vault backup: 2026-09-21 20:24:41

2026-09-21 20:24:41 -04:00 · 2026-09-21 20:24:41 -04:00 · aa02d004fa
commit aa02d004fa
parent 4b8f019502
55 changed files with 1169 additions and 157 deletions
--- a/META/CHANGELOG.md
+++ b/META/CHANGELOG.md
@ -1,6 +1,86 @@
- 2026-09-21T1916 · [[_NOTES_Cuban_exile_network]]
+- 2026-09-21T2017 · [[_manifest]]
 - 2026-09-21T2017 · [[William Bradford Huie]]
 - 2026-09-21T2016 · [[Raymond Rocca]]
 - 2026-09-21T2016 · [[Paul Gaynor]]
 - 2026-09-21T2016 · [[Elizabeth Dunlevy]]
 - 2026-09-21T2016 · [[Raymond Rocca]]
 - 2026-09-21T2016 · [[Paul Gaynor]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[Howard Hunt]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[Percy Foreman]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[Lee Pennington]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[Arthur Hanes]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[James McCord]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[Elizabeth Dunlevy]]
 - 2026-09-21T2015 · [[William Bradford Huie]]
 - 2026-09-21T2014 · [[_NOTES_Wackenhut_CIA_file]]
 - 2026-09-21T2013 · [[Bruce Solie]]
 - 2026-09-21T2013 · [[_NOTES_Watergate_round2]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[José Zara]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[George de Mohrenschildt]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[David Popper]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[José Zara]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[Operation Condor]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[William Luers]]
 - 2026-09-21T2010 · [[David Popper]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Walter Sheridan]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Rolando Otero]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[CIA Office of Security]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Frank Castro]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Lawrence Houston]]
 - 2026-09-21T2008 · [[Garrison Group]]
 - 2026-09-21T2007 · [[_NOTES_Condor_round3]]
 - 2026-09-21T1958 · [[Wackenhut Corporation]]
 - 2026-09-21T1957 · [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]
 - 2026-09-21T1954 · [[Edward Wegmann]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Florida]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Opa Locka]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[JM-WAVE]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Bay of Pigs]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Alvin Ross]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Orlando Bosch]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Luis D. Elizondo III]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Danilo Blandon]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Allen Dulles]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Orlando García Vásquez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[CORU]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Orlando García Vásquez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing]]
 - 2026-09-21T1950 · [[Rolando Otero]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Virgilio Paz]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Guillermo Novo]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Alvin Ross]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[Frank Castro]]
 - 2026-09-21T1949 · [[CORU]]
 - 2026-09-21T1945 · [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann]]
 - 2026-09-21T1945 · [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]]
 - 2026-09-21T1944 · [[Ordine Nuovo]]
 - 2026-09-21T1944 · [[Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria]]
 - 2026-09-21T1944 · [[SISMI]]
 - 2026-09-21T1944 · [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]]
 - 2026-09-21T1943 · [[William Luers]]
 - 2026-09-21T1943 · [[Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria]]
 - 2026-09-21T1943 · [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann]]
 - 2026-09-21T1943 · [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]]
 - 2026-09-21T1934 · [[William J. Casey]]
 - 2026-09-21T1921 · [[James O'Connell]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Sheffield Edwards]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Richard Kleindienst]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Howard Osborn]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Richard Kleindienst]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Sheffield Edwards]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[James O'Connell]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Arthur Hanes]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[Lee Pennington]]
 - 2026-09-21T1920 · [[James McCord]]
 - 2026-09-21T1918 · [[_NOTES_Cuban_exile_network]]
 - 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Donald Regan]]
 - 2026-09-21T1910 · [[_manifest]]
 - 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Donald M. Kerr]]
 - 2026-09-21T1910 · [[Robert Owen]]
 - 2026-09-21T1910 · [[William Colby]]
@ -18,83 +98,3 @@
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Newport Beach, California]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Berlin]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Cuban Missile Crisis]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Warren Commission]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Operation Gold]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Alliance for Progress]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Fluor Corporation]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[NSC Special Group]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Laguna Beach Police Department]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Rafael Trujillo]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Algie A. Wells]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Nick Schou]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Joan Quigley]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Dean Rusk]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Dagoberto Nunez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[William Richard Higgins]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Myron B. Kratzer]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Martin Luther King Jr]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[John F. Kennedy]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[J. Edgar Hoover]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Henry R. Myers]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Henry Murray]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Charles Lucet]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Arthur Krock]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Oliver J. Caldwell]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Marlin Fitzwater]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Lincoln Gordon]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[John W. Finney]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Fidel Castro]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Bobby Baker]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Allen Dulles]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[Adolfo Chamorro]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Uncategorized]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Psychics & Remote Viewers]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - PROMIS Scandal]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Nuclear Scientists & Programs]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Military]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Key Figures]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Iran-Contra]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[MOC - Intelligence & Government]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[KEY INDIVIDUALS]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[The Samson Option Narrative]]
 - 2026-09-21T1909 · [[_NOTES_Condor_Europe_DINA]]
 - 2026-09-21T1908 · [[_NOTES_Watergate_CIA_security]]
 - 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Ronni Moffitt]]
 - 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Edward Gerrity]]
 - 2026-09-21T1902 · [[Lawrence Houston]]
 - 2026-09-21T1902 · [[William Broe]]
 - 2026-09-21T1902 · [[James Eastland]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Timothy Leary]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Count Leopold Lippens]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Robert Berrellez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Percy Foreman]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Ronni Moffitt]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Percy Foreman]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[James Eastland]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Edward Gerrity]]
 - 2026-09-21T1855 · [[Robert Berrellez]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Bay of Pigs]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Operation Condor]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Edward Wegmann]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Sam Papich]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Robert Scherrer]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Clay Shaw]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Jim Garrison]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Church Committee]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Richard Ober]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Renato Pena]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[KEEP_Richard Helms]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Project RESISTANCE]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Howard Osborn]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Domestic Contact Service]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Bruce Solie]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Project RESISTANCE]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Lawrence Houston]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Howard Osborn]]
 - 2026-09-21T1852 · [[Domestic Contact Service]]
 - 2026-09-21T1851 · [[Garrison Group]]
 - 2026-09-21T1851 · [[CIA Office of Security]]
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allen
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allen
@ -62,7 +62,7 @@ Under Eisenhower, Dulles reported all CIA covert operations, including MKULTRA,
 ### Bay of Pigs and Forced Resignation
-The Bay of Pigs invasion of April 17-19, 1961 was the catastrophic failure that ended Dulles's career. The operation had been developed under Eisenhower and inherited by Kennedy; Dulles and Bissell had assured Kennedy that the plan was viable. After Kennedy's cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and the capture of 1,179 Brigade 2506 members, the disaster's scope was evident.
+The Bay of Pigs invasion of April 17-19, 1961 was the catastrophic failure that ended Dulles's career. The operation had been developed under Eisenhower and inherited by Kennedy; Dulles and Bissell had assured Kennedy that the plan was viable. After Kennedy's cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and the capture of 1,179 [[Brigade 2506]] members, the disaster's scope was evident.
 Kennedy publicly accepted responsibility but was privately furious. He reportedly told aide [[Ted Sorensen]] that he wanted to "splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds" - a remark almost certainly apocryphal in its precise wording but consistent with his documented anger. The Taylor Commission's findings and the classified Kirkpatrick IG report both pointed to fundamental CIA failures in planning, execution, and judgment.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Armando
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Armando
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Danilo
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Danilo
@ -166,7 +166,7 @@ After arriving in Miami, BlandÃ³n invested his L.A. drug profits in a string o
 BlandÃ³n bought into La Parrilla, a Nicaraguan restaurant co-founded by former National Guard major general [[Gustavo Medina]] and FDN supporter [[Donald Barrios]]. Henry Corrales, BlandÃ³n's former cocaine distributor, also owned a piece. The elegant restaurant became a hangout for Contra leaders and was the site of pro-Contra demonstrations and seminars. The Miami Herald named it "the best Nicaraguan restaurant in Dade [County]" in 1987 and awarded it four stars.[^11]
-BlandÃ³n's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside Miami International Airport and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
+BlandÃ³n's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside [[Miami International Airport]] and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
 ### Continued Drug Oversight
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Elizabeth
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Elizabeth
@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - ElizabethDunlevy
  - CIA
  - RichardHelms
  - Watergate
  - HelmsTapes
 summary: "Richard Helms's secretary, who on his instruction in January 1973 ordered the destruction of the recordings of his office conversations, and who told the Senate she had read every transcript and none touched Watergate."
 location: "Langley, Virginia"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Elizabeth Dunlevy kept the transcripts of the conversations recorded in the office of [[Richard Helms]], director of central intelligence, "under her tight control in the vault."[^1]
 ### January 1973
 The technicians of the agency's recording facility, Allen Kobliska and Nicholas Popivchak, had been destroying tapes for want of space since 1972 on lists submitted to her. On the week of January 22, 1973, as Helms left the agency, all the remaining originals, "about six safe drawers" holding some 125 tapes, were destroyed. Senator [[Howard Baker]] learned of the taping and the destruction from [[William Colby]] in 1974; a letter from Senator [[Mike Mansfield]] to Helms of January 16, 1973, had asked that Watergate material be preserved.[^1][^2]
 ### Testimony
 On February 6, 1974, before the Senate committee in a room where "a radio was played throughout to enhance security," she testified, in the summary of the agency's own observer, that "she did not order the destruction of the tapes at her own initiative, but had done so at the request of Mr. Helms, in the context of cleaning out the office in preparation for a new director"; that "she had no idea that any tapes other than Mr. Helms' tapes would be destroyed"; that "she had read them all and on her oath none contained any information relating to Watergate"; and that she had no knowledge bearing on Watergate, "but then corrected herself and referred to the 28 June 1972 memorandum to General Walters." She said that [[Howard Hunt]] "had always been grateful to her for arranging a loan in connection with the terrible financial strain involving his daughter," a loan of about 12,000 dollars that Helms had arranged by telephone. Afterward she "expressed her concern that material that had been sent to Archives labeled 'To be opened only by Mr. Helms or Mrs. Dunlevy or at their death' was being used to reconstruct records on conversations taped in Mr. Helms' office." The committee's counsel [[Fred Thompson]] "saw some real conflict" between her account and the technicians'; the agency's observer did not.[^1]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, memorandum for the record, "Select Committee Testimony of 6 February 1974," OLC 74-0197, February 6, 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01474420.
 [^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. "Minority Report on CIA Involvement, Submitted at the Request of Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr.," in *The Senate Watergate Report,* Dell, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 732 ff. (S. Rept. 93-981, 1974), "Tapes."
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Enrique
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Enrique
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - EnriqueArancibiaClavel
  - DINA
  - OperationCondor
  - CarlosPrats
  - BuenosAires
  - Argentina
 alias:
  - Enrique Lautaro Arancibia Clavel
 summary: "DINA's Buenos Aires station chief from 1974 to 1978, who prepared the ground for Townley's bomb under Carlos Prats's car, received a life sentence in Argentina in 2000, and was stabbed to death on parole."
 died: 2011
 location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Enrique Lautaro Arancibia Clavel ran the [[DINA]] station in [[Buenos Aires]] from 1974. The Argentine courts found it "debidamente acreditado" that he belonged, from March 1974 until November 24, 1978, to "DINA exterior," an association of at least ten members "whose activity consisted of persecuting the political opponents of the Pinochet regime exiled in Argentina," by kidnapping, torture under interrogation, and the theft of victims' identity papers for reuse. His own function "was to form a parallel network of informants in Buenos Aires to supply data on those being pursued."[^1]
 ### Prats
 In the summer of 1974 Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] came to Buenos Aires "with a bag of cash to hire assassins and to coordinate the operation with the Argentine service, [[Secretaría de Inteligencia del Estado|SIDE]]." Arancibia distributed 20,000 dollars to would-be killers who kept the money. [[Michael Townley]] then built the bomb himself. After it destroyed the car of General [[Carlos Prats]] and [[Sofía Cuthbert]] on September 30, 1974, Townley heard Arancibia shout "Asi mueren los traidores." The court found that he "prepared the ground" for Townley and "viabilizó el desvío de la custodia," the diversion of the general's police guard.[^2][^3]
 ### Judgment
 In November 2000 Tribunal Oral Federal No. 6 of Buenos Aires, Judges María del Carmen Roqueta and José Valentín Martínez Sobrino among its members, sentenced him to reclusión perpetua as "partícipe necesario" in the killings and for membership in an illicit association. It called DINA "an instrument for eliminating opponents" and the "embrión" of [[Operation Condor|Operación Cóndor]]. An appeals court held the association charge time-barred. On August 24, 2004, on the complaint of the government of [[Chile]] as civil party, the [[Supreme Court of Argentina|Corte Suprema]] reinstated it, ruling that crimes against humanity were imprescriptible under customary international law when committed. In 2003 he received twelve more years for the kidnapping of two Chilean women. He was paroled in July 2007 and was stabbed fifteen times and killed in 2011 by a young man he had met after his release.[^1][^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: *Arancibia Clavel, Enrique Lautaro s/homicidio calificado y asociación ilícita y otros,* Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación, Argentina, August 24, 2004.
