vault backup: 2026-09-21 20:24:41
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@ -62,7 +62,7 @@ Under Eisenhower, Dulles reported all CIA covert operations, including MKULTRA,
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### Bay of Pigs and Forced Resignation
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The Bay of Pigs invasion of April 17-19, 1961 was the catastrophic failure that ended Dulles's career. The operation had been developed under Eisenhower and inherited by Kennedy; Dulles and Bissell had assured Kennedy that the plan was viable. After Kennedy's cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and the capture of 1,179 Brigade 2506 members, the disaster's scope was evident.
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The Bay of Pigs invasion of April 17-19, 1961 was the catastrophic failure that ended Dulles's career. The operation had been developed under Eisenhower and inherited by Kennedy; Dulles and Bissell had assured Kennedy that the plan was viable. After Kennedy's cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and the capture of 1,179 [[Brigade 2506]] members, the disaster's scope was evident.
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Kennedy publicly accepted responsibility but was privately furious. He reportedly told aide [[Ted Sorensen]] that he wanted to "splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds" - a remark almost certainly apocryphal in its precise wording but consistent with his documented anger. The Taylor Commission's findings and the classified Kirkpatrick IG report both pointed to fundamental CIA failures in planning, execution, and judgment.
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Armando Fernandez Larios.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Armando Fernandez Larios.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- ArmandoFernandezLarios
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- DINA
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- Chile
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- OrlandoLetelier
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- CaravanOfDeath
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- PleaBargain
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- ImmigrationAndCustomsEnforcement
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alias:
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- Armando Fernández Larios
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- Alejandro Romeral
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summary: "Chilean army officer of the 1973 Caravan of Death and DINA's advance man in the Letelier murder, who defected to the United States in 1987, served five months, and was detained by ICE in 2025."
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location: "Florida, United States"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Armando Fernández Larios was an officer of the [[Chile|Chilean]] army and of [[DINA]]. He left the army in January 1987 with the rank of major and has lived since in the [[United States]].[^1]
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### The Caravan of Death
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In October 1973 he was one of the squad of General [[Sergio Arellano Stark]] that toured provincial garrisons removing prisoners for execution. A federal appeals court recorded that on October 17 at [[Copiapó]] the squad chose thirteen prisoners, "drove the thirteen prisoners ten minutes outside of Copiapo toward the City of La Serena, ordered the prisoners out of the truck, and executed each by gunfire or by stabbing." The economist [[Winston Cabello]] "refused to leave the truck and was stabbed to death by Fernandez who slashed Cabello with a corvo, a short, curved knife that is designed to inflict fatal wounds while causing a prolonged and painful death." Fernández denied at trial that he had been present. In 2003 a federal jury awarded Cabello's family four million dollars under the [[Alien Tort Claims Act]] and the [[Torture Victim Protection Act]], and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit|Eleventh Circuit]] affirmed in 2005.[^1]
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### Letelier
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In July 1976 Fernández and [[Michael Townley]] went to [[Paraguay]] for false passports in the names Alejandro Romeral and Juan Williams, which Ambassador [[George Landau]] photographed. That September he went ahead of Townley to Washington to watch [[Orlando Letelier]], and met Townley at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] on September 9. Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] were killed on September 21. A Washington grand jury indicted Fernández in 1978 with [[Manuel Contreras]] and [[Pedro Espinoza]], and Chile refused to extradite them.[^2]
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### The 1987 Arrangement
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In mid-January 1987 he met American officials secretly in [[Santiago]] for ten hours. He left for [[Brazil]] on January 22, was questioned there by officers of the [[Department of State|State Department]] and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], and was brought to the United States. Polygraph examinations found "consistent signs of deception" in his denial that he had known the purpose of the mission. A [[State Department]] memorandum of January 26 declared that "Fernandez is not a murderer" and that "the foreign policy benefits are substantial." On February 4 he pleaded guilty before Judge [[Barrington Parker]] to being an accessory after the fact. The government promised that it "would neither seek to deport [him] to Chile nor to cooperate in his extradition to Chile." Parker sentenced him on May 6 to up to seven years. In July the State Department's lawyer [[Michael Kozak]] wrote to the parole commission: "I personally have come to know Mr. Fernandez Larios and his character well." He was paroled on September 11, 1987, after five months.[^1][^2]
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In 2005 he applied without success for the visa given to foreign informants. On October 27, 2025, agents of [[Immigration and Customs Enforcement]] detained him in [[Florida]] and held him at the [[Krome Detention Center]], and in January 2026 the [[Department of Homeland Security]] put him on a published list of the "worst of the worst." He petitioned for habeas corpus on February 20, pleading the promise of 1987. Chief Judge [[Cecilia Altonaga]] ordered the government to answer by March 19. It released him that day instead, and she dismissed the case as moot on March 30.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Cabello v. Fernandez-Larios, 402 F.3d 1148 (11th Cir. 2005).
