967 SIL Survey
+
+Under military supervision, FUNAI contracted the [[Summer Institute of Linguistics]] to conduct a survey of indigenous tribes in the Brazilian Amazon. The resulting 1967 publication "Indians of Brazil in the Twentieth Century," produced through the [[Institute for Cross Cultural Research]] (identified by *The Nation* as CIA-connected), documented "potentially hostile tribes," mapped their locations across the Amazon basin, and catalogued their populations and degree of contact with Brazilian society. The survey provided intelligence for the military government's planning of Amazon development, identifying which areas required "pacification" before resource extraction could proceed.[^3]
+
+SIL founder [[William Cameron Townsend]] moved quickly to secure FUNAI's cooperation. Meeting the new head of FUNAI at an Inter-American Indian Conference in Mexico, then lobbying the Brazilian ambassador, Townsend rode a public-relations wave into the office of President Costa e Silva on September 1, 1968, and won agreement in principle for a ministerial-level contract giving SIL gasoline, [[JAARS]] flight rights, and FUNAI's assent. A 1969 letter from SIL's Dale Kietzman cited FUNAI's creation as proof that the old service had been thoroughly reformed and that the foundation had "called in all missionary organizations to consult on ways in which the missions could help with the administration of education and welfare in areas where the government could not be active."[^4]
+
+### The Bandeira de Mello Presidency
+
+Queiroz Campos, besieged by charges that his sister had stolen material from Indian hospitals, was forced to resign. His successor, General Oscar Bandeira de Mello, ran FUNAI with the goal of generating the highest return on its legal 10 percent cut of the income from the Indian tribal estates it managed, a modus operandi intentionally modeled on the U.S. [[Bureau of Indian Affairs]]. The congressional intent behind the 1967 law was to turn "tribal patrimony into productive assets [so that] it will be able to support them, as happens in the U.S.A." In 1976, Bandeira de Mello left FUNAI to become a director of Sanchez Galdeano, a firm pursuing cassiterite (tin ore) deposits in the lands of the Surui Indians in Rondônia.[^5]
+
+In 1968, FUNAI issued [[King Ranch]] and Swift (the latter a subsidiary of [[Deltec]]) a certificate declaring that 180,000 acres the companies wanted in Pará were not occupied by Indians, a necessary legal prerequisite for operating with investment tax credits from [[SUDAM]], the Superintendency for the Development of the Amazon. When King Ranch and Swift petitioned Pará to annul the Indians' land tenure titles, the Pará government and FUNAI initially resisted, but Interior Minister General José Costa Cavalcante and the federal mining company [[Cia. Vale do Rio Doce]] intervened on the side of Rio Tinto, forcing FUNAI into an accord that began dismembering the Indians' reserve. None of the trans-Amazon projects was opposed by FUNAI. In October 1970, President [[Emilio Garrastazu Medici|Médici]] announced an agreement between FUNAI and SUDAM to pacify some thirty tribes known from the SIL survey to live along the route of the [[Trans-Amazon Highway]], and revealed a new Indian Law empowering him to relocate tribes for six reasons, including "to work valuable subsoil deposits of outstanding interest for national security and development."[^6]
+
+### Crenaque and the Indian Guard
+
+FUNAI under Bandeira de Mello operated a detention center at Crenaque in Minas Gerais, where an "Indian Guard" seized recalcitrant tribesmen who resisted the regime's laws and development projects and subjected them to imprisonment, hard labor, and forced indoctrination. The commander of Crenaque, Manuel dos Santos Pinheiro, was a captain in the federal military police commissioned by Bandeira de Mello while the FUNAI president was still a functionary of the regime's military intelligence division, an arm infamous for its use of [[torture]] during interrogation. Pinheiro had first drawn his superiors' attention by putting down a revolt of Maxakalí Indians against squatters in the Jequitinhonha Valley. The full story took two years to surface.[^7]
+
+In 1971, FUNAI allowed the Cuiabá-Santarém highway to slice a forty-kilometer northern section off the Xingu National Park. "You cannot stop the development of Brazil on account of the Xingu Park," Bandeira de Mello explained. The Txukahamei tribe, whom Senator [[Robert Kennedy]] had visited in 1965, was decimated by measles and bronchial pneumonia brought in by the highway crews. "We want to integrate the Indians into Brazilian society," Bandeira de Mello continued, "to make them Brazilians, like we are."[^8]
+
+### Yanomami Lands and the 1976 Expulsions
+