 [^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 74-77.
 [^3]: "Caso Prats: La DINA fue un instrumento para eliminar opositores," *Diario Judicial,* November 28, 2000. Infobae and La Voz de América retrospectives supply the 2003 sentence, the parole, and the killing.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Frank
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Frank
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
 ---
 category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
 tags:
  - Person
  - FrankCastro
  - CORU
  - CubanExiles
  - Terrorism
  - CubanaFlight455
 alias:
  - Eulogio Francisco Castro Paz
  - Francisco Castro
 summary: "Cuban exile named by a DISIP officer among the planners of the Cubana bombing at the Anauco Hilton in 1976, who led CORU from Miami after Orlando Bosch's arrest until Bosch removed him in 1978."
 location: "Miami, Florida"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Frank Castro, whose name the FBI gave as Eulogio Francisco Castro Paz, was with [[Orlando Bosch]] the alleged organizer of the meeting in the [[Dominican Republic]] in June 1976 that formed [[CORU]]. He was "a leader of CORU, the anti-Castro terrorist organization which has taken credit for several bombings," and of the [[Frente de Liberación Nacional Cubano|Cuban National Liberation Front]].[^1][^2]
 ### Caracas
 [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] of [[DISIP]] said the [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|bombing of the Cubana airliner]] had been discussed at the bar of the Anauco Hilton by Castro, Gustavo Castillo, [[Luis Posada Carriles]], and himself, and again in his apartment, where "there was disagreement as to who would take part in the various phases of the operation, and who would claim credit." Castro said his front would claim it; after 73 people died he "did not want the FLNC to claim credit, fearing Cuban government reprisal." By an informant's account, [[Rolando Otero]], fleeing Miami after the bombings of 1975, was met in the Dominican Republic by Castro, who arranged his passage to Venezuela and [[Chile]].[^2][^3]
 ### CORU
 After Bosch's arrest Castro was "CORU Chief from Miami." He was reported planning to sabotage a Mexican airliner, "very emphatic in stating that all operations must be outside of the boundaries of the United States"; in January 1977 a CORU envoy from [[Orlando García Vásquez]] was to find Castro for a bombing meant to relieve pressure on Bosch; and an informant put "a young action oriented cell under the control of Francisco 'Frank' Castro," [[Alvin Ross]] and Raciel Rodríguez, behind the bombing of the Viasa office in Miami Beach on December 23, 1977. In May 1977 he said the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] was rejoining CORU "but without [[Felipe Rivero]]." In July 1978 Bosch removed him in favor of Dr. Carlos Dominicis, and Castro received word through a relative, a former Dominican naval officer, "that the Cuban Government is trying to have Frank Castro assassinated in the Miami, Florida area."[^1][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 250; Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^3]: *Miami New Times* retrospective on the 1975 Miami bombings, not read in full; *United States v. Otero-Hernandez,* 418 F. Supp. 572 (M.D. Fla. 1976).
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Luis
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Luis
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Cuban exile and father of Luis Elizondo whose revolutionary past and u
 ### Revolutionary Past and Imprisonment
-In his youth, Luis D. Elizondo III fought alongside Fidel Castro against the Batista regime in Cuba. However, when Castro aligned with the Soviet Union and declared himself president for life, Elizondo III joined the resistance. He participated in the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion as a member of Brigade 2506 and was subsequently captured and imprisoned in Cuba for two years. His experiences in prison, which included enduring oral surgery without anesthesia, left him a volatile and deeply anti-authoritarian man.[^1]
+In his youth, Luis D. Elizondo III fought alongside Fidel Castro against the Batista regime in Cuba. However, when Castro aligned with the Soviet Union and declared himself president for life, Elizondo III joined the resistance. He participated in the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion as a member of [[Brigade 2506]] and was subsequently captured and imprisoned in Cuba for two years. His experiences in prison, which included enduring oral surgery without anesthesia, left him a volatile and deeply anti-authoritarian man.[^1]
 ### Influence on Luis Elizondo
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando
@ -25,10 +25,26 @@ In the summer of 1967 federal officers caught Bosch and his men firing a bazooka
 In December 1974 Bosch entered [[Chile]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], who had come "to pay homage to Pinochet." He lived there for more than a year, and was reported to have met General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. In February 1976 he was arrested in [[Costa Rica]] on "a false Chilean official passport in the name of Hector Davanzo Cintolesi," with a mission to kill [[Andres Pascal Allende|Andrés Pascal Allende]] of the Chilean [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria|MIR]]. That June he and [[Frank Castro]] brought some twenty men to Bonao in the [[Dominican Republic]] and formed the Commando of United Revolutionary Organizations, [[CORU]]. "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings," he told an interviewer from prison. "Everything was planned there."[^1]
 ### Caracas
 In August 1976 Bosch passed through Maiquetía airport from Curaçao on his way to Chile. There [[José Figueres Ferrer]], the former president of Costa Rica, got him a false passport as "Hector Emilio Balango"; arrested in Costa Rica, he was freed with another as "Luis Paniagua." Called to Caracas by telephone, he landed on September 8 and was met by Luis Posada Carriles, [[Orlando García Vásquez]], and [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]], "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela." From the Caracas Hilton he was offered protection, a weapon, leave to raise funds, and an interview with "a top level person in the Venezuelan government," and "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." A CIA source at a fund-raising dinner in his honor at the house of a Cuban exile doctor, attended by Venezuelan officials, heard him ask in effect for payment to refrain from violence during the United Nations meeting of November, and say that his group had done "a great job" in killing [[Orlando Letelier]] and would "try something else." "After that," the FBI's narrative continued, "the Cuban plane was sabotaged, and seventy-some people were killed. Dr. Bosch was arrested and charged with the crime."[^2][^3]
 ### Caracas
 In August 1976 Bosch passed through Maiquetía airport from Curaçao on his way to Chile. There José Figueres Ferrer, the former president of Costa Rica, got him a false passport as "Hector Emilio Balango"; arrested in Costa Rica, he was freed with another as "Luis Paniagua." Called to Caracas by telephone, he landed on September 8 and was met by Luis Posada Carriles, Orlando García Vásquez, and Ricardo Morales Navarrete, "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela." From the Caracas Hilton he was offered protection, a weapon, leave to raise funds, and an interview with "a top level person in the Venezuelan government," and "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." A CIA source at a fund-raising dinner in his honor at the house of a Cuban exile doctor, attended by Venezuelan officials, heard him ask in effect for payment to refrain from violence during the United Nations meeting of November, and say that his group had done "a great job" in killing Orlando Letelier and would "try something else." "After that," the FBI's narrative continued, "the Cuban plane was sabotaged, and seventy-some people were killed. Dr. Bosch was arrested and charged with the crime."[^2][^3]
 ### October 1976
-Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
+Two Venezuelans arrested after the bombing of a [[Cubana Flight 455|Cubana airliner]] off [[Barbados]] on October 6, 1976, "named Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carrilles as part of the conspiracy," and DISIP arrested both. On October 11 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] asked Venezuela to make Bosch available for questioning in the murder of Orlando Letelier, committed three weeks earlier by [[DINA]] with members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement. Cuban exiles had complained that Chile gave haven to Bosch and [[Rolando Otero]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them."[^1]
 ### Exclusion and Release
 Acquitted in Venezuela after eleven years, Bosch entered the United States without papers on February 18, 1988, and was held on his 1974 parole violation. On January 23, 1989, the acting associate attorney general, [[Joe D. Whitley]], ordered him excluded. "For 30 years Bosch has been resolute and unwavering in his advocacy of terrorist violence. He has threatened and undertaken violent terrorist acts against numerous targets, including nations friendly toward the United States and their highest officials." The decision recited his leadership of the [[Movimiento Insurreccional de Recuperación Revolucionaria|MIRR]] from 1960 to 1968, the recoilless rifle fired at the freighter *Polanica* on September 16, 1968, telegraphed threats to the presidents of [[Mexico]], [[Spain]], and Britain, his founding of CORU, and evidence at his Venezuelan trial "that the two men convicted of homicide in connection with the bombing were in contact with Bosch both before and after the bombing." "Appeasement of those who would use force will only breed more terrorists." In 1990, over the department's objection, the [[White House]] of [[George H.W. Bush]] released him.[^4][^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9, 148, 246-250, quoting Bosch's interview with Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
 [^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, intelligence report, "Activities of Cuban Exile Leader Orlando Bosch During his Stay in Venezuela," October 14, 1976. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 334, document 7.
 [^4]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Associate Attorney General, *In the Matter of Orlando Bosch-Avila,* decision of Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley in exclusion proceedings, January 23, 1989.
 [^5]: National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006, with the affidavits of Trinidad and Tobago police officers and the FBI report of November 5, 1976, to the Secretary of State.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Orlando
@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - OrlandoGarciaVasquez
  - DISIP
  - Venezuela
  - CubanExiles
  - CIA
  - CubanaFlight455
 alias:
  - Orlando Garcia Vasquez
  - Orlando García
 summary: "Cuban exile with CIA training who headed Venezuela's DISIP, received Orlando Bosch at Caracas airport in September 1976, and was said to have ordered CORU attacks to relieve pressure on him after the Cubana bombing."
 location: "Caracas, Venezuela"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Orlando García Vásquez, a Cuban exile and friend of [[Orlando Bosch]], was head of [[DISIP]], the Venezuelan security police, with [[Rafael Rivas Vásquez]] as his deputy and [[Luis Posada Carriles]] as chief of operations. "All had received CIA training." The FBI described him in 1976 as "Minister Counsellor on Security Matters to Venezuelan President [[Carlos Andrés Pérez]]."[^1][^2]
 ### September 1976
 When Bosch landed at Maiquetía on September 8, 1976, García, Posada, and [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] met him, "all members of the Presidential Police Security Organization in Venezuela," and dined with him at La Hacienda. Through two government men lodged at the Caracas Hilton Bosch was offered police protection, a pistol, permission to raise funds "for the cause of Cuba," and an interview with "a top level person," which Bosch took to mean the president; he in turn "promised to stop terrorism by his group in Venezuela, Costa Rica and Colombia, but not Panama." Four weeks later a [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|Cubana airliner]] was blown up. García told a Miami detective that DISIP's bomb expert, Carlos Fabri, "became very nervous" at the prospect of testifying, and the detective's police source said DISIP took the investigation from the judicial police "to cover it up."[^2][^3]
 ### 1977
 On January 21, 1977, an FBI informant reported that a [[CORU]] member had come to Miami "carrying out instructions for the 'people in Venezuela,'" understood to be García, who wanted "two immediate missions": "a naval operation against Cuban shipping enterprises, which should result in a maximum number of Cuban nationals killed," and "a bombing of a consulate, embassy, or the like of any country having relations with Cuba," to "take away the 'pressure' from Orlando Bosch and specifically from the Republic of Venezuela." The Venezuelans "were interested in prosecuting Luis Posada Carriles to the fullest," while Bosch "may be able to extricate himself." García later lived in Miami.[^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 249.