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[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, and Sebastian Santana. "'Worst of the Worst': ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios," National Security Archive, July 10, 2026. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2026-07-10/worst-worst-ice-and-case-chilean-intelligence-operative-armando
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@ -166,7 +166,7 @@ After arriving in Miami, Blandón invested his L.A. drug profits in a string o
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Blandón bought into La Parrilla, a Nicaraguan restaurant co-founded by former National Guard major general [[Gustavo Medina]] and FDN supporter [[Donald Barrios]]. Henry Corrales, Blandón's former cocaine distributor, also owned a piece. The elegant restaurant became a hangout for Contra leaders and was the site of pro-Contra demonstrations and seminars. The Miami Herald named it "the best Nicaraguan restaurant in Dade [County]" in 1987 and awarded it four stars.[^11]
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Blandón's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside Miami International Airport and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
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Blandón's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside [[Miami International Airport]] and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
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### Continued Drug Oversight
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Elizabeth Dunlevy.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Elizabeth Dunlevy.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- ElizabethDunlevy
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- CIA
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- RichardHelms
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- Watergate
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- HelmsTapes
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summary: "Richard Helms's secretary, who on his instruction in January 1973 ordered the destruction of the recordings of his office conversations, and who told the Senate she had read every transcript and none touched Watergate."
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location: "Langley, Virginia"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Elizabeth Dunlevy kept the transcripts of the conversations recorded in the office of [[Richard Helms]], director of central intelligence, "under her tight control in the vault."[^1]
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### January 1973
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The technicians of the agency's recording facility, Allen Kobliska and Nicholas Popivchak, had been destroying tapes for want of space since 1972 on lists submitted to her. On the week of January 22, 1973, as Helms left the agency, all the remaining originals, "about six safe drawers" holding some 125 tapes, were destroyed. Senator [[Howard Baker]] learned of the taping and the destruction from [[William Colby]] in 1974; a letter from Senator [[Mike Mansfield]] to Helms of January 16, 1973, had asked that Watergate material be preserved.[^1][^2]
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### Testimony
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On February 6, 1974, before the Senate committee in a room where "a radio was played throughout to enhance security," she testified, in the summary of the agency's own observer, that "she did not order the destruction of the tapes at her own initiative, but had done so at the request of Mr. Helms, in the context of cleaning out the office in preparation for a new director"; that "she had no idea that any tapes other than Mr. Helms' tapes would be destroyed"; that "she had read them all and on her oath none contained any information relating to Watergate"; and that she had no knowledge bearing on Watergate, "but then corrected herself and referred to the 28 June 1972 memorandum to General Walters." She said that [[Howard Hunt]] "had always been grateful to her for arranging a loan in connection with the terrible financial strain involving his daughter," a loan of about 12,000 dollars that Helms had arranged by telephone. Afterward she "expressed her concern that material that had been sent to Archives labeled 'To be opened only by Mr. Helms or Mrs. Dunlevy or at their death' was being used to reconstruct records on conversations taped in Mr. Helms' office." The committee's counsel [[Fred Thompson]] "saw some real conflict" between her account and the technicians'; the agency's observer did not.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, memorandum for the record, "Select Committee Testimony of 6 February 1974," OLC 74-0197, February 6, 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01474420.
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[^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. "Minority Report on CIA Involvement, Submitted at the Request of Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr.," in *The Senate Watergate Report,* Dell, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 732 ff. (S. Rept. 93-981, 1974), "Tapes."
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Enrique Arancibia Clavel.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Enrique Arancibia Clavel.md
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---
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- EnriqueArancibiaClavel
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- DINA
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- OperationCondor
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- CarlosPrats
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- BuenosAires
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- Argentina
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alias:
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- Enrique Lautaro Arancibia Clavel
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summary: "DINA's Buenos Aires station chief from 1974 to 1978, who prepared the ground for Townley's bomb under Carlos Prats's car, received a life sentence in Argentina in 2000, and was stabbed to death on parole."
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died: 2011
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location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Enrique Lautaro Arancibia Clavel ran the [[DINA]] station in [[Buenos Aires]] from 1974. The Argentine courts found it "debidamente acreditado" that he belonged, from March 1974 until November 24, 1978, to "DINA exterior," an association of at least ten members "whose activity consisted of persecuting the political opponents of the Pinochet regime exiled in Argentina," by kidnapping, torture under interrogation, and the theft of victims' identity papers for reuse. His own function "was to form a parallel network of informants in Buenos Aires to supply data on those being pursued."[^1]
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### Prats
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In the summer of 1974 Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] came to Buenos Aires "with a bag of cash to hire assassins and to coordinate the operation with the Argentine service, [[Secretaría de Inteligencia del Estado|SIDE]]." Arancibia distributed 20,000 dollars to would-be killers who kept the money. [[Michael Townley]] then built the bomb himself. After it destroyed the car of General [[Carlos Prats]] and [[Sofía Cuthbert]] on September 30, 1974, Townley heard Arancibia shout "Asi mueren los traidores." The court found that he "prepared the ground" for Townley and "viabilizó el desvío de la custodia," the diversion of the general's police guard.[^2][^3]
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### Judgment
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In November 2000 Tribunal Oral Federal No. 6 of Buenos Aires, Judges María del Carmen Roqueta and José Valentín Martínez Sobrino among its members, sentenced him to reclusión perpetua as "partícipe necesario" in the killings and for membership in an illicit association. It called DINA "an instrument for eliminating opponents" and the "embrión" of [[Operation Condor|Operación Cóndor]]. An appeals court held the association charge time-barred. On August 24, 2004, on the complaint of the government of [[Chile]] as civil party, the [[Supreme Court of Argentina|Corte Suprema]] reinstated it, ruling that crimes against humanity were imprescriptible under customary international law when committed. In 2003 he received twelve more years for the kidnapping of two Chilean women. He was paroled in July 2007 and was stabbed fifteen times and killed in 2011 by a young man he had met after his release.[^1][^3]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: *Arancibia Clavel, Enrique Lautaro s/homicidio calificado y asociación ilícita y otros,* Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación, Argentina, August 24, 2004.