+On Brazil's border with Venezuela lay uranium deposits the regime had targeted for nuclear development, in the traditional lands of the [[Yanomami]], the largest unacculturated tribe in the Brazilian Amazon, numbering between 10,000 and 15,000 people. When anthropologists and ecologists sought relief for the tribes from river blindness spreading along the Northern Perimeter Highway, the head of FUNAI, General Ismarth de Araújo Oliveira, explained that the medicine to control the disease was expensive and killed the Indians because they lacked sufficient physical resistance. After a cassiterite discovery on Yanomami land was revealed in 1976, the military regime expelled all foreign anthropologists from Yanomami territory on "national security" grounds. As FUNAI's official in Pôrto Velho told the authors in October 1976, "FUNAI's main philosophy is to integrate the Indians into civilization, so that someday there will be no Indians."[^9]
+
+In 1976, FUNAI also banned the Catholic [[Missionary Indigenist Council|CIMI]] from Indian reserves and barred foreign anthropologists from "border" areas where most isolated tribes lived. Indian resistance nonetheless grew through CIMI-sponsored leadership conferences, and in 1980 Indian leaders assembled at Campo Grande to form the [[Union of Indian Nations|UNI]], Brazil's first national Indian organization. When FUNAI argued in court that the Xavante leader [[Mario Juruna|Mário Juruna]] was its legal ward and could not leave the country to attend the Fourth Russell Tribunal in Rotterdam, it lost; Juruna chaired some of the tribunal's sessions and went on to become the first Amazonian Indian elected to the Brazilian Congress.[^10]
+
+### Amazon Development and Indigenous Destruction
+
+FUNAI administered Brazil's official indigenous contact policy during the peak years of Amazonian development (1968-1985). The military government's road-building programs (especially the Trans-Amazon Highway), large-scale dam construction (including the Balbina and Tucurui dams), and mining operations penetrated territories under FUNAI's nominal protection. FUNAI "contact expeditions" preceded construction crews into territory inhabited by uncontacted tribes, with the express purpose of pacifying populations that would otherwise resist intrusion. By 1970 FUNAI lease policies had opened Indian lands to American companies: eleven firms were prospecting inside or near the Aripuanã Indian Park, and the Rockefeller ally J. Peter Grace's W. R. Grace & Company, along with IBEC director [[Walther Moreira Salles]]'s joint mining venture, were among companies authorized by FUNAI to prospect for tin in indigenous reserves.[^11]
+
+In 1969, [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s classified report to President Nixon on his Latin America tour recommended expanded US military aid and counterinsurgency support for the Brazilian military government, including in the Amazon region. The US Air Force had been invited into the Brazilian Amazon for aerial mapping of mineral deposits in 1964 by then-Ambassador [[Lincoln Gordon]].[^12]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 30; Ch. 39; Ch. 42.
+[^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39.
+[^3]: Colby and Dennett, Introduction (2017); Ch. 30.
+[^4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39; Ch. 41.
+[^5]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 41.
+[^6]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39; Ch. 41.
+[^7]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 41.
+[^8]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 41.
+[^9]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 47.
+[^10]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 47; Ch. 48.
+[^11]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39; Ch. 41.
+[^12]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29; Ch. 39.

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/OAS.md

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+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - InterAmerican
+  - USA
+  - ColdWar
+  - LatinAmerica
+summary: "The Organization of American States (OAS), founded in 1948 in Bogotá, institutionalized the regional military and political system that Nelson Rockefeller and Adolf Berle designed through the Act of Chapultepec (1945) and the Rio Treaty (1947)."
+created: 2026-06-05
+updated: 2026-06-05
+---
+
+The Organization of American States (OAS) is the inter-governmental body that institutionalized [[Nelson Rockefeller]] and [[Adolf Berle]]'s hemispheric security architecture, built through the [[Act of Chapultepec]] (1945) and the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the Rio Treaty, 1947), and formally constituted at the Ninth International Conference of American States in Bogotá in April 1948. Throughout the Cold War, the OAS served as the principal vehicle for US-led collective action in the hemisphere, including the diplomatic isolation of Cuba, the endorsement of US military intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965, and the coordination of anticommunist policy following the 1964 Brazilian coup. Both of its early secretaries-general, [[Alberto Lleras Camargo]] and [[Galo Plaza]], were members of Rockefeller's inter-American political network.