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Paul
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Paul
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - PaulGaynor
  - CIA
  - CIAOfficeOfSecurity
  - SecurityResearchStaff
  - Watergate
  - LeePennington
 alias:
  - Paul F. Gaynor
 summary: "Chief of the CIA Security Research Staff, who paid Lee Pennington 250 dollars a month and received James McCord's unsigned letters in the winter of 1972, until the staff's abolition in August 1973."
 location: "Langley, Virginia"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Paul F. Gaynor was chief of the Security Research Staff of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], the unit in which [[James McCord]] had served as deputy chief from 1957. He appeared before the House subcommittee of [[Lucien Nedzi]] in 1973 under that title.[^1]
 ### Pennington
 Gaynor retained [[Lee Pennington]], a retired FBI inspector, "at $250 per month until December of 1973." The Senate minority staff found that "the Pennington information was known within the CIA at least at a level as high as the Director of Security, according to the" chief of the Security Research Staff, and that Pennington "may have been a 'domestic agent,' possibly in violation of the CIA's charter." Gaynor testified in executive session on February 24, 1974. "The Agency has advised that the Security Research Staff was abolished in August of 1973."[^2]
 ### The McCord Letters
 After his arrest McCord "address[ed] a series of letters to Mr. Paul Gaynor, of CIA, with whom McCord was formerly associated in his active duty CIA days. That correspondence commenced on December 22, 1972, and in it McCord referred to the 'tremendous pressure' to put the operation on the CIA. The follow-on correspondence consisted of an undated note and others dated December 29, 1972, January 3 and 5, 1973 regarding alleged wiretaps on his home, McCord's decision to release his lawyer, and more litany on attempts to involve the CIA in the Watergate. None of this mail was signed. The record indicates that CIA retained this correspondence on file, recognizing that it came from McCord, but nothing was done to bring it to light until after the subcommittee commenced its hearings on May 11, 1973. Why this material was not given to the FBI or the Department of Justice earlier was not responded to satisfactorily by CIA witnesses."[^1][^2]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence. *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters.* 93rd Cong., 1st sess., October 23, 1973, witness list and pp. on McCord correspondence.
 [^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. "Minority Report on CIA Involvement, Submitted at the Request of Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr.," in *The Senate Watergate Report,* Dell, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 732 ff. (S. Rept. 93-981, 1974), "Pennington Matter."
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Percy
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Percy
@ -24,13 +24,16 @@ Percy Foreman (June 21, 1902 to August 25, 1988) was born in a log cabin near [[
 At the hearing in [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] on March 10, 1969, Ray interrupted: "The only thing I have to say is that I can't agree with Mr. Clark." Foreman supplied: "[[Ramsey Clark]]." Ray went on: "Mr. [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. I agree with all these stipulations, and I am not trying to change anything." The court asked whose theories he rejected. "Mr. Canale's, Mr. Clark's and Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's about the conspiracy." Foreman told the judge: "I think that what he said is that he doesn't agree with Ramsey Clark that Ramsey Clark is right or that J. Edgar Hoover is right. I didn't argue that as evidence in this case." Ray received 99 years and within days repudiated the plea. His suit against Foreman, Huie, and Hanes was dismissed, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit|Sixth Circuit]] affirmed in 1971, leaving open the question whether such contracts "are void as a matter of public policy." In 1976 the same court found "a potential conflict of interest" in the arrangement, and a district court finding that the fee "would be unreasonable if there were money to pay it," and upheld the plea.[^2][^3]
 The new agreements of January 29 and February 3, 1969, gave Foreman 60 percent of the income from Huie's works. Ray alleged that on February 13 Foreman brought him a waiver of any claim against Huie or *[[Look (magazine)|Look]]* "for damaging Ray's chances for a fair trial," and that Foreman told him "the prosecution was prepared to bribe a key witness" and that "if he refused to plead guilty, Foreman would exercise less than his best efforts at trial." In one of the letters of March 9 Foreman wrote of the Huie royalties: "These are my own property unconditionally," and that he had by then "spent in excess of $9,500.00 on your case." The Sixth Circuit in 1974 called the allegations, if true, "an outrageous abrogation of the standards which the legal profession sets for itself" and ordered a hearing.[^4]
 ### The Hunts
-On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^4]
+On July 21, 1975, a federal grand jury charged [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], Foreman, three other lawyers, and "a retired Texas industrialist," [[Edward J. Hudson]] of Houston, with obstruction of justice. "The indictment charged that the seven men had conspired to pay witnesses to go to prison to hush testimony about the wiretapping" of [[H.L. Hunt]]'s aides [[Paul Rothermel]] and [[John Curington]], who were Foreman's clients. The Hunts answered the same day that the charges were "a further result of an attempt by the C.I.A. to discredit the Hunt oil empire." In April 1976 Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars, and the charges against Foreman and Hudson were dropped. Neither of the wire service obituaries of 1988 mentioned the indictment.[^1][^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: "Famed trial lawyer Percy Foreman, who defended James Earl Ray," United Press International, August 25, 1988; "Outspoken lawyer Percy Foreman called legal 'warrior,'" United Press International, August 26, 1988.
 [^2]: *Ray v. Foreman,* 441 F.2d 1266 (6th Cir. 1971).
 [^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976).
-[^4]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
+[^4]: *Ray v. Rose,* 491 F.2d 285 (6th Cir. 1974).
 [^5]: "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents To Embezzle Funds," *New York Times,* July 22, 1975; Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Sheffield
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Sheffield
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - SheffieldEdwards
  - CIA
  - CIAOfficeOfSecurity
  - AssassinationPlots
  - RobertMaheu
  - JohnnyRoselli
 summary: "Colonel who directed the CIA's Office of Security when Richard Bissell asked in 1960 for 'gangster-type action' against Castro, and who through Robert Maheu enlisted Johnny Roselli and briefed Robert Kennedy in 1962."
 location: "Langley, Virginia"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Colonel Sheffield Edwards was director of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] in the years of the plots against [[Fidel Castro]].[^1]
 ### 1960
 In August 1960 [[Richard Bissell]], the deputy director for plans, asked Edwards "if he had assets that may assist in a sensitive mission requiring gangster-type action." Edwards took the question to the director, who approved. He chose [[Robert Maheu]], "a cleared source of the Office of Security," as the intermediary, and Maheu produced [[Johnny Roselli]]. Edwards assigned [[James O'Connell]] as case officer. "Sam Gold" and "Joe," whom Roselli brought in, were [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santos Trafficante]]. He informed the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s liaison, [[Sam Papich]], of the agency's contacts with the two.[^1][^2]
 ### 1962
 When Maheu's wiretappers were arrested in [[Las Vegas]] in a job done for Giancana, Edwards asked that prosecution be dropped, and it was. On May 7, 1962, he and the general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], briefed Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy|Robert Kennedy]]. On May 14 Edwards wrote the memorandum for the record, "prepared at the request of the Attorney General of the United States following a complete oral briefing of him relative to a sensitive CIA operation conducted during the period approximately August 1960 to May 1961," which Houston sent to Kennedy the next day. In 1963 [[Richard Helms]] told Director [[John McCone]] that it was the only written record of the relationship with Giancana. The inspector general found in 1967 that Kennedy "was not told that the gambling syndicate operation had already been reactivated." Edwards testified to the Senate committee on May 30, 1975.[^1][^2][^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, May 16, 1973, with attachments, pp. 00012-00014.
 [^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*. S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, pp. 74-83, 133-134.
 [^3]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, Cuba, document 337, memorandum for the record by Sheffield Edwards, May 14, 1962, with source note.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Stefano
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Stefano
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
 ---
 category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
 tags:
  - Person
  - StefanoDelleChiaie
  - AvanguardiaNazionale
  - Italy
  - OperationCondor
  - DINA
  - Bolivia
  - StrategyOfTension
 summary: "Founder of Avanguardia Nazionale, fugitive from Italy from 1970 through Spain, Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia, who arranged the 1975 shooting of Bernardo Leighton for DINA and was received by Pinochet in Madrid."
 location: "Rome, Italy"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Stefano Delle Chiaie led [[Avanguardia Nazionale]], which he told an Italian parliamentary commission had "surely more than a thousand" members. A warrant in the [[Piazza Fontana bombing]] investigation was issued for him in 1970, and he was a fugitive from Italy for seventeen years, active, as the commission's president put it to him, in "Spain, Chile, Bolivia and Argentina." He entered Italy four times in that period.[^1]
 ### Rome, 1975
 In 1975 Major [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]] of [[DINA]] ordered [[Michael Townley]] "to enlist Delle Chiaie's organization in an operation to kill" [[Bernardo Leighton]]. Delle Chiaie advised against better-protected exiles such as [[Carlos Altamirano]]: "Leighton was a better, and easier target." On October 6, 1975, [[Pierluigi Concutelli]] shot Leighton and his wife in the street. "Townley and the Italians celebrated with dinner at Delle Chiaie's apartment, thinking that the Leightons were dead." Weeks later [[Augusto Pinochet]] flew to [[Madrid]] for the funeral of [[Francisco Franco]]. "[[Manuel Contreras|Contreras]] arranged for Delle Chiaie to come to Madrid. Delle Chiaie was given a private audience with Pinochet in his hotel room. Contreras also presented Delle Chiaie with the $5,000 payment."[^2]
 ### Testimony
 Before the commission Delle Chiaie declined to describe his years abroad: "Non le sto a raccontare come ho vissuto da latitante perché è un fatto mio personale." He said a NATO-linked structure built against communism had been turned by "central political power" to "stabilization," and that fringes of the "movimento nazional-rivoluzionario" had been infiltrated and used in the strategy of tension. He read from an internal circular of April 1973 warning members of a "vasto piano provocatorio" to blame the movement for "una serie di ignobili fatti delittuosi," and a letter of June 8, 1974, after the [[Piazza della Loggia bombing]], distancing it from the group of the former partisan Fumagalli. He named the intelligence officers [[Antonio Labruna|Labruna]] and [[Gianadelio Maletti|Maletti]] and [[Giorgio Almirante]] as sources of what he called slander linking his movement to the Interior Ministry's Ufficio Affari Riservati. Asked about American intelligence: "Certo, la Bolivia non era stata riconosciuta dagli Stati Uniti quando c'ero io. Il Cile non aveva una ambasciata americana." "Mi porti un documento che dice questo. Io sono pronto a fare il mea culpa se si portano delle prove concrete." The president called much of it "autodifesa" and set against it the commission's findings on [[Propaganda Due|P2]] and the [[Argo 16]] inquiry.[^1]
 He was arrested in [[Caracas]] on March 27, 1987, and sent to Italy two days later. He was acquitted in Rome on February 20, 1989, in the [[Bologna railway station bombing]] case and in 1991 in the Piazza Fontana case.[^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della mancata individuazione dei responsabili delle stragi, audizione del signor Stefano Delle Chiaie, stenographic record no. 25, Rome.
 [^2]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 130-133.