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[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 74-77.
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[^3]: "Caso Prats: La DINA fue un instrumento para eliminar opositores," *Diario Judicial,* November 28, 2000. Infobae and La Voz de América retrospectives supply the 2003 sentence, the parole, and the killing.
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Frank Castro.md
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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Frank Castro.md
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---
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category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
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tags:
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- Person
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- FrankCastro
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- CORU
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- CubanExiles
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- Terrorism
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- CubanaFlight455
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alias:
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- Eulogio Francisco Castro Paz
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- Francisco Castro
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summary: "Cuban exile named by a DISIP officer among the planners of the Cubana bombing at the Anauco Hilton in 1976, who led CORU from Miami after Orlando Bosch's arrest until Bosch removed him in 1978."
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location: "Miami, Florida"
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created: 2026-09-21
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updated: 2026-09-21
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---
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Frank Castro, whose name the FBI gave as Eulogio Francisco Castro Paz, was with [[Orlando Bosch]] the alleged organizer of the meeting in the [[Dominican Republic]] in June 1976 that formed [[CORU]]. He was "a leader of CORU, the anti-Castro terrorist organization which has taken credit for several bombings," and of the [[Frente de Liberación Nacional Cubano|Cuban National Liberation Front]].[^1][^2]
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### Caracas
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[[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] of [[DISIP]] said the [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|bombing of the Cubana airliner]] had been discussed at the bar of the Anauco Hilton by Castro, Gustavo Castillo, [[Luis Posada Carriles]], and himself, and again in his apartment, where "there was disagreement as to who would take part in the various phases of the operation, and who would claim credit." Castro said his front would claim it; after 73 people died he "did not want the FLNC to claim credit, fearing Cuban government reprisal." By an informant's account, [[Rolando Otero]], fleeing Miami after the bombings of 1975, was met in the Dominican Republic by Castro, who arranged his passage to Venezuela and [[Chile]].[^2][^3]
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### CORU
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After Bosch's arrest Castro was "CORU Chief from Miami." He was reported planning to sabotage a Mexican airliner, "very emphatic in stating that all operations must be outside of the boundaries of the United States"; in January 1977 a CORU envoy from [[Orlando García Vásquez]] was to find Castro for a bombing meant to relieve pressure on Bosch; and an informant put "a young action oriented cell under the control of Francisco 'Frank' Castro," [[Alvin Ross]] and Raciel Rodríguez, behind the bombing of the Viasa office in Miami Beach on December 23, 1977. In May 1977 he said the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] was rejoining CORU "but without [[Felipe Rivero]]." In July 1978 Bosch removed him in favor of Dr. Carlos Dominicis, and Castro received word through a relative, a former Dominican naval officer, "that the Cuban Government is trying to have Frank Castro assassinated in the Miami, Florida area."[^1][^4]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 250; Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
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[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
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[^3]: *Miami New Times* retrospective on the 1975 Miami bombings, not read in full; *United States v. Otero-Hernandez,* 418 F. Supp. 572 (M.D. Fla. 1976).
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[^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
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@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Cuban exile and father of Luis Elizondo whose revolutionary past and u
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### Revolutionary Past and Imprisonment
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In his youth, Luis D. Elizondo III fought alongside Fidel Castro against the Batista regime in Cuba. However, when Castro aligned with the Soviet Union and declared himself president for life, Elizondo III joined the resistance. He participated in the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion as a member of Brigade 2506 and was subsequently captured and imprisoned in Cuba for two years. His experiences in prison, which included enduring oral surgery without anesthesia, left him a volatile and deeply anti-authoritarian man.[^1]
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In his youth, Luis D. Elizondo III fought alongside Fidel Castro against the Batista regime in Cuba. However, when Castro aligned with the Soviet Union and declared himself president for life, Elizondo III joined the resistance. He participated in the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion as a member of [[Brigade 2506]] and was subsequently captured and imprisoned in Cuba for two years. His experiences in prison, which included enduring oral surgery without anesthesia, left him a volatile and deeply anti-authoritarian man.[^1]
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### Influence on Luis Elizondo
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---
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title: Luis Posada Carriles
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aliases:
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- Luis Posada Carriles
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- Ramon Medina
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created: 2026-05-17
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updated: 2026-05-17
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category: "Intelligence & Government"
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tags:
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- Person
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- Intelligence
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- CIA
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- DrugTrafficker
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- ElSalvador
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- 1980s
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- ContraWar
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- DarkAllianceInvestigation
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summary: "Veteran CIA agent with a documented history of drug trafficking who ran day-to-day Contra resupply operations at Ilopango Air Force Base under the alias Ramon Medina."