+
+### Origins in the Chapultepec System
+
+The Organization of American States was the formal institutional product of a political architecture assembled by Nelson Rockefeller and Adolf Berle during the final years of World War II. The process began at the Chapultepec conference in Mexico City in February 1945, where Rockefeller's U.S. delegation pushed through a resolution authorizing a regional military pact and a conference to implement it, over the objections of the State Department's International Division, which feared the arrangement would violate the emerging [[United Nations]] framework.[^1]
+
+Rockefeller's maneuvering at Chapultepec effectively created the legal basis for a hemisphere-wide military alliance that could operate independently of UN oversight. The text he negotiated became Article 51 of the UN Charter, with clauses permitting "regional action" and "collective self-defense" that allowed both sides of the Cold War to build regional military blocs.
+
+### Rio Treaty (1947)
+
+The military pact Rockefeller had promised at Chapultepec was formalized at the Inter-American Conference for the Maintenance of Peace and Security in Rio de Janeiro in 1947, producing the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, commonly called the Rio Treaty. Truman had originally promised to hold this conference in August 1945, though it was delayed two years. The treaty established that an armed attack against any American state would be considered an attack against all.[^2]
+
+### OAS Charter (1948)
+
+The OAS was formally constituted at the Ninth International Conference of American States in Bogotá, Colombia, which ran from March 30 to May 2, 1948. The OAS Charter was signed on April 30, 1948, by 21 founding member states. The conference was disrupted on April 9, 1948, by the assassination of Colombian Liberal Party leader [[Jorge Eliécer Gaitán]], which triggered the urban riots known as the Bogotazo and nearly ended the conference. Alberto Lleras Camargo of Colombia became its first secretary-general. The organization absorbed the predecessor [[Pan American Union]] and established a permanent secretariat in Washington, D.C.
+
+[[Vernon Walters]], then a military intelligence officer, was present at the Bogotá conference when the Bogotazo erupted. He later described the experience in his memoir *Silent Missions*, noting that the riots engulfed the hotel district and interrupted the final sessions.[^3]
+
+### Cold War Function
+
+The OAS served throughout the Cold War as the institutional vehicle for U.S.-led collective action in the hemisphere. Under the logic of the Rio Treaty, the United States repeatedly invoked OAS mechanisms to legitimize interventions and isolate governments deemed insufficiently anticommunist.
+
+In 1964, following the [[1964 Brazilian coup]], the new [[Humberto Castelo Branco]] government provided 1,500 of the OAS's 2,500 troops (and their nominal commander) that backed U.S. Marine intervention in the [[Dominican Republic]] in 1965. Brazil's foreign minister [[Juracy Magalhaes]] subsequently toured South American capitals urging creation of a permanent OAS strike force.[^4]
+
+At the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers at Punta del Este, Uruguay (January 22-31, 1962), the OAS voted 14 to 6 to exclude Cuba from the inter-American system on the grounds that Marxism-Leninism was "incompatible with the principles and objectives of the inter-American system." The resolution (Resolution VI, adopted January 31, 1962) passed with the minimum required two-thirds of member votes; the six dissenting votes came from Cuba itself along with Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and Ecuador. Cuba's exclusion took effect immediately. The Goulart government's vote against exclusion was one element of the US case against him in subsequent destabilization planning.
+
+### OAS as Rockefeller Network
+
+Galo Plaza became OAS secretary-general in 1968, serving through 1975, extending the continuity of Rockefeller-allied leadership of the institution. Both Lleras Camargo and Plaza were described as being "destined for" the OAS secretaryship, as well as the presidencies of their respective countries, as part of Rockefeller's inter-American network from as early as Chapultepec.[^5]
+
+[^1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 12.
+[^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 12.
+[^3]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 19.
+[^4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
+[^5]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 12.