 [^3]: Press obituaries and secondary accounts of the 1987 arrest and the 1989 and 1991 acquittals, not read in the original reporting; the manner of his transfer from Venezuela, by extradition or by handover, is given differently in the accounts.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/William
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/William
@ -20,21 +20,21 @@ born: 1913-03-13
 died: 1987-05-06
 location: "Elmhurst, Queens, New York"
 ---
-William Joseph Casey was born March 13, 1913, in Elmhurst, Queens, New York. He attended St. John's University and Fordham Law School, becoming a corporate and tax attorney. During World War II he served in the [[Office of Strategic Services]] (OSS) under William "Wild Bill" Donovan, rising to head the OSS's Secret Intelligence operations in Europe and coordinating the infiltration of agents into Nazi-controlled territory. After the war he became a wealthy lawyer and author of tax shelter guides. President Nixon appointed him Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1971, a post he held through 1973. He managed [[Ronald Reagan]]'s 1980 presidential campaign. Reagan appointed him Director of Central Intelligence in January 1981, and he served as DCI until resigning due to illness in January 1987. He died May 6, 1987, at a hospital in Glen Cove, New York, having suffered a seizure in December 1986 and subsequently undergone brain surgery. He was subpoenaed to testify before the Senate Iran-Contra investigating committee but died before he could appear.[^5]
+William Joseph Casey was born March 13, 1913, in Elmhurst, Queens, New York. He attended [[St. John's University]] and Fordham Law School, becoming a corporate and tax attorney. During World War II he served in the [[Office of Strategic Services]] (OSS) under [[William J. Donovan|William "Wild Bill" Donovan]], rising to head the OSS's Secret Intelligence operations in Europe and coordinating the infiltration of agents into Nazi-controlled territory. After the war he became a wealthy lawyer and author of tax shelter guides. President [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] appointed him Chairman of the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] in 1971, a post he held through 1973. He managed [[Ronald Reagan]]'s 1980 presidential campaign. Reagan appointed him [[Director of Central Intelligence]] in January 1981, and he served as DCI until resigning due to illness in January 1987. He died May 6, 1987, at a hospital in Glen Cove, New York, having suffered a seizure in December 1986 and subsequently undergone brain surgery. He was subpoenaed to testify before the Senate [[Iran-Contra Affair|Iran-Contra]] investigating committee but died before he could appear.[^5]
 ### October Surprise
-The central allegation against Casey is that he served as the principal American negotiator in secret meetings with Iranian representatives in Spain and France in 1980, during which the Reagan campaign agreed to delay the release of 52 American hostages held in [[Iran]] until after the November 4 election in exchange for promises of arms and the release of frozen Iranian assets. The allegation is the subject of the [[October Surprise]] affair.[^1]
+The central allegation against Casey is that he served as the principal American negotiator in secret meetings with Iranian representatives in [[Spain]] and [[France]] in 1980, during which the Reagan campaign agreed to delay the release of 52 American hostages held in [[Iran]] until after the November 4 election in exchange for promises of arms and the release of frozen Iranian assets. The allegation is the subject of the [[October Surprise]] affair.[^1]
-Multiple sources identified two probable meeting locations: Madrid in July 1980 and Paris in October 1980. A U.S. Embassy cable indicating Casey was in Madrid "for purposes unknown" in summer 1980 was withheld from the House October Surprise Task Force by Bush administration officials and only surfaced through journalist [[Robert Parry]]'s reporting in 2011. Casey's personal calendar for October 20, 1980, showed an 8 a.m. Metropolitan Club appointment in Washington, which the House Task Force cited in its January 1993 report finding "no credible evidence" of a deal. Former French intelligence chief Alexandre de Marenches, through his biographer's sworn testimony, indicated he had arranged meetings between Casey and Iranians in Paris in October 1980.[^1][^2]
+Multiple sources identified two probable meeting locations: Madrid in July 1980 and Paris in October 1980. A U.S. Embassy cable indicating Casey was in Madrid "for purposes unknown" in summer 1980 was withheld from the House October Surprise Task Force by [[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administration officials and only surfaced through journalist [[Robert Parry]]'s reporting in 2011. Casey's personal calendar for October 20, 1980, showed an 8 a.m. Metropolitan Club appointment in Washington, which the House Task Force cited in its January 1993 report finding "no credible evidence" of a deal. Former French intelligence chief [[Alexandre de Marenches]], through his biographer's sworn testimony, indicated he had arranged meetings between Casey and Iranians in Paris in October 1980.[^1][^2]
-A separate [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] investigation found that Casey had engaged in "potentially dangerous" unauthorized efforts to collect intelligence on the Carter administration's hostage-release negotiations -- confirming Reagan-campaign intelligence operations against Carter's Iran policy without concluding a deal had been struck.[^2]
+A separate [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] investigation found that Casey had engaged in "potentially dangerous" unauthorized efforts to collect intelligence on the Carter administration's hostage-release negotiations, confirming Reagan-campaign intelligence operations against Carter's Iran policy without concluding a deal had been struck.[^2]
 Casey died before he could be formally questioned under oath. He was subpoenaed to testify at the Iran-Contra hearings, which were examining a separate but related set of covert arms deals with Iran from 1985-1986.[^5]
 ### KH-11 and Israeli Intelligence
-Casey was an enthusiastic supporter of the [[KH-11]] imagery-sharing program with [[Israel]] from the moment he took office, ordering that Israeli liaison officers be provided with a private office near [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] headquarters to ensure all essential intelligence was turned over. After the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]], Casey authorized a review that found Israel had significantly expanded the agreement, requesting and receiving extensive KH-11 coverage of western [[Russia]].[^4]
+Casey was an enthusiastic supporter of the [[KH-11]] imagery-sharing program with [[Israel]] from the moment he took office, ordering that Israeli liaison officers be provided with a private office near [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] headquarters to ensure all essential intelligence was turned over. After the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]], Casey authorized a review that found [[Israel]] had significantly expanded the agreement, requesting and receiving extensive KH-11 coverage of western [[Russia]].[^4]
 ### Launching the Contra War
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Arthur
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Arthur
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
 ---
 category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
 tags:
  - Person
  - ArthurHanes
  - FBI
  - CIA
  - Birmingham
  - JamesEarlRay
  - BayOfPigs
 alias:
  - Arthur J. Hanes
  - Arthur Hanes Sr.
 summary: "Former FBI agent, CIA confidential correspondent from 1952 to 1959 and recruiter of Alabama Guard pilots for the Bay of Pigs, mayor of Birmingham with Bull Connor, and James Earl Ray's first lawyer."
 location: "Birmingham, Alabama"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Arthur J. Hanes was a special agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] and from August 1951 to November 1961 a contract administrator at the [[Hayes Aircraft Corporation]] of [[Birmingham, Alabama|Birmingham]]. He was elected mayor of Birmingham and served during the 1963 demonstrations with the police commissioner, [[Bull Connor]].[^1]
 ### The Agency
 A memorandum of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] signed by [[James O'Connell]] on October 15, 1968, records: "From May 1952 through February 1959, Hanes served as a Confidential Correspondent with this Office. He resigned due to the pressure of his regular employment." On August 14, 1961, the general counsel's office "received a covert security clearance" to use him on its Cleared Attorneys Panel. "It is believed that Hanes was instrumental in recruiting several [[Alabama Air National Guard|Alabama National Guard]] pilots during the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]] incident. Several lost their lives during this period." The memorandum was prompted by word that a *[[New York Times]]* reporter was writing on "the use of Hanes by the Agency in connection with the recruitment of pilots." It closed: "There is no current Agency interest in Mr. Hanes."[^1]
 ### Ray
 In July 1968, while [[James Earl Ray]] awaited extradition in [[London]], Hanes and his son met him there. On July 5 Ray signed a power of attorney and an agreement, supplied by the writer [[William Bradford Huie]], giving Hanes 40 percent of what Ray would receive from Huie's book. Three days later Hanes, Ray, and Huie contracted for Huie to pay Ray and Hanes each 30 percent of his receipts. Ray dismissed Hanes in November 1968 for [[Percy Foreman]]. Huie paid Hanes 30,000 dollars in fees and expenses and 1,000 dollars for an article, "For Conspiracy."[^2]
 The Sixth Circuit recited in 1974 that Hanes "was apparently concerned about whether Ray would be able to pay his fee. Consequently, he was receptive to the suggestion of author William Bradford Huie." The London agreements gave Hanes "complete power of attorney for Ray" and made him "exclusive agent and attorney" for the sale "of any and all rights to information or privacy which he may have in and to his life." Ray alleged that when he asked for a professional investigator Hanes refused, that Hanes said "Why give testimony away when we can sell it?" and that Hanes would not seek a continuance "because the contract with Huie provided that they must go to trial within a certain number of days." The court: "The entire record reeks with ethical, moral and professional irregularities."[^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, memorandum for the record, "HANES, Arthur J.," October 15, 1968, signed James P. O'Connell, Deputy Director of Security. Record 104-10117-10312, National Archives, released July 21, 2025.
 [^2]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976); *Ray v. Foreman,* 441 F.2d 1266 (6th Cir. 1971).
 [^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 491 F.2d 285 (6th Cir. 1974).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/George
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/George
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ George Sergius de Mohrenschildt (April 17, 1911 - March 29, 1977) was a Russian-
 ### Background
-De Mohrenschildt was born in Mozyr, Czarist Russia, to a noble family with oil industry connections; his father managed Nobel family oil interests in Baku. He emigrated to the [[United States]] in 1938 via [[Belgium]] and [[France]]. A [[Department of State|State Department]] "lookout" notation dated October 8, 1942, flagged him as a possible Nazi agent; he was expelled from [[Mexico]] as persona non grata in 1942. He subsequently earned a doctorate in petroleum geology from the University of Texas and taught at Texas colleges while working as an independent petroleum consultant, accumulating a broad social network in Dallas spanning the White Russian emigre community, the Texas oil industry, and, through his travels, U.S. government contacts.[^1]
+De Mohrenschildt was born in Mozyr, Czarist Russia, to a noble family with oil industry connections; his father managed Nobel family oil interests in Baku. He emigrated to the [[United States]] in 1938 via [[Belgium]] and [[France]]. A [[Department of State|State Department]] "lookout" notation dated October 8, 1942, flagged him as a possible Nazi agent; he was expelled from [[Mexico]] as persona non grata in 1942. He subsequently earned a doctorate in petroleum geology from the [[University of Texas]] and taught at Texas colleges while working as an independent petroleum consultant, accumulating a broad social network in Dallas spanning the White Russian emigre community, the Texas oil industry, and, through his travels, U.S. government contacts.[^1]
 ### CIA Contact: J. Walton Moore
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Howard
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Howard
@ -44,7 +44,7 @@ Hunt also managed the political exile leadership, working to maintain cohesion a
 ### Bay of Pigs
-Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
+Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, responsible for the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council]] - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
 The Bay of Pigs was a catastrophic failure, and Hunt's political operation collapsed along with the military operation. The exile political leadership was not told the operation was under way until it had already failed, and Hunt's management of their expectations was blamed by exile leaders for contributing to the political disorder. His role in the operation was not publicly acknowledged.[^1]
@ -66,6 +66,10 @@ On the night of June 17, 1972, Hunt organized and directed the team that broke i
 Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^7]
 The [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] reported to the inspector general on May 22, 1975, for the [[Church Committee]], that in November 1963 Hunt "was assigned to DDP/CA Staff, Office of the Chief, Headquarters; however, apparently Mr. Hunt had collateral duties with DDP/Domestic Operations Division/Facilities Branch," from November 1961 to February 1965, and that "neither Mr. Hunt nor Mr. McCord were in charge of Mexican operations at the time of the Kennedy assassination."[^8]
 Helms's secretary [[Elizabeth Dunlevy]] testified in 1974 that Hunt "had always been grateful to her for arranging a loan in connection with the terrible financial strain involving his daughter"; the agency's observer noted that Helms had placed the call that produced a loan of about 12,000 dollars.[^9]
 ### Kennedy Assassination Statements
 In his final years, Hunt made a series of statements about the Kennedy assassination that attracted significant attention. In a 2007 article in *Rolling Stone* based on a recorded conversation with his son Saint John Hunt, Hunt implicated several CIA figures - including [[Cord Meyer]] and [[David Phillips]] - as having known about or participated in a conspiracy. Hunt's account was inconsistent across tellings and was disputed by the individuals named; his health had declined severely before the statements were made.
@ -83,3 +87,5 @@ Hunt died of pneumonia on January 23, 2007, in [[Miami, Florida|Miami]].[^1]
 [^5]: "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00660613; Gahagen, Robert D., "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, C00297384; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms," July 20, 1973, C00609297.
 [^6]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; Ruth, Henry S., Jr., letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, C01482382; "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
 [^7]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
 [^8]: Kane, Charles W., Director of Security. Memorandum for the Inspector General, "Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Operations, Request," May 22, 1975, JFK record 104-10106-10619.