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born: 1928-02-15
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died: 2018-05-23
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location: "Cienfuegos, Cuba"
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---
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Luis Posada Carriles was a veteran [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent with a history of involvement with drug traffickers, mobsters, and terrorists who ran day-to-day Contra resupply operations at [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]] under the alias "Ramon Medina." He was recruited by [[Felix Rodriguez]] as his right-hand man after escaping from Venezuelan prison in 1985.[^1]
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### CIA Recruitment and Early Criminal Activity
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Posada was recruited by the CIA in the 1960s after years of working with anti-Castro Cubans in [[Miami]]. CIA records show he was investigated by the Justice Department in 1967 for supplying explosives, silencers, and hand grenades to Miami mobsters "Lefty" Rosenthal and Norman "Roughhouse" Rothman, a close associate of South Florida's Mafia chieftain Santos Trafficante. A memo in Posada's CIA file noted "Posada may have been moonlighting for Rosenthal," and in late 1968 he was transferred by the agency for "unreported association with gangster elements, thefts from CIA, plus other items."[^1]
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### Drug Trafficking in Venezuela
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Posada was sent to [[Venezuela]] and began working as an official of the Venezuelan intelligence service. In 1973 the [[DEA]] received a report that Posada "was in contact with two Cubans in Miami who were reportedly smuggling narcotics into the United States for Luis Posada." According to the informant, Posada was to be "the main contact" in a major cocaine smuggling operation involving members of the Venezuelan government. The DEA placed Posada under surveillance and he "was observed by agents in Miami to meet with numerous identified upper echelon traffickers in Miami during March 1973."[^1]
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CIA records show the agency was fully aware of its agent's involvement with drug traffickers. It received word in February 1973 that "Posada may be involved in smuggling cocaine from [[Colombia]] through Venezuela to Miami, also counterfeit U.S. money in Venezuela." But the agency decided "not to directly confront Posada with allegation so as not to compromise ongoing investigation."[^1]
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According to notes of a congressional investigator who reviewed Posada's voluminous CIA files in the late 1970s, cables indicated "concern that Posada [was a] serious potential liability. Anxious to terminate association promptly if allegations prove true. By April 1973, it seems sure that Posada involved in narcotics, drug trafficking - seen with known big time drug trafficker." After questioning Posada, the agency found him "guilty only of having the wrong kind of friends" and continued his employment.[^1]
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His associations continued: in January 1974 he asked the CIA to provide a Venezuelan passport for a Dominican military official, which the agency refused on the grounds that it "cannot permit controlled agents to become directly involved with illicit drug trafficking." A few months later the DEA received a report that Posada was trading weapons for cocaine with a man the DEA believed "is involved in political assassinations."[^1]
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### Terrorism and Prison
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The CIA formally terminated Posada in February 1976. Eight months later he was arrested in Venezuela and accused of participating in the midair bombing of a Cuban DC-8 airliner, which killed seventy-eight people. Though never convicted, he spent nearly ten years in Venezuelan prisons before escaping in the summer of 1985.[^1]
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### Ilopango and Contra Operations
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Posada resurfaced at Ilopango in early 1986 as Felix Rodriguez's right-hand man. Posada told investigators that "Rodriguez and other Cuban friends" helped him escape Venezuela and relocate to [[El Salvador]], where Rodriguez helped him get a house in [[San Salvador]]. In a once-secret 1992 FBI interview, Posada recounted that "the resupply project was always looking for people to carry cash from the United States into El Salvador for Posada to dispense." He was told "the money came from Washington," but never got a better explanation.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 13: "The wrong kind of friends"
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In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and was reported to have met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
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### Caracas
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In August 1976 Bosch passed through Maiquetía airport from Curaçao on his way to Chile. There [[José Figueres Ferrer]], the former president of Costa Rica, got him a false passport as "Hector Emilio Balango"; arrested in Costa Rica, he was freed with another as "Luis Paniagua." Called to Caracas by telephone, he landed on September 8 and was met by Luis Posada Carriles, [[Orlando García Vásquez]], and [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]], "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela." From the Caracas Hilton he was offered protection, a weapon, leave to raise funds, and an interview with "a top level person in the Venezuelan government," and "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." A CIA source at a fund-raising dinner in his honor at the house of a Cuban exile doctor, attended by Venezuelan officials, heard him ask in effect for payment to refrain from violence during the United Nations meeting of November, and say that his group had done "a great job" in killing [[Orlando Letelier]] and would "try something else." "After that," the FBI's narrative continued, "the Cuban plane was sabotaged, and seventy-some people were killed. Dr. Bosch was arrested and charged with the crime."[^2][^3]
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### Caracas
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|
||||
In August 1976 Bosch passed through Maiquetía airport from Curaçao on his way to Chile. There José Figueres Ferrer, the former president of Costa Rica, got him a false passport as "Hector Emilio Balango"; arrested in Costa Rica, he was freed with another as "Luis Paniagua." Called to Caracas by telephone, he landed on September 8 and was met by Luis Posada Carriles, Orlando García Vásquez, and Ricardo Morales Navarrete, "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela." From the Caracas Hilton he was offered protection, a weapon, leave to raise funds, and an interview with "a top level person in the Venezuelan government," and "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." A CIA source at a fund-raising dinner in his honor at the house of a Cuban exile doctor, attended by Venezuelan officials, heard him ask in effect for payment to refrain from violence during the United Nations meeting of November, and say that his group had done "a great job" in killing Orlando Letelier and would "try something else." "After that," the FBI's narrative continued, "the Cuban plane was sabotaged, and seventy-some people were killed. Dr. Bosch was arrested and charged with the crime."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### October 1976
|
||||
|
||||
Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
|
||||
Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of Orlando Letelier, committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Exclusion and Release
|
||||
|
||||
Acquitted in Venezuela after eleven years, Bosch entered the United States without papers on February 18, 1988, and was held on his 1974 parole violation. On January 23, 1989, the acting associate attorney general, [[Joe D. Whitley]], ordered him excluded. "For 30 years Bosch has been resolute and unwavering in his advocacy of terrorist violence. He has threatened and undertaken violent terrorist acts against numerous targets, including nations friendly toward the United States and their highest officials." The decision recited his leadership of the [[Movimiento Insurreccional de Recuperación Revolucionaria|MIRR]] from 1960 to 1968, the recoilless rifle fired at the freighter *Polanica* on September 16, 1968, telegraphed threats to the presidents of [[Mexico]], [[Spain]], and Britain, his founding of CORU, and evidence at his Venezuelan trial "that the two men convicted of homicide in connection with the bombing were in contact with Bosch both before and after the bombing." "Appeasement of those who would use force will only breed more terrorists." In 1990, over the department's objection, the [[White House]] of [[George H.W. Bush]] released him.[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9, 148, 246-250, quoting Bosch's interview with Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.