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/SPI.md

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+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - Brazil
+  - IndigenousTribes
+  - Amazon
+  - Government
+summary: "The Servico de Protecao aos Indios (SPI), Brazil's indigenous affairs agency from 1910 to 1967, was abolished after Attorney General Jader Figueiredo's investigation documented systematic murder, slavery, land theft, and deliberate disease introduction by its personnel, and was replaced by the military-supervised FUNAI."
+location: Brazil
+created: 2026-06-05
+updated: 2026-06-12
+---
+
+The Servico de Protecao aos Indios (SPI, Service for the Protection of the Indian) was the Brazilian federal agency responsible for indigenous affairs from its founding on September 7, 1910 through its abolition in 1967. Created by Decree No. 8,072 of June 20, 1910, the SPI was initially named the Serviço de Proteção aos Índios e Localização de Trabalhadores Nacionais (SPILTN), with the additional mandate of resettling landless Brazilian workers. Marshal [[Candido Mariano da Silva Rondon|Cândido Mariano da Silva Rondon]], who had led telegraph-line expeditions through the [[Amazon]] and made first contact with numerous isolated tribes, was its founding director and served until 1930. By its final decade, the agency had become one of the most comprehensively documented cases of state-organized atrocity against indigenous peoples in the Americas.
+
+### Rondon and the Pacification Doctrine
+
+Rondon developed his pacification strategy inside the rubber zone between 1890 and 1910. His men left gifts on jungle trails for Indians hiding from the advancing telegraph crews and, if attacked, offered no resistance, under the famous order "Die if it be necessary, but kill never." His success won official acclaim in June 1910, when the Brazilian government established the SPI, appointed him its head, and decreed that Indians could live peacefully in assigned territories, would work only of their own free will, and had full right to profit from their work.[^1] The doctrine's first applications already showed its limits: most of the Botocudos of [[Minas Gerais]] were killed before SPI pacified the survivors in 1911 to 1914 and resettled them at SPI posts, where, in the authors' words, they "quickly despaired and disappeared into graves." The Kayapó do Sul, pacified and integrated, were extinct by mid-century.[^2]
+
+For decades SPI's unarmed agents were presented internationally as the lone example of how a state could achieve capitalist growth without genocide. In 1957, human rights advocates nominated the dying Rondon for the Nobel Peace Prize, just as, in the authors' judgment, the agency was entering its terminal stage of corruption.[^3]
+
+### The CIAA Rubber Program
+
+During World War II the SPI became entangled in the United States rubber procurement effort run by [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s [[CIAA]]. In 1942 [[J.C. King]], then surveying the Amazon for Rockefeller, visited the SPI director for the state of [[Para|Pará]], who told him no permanent white colonization was possible until health protection was extended to the seringueiro rubber tappers. CIAA field officer [[Ernest Maes]] proposed that SPI posts protect Indian rubber workers from exploitation, noting that SPI had already recommended twenty new posts "to control the purchase of rubber from the Indian collectors," and [[John Collier]], the U.S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, pressed Rockefeller to accept, calling SPI "the only official Brazilian agency responsible for the protection of the Indian population." Rockefeller flatly rejected the proposal and assigned sponsorship of Indian labor to Brazil's Ministry of Labor, the very agency that had nearly let SPI die of starvation funding in the 1930s.[^4] In January 1943, Rondon was so disturbed by reports of exploitation of Indian rubber labor that he pleaded in the [[Inter-American Indian Institute]]'s journal América Indígena for SPI's techniques to be extended to the rubber frontiers of [[Peru]] and [[Colombia]], to no avail.[^5]
+
+### The Xavante Campaign
+
+The wartime rubber programs prompted President [[Getulio Vargas]] to establish the [[Central Brazil Foundation]] to sponsor the conquest of the Amazonian interior. Its 1943 "Great Expedition of Central Brazil and Xingu-Roncador" crossed the Rio das Mortes in 1944 into the lands of the [[Xavante]], the most powerful tribe of central Brazil. After eight months of frontal assaults against the expedition's trenches, the Xavante surrendered to the proclaimed love of the SPI advance team, agreeing to let the expedition pass on the promise that they would be left in peace.[^6] SPI completed the pacification of the Xavante in 1946; within a dozen years the BR-010 highway from [[Belem|Belém]] to [[Brasilia|Brasília]] was driving through the lands between the [[Xingu River|Xingu]] and Tocantins rivers, bringing the first of a million settlers, with pastureland feasibility evidence supplied by Nelson Rockefeller's [[IBEC]] Research Institute.[^7]