 [^9]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, memorandum for the record, "Select Committee Testimony of 6 February 1974," OLC 74-0197, February 6, 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01474420.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/James
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/James
@ -0,0 +1,62 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - JamesMcCord
  - Watergate
  - CIA
  - CIAOfficeOfSecurity
  - LeePennington
 alias:
  - James W. McCord Jr.
  - James W. McCord
 summary: "CIA Office of Security officer from 1951 to 1970, arrested inside the Watergate in June 1972, whose letter to Judge Sirica broke the cover-up and whose papers a paid CIA informant watched being burned."
 born: 1924-01-26
 died: 2017-06-15
 location: "Rockville, Maryland"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 James Walter McCord Jr. was born at [[Waurika, Oklahoma]], on January 26, 1924, and finished high school at [[Electra, Texas]], in 1940. He kept books at the Electra State Bank, joined the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in March 1942 as a radio technician, served as a bombardier in the Army Air Corps from November 1943 to November 1945, took a business degree at the [[University of Texas]] in 1948, and was an FBI special agent in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], [[San Diego]], and [[San Francisco]] from October 1948 to February 1951. He joined the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] on August 22, 1951, and served in the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] until August 31, 1970. The agency's summary of his service records two years as an investigator, seven years "engaged in research and report writing," appointment in May 1957 as deputy chief "of a research staff of some six professional and clerical personnel," two years abroad as "Chief of a regional staff of some ten professional and clerical personnel providing a full spectrum of security support," a year at the [[Air War College]] from August 1964, command of the technical security division from 1965 to 1968, "some 40 professional and clerical personnel," and from October 1968 command of the physical security division of about 70, which "produced for the Agency a physical security posture of pre-eminent quality within the US Government." A personnel form of July 2, 1970, records his separation as "Retirement (Involuntary) Under CIA Retirement and Disability System," at grade GS-15, step 8, salary 24,228 dollars, "pursuant to a request from the Head of the Security Career Service." [[Richard Helms]] wrote to him at Rockville on August 19: "Your faithful and loyal support has measured up to the high ideals and traditions of the Federal service."[^1] On an [[Atomic Energy Commission]] security questionnaire of May 1962 he reported official trips to Britain and the Continent every year from 1955 to 1961.[^2] An agency cable after his arrest shows it had been "concerned with McCord's emotional stability prior to his retirement."[^3]
 From June 1962 to June 1964 he was chief of the agency's Regional Security Support Staff in [[Frankfurt]]. The director of security told the inspector general in 1975, answering a question from the [[Church Committee]], that "neither Mr. Hunt nor Mr. McCord were in charge of Mexican operations at the time of the Kennedy assassination."[^4]
 ### The Arrest
 McCord was among the five men arrested inside the [[Democratic National Committee]] offices at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]] on June 17, 1972. "On June 17, 1972, I recorded on the Metropolitan Police records the fact of my CIA retirement," he wrote in 1974. "There was no effort made to hide that fact." The agency's cables of the same day record that [[Michael Mastrovito]] of the [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]] "agreed to downplay McCord's Agency employment." In the days after, [[Lee Pennington]], a retired FBI inspector paid by the Office of Security, visited Mrs. McCord and "found her burning papers and documents." Pennington's report reached the agency, was written up, and "for more than a year and a half, it lay in the CIA files like a paper bomb." In November and December 1972 Pennington gave his case officer "a memorandum allegedly written by McCord about [[Jack Anderson]] and others."[^3][^5]
 ### Havana
 In July 1974 the agency's operations directorate examined whether McCord had had a part in the effort to free three officers of its [[Technical Services Division]] "who were jailed as a result of the [[Xinhua News Agency|NCNA]] Havana audio operation compromise." [[Ted Shackley]], chief of the East Asia Division, reported on July 5 that the operation against the New China News Agency in [[Havana]] was STESCALADE, that a similar one against the [[Bank of China]] there, STVOLUME, "was planned but never executed," that the files "contain no reference to McCord," that a further file of "sensitive non-CS record material" on the operation existed but was not accessible to his division, and that a contingency plan "for the provision of black air transport for the three TDS detainees in the event of their release" named no one. A Western Hemisphere officer on the file thought it "plausible" that "the Office of Security and TSD might have tried to work something out in terms of a rescue operation." A note on the routing sheet reads: "O/Sec has turned up material on McCord's involvement and we will be getting a memo on this. Something should go forward from O/Sec to FBI correcting our earlier reports to the Bureau, per DCI instructions." The officer who traced the file asked "that he not be credited as the source of this."[^6]
 ### The Letter
 In March 1973, awaiting sentence, McCord wrote to Judge [[John Sirica]] that "there was political pressure applied to the defendants to plead guilty and remain silent," that "perjury occurred during the trial," and that "others involved in the Watergate operation were not identified during the trial." He wrote that members of his family "have expressed fear for my life if I disclose knowledge of the facts in this matter."[^7]
 ### The Letters to Langley
 On July 29, 1972, McCord "sent an unsigned letter to Mr. Richard Helms, then Director of Central Intelligence, enclosing correspondence purportedly addressed to his attorney expressing concern over a 'ploy' to lay Watergate at the doorstep of CIA." From December 22, 1972, he wrote a series of unsigned letters to [[Paul Gaynor]] of the Security Research Staff, "with whom McCord was formerly associated," referring to the "tremendous pressure" to put the operation on the CIA, "alleged wiretaps on his home, McCord's decision to release his lawyer, and more litany on attempts to involve the CIA in the Watergate." The agency "retained this correspondence on file, recognizing that it came from McCord, but nothing was done to bring it to light until after the subcommittee commenced its hearings on May 11, 1973." McCord told the subcommittee that at the Monocle restaurant on December 21, 1972, his lawyer Gerald Alch had proposed a CIA defense, "that they would doctor McCord's CIA records to show a recall to duty; that the new Director, Dr. Schlesinger, 'would go along with it.'" Alch denied it "in the strongest of terms" and said Hunt's lawyer [[William Bittman]] had first raised such a defense. "This subcommittee cannot unravel the direct conflict of evidence in the testimony of Mr. McCord and Mr. Alch."[^8]
 ### Pennington
 The Senate committee's minority staff, under Senator [[Howard Baker]], found that the agency "had in its possession, as early as June of 1972, information that one of their paid" informants had witnessed the destruction "of documents which might show a link between McCord and the CIA," and that when the FBI asked in August 1972 about a "Pennington" the agency answered with the name of a different employee. The information reached the committee only on February 22, 1974, after an employee of the Personnel Security Division copied the memoranda into his own safe for fear they would be destroyed. A five-inch reel of tape labeled "McCord Incident/18-19 June 1972" was found in the Office of Security on March 1, 1974, and had not been played for the committee when it reported. [[Howard Osborn]], the director of security, retired on February 26.[^3]
 McCord answered the *[[Washington Star]]* on July 3, 1974: "There was no breaking and entering, no burglary, and no destruction of evidence. This 60-year old gentleman, Lee Pennington, was a personal friend; he came over to bring food to my family; they invited him in; he destroyed no evidence; and in fact the documents in question, the papers in my CIA retirement folder, were still there when I returned home three days later." He copied the letter to Pennington, who "is planning legal action against your publication."[^5]
 In June 1976 McCord asked the agency under the Freedom of Information Act for documents and "a copy of a deposition which according to the request the DCI is to present to a District Court on 8 July 1976" in the suit of [[R. Spencer Oliver]], the Democratic official whose telephone had been tapped at the Watergate, against the [[Committee to Re-elect the President]]. The privacy staff found that "no one is aware of what McCord is referring to." [[Bruce Solie]] of the Office of Security identified Oliver for them from a 1972 newspaper article, and noted that "action by the Office of Security may be later requested if it is determined that the DCI or the Agency has any involvement in the 'Spencer Oliver vs. CREEP' lawsuit."[^9]
 McCord died at his home in [[Douglassville, Pennsylvania]] on June 15, 2017, at 93. His death was not reported for nearly two years.[^10]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Summary of Agency Employment, James W. McCord, Jr.," August 31, 1970, JFK record 104-10123-10387; request for personnel action, July 2, 1970, JFK record 104-10123-10394; Helms, Richard, letter to James W. McCord Jr., August 19, 1970, JFK record 104-10123-10372.
 [^2]: U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, personnel security questionnaire of James Walter McCord Jr., May 20, 1962, JFK record 104-10123-10337; CIA clearance sheet, July 10, 1958, JFK record 104-10123-10334.
 [^3]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, minority staff, "CIA Investigation," memorandum of Senator Howard H. Baker Jr., 1974, later printed in *Final Report,* S. Rept. 93-981, pp. 1115-1165. CIA Reading Room copy, document 01481990.
 [^4]: Kane, Charles W., Director of Security. Memorandum for the Inspector General, "Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Operations, Request," May 22, 1975, JFK record 104-10106-10619.
 [^5]: McCord, James W., Jr. Letter to the editor, *Washington Star-News,* July 3, 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01482011.
 [^6]: Shackley, Theodore G., Chief, East Asia Division. Memorandum for the Deputy Director for Operations, "James McCord Involvement in Cuban Operations," July 5, 1974, with routing sheet and note of July 2, 1974, JFK record 104-10095-10272.
 [^7]: McCord, James W., Jr. Letter to Judge John J. Sirica, March 1973, as quoted in contemporaneous press reports.
 [^8]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence. *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters.* 93rd Cong., 1st sess., October 23, 1973
 [^9]: Solie, Bruce L., Chief, Security Analysis Group. Memorandum for the file, "McCord, James Walter, Jr.," June 23, 1976, JFK record 104-10123-10362.
 [^10]: "Watergate burglar James McCord died in 2017, and no one noticed," *San Francisco Chronicle,* 2019.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lawrence
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lawrence
@ -33,7 +33,9 @@ On May 7, 1962, Houston and the director of security, [[Sheffield Edwards]], bri
 The agency's own account of the confinement of [[Yuri Nosenko]] states that the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] "together with the Office of General Counsel became increasingly concerned with the illegality of the Agency's position," and that their representations to Helms ended it in October 1967.[^5]
-On March 3, 1967, two days after [[Jim Garrison]] arrested [[Clay Shaw]], the chief of the [[Domestic Contact Service]] in [[New Orleans]], [[Lloyd Ray]], recommended that Houston be briefed on Shaw's past reporting "to be on the safe side." On May 1 [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]], a former assistant attorney general, telephoned Houston with information "from within Garrison's office" supplied by [[Walter Sheridan]] of [[NBC]]. His memorandum of October 2, written as the agency's [[Garrison Group]] considered its response, recommended doing nothing beyond resisting subpoenas.[^6]
+On March 3, 1967, two days after [[Jim Garrison]] arrested [[Clay Shaw]], the chief of the [[Domestic Contact Service]] in [[New Orleans]], [[Lloyd Ray]], recommended that Houston be briefed on Shaw's past reporting "to be on the safe side." On May 1 [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]], a former assistant attorney general, telephoned Houston with information "from within Garrison's office" supplied by [[Walter Sheridan]] of [[NBC]]. His memorandum of October 2, written as the agency's Garrison Group considered its response, recommended doing nothing beyond resisting subpoenas.[^6]
 At the first meeting of the [[Garrison Group]] on September 20, 1967, Houston "discussed his dealings with Justice and the desire of Shaw's lawyers to make contact with the Agency." His paper for the director of September 29 found that Garrison, needing an overt act with Oswald and Ferrie dead, "may well be able to involve CIA in the Shaw trial," set out what the agency knew of each Cuban Garrison had questioned, and concluded: "At the present time, therefore, there is no action we can recommend for the Director or the Agency to take. If during the trial it appears that Shaw may be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA, we may be in for some difficult decisions."[^7]
 ### Footnotes
@ -43,3 +45,4 @@ On March 3, 1967, two days after [[Jim Garrison]] arrested [[Clay Shaw]], the ch
 [^4]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, Cuba, document 337, memorandum for the record by Sheffield Edwards, May 14, 1962, with source note.
 [^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, p. 00023.