|
||||
[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
|
||||
[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, intelligence report, "Activities of Cuban Exile Leader Orlando Bosch During his Stay in Venezuela," October 14, 1976. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 334, document 7.
|
||||
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Associate Attorney General, *In the Matter of Orlando Bosch-Avila,* decision of Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley in exclusion proceedings, January 23, 1989.
|
||||
[^5]: National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006, with the affidavits of Trinidad and Tobago police officers and the FBI report of November 5, 1976, to the Secretary of State.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
35
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando García Vásquez.md
Normal file
35
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando García Vásquez.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- OrlandoGarciaVasquez
|
||||
- DISIP
|
||||
- Venezuela
|
||||
- CubanExiles
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- CubanaFlight455
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Orlando Garcia Vasquez
|
||||
- Orlando García
|
||||
summary: "Cuban exile with CIA training who headed Venezuela's DISIP, received Orlando Bosch at Caracas airport in September 1976, and was said to have ordered CORU attacks to relieve pressure on him after the Cubana bombing."
|
||||
location: "Caracas, Venezuela"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Orlando García Vásquez, a Cuban exile and friend of [[Orlando Bosch]], was head of [[DISIP]], the Venezuelan security police, with [[Rafael Rivas Vásquez]] as his deputy and [[Luis Posada Carriles]] as chief of operations. "All had received CIA training." The FBI described him in 1976 as "Minister Counsellor on Security Matters to Venezuelan President [[Carlos Andrés Pérez]]."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### September 1976
|
||||
|
||||
When Bosch landed at Maiquetía on September 8, 1976, García, Posada, and [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] met him, "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela," and dined with him at La Hacienda. Through two government men lodged at the Caracas Hilton Bosch was offered police protection, a pistol, permission to raise funds "for the cause of Cuba," and an interview with "a top level person," which Bosch took to mean the president; he in turn "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." Four weeks later a [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|Cubana airliner]] was blown up. García told a Miami detective that DISIP's bomb expert, Carlos Fabri, "became very nervous" at the prospect of testifying, and the detective's police source said DISIP took the investigation from the judicial police "to cover it up."[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1977
|
||||
|
||||
On January 21, 1977, an FBI informant reported that a [[CORU]] member had come to Miami "carrying out instructions for the 'people in Venezuela,'" understood to be García, who wanted "two immediate missions": "a naval operation against Cuban shipping enterprises, which should result in a maximum number of Cuban nationals killed," and "a bombing of a consulate, embassy, or the like of any country having relations with Cuba," to "take away the 'pressure' from Orlando Bosch and specifically from the Republic of Venezuela." The Venezuelans "were interested in prosecuting Luis Posada Carriles to the fullest," while Bosch "may be able to extricate himself." García later lived in Miami.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 249.
|
||||
[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
|
||||
[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
|
||||
[^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
|
||||
32
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Paul Gaynor.md
Normal file
32
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Paul Gaynor.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PaulGaynor
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- CIAOfficeOfSecurity
|
||||
- SecurityResearchStaff
|
||||
- Watergate
|
||||
- LeePennington
|
||||
alias:
|
||||
- Paul F. Gaynor
|
||||
summary: "Chief of the CIA Security Research Staff, who paid Lee Pennington 250 dollars a month and received James McCord's unsigned letters in the winter of 1972, until the staff's abolition in August 1973."