+
+### Militarization and the Indian Trick
+
+SPI was, in the authors' phrase, "one of the first victims of Brazil's runaway development." In [[Goias|Goiás]], Governor Ludovico, an old Vargas crony, confined the state's Indians in 1941 to a seventy-six-square-mile zone that became their prison; French author [[Lucien Bodard]], who interviewed the governor, wrote that "he had handled them in such a way that they died on their own, like sick animals, without assassins," with the help of "the experts of the SPI."[^8] In [[Mato Grosso]], speculators (often local politicians) used corrupted SPI agents to assert Indian land rights over settlers' improved plots, denounce the settlers as stealers of Indian land, strip their titles, then remove the Indians to remote reserves and pass the titles to friends. This "Indian trick" peaked in 1958, when Mato Grosso's legislators passed a land-restitution law whose compensation terms were published in only two copies; by the time the public learned of it, the legislators had claimed the buy-back funds in their own and relatives' names.[^9]
+
+The military took over the SPI in 1958, the year [[Juscelino Kubitschek]] began construction of Brasília in earnest. By 1963 the destruction of the Amazonian Indians had grown in direct proportion to military control over the corrupted agency. French anthropologist [[Alfred Metraux|Alfred Métraux]] wrote that the SPI postos were "not only centers of demoralization and exploitation, but veritable traps. Once caught in them, the Indians are condemned to rapid extinction." [[Darcy Ribeiro]], who had worked for SPI, judged that the last four years of military administrations had brought the service "to the lowest point of its history, bringing it down in certain regions to the degrading condition of an agent and prop of the despoilers and murderers of the Indians." Brazilian government files recorded that measles, smallpox, influenza, and tuberculosis were deliberately introduced among the Indians of Mato Grosso by land speculators.[^10] The [[Karaja|Karajá]] of the Araguaia River numbered some 4,000 in the 1930s; by 1967 about 400 remained, their lands taken over by cattle ranchers under the oversight of SPI agents.[^11]
+
+### SIL Coordination
+
+SPI invited the [[Summer Institute of Linguistics]] into Brazil in the mid-1950s, after Darcy Ribeiro, seeking a counterweight to the agency's growing corruption and militarization, met SIL linguist Kenneth Pike at the Rio Conference of Americanists. The first translators, [[Dale Kietzman]] and his wife Harriet, arrived in 1956; in 1957 SIL teams were placed at the SPI post among the [[Terena|Terêna]] (the same year Nelson Rockefeller took possession of [[Fazenda Bodoquena]] on former Terêna lands) and near an SPI post among the Kaiwá. By January 1959, [[William Cameron Townsend]] had placed eleven SIL teams in the Brazilian Amazon, all working closely with SPI and some living at SPI posts.[^12] SPI's military director, Colonel Moacyr, took a personal hand in helping SIL import a [[JAARS]] Helio Courier and sought to use SIL's Pioneer 530 radio transmitters to "amplify the SPI network" of control over the tribes.[^13]
+
+Just before the [[1964 Brazilian coup]], SPI's official overseer, the National Council for the Protection of the Indian (CNPI), itself dominated by the military officers who ran SPI, ordered a survey of Indian tribes in the Brazilian Amazon in support of the road-building agenda, and turned to SIL to cover the tribes of the southern Amazon valley. Kietzman compiled the results into [[Indians of Brazil in the Twentieth Century]], published in 1966-1967 by the [[Institute for Cross Cultural Research]], a division of Operations and Policy Research, Inc., which the New York Times identified in February 1967 as a recipient of [[CIA]] funds. The book mapped "areas of potentially hostile Indians" across the basin, described SPI throughout as the Indians' protector three years after Ribeiro's denunciation, and was edited by Janice Hopper, widow of the head of [[Project Camelot]].[^14] Nine of the tribes later reported to have suffered genocidal practices or outright attacks while in SPI custody, including the Xavante, Karajá, Kadiwéu, [[Bororo|Borôro]], [[Guarani|Guaraní]], [[Maxakali|Maxakalí]], Canela, and Ticúna, were "occupied" by SIL teams.[^15]
+
+### The Cintas Largas Massacre
+