 [^6]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001.
 [^7]: Janney, F.W.M. Memorandum for the record, "Garrison Group Meeting No. 1 - 20 September 1967," JFK record 104-10428-10023. Houston, Lawrence R. Memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence, "Clay L. Shaw's Trial and the Central Intelligence Agency," OGC 67-1877, September 29, 1967, forwarded to the Director October 2, 1967, JFK record 104-10104-10280.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Raúl
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Raúl
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - RaulIturriagaNeumann
  - DINA
  - OperationCondor
  - CarlosPrats
  - BernardoLeighton
  - RonniMoffitt
 alias:
  - Raul Iturriaga Neumann
  - Raúl Iturriaga
  - Eduardo Iturriaga
 summary: "DINA officer who carried cash to Buenos Aires for the Prats killing in 1974, set Townley on Bernardo Leighton in 1975, and by 2026 held sentences of 500 years, the last for Ronni Moffitt."
 location: "Santiago, Chile"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Raúl Iturriaga Neumann was an officer of [[DINA]], the secret police of [[Augusto Pinochet]]'s [[Chile]], and by 1975 head of its foreign operations. The prosecutors of the Letelier case knew him as Eduardo Iturriaga.[^1][^2]
 ### Buenos Aires
 In late July 1974 he "traveled to [[Buenos Aires]] with a bag of cash to hire assassins and to coordinate the operation with the Argentine service, [[Secretaría de Inteligencia del Estado|SIDE]]." The station chief, [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]], paid 20,000 dollars to men who did nothing; "the Argentines didn't have the guts to kill them," [[Michael Townley]] said. Townley's own bomb killed General [[Carlos Prats]] and his wife on September 30. In 2010 the Chilean courts convicted Iturriaga, [[Manuel Contreras]], [[Pedro Espinoza]], and [[José Zara]] of the murders.[^1][^3]
 ### Rome
 In 1975 he "added a new name to Townley's hit list: [[Bernardo Leighton]], the grandfatherly Christian Democrat who was working in [[Rome]] to forge an alliance between his party and the remnants of Allende's forces," and ordered Townley to enlist the organization of [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]]. Leighton and his wife were shot on October 6, 1975, and lived. An Italian court later convicted Iturriaga in his absence on Townley's testimony; he has said that Townley is the only accuser and that he never met the Italians.[^1][^3]
 ### Washington
 Iturriaga briefed Townley on the mission against [[Orlando Letelier]] in 1976 and approved his taking [[Virgilio Paz]] of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]. When the Chilean police came for Townley in 1978, Iturriaga led the search party into his house. On June 15, 2026, Judge [[Paola Plaza]] sentenced him, Espinoza, and Zara to fifteen years each for the death of [[Ronni Moffitt]]. He was then 88 and serving cumulative sentences of 500 years.[^2][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 74, 130.
 [^2]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 303, 464.
 [^3]: Chilean press reports of the 2010 judgments of Judge Alejandro Solís and the Supreme Court and of the 2022 court resolution on DINA's exterior department (La Tercera, CNN Chile, El Mostrador), not read in full.
 [^4]: Kornbluh, Peter. "A Modicum of Justice for Ronni Karpen Moffitt," *The Nation,* September 2026.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ricardo
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ricardo
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - RicardoMoralesNavarrete
  - DISIP
  - CIA
  - FBI
  - CubanExiles
  - CubanaFlight455
 alias:
  - Ricardo Morales
  - El Mono
  - Comisario Moises
 summary: "Cuban exile, CIA contract agent, FBI informant, and DISIP counterintelligence chief who sat in the Caracas meetings that planned the 1976 Cubana bombing, told a Miami detective about them, and was shot dead in 1982."
 died: 1982-12-20
 location: "Miami, Florida"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Ricardo Morales Navarrete, called El Mono, gave his birth as [[Havana]], June 14, 1939, in his 1981 deposition. In 1968 he helped [[Orlando Bosch]] with instruction in bombs "and then suddenly surfaced in court as an FBI informant and as the chief witness against the baby doctor, who went to jail." By 1976 he was a comisario of [[DISIP]], the Venezuelan security police, in charge of Section D-54, its counterintelligence section, under the code name Comisario Moises.[^1][^2]
 ### Caracas
 On September 8, 1976, he, [[Luis Posada Carriles]], and [[Orlando García Vásquez]] met Bosch at Maiquetía airport and dined with him that night. Morales lived at the Anauco Hilton. In late October he told Detective Raúl Díaz of the Dade County organized crime bureau, who had come to persuade him to testify at the trial of [[Rolando Otero]], that the [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|bombing of the Cubana airliner]] had been discussed at the hotel bar by [[Frank Castro]], Gustavo Castillo, Posada, and himself, and again in his apartment, and that after the second meeting he "had nothing more to do with this matter." "Some people in the Venezuelan government are involved in this airplane bombing," he said, "and if Posada Carriles talks, then Morales Navarrete and others in the Venezuelan government will 'go down the tube.'" He passed on Bosch's claim that [[Orlando Letelier]]'s death "was the result of an agreement between [[Guillermo Novo]] and the [[Patria y Libertad]] organization," and named Castillo's group, "Youth of the Star," for four Miami bombings of 1975. After the strategy meeting of October 15 he signed the DISIP arrest warrant for Bosch and went with the party that escorted him to prison. On October 27 the government announced that there was no Morales in DISIP. He telephoned a friend in Miami and told her not to call, since "he does not exist." In January 1977 he was replaced by Mario Jiménez Rojo.[^2][^3][^4]
 ### Miami
 An FBI source reported in December 1977 that Morales, back in Miami, was the go-between for Frank Castro and [[Rafael Villaverde]] in negotiations over the release of Bosch and Posada until the two fell out, and that he was seeking explosives to retaliate for attacks on Venezuelan interests. In January 1978 he was linked by an informant to the young [[CORU]] cell of [[Alvin Ross]] and Raciel Rodríguez. When the writer [[Taylor Branch]] tried to reach Bosch in Venezuela in 1976, "at five o'clock in the morning, Branch had been dragged out of bed and thrown out of the country by none other than Ricardo Morales." His deposition in Dade County criminal case 81-17247 ran to nine volumes. He was shot dead in a bar in [[Key Biscayne, Florida|Key Biscayne]] on December 20, 1982.[^1][^4][^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 101, 113.
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
 [^5]: Deposition of Ricardo Morales Navarrete, Dade County Circuit Court, criminal case 81-17247, index; death date from press accounts, not read in full.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Richard
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Richard
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
 ---
 category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
 tags:
  - Person
  - RichardKleindienst
  - DepartmentOfJustice
  - Watergate
  - ITT
  - Arizona
  - HuntFamily
 alias:
  - Richard G. Kleindienst
 summary: "Deputy attorney general and then attorney general under Nixon, sworn in five days before the Watergate break-in, who pleaded guilty in 1974 to not answering the Senate fully about the ITT antitrust settlement."
 born: 1923-08-05
 died: 2000-02-03
 location: "Prescott, Arizona"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Richard Kleindienst was born at [[Winslow, Arizona]], on August 5, 1923, attended the [[University of Arizona]], and was an early supporter of [[Barry Goldwater]]. He ran for governor of [[Arizona]] in 1964 against Sam Goddard. After [[Richard Nixon]]'s election he became deputy attorney general under [[John Mitchell]], and attorney general five days before the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]] break-in of June 1972.[^1]
 ### ITT
 At his confirmation hearings in 1972 the Senate asked him about the settlement of the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s antitrust cases against the [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation]]. "In 1974, Kleindienst pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge after he was accused by the Watergate special prosecutor of failing to fully testify at his Senate confirmation hearing." He said: "I was wrong in not having been more candid with the committee and I sincerely regret it."[^1]
 ### The Hunts
 "Nelson Bunker and his father met President Nixon at the celebrated barbecue at [[John Connally]]'s Floresville ranch in the autumn of 1972. Soon after, [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Nelson Bunker]] huddled with Richard Kleindienst, then the new boss of the Justice Department, at the plantation of Mississippi Senator [[James Eastland]]." The [[Hunt brothers]] were indicted for wiretapping their father's employees "only after a curiously long time lag," and a Dallas grand jury later investigated the three-year delay. The account of the meeting came from Hunt sources.[^2]
 ### Arizona
 In Tucson "he was accused and acquitted of lying under oath during an investigation by the State Bar of Arizona for his role in a 1976 scam to siphon money from the Teamsters Union Health and Welfare Fund. The Arizona Supreme Court later suspended him from practicing law for one year." He died at [[Prescott, Arizona|Prescott]] on February 3, 2000.[^1]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Volante, Enric. "Kleindienst, Watergate figure, dies at 76," *Arizona Daily Star,* February 2000.
 [^2]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
 ---
 category: "Authors & Journalists"
 tags:
  - Person
  - WilliamBradfordHuie
  - JamesEarlRay
  - MartinLutherKing
  - CIA
  - Journalism
  - Alabama
 summary: "Writer who in 1951 pressed the CIA on a 50,000 dollar bribe to French Communists and in 1968 bought James Earl Ray's story through his lawyers, paying Hanes and Foreman shares a court found irregular."
 born: 1910-11-13
 died: 1986-11-22
 location: "Guntersville, Alabama"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 William Bradford Huie was born at [[Hartselle, Alabama]], on November 13, 1910, graduated from the [[University of Alabama]] in 1930, reported for the *Birmingham Post* from 1932 to 1936, became an editor of *[[The American Mercury]]*, and served as a Navy lieutenant from 1943 to 1945. He wrote more than twenty books, six of them filmed, among them *The Americanization of Emily* and *The Execution of Private Slovik*.[^1][^2]
 ### 1951
 On September 14, 1951, on the *Mercury*'s letterhead, Huie wrote to the director of central intelligence, [[Walter Bedell Smith]]: "In both The American Mercury and the current Cosmopolitan, I have reported how [[James Forrestal|Jim Forrestal]] employed a $50,000 bribe to help settle the French railway strike in 1947. The facts are known to a number of Americans. The money was raised very quickly at the Brook Club in New York, in fact, it became known as 'Operation Brook Club.' The money was then carried to France by a naval intelligence agent, and paid to certain members of the Communist Party. Admiral [[Roscoe Hillenkoetter|Hillenkoetter]] arranged to make these contributions deductible." *[[Le Figaro]]* had bought the Forrestal papers and wanted the omitted episode. "Is there any valid reason why I should not question the intelligence agent who handled the payment?" [[Allen Dulles]], as acting director, answered on September 22 that "it is the policy of CIA to decline comment on any statement that may relate to activities imputed to this Agency. This silence carries no implication as to the truth or falsity of the statement." A routing slip in the file reads: "Please speak to me about the attached at your convenience. A.W.D."[^1]
 ### Ray
 In June 1968 [[James Earl Ray]], awaiting extradition in [[London]], wrote to [[Arthur Hanes]] of Birmingham. Hanes "was apparently concerned about whether Ray would be able to pay his fee. Consequently, he was receptive to the suggestion of author William Bradford Huie that Hanes persuade Ray to give Huie exclusive rights to information about Ray and, presumably, the assassination." Ray gave Hanes power of attorney and 40 percent of what would come from Huie, and Hanes and Huie contracted for Ray and Hanes to supply information on "the assassination of [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King, Jr.]], the alleged participation of Ray therein, and the life and activities of Ray," for 30 percent each of Huie's gross receipts. When [[Percy Foreman]] replaced Hanes, new agreements of January 29 and February 3, 1969, gave Foreman 60 percent. Two Huie articles ran in *[[Look (magazine)|Look]]* before Ray pleaded guilty on March 10, 1969, and a book followed. Ray alleged that Hanes had said, "Why give testimony away when we can sell it?" and that Huie offered "to pay $12,000 either to him or his family if he would refuse to take the witness stand." The Sixth Circuit wrote in 1974: "The entire record reeks with ethical, moral and professional irregularities, demanding a full scale judicial inquiry." Huie received 67,000 dollars in royalties and paid 40,000 to the two lawyers.[^3][^4]
 He was found dead at his office in [[Guntersville, Alabama]], on November 22, 1986, after an apparent heart attack.[^2]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Huie, William Bradford. Letter to Walter Bedell Smith, September 14, 1951, and reply of Allen W. Dulles, Acting Director, September 22, 1951, with Who's Who clipping. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP80R01731R003100020068-6.