|
||||
location: "Langley, Virginia"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Paul F. Gaynor was chief of the Security Research Staff of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], the unit in which [[James McCord]] had served as deputy chief from 1957. He appeared before the House subcommittee of [[Lucien Nedzi]] in 1973 under that title.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Pennington
|
||||
|
||||
Gaynor retained [[Lee Pennington]], a retired FBI inspector, "at $250 per month until December of 1973." The Senate minority staff found that "the Pennington information was known within the CIA at least at a level as high as the Director of Security, according to the" chief of the Security Research Staff, and that Pennington "may have been a 'domestic agent,' possibly in violation of the CIA's charter." Gaynor testified in executive session on February 24, 1974. "The Agency has advised that the Security Research Staff was abolished in August of 1973."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The McCord Letters
|
||||
|
||||
After his arrest McCord "address[ed] a series of letters to Mr. Paul Gaynor, of CIA, with whom McCord was formerly associated in his active duty CIA days. That correspondence commenced on December 22, 1972, and in it McCord referred to the 'tremendous pressure' to put the operation on the CIA. The follow-on correspondence consisted of an undated note and others dated December 29, 1972, January 3 and 5, 1973 regarding alleged wiretaps on his home, McCord's decision to release his lawyer, and more litany on attempts to involve the CIA in the Watergate. None of this mail was signed. The record indicates that CIA retained this correspondence on file, recognizing that it came from McCord, but nothing was done to bring it to light until after the subcommittee commenced its hearings on May 11, 1973. Why this material was not given to the FBI or the Department of Justice earlier was not responded to satisfactorily by CIA witnesses."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence. *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters.* 93rd Cong., 1st sess., October 23, 1973, witness list and pp. on McCord correspondence.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. "Minority Report on CIA Involvement, Submitted at the Request of Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr.," in *The Senate Watergate Report,* Dell, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 732 ff. (S. Rept. 93-981, 1974), "Pennington Matter."
|
||||
|
|
@ -24,13 +24,16 @@ Percy Foreman (June 21, 1902 to August 25, 1988) was born in a log cabin near [[
|
|||
|
||||
At the hearing in [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] on March 10, 1969, Ray interrupted: "The only thing I have to say is that I can't agree with Mr. Clark." Foreman supplied: "[[Ramsey Clark]]." Ray went on: "Mr. [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. I agree with all these stipulations, and I am not trying to change anything." The court asked whose theories he rejected. "Mr. Canale's, Mr. Clark's and Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's about the conspiracy." Foreman told the judge: "I think that what he said is that he doesn't agree with Ramsey Clark that Ramsey Clark is right or that J. Edgar Hoover is right. I didn't argue that as evidence in this case." Ray received 99 years and within days repudiated the plea. His suit against Foreman, Huie, and Hanes was dismissed, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit|Sixth Circuit]] affirmed in 1971, leaving open the question whether such contracts "are void as a matter of public policy." In 1976 the same court found "a potential conflict of interest" in the arrangement, and a district court finding that the fee "would be unreasonable if there were money to pay it," and upheld the plea.[^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The new agreements of January 29 and February 3, 1969, gave Foreman 60 percent of the income from Huie's works. Ray alleged that on February 13 Foreman brought him a waiver of any claim against Huie or *[[Look (magazine)|Look]]* "for damaging Ray's chances for a fair trial," and that Foreman told him "the prosecution was prepared to bribe a key witness" and that "if he refused to plead guilty, Foreman would exercise less than his best efforts at trial." In one of the letters of March 9 Foreman wrote of the Huie royalties: "These are my own property unconditionally," and that he had by then "spent in excess of $9,500.00 on your case." The Sixth Circuit in 1974 called the allegations, if true, "an outrageous abrogation of the standards which the legal profession sets for itself" and ordered a hearing.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Hunts
|
||||
|
||||
On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^4]
|
||||
On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: "Famed trial lawyer Percy Foreman, who defended James Earl Ray," United Press International, August 25, 1988; "Outspoken lawyer Percy Foreman called legal 'warrior,'" United Press International, August 26, 1988.
|
||||
[^2]: *Ray v. Foreman,* 441 F.2d 1266 (6th Cir. 1971).
|
||||
[^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976).
|
||||
[^4]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
|
||||
[^4]: *Ray v. Rose,* 491 F.2d 285 (6th Cir. 1974).
|
||||
[^5]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Sheffield Edwards.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Sheffield Edwards.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- SheffieldEdwards
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- CIAOfficeOfSecurity
|
||||
- AssassinationPlots
|
||||
- RobertMaheu
|
||||
- JohnnyRoselli
|
||||
summary: "Colonel who directed the CIA's Office of Security when Richard Bissell asked in 1960 for 'gangster-type action' against Castro, and who through Robert Maheu enlisted Johnny Roselli and briefed Robert Kennedy in 1962."
|
||||
location: "Langley, Virginia"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Colonel Sheffield Edwards was director of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] in the years of the plots against [[Fidel Castro]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1960
|
||||
|
||||
In August 1960 [[Richard Bissell]], the deputy director for plans, asked Edwards "if he had assets that may assist in a sensitive mission requiring gangster-type action." Edwards took the question to the director, who approved. He chose [[Robert Maheu]], "a cleared source of the Office of Security," as the intermediary, and Maheu produced [[Johnny Roselli]]. Edwards assigned [[James O'Connell]] as case officer. "Sam Gold" and "Joe," whom Roselli brought in, were [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santos Trafficante]]. He informed the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s liaison, [[Sam Papich]], of the agency's contacts with the two.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1962
|
||||
|
||||
When Maheu's wiretappers were arrested in [[Las Vegas]] in a job done for Giancana, Edwards asked that prosecution be dropped, and it was. On May 7, 1962, he and the general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], briefed Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy|Robert Kennedy]]. On May 14 Edwards wrote the memorandum for the record, "prepared at the request of the Attorney General of the United States following a complete oral briefing of him relative to a sensitive CIA operation conducted during the period approximately August 1960 to May 1961," which Houston sent to Kennedy the next day. In 1963 [[Richard Helms]] told Director [[John McCone]] that it was the only written record of the relationship with Giancana. The inspector general found in 1967 that Kennedy "was not told that the gambling syndicate operation had already been reactivated." Edwards testified to the Senate committee on May 30, 1975.[^1][^2][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, May 16, 1973, with attachments, pp. 00012-00014.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*. S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, pp. 74-83, 133-134.