+The incident that detonated SPI's final crisis was the 1963 massacre of a village of [[Cintas Largas]] Indians in northwest Mato Grosso, where the trans-Amazonian highway link from Cuiabá to [[Porto Velho|Pôrto Velho]] was under construction with $52.6 million in [[Agency for International Development|AID]] loans and $1 million in donated U.S. Army equipment, and where deposits of cassiterite, the essential tin ore, had been discovered. An expedition launched by the firm of Arruda and Junqueira flew a Cessna over a Cintas Largas village armed with sugar, to lure the Indians into the open, and dynamite; survivors of the bombing were hunted down and killed. The massacre came to light only because one of the killers, Ataide Pereira, confessed to his priest, Father Edgar Smith, who recorded the account and delivered the tape to the SPI. Over the following years, four defendants died before trial (two drowned "while on fishing trips," the pilot reportedly in a plane crash, the expedition leader at the hands of revolting rubber tappers), and Father Smith was killed in an auto accident. Austrian anthropologist Georg Grünberg branded the massacre genocide in a 1966 journal article that also recounted the attempted extermination of the neighboring [[Beicos-de-Pau|Beiços-de-Pau]].[^16]
+
+### The Figueiredo Report
+
+Grünberg's article set the stage for the nationalist interior minister, [[General Albuquerque Lima]], to refer the case to Attorney General [[Jader Figueiredo]] in September 1967 and to launch a full investigation of SPI's treatment of all tribes in its care. Figueiredo's investigators traveled 10,000 miles and visited some 130 SPI posts, amassing twenty volumes of evidence. The official 5,115-page report, released in March 1968, cited case after case of systematic atrocities committed with SPI collaboration: clothing infected with smallpox, poisoned food supplies, children forced into slavery, and women forced into prostitution. Albuquerque Lima decreed that SPI had to be abolished and that 134 of its 700 functionaries would face formal judicial inquiries; the published list of their crimes filled a newspaper page in small print. Major Luis Neves, the head of the SPI, was alone accused of forty-two crimes, including embezzlement of $300,000, illegal sale of Indian lands, and complicity in a series of murders. Figueiredo told reporters that some $62 million worth of Indian property had been stolen since the military takeover in 1958, and that the service "was for years a den of corruption and indiscriminate killings."[^17]
+
+The report's tribal litany included the Guaraní, counted at 3,000 to 4,000 by Ribeiro in 1957 and reduced to about 300; the Borôro, whose cattle were illegally sold off by SPI agents at the Teresa Cristina reserve named for Rondon's memory (his mother was part Borôro); the [[Nambiquara|Nambiquára]], mowed down by machine-gun fire; the Patachós, injected with smallpox when they believed they were receiving vaccine; the Canelas, massacred by hired guns; the Maxakalís, given firewater and shot when drunk; and the Beiços-de-Pau, fed gifts of food laced with arsenic and insecticide. Of the 100,000 to 200,000 Indians estimated to be living in Brazil in 1957, some anthropologists claimed fewer than 50,000 had survived.[^18]
+
+The military government of [[Humberto Castelo Branco]]'s successor, [[General Artur da Costa e Silva]], used the revelations to abolish the SPI and replace it with [[FUNAI]] (Fundação Nacional do Índio), created under a 1967 law with military supervision. Very few of the accused SPI agents were ever punished, and the reform proved more organizational than substantive: FUNAI pursued the same integrationist agenda through the peak Amazon development years.[^19] Rio's Jornal do Brasil predicted at the time that "the Indian Protection Service investigation will wind up in the United Nations. The crime is genocide and violation of the rights of man." Instead, by September 1971 National Geographic could describe FUNAI's predecessor in a single sanitized sentence: "Over the years the old service had grown cumbersome and tangled in red tape."[^20]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 10.
+[^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 15.
+[^3]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
+[^4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 10.
+[^5]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 11.
+[^6]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 11.
+[^7]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
+[^8]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
+[^9]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
+[^10]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28; Ch. 39.
+[^11]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28.
+[^12]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 22.
+[^13]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 28.
+[^14]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 32; Ch. 39.
+[^15]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39.
+[^16]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39.
+[^17]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39.
+[^18]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39.
+[^19]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 39; Ch. 41.
+[^20]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 41; Ch. 42.