 [^2]: "William Bradford Huie, 76, Writer And Crusader for Civil Rights, Dies," *Washington Post,* November 24, 1986.
 [^3]: *Ray v. Rose,* 491 F.2d 285 (6th Cir. 1974).
 [^4]: *Ray v. Rose,* 535 F.2d 966 (6th Cir. 1976).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - WilliamLuers
  - StateDepartment
  - OperationCondor
  - HenryKissinger
  - OrlandoLetelier
 alias:
  - William H. Luers
 summary: "Deputy assistant secretary of state who drafted the August 1976 cable warning the Condor governments against assassination abroad, pressed for its delivery, and was told on September 20 to take no further action."
 location: "Washington, D.C."
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 William H. Luers was a deputy to [[Harry Shlaudeman]], assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, in 1976.[^1]
 ### The Cable
 Shlaudeman's memorandum to [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] of August 5, 1976, warned that the [[Southern Cone]] governments "have established Operation Condor to find and kill terrorists" in their own countries and in Europe. Luers and Shlaudeman's other deputy, [[Hewson Ryan]], drafted the response over three weeks. Cable 209192 of August 23, drafted by R. Zimmerman and Luers, cleared by Shlaudeman, R. Kirk, and the under secretary [[Philip Habib]], and approved by Kissinger, went by the Roger Channel to the embassies in [[Buenos Aires]], [[Montevideo]], and [[Santiago]]. "Government planned and directed assassinations within and outside the territory of Condor members has most serious implications which we must face squarely and rapidly." There were "rumors that this cooperation may extend beyond information exchange to include plans for the assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad." The ambassadors were to "seek appointment as soon as possible with highest appropriate official, preferably the chief of state." The embassy at [[La Paz]] was told: "We are not repeat not instructing you to make the specific demarche on Condor."[^1][^2]
 Popper replied on August 24: "I seriously doubt that an approach to President Pinochet is the best way to achieve it. It is quite possible, even probable, that Pinochet has no knowledge whatever of Operation Condor." He proposed that the CIA station chief tell Contreras instead, "in the context of having heard a rumor which he cannot believe."[^3]
 ### No Further Action
 Ambassador [[Ernest Siracusa]] in Montevideo declined to deliver it and asked for instructions; the ambassadors in Chile and Argentina raised concerns. Luers spent the following weeks pressing Ambassador [[David Popper]] to deliver the message to [[Augusto Pinochet]] or through the CIA to [[Manuel Contreras]]. On September 16 Kissinger cabled from [[Lusaka]] that he "declined to approve message to Montevideo" and "instructed that no further action be taken on this matter." On September 19 Luers cabled Shlaudeman in [[Costa Rica]] on how to proceed; the cable remains classified. On September 20 Shlaudeman directed Luers "to instruct the ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme." [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]] were killed in Washington the next morning.[^1]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: National Security Archive, "Operation Condor Verdict: GUILTY!," Electronic Briefing Book, May 27, 2016, with the memorandum of Harry Shlaudeman to the Secretary of State, August 5, 1976, the memorandum of conversation of Kissinger and César Guzzetti, June 10, 1976, and cables of September 16 and 20, 1976.
 [^2]: U.S. Department of State, cable 209192 to the embassies at Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Santiago, "Operation Condor," August 23, 1976, Secret, Roger Channel. National Security Archive, document 04 in "Operation Condor Verdict: GUILTY!," Electronic Briefing Book, May 27, 2016.
 [^3]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 242, telegram 8210 from Santiago, August 24, 1976.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Alvin
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Alvin
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
 ---
 category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
 tags:
  - Person
  - AlvinRoss
  - CubanNationalistMovement
  - CORU
  - OrlandoLetelier
  - CubanExiles
 alias:
  - Alvin Ross Díaz
  - Alvin Ross Diaz
 summary: "Former Tropicana blackjack dealer and Cuban Nationalist Movement member convicted of the Letelier murders in 1979 on a jailhouse informant's testimony, freed on appeal after United States v. Henry, and acquitted at retrial in 1981."
 location: "Union City, New Jersey"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Alvin Ross Díaz had been a blackjack dealer at the [[Tropicana Club|Tropicana]] in [[Havana]] before the revolution. [[Guillermo Novo]] introduced him to [[Michael Townley]] in September 1976 as "a comrade." He was at the meeting in a [[New Jersey]] hotel room on the night of September 10 with Novo, [[Virgilio Paz]], and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez|José Dionisio Suárez]] where Townley asked the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] to help kill [[Orlando Letelier]].[^1][^2]
 ### Trial
 An FBI informant reported in January 1978 that "a young action oriented cell under the control of Francisco 'Frank' Castro of the [[CORU]] organization," made up of Ross and Raciel Rodríguez, had bombed the Viasa Airlines office in Miami Beach on December 23, 1977. Indicted for the Letelier murders on August 1, 1978, Ross was tried with the Novo brothers from January 8, 1979. [[Sherman Kaminsky]], a racketeer awaiting sentence who had met him in the Metropolitan Correctional Center in New York, testified that Ross said "he was involved in the murder of Orlando Letelier together with generals in DINA," called Townley "a traitor, a rat, an informer," called Letelier "a rotten Communist Marxist," said he was "glad Letelier was dead," admitted "he had contributed two wires used in the bomb," and said "he would not pay for Letelier's murder because the CIA would be the scapegoat, people would believe anything of the CIA." The sentencing judge had told Kaminsky: "I am going to suspend the operation of that sentence depending on how you come through." Ross was convicted on February 14, 1979, and sentenced to two concurrent life terms.[^2][^3]
 On September 15, 1980, the court of appeals reversed: after *[[United States v. Henry]]*, decided that June, testimony so obtained was inadmissible. At the retrial in May 1981 Townley, asked what Ross had done to carry out the assassination, answered: "There is nothing I can think of." The jury acquitted Ross and Novo of the murders.[^2][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 14.
 [^2]: *United States v. Sampol,* 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.; "USA v. Guillermo Novo Sampol et al., 78-CR-367," case synopsis, latinamericanstudies.org, not verified against the docket.
 [^4]: "Michael Moffitt, who survived a car bomb that killed his wife," United Press International, May 13, 1981; "New Tactics Led to Acquittal in Letelier Case," CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680028-2, as summarized.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Bruce
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Bruce
@ -26,13 +26,16 @@ From August 13, 1965, to October 27, 1967, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA
 To the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] on June 1, 1978, Solie rejected the theory that Nosenko had been sent. "I concluded that he was under his own power when he contacted us in 1962. He did it without the knowledge of the KGB, and he went back to the Soviet Union. If he had been dispatched out, it would have been quite logical that there would have been contact with him in the Soviet Union." On Nosenko's statements about [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]: "The record reflects on 3 January 1968, I asked Nosenko to give me an account of everything he did in the Oswald investigation." Asked whether he had questioned Nosenko on what he wrote or compared it with other material, he said: "No, because I had no reason to disbelieve him." Asked whether he believed Nosenko had told the truth about Oswald: "Yes, I have no reason to disbelieve him."[^1]
 As chief of the Security Analysis Group in June 1976 he identified for the agency's privacy staff the "Spencer Oliver" named in a Freedom of Information request from [[James McCord]], "who according to a newspaper article in 1972 was the Executive Director of the State Chairmens Association of the [[Democratic National Committee]]" and in whose office telephone "an alleged listening device was found."[^4]
 ### Wackenhut
-On July 18, 1978, Solie certified that the committee's staff had reviewed the Office of Security's file on the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King, Jr.]]"[^4]
+On July 18, 1978, Solie certified that the committee's staff had reviewed the Office of Security's file on the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. [[Martin Luther King Jr.|Martin Luther King, Jr.]]"[^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: House Select Committee on Assassinations, security classified testimony of Bruce L. Solie, June 1, 1978, record 180-10110-10010. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection, pp. 5-6, 59, 65-66.
 [^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, p. 00023.
 [^3]: House Select Committee on Assassinations, security classified testimony of Yuri Nosenko, June 20, 1978. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection, pp. 44, 110-111.
-[^4]: Solie, Bruce L. Memorandum, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
+[^4]: Solie, Bruce L., Chief, Security Analysis Group. Memorandum for the file, "McCord, James Walter, Jr.," June 23, 1976, JFK record 104-10123-10362.
 [^5]: Solie, Bruce L. Memorandum, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/David
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/David
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - DavidPopper
  - StateDepartment
  - Chile
  - OperationCondor
  - HenryKissinger
  - AugustoPinochet
 alias:
  - David H. Popper
 summary: "US ambassador to Chile from 1974 to 1977 whose human rights approaches drew Kissinger's marginalia, and who in August 1976 advised against warning Pinochet about Condor, proposing that the CIA raise it with Contreras instead."
 location: "Santiago, Chile"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 David H. Popper was the [[United States]] ambassador to [[Chile]] from February 1974 to May 1977, arriving five months after the coup.[^1]
 ### Human Rights
 Between April 1974 and February 1975 Popper made ten approaches to Chilean officials on human rights. On December 13, 1974, he told the foreign minister, Admiral [[Patricio Carvajal]], that "Congressional critics might be impressed and progress be possible if the GOC were to move towards restoration of normality regarding the applicability of traditional Chilean legal requirements and the state of siege, restoration of habeas corpus, a role for civil court review of military sentences and convincing assurances regarding alleged practice of torture." On February 3, 1975, he told the interior minister, General [[César Benavides]], that "the release of a few well known prisoners" was "probably not sufficient to restore the GOC's image." Beside those two entries on the list sent him by [[William D. Rogers]], [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] wrote: "What was this about?" On an earlier cable Kissinger had written: "Tell Popper to cut out the political science lectures."[^2][^3]
 ### Condor
 The department's cable of August 23, 1976, told him to see the head of state about "government planned and directed assassinations within and outside the territory of Condor members." Popper answered the next day: "While I appreciate importance of objective sought in reftel, I seriously doubt that an approach to President Pinochet is the best way to achieve it." Given [[Augusto Pinochet]]'s "sensitivity regarding pressures by USG, he might well take as an insult any inference that he was connected with such assassination plots. It is quite possible, even probable, that Pinochet has no knowledge whatever of Operation Condor. Particularly of its more questionable aspects." He proposed instead that the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] station chief convey the message to Colonel [[Manuel Contreras]] of [[DINA]] "in the context of having heard a rumor which he cannot believe, but which if substantiated would be disastrous for the perpetrators." On August 27 [[Harry Shlaudeman]] told CIA officers that an approach to Pinochet would be futile. [[William Luers]] pressed Popper through September to deliver the message. On September 20 the ambassadors were told to take no further action. [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington the next day.[^4][^5]
 On September 13 Popper reported that Pinochet's anniversary speech "contains little of encouragement to us," and that the release of 205 prisoners that day "does not indicate that detentions and 'disappearances' have ceased to occur in Chile. They still do occur." In early October, "after consulting with Ambassador Popper," the station chief "confronted the Chilean head of DINA, Colonel Manuel Contreras, with U.S. knowledge of Condor's existence. Colonel Contreras denied that our information of Condor was accurate and refused to admit that one of its objectives was to operate against terrorists in Europe. Recent clandestinely acquired information indicates that plans for Condor are continuing."[^6][^7]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, editorial notes; tenure dates from the Department of State's Office of the Historian.
 [^2]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 182, memorandum of William D. Rogers to the Secretary of State, "Démarches in Chile on Human Rights," February 8, 1975, with editorial note.
 [^3]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, p. 157.
 [^4]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 241, telegram 209192, August 23, 1976; document 242, telegram 8210 from Santiago, August 24, 1976, with editorial note.