|
||||
[^3]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, Cuba, document 337, memorandum for the record by Sheffield Edwards, May 14, 1962, with source note.
|
||||
34
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Stefano Delle Chiaie.md
Normal file
34
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Stefano Delle Chiaie.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- StefanoDelleChiaie
|
||||
- AvanguardiaNazionale
|
||||
- Italy
|
||||
- OperationCondor
|
||||
- DINA
|
||||
- Bolivia
|
||||
- StrategyOfTension
|
||||
summary: "Founder of Avanguardia Nazionale, fugitive from Italy from 1970 through Spain, Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia, who arranged the 1975 shooting of Bernardo Leighton for DINA and was received by Pinochet in Madrid."
|
||||
location: "Rome, Italy"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Stefano Delle Chiaie led [[Avanguardia Nazionale]], which he told an Italian parliamentary commission had "surely more than a thousand" members. A warrant in the [[Piazza Fontana bombing]] investigation was issued for him in 1970, and he was a fugitive from Italy for seventeen years, active, as the commission's president put it to him, in "Spain, Chile, Bolivia and Argentina." He entered Italy four times in that period.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Rome, 1975
|
||||
|
||||
In 1975 Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] of [[DINA]] ordered [[Michael Townley]] "to enlist Delle Chiaie's organization in an operation to kill" [[Bernardo Leighton]]. Delle Chiaie advised against better-protected exiles such as [[Carlos Altamirano]]: "Leighton was a better, and easier target." On October 6, 1975, [[Pierluigi Concutelli]] shot Leighton and his wife in the street. "Townley and the Italians celebrated with dinner at Delle Chiaie's apartment, thinking that the Leightons were dead." Weeks later [[Augusto Pinochet]] flew to [[Madrid]] for the funeral of [[Francisco Franco]]. "[[Manuel Contreras|Contreras]] arranged for Delle Chiaie to come to Madrid. Delle Chiaie was given a private audience with Pinochet in his hotel room. Contreras also presented Delle Chiaie with the $5,000 payment."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Before the commission Delle Chiaie declined to describe his years abroad: "Non le sto a raccontare come ho vissuto da latitante perché è un fatto mio personale." He said a NATO-linked structure built against communism had been turned by "central political power" to "stabilization," and that fringes of the "movimento nazional-rivoluzionario" had been infiltrated and used in the strategy of tension. He read from an internal circular of April 1973 warning members of a "vasto piano provocatorio" to blame the movement for "una serie di ignobili fatti delittuosi," and a letter of June 8, 1974, after the [[Piazza della Loggia bombing]], distancing it from the group of the former partisan Fumagalli. He named the intelligence officers [[Antonio Labruna|Labruna]] and [[Gianadelio Maletti|Maletti]] and [[Giorgio Almirante]] as sources of what he called slander linking his movement to the Interior Ministry's Ufficio Affari Riservati. Asked about American intelligence: "Certo, la Bolivia non era stata riconosciuta dagli Stati Uniti quando c'ero io. Il Cile non aveva una ambasciata americana." "Mi porti un documento che dice questo. Io sono pronto a fare il mea culpa se si portano delle prove concrete." The president called much of it "autodifesa" and set against it the commission's findings on [[Propaganda Due|P2]] and the [[Argo 16]] inquiry.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
He was arrested in [[Caracas]] on March 27, 1987, and sent to Italy two days later. He was acquitted in Rome on February 20, 1989, in the [[Bologna railway station bombing]] case and in 1991 in the Piazza Fontana case.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della mancata individuazione dei responsabili delle stragi, audizione del signor Stefano Delle Chiaie, stenographic record no. 25, Rome.
|
||||
[^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 130-133.
|
||||
[^3]: Press obituaries and secondary accounts of the 1987 arrest and the 1989 and 1991 acquittals, not read in the original reporting; the manner of his transfer from Venezuela, by extradition or by handover, is given differently in the accounts.
|
||||
|
|
@ -20,21 +20,21 @@ born: 1913-03-13
|
|||
died: 1987-05-06
|
||||
location: "Elmhurst, Queens, New York"
|
||||
---
|
||||
William Joseph Casey was born March 13, 1913, in Elmhurst, Queens, New York. He attended St. John's University and Fordham Law School, becoming a corporate and tax attorney. During World War II he served in the [[Office of Strategic Services]] (OSS) under William "Wild Bill" Donovan, rising to head the OSS's Secret Intelligence operations in Europe and coordinating the infiltration of agents into Nazi-controlled territory. After the war he became a wealthy lawyer and author of tax shelter guides. President Nixon appointed him Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1971, a post he held through 1973. He managed [[Ronald Reagan]]'s 1980 presidential campaign. Reagan appointed him Director of Central Intelligence in January 1981, and he served as DCI until resigning due to illness in January 1987. He died May 6, 1987, at a hospital in Glen Cove, New York, having suffered a seizure in December 1986 and subsequently undergone brain surgery. He was subpoenaed to testify before the Senate Iran-Contra investigating committee but died before he could appear.[^5]
|
||||
William Joseph Casey was born March 13, 1913, in Elmhurst, Queens, New York. He attended [[St. John's University]] and Fordham Law School, becoming a corporate and tax attorney. During World War II he served in the [[Office of Strategic Services]] (OSS) under [[William J. Donovan|William "Wild Bill" Donovan]], rising to head the OSS's Secret Intelligence operations in Europe and coordinating the infiltration of agents into Nazi-controlled territory. After the war he became a wealthy lawyer and author of tax shelter guides. President [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] appointed him Chairman of the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] in 1971, a post he held through 1973. He managed [[Ronald Reagan]]'s 1980 presidential campaign. Reagan appointed him [[Director of Central Intelligence]] in January 1981, and he served as DCI until resigning due to illness in January 1987. He died May 6, 1987, at a hospital in Glen Cove, New York, having suffered a seizure in December 1986 and subsequently undergone brain surgery. He was subpoenaed to testify before the Senate [[Iran-Contra Affair|Iran-Contra]] investigating committee but died before he could appear.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### October Surprise
|
||||
|
||||
The central allegation against Casey is that he served as the principal American negotiator in secret meetings with Iranian representatives in Spain and France in 1980, during which the Reagan campaign agreed to delay the release of 52 American hostages held in [[Iran]] until after the November 4 election in exchange for promises of arms and the release of frozen Iranian assets. The allegation is the subject of the [[October Surprise]] affair.[^1]
|
||||
The central allegation against Casey is that he served as the principal American negotiator in secret meetings with Iranian representatives in [[Spain]] and [[France]] in 1980, during which the Reagan campaign agreed to delay the release of 52 American hostages held in [[Iran]] until after the November 4 election in exchange for promises of arms and the release of frozen Iranian assets. The allegation is the subject of the [[October Surprise]] affair.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Multiple sources identified two probable meeting locations: Madrid in July 1980 and Paris in October 1980. A U.S. Embassy cable indicating Casey was in Madrid "for purposes unknown" in summer 1980 was withheld from the House October Surprise Task Force by Bush administration officials and only surfaced through journalist [[Robert Parry]]'s reporting in 2011. Casey's personal calendar for October 20, 1980, showed an 8 a.m. Metropolitan Club appointment in Washington, which the House Task Force cited in its January 1993 report finding "no credible evidence" of a deal. Former French intelligence chief Alexandre de Marenches, through his biographer's sworn testimony, indicated he had arranged meetings between Casey and Iranians in Paris in October 1980.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Multiple sources identified two probable meeting locations: Madrid in July 1980 and Paris in October 1980. A U.S. Embassy cable indicating Casey was in Madrid "for purposes unknown" in summer 1980 was withheld from the House October Surprise Task Force by [[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administration officials and only surfaced through journalist [[Robert Parry]]'s reporting in 2011. Casey's personal calendar for October 20, 1980, showed an 8 a.m. Metropolitan Club appointment in Washington, which the House Task Force cited in its January 1993 report finding "no credible evidence" of a deal. Former French intelligence chief [[Alexandre de Marenches]], through his biographer's sworn testimony, indicated he had arranged meetings between Casey and Iranians in Paris in October 1980.[^1][^2]
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A separate [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] investigation found that Casey had engaged in "potentially dangerous" unauthorized efforts to collect intelligence on the Carter administration's hostage-release negotiations -- confirming Reagan-campaign intelligence operations against Carter's Iran policy without concluding a deal had been struck.[^2]
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A separate [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] investigation found that Casey had engaged in "potentially dangerous" unauthorized efforts to collect intelligence on the Carter administration's hostage-release negotiations, confirming Reagan-campaign intelligence operations against Carter's Iran policy without concluding a deal had been struck.[^2]
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Casey died before he could be formally questioned under oath. He was subpoenaed to testify at the Iran-Contra hearings, which were examining a separate but related set of covert arms deals with Iran from 1985-1986.[^5]
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### KH-11 and Israeli Intelligence
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Casey was an enthusiastic supporter of the [[KH-11]] imagery-sharing program with [[Israel]] from the moment he took office, ordering that Israeli liaison officers be provided with a private office near [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] headquarters to ensure all essential intelligence was turned over. After the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]], Casey authorized a review that found Israel had significantly expanded the agreement, requesting and receiving extensive KH-11 coverage of western [[Russia]].[^4]
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Casey was an enthusiastic supporter of the [[KH-11]] imagery-sharing program with [[Israel]] from the moment he took office, ordering that Israeli liaison officers be provided with a private office near [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] headquarters to ensure all essential intelligence was turned over. After the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]], Casey authorized a review that found [[Israel]] had significantly expanded the agreement, requesting and receiving extensive KH-11 coverage of western [[Russia]].[^4]
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### Launching the Contra War
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