 [^5]: National Security Archive, "Operation Condor Verdict: GUILTY!," Electronic Briefing Book, May 27, 2016; *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 245, telegram 4526 from San José, September 20, 1976, with editorial note on Secto 27128 of September 16.
 [^6]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 244, telegram 8956 from Santiago, September 13, 1976.
 [^7]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 253, paper prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency, "Items Which May Be Discussed," undated.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Guillermo
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Guillermo
@ -33,7 +33,13 @@ On September 10, 1976, at Union City, Townley "outlined my DINA mission to assas
 Asked by the prosecutor [[Eugene Propper]] and the agent [[Carter Cornick]] where he had been the night before the bombing, Novo said: "That is my trump card. That is the ace up my sleeve." The informant [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete|Ricardo Morales]], then an officer of the Venezuelan [[DISIP]], had planted a story that Bosch was telling associates the "Novo brothers" had killed Letelier. "Bosch is a liar and a traitor to freedom," Novo said.[^1]
 ### Trials
 Indicted on August 1, 1978, Novo was tried with Alvin Ross and his brother Ignacio Novo from January 8, 1979. Michael Townley, who had pleaded, testified that DINA "ordered him to secure assistance from the CNM" so as to isolate itself, and that Novo had insisted Townley take part personally. A jailhouse informant, Antonio Polytarides, testified to Novo's admissions. The defense argued that Townley "was in fact an agent of the United States Central Intelligence Agency which had planned the assassination of Letelier." On February 14, 1979, the jury convicted all three; Novo received two life terms and five years for lying to the grand jury. On September 15, 1980, the court of appeals reversed under *[[United States v. Henry]]*, decided that June, which barred testimony from informants cultivated by the government among pretrial detainees; Ignacio's conviction fell for want of a separate trial. At the retrial of May 1981 the jury acquitted Novo and Ross of the murders and convicted Novo of the false declarations. In October 1981 he was released from federal prison by mistake, officials having confused him with his brother. An FBI informant had reported in January 1978 that he was organizing [[CORU]] cells in Union City "for military action in the U.S. and against the country of Venezuela."[^3][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 101-108.
 [^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9-21, 147-152, 240.
 [^3]: *United States v. Sampol,* 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13. "Wrong Man Freed in Letelier Case," *Washington Post,* October 21, 1981, as summarized.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Howard
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Howard
@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ On May 16, 1973, Osborn forwarded to the management committee "summaries of acti
 ### Pennington
-After [[James McCord]], "an ex-CIA agent," was arrested at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]] in June 1972, [[Lee Pennington]], a former inspector of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] then paid by the agency as a consultant and "an old family friend of the McCords," visited Mrs. McCord. "He found her burning papers and documents. Earlier, she had burned typewriter ribbons." He reported it, and the agency wrote it up. "For more than a year and a half, it lay in the CIA files like a paper bomb," while the bureau's agents "were getting persistent denials from the CIA." When Senator [[Howard Baker]] began to inquire into the agency's part in the cover-up, "a middle-level CIA employee who knew of the hidden memo threatened to blow the whistle." Director [[William Colby]] took it to Representative [[Lucien Nedzi]], who held hearings and concluded that the agency had not sent Pennington to burn the papers, "as the memo seemed to suggest." Osborn said he had not known of the memorandum. "It led to the early retirement of Osborn," Nedzi said. Osborn said: "I had planned for over a year to retire in June."[^2]
+After [[James McCord]], "an ex-CIA agent," was arrested at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]] in June 1972, [[Lee Pennington]], a former inspector of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] then paid by the agency as a consultant and "an old family friend of the McCords," visited Mrs. McCord. "He found her burning papers and documents. Earlier, she had burned typewriter ribbons." He reported it, and the agency wrote it up. "For more than a year and a half, it lay in the CIA files like a paper bomb," while the bureau's agents "were getting persistent denials from the CIA." When Senator [[Howard Baker]] began to inquire into the agency's part in the cover-up, "a middle-level CIA employee who knew of the hidden memo threatened to blow the whistle." Director [[William Colby]] took it to Representative [[Lucien Nedzi]], who held hearings and concluded that the agency had not sent Pennington to burn the papers, "as the memo seemed to suggest." In January 1974, as the inspector general prepared to review the Watergate files, Osborn "ordered that the Pennington materials be removed." An employee of the Personnel Security Division copied them to his safe. Osborn wrote the memorandum of February 22, 1974, that disclosed the matter, testified to the Senate committee's staff on February 25, and retired on February 26.[^5] Osborn said he had not known of the memorandum. "It led to the early retirement of Osborn," Nedzi said. Osborn said: "I had planned for over a year to retire in June."[^2]
 ### Footnotes
@ -40,3 +40,4 @@ After [[James McCord]], "an ex-CIA agent," was arrested at the [[Watergate scand
 [^2]: Anderson, Jack. "Washington Merry-Go-Round," *Washington Post,* April 2, 1974, p. B15. CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2.
 [^3]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book III*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, pp. 579, 600-602, 723-724.
 [^4]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
 [^5]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, minority staff, "CIA Investigation," memorandum of Senator Howard H. Baker Jr., 1974, later printed in *Final Report,* S. Rept. 93-981, pp. 1115-1165. CIA Reading Room copy, document 01481990.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/James
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/James
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - JamesOConnell
  - CIA
  - CIAOfficeOfSecurity
  - JohnnyRoselli
  - AssassinationPlots
  - FBI
 alias:
  - James P. O'Connell
  - Jim Olds
 summary: "FBI agent turned CIA security officer who as Johnny Roselli's case officer from September 1960 carried the Castro poison plot, rose to deputy director of security, and in 1968 vetted James Earl Ray's lawyer."
 born: 1917-02-19
 died: 1992-02-15
 location: "McLean, Virginia"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 James Patrick O'Connell was born in [[New York City|New York]] in 1917 and graduated from [[St. John's University]] in 1939. He served with the Navy in the Atlantic, was a special agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] from 1946 to 1951, and joined the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] as a security officer in 1951.[^1]
 ### Roselli
 In September 1960 [[Sheffield Edwards]], the director of security, put O'Connell to the operation against [[Fidel Castro]] arranged through [[Robert Maheu]]. Under the name Jim Olds he was introduced to [[Johnny Roselli]] and was his case officer from September 14, 1960, until May 1962, when [[William Harvey]] took him over. Roselli brought in [[Sam Giancana]] and [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santos Trafficante]]. Poison pills from the agency's technical division went to [[Cuba]] by way of [[Juan Orta]] and later [[Tony Varona]]. Edwards recorded the operation for Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy|Robert Kennedy]] on May 14, 1962.[^2][^3]
 ### Deputy Director of Security
 By 1968 O'Connell was deputy director of security. On October 15 of that year he signed the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]'s memorandum on [[Arthur Hanes]], the former mayor of [[Birmingham, Alabama|Birmingham]] then representing [[James Earl Ray]], recording Hanes's service as a confidential correspondent from 1952 to 1959 and his part in recruiting [[Alabama Air National Guard|Alabama Guard]] pilots for the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion|Bay of Pigs]]. He retired in 1973 with the Intelligence Medal of Merit, worked as a security consultant, and died at [[Arlington, Virginia|Arlington]] on February 15, 1992.[^1][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: "Obituaries," *Washington Post,* February 17, 1992.
 [^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, May 16, 1973, with attachments, pp. 00012-00014.
 [^3]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, Cuba, document 337, memorandum for the record by Sheffield Edwards, May 14, 1962, with source note.
 [^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, memorandum for the record, "HANES, Arthur J.," October 15, 1968. Record 104-10117-10312, National Archives.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jose
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jose
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
 ---
 category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
 tags:
  - Person
  - JoseDionisioSuarez
  - CubanNationalistMovement
  - OrlandoLetelier
  - DINA
  - CubanExiles
 alias:
  - José Dionisio Suárez Esquivel
  - José Dionisio Suárez
  - Charco de Sangre
 summary: "Cuban Nationalist Movement member who drove Michael Townley to Orlando Letelier's house in 1976 and, by Townley's account, pressed the buttons at Sheridan Circle, a fugitive until 1990 and released from immigration detention in 2001."
 born: 1939
 location: "Union City, New Jersey"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 José Dionisio Suárez Esquivel, a former officer of the Cuban revolutionary army, was called "El Cepillo" and "Charco de Sangre," pool of blood, "for his work in carrying out executions since the revolutionaries' victory." In December 1974 he went with [[Guillermo Novo]] to [[Chile]] "to pay homage to Pinochet," entering with [[Orlando Bosch]]. At a [[Union City, New Jersey|Union City]] motel he and Armando Santana searched [[Michael Townley]]'s luggage at gunpoint and found the passport of Kenneth Enyart.[^1]
 ### September 1976
 Suárez was at the meeting of September 10, 1976, where Townley asked the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] for help. He "drove to Washington in his late-model American car" on September 18, lent Townley more than a hundred dollars, and because he had a new job to start in [[New Jersey]] on Monday pressed the others to move quickly. He supplied a blasting cap. "During the ride to Letelier's house, I was informed by Paz and Suarez that they expected me to place the device on the car as they wished to have a DINA agent, namely myself, directly tied to the placing of the device," Townley stated. Suárez drove him to [[National Airport]] for the first flight to Newark. Townley told investigators he believed Suárez set off the bomb "by pressing two buttons on a telephone beeping device as he trailed Letelier at [[Sheridan Circle]]."[^1][^2]
 ### Fugitive
 Indicted on August 1, 1978, with Novo, [[Alvin Ross]], [[Manuel Contreras]], [[Pedro Espinoza]], [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]], and [[Virgilio Paz]], he had earlier "spent 11½ months in a D.C. jail rather than testify before a grand jury." FBI agents found him on April 11, 1990, in a modest house in [[St. Petersburg, Florida]], an unemployed painter known as Jose Suárez, with his wife and a fifteen-month-old son. "Jose is basically a scapegoat," his wife said. "In exchange for a promise not to prosecute his wife," he pleaded guilty to conspiracy to murder a foreign official and was sentenced to eight years. Released on probation in 1997, he was held by the immigration service at [[Bradenton, Florida|Bradenton]] because [[Cuba]] would not take him, until the Supreme Court's ruling of June 2001 against indefinite detention. Freed on August 14, 2001, he said: "I want to clarify a lot of things. There have been many lies."[^2][^3][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 16-21, 148-151, 240.
 [^2]: McAllister, Bill. "Suspect Arrested in Letelier Slaying," *Washington Post,* April 12, 1990.
 [^3]: *United States v. Sampol,* 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).; "USA v. Guillermo Novo Sampol et al., 78-CR-367," case synopsis, latinamericanstudies.org, not verified against the docket.
 [^4]: "Conspirator in '76 Letelier Assassination Released," Reuters, *Washington Post,* August 16, 2001, p. A13.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Lee
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Lee
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
 ---
 created: 2026-05-15
-updated: 2026-05-16
+updated: 2026-09-21
 title: Lee Harvey Oswald
 aliases:
  - Lee Oswald
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Lee Harvey Oswald (October 18, 1939 - November 24, 1963) was the man arrested fo
 ### Background and Soviet Defection
-Oswald was born in [[New Orleans, Louisiana|New Orleans]] and raised in Texas and [[New York]]. He enlisted in the [[United States Marine Corps|Marine Corps]] in 1956 and was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron 1 (MACS-1) at Atsugi Air Base in [[Japan]] - a facility of particular intelligence significance. Atsugi's MACS-1 unit included height-finding radars (the MPS-16 radar among them), and Atsugi simultaneously hosted [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] Detachment C of the [[U-2]] reconnaissance program, which conducted overflights of the [[Soviet Union]] whose existence was concealed from Soviet authorities until Gary Powers was shot down in May 1960. A Japanese-American technical intelligence unit, JTAG, was also co-located at the base. As a radar operator, Oswald had access to data from high-altitude U-2 operations - information CIA counterintelligence chief [[James Angleton]] later assessed as potentially significant given Oswald's subsequent defection.
+Oswald was born in [[New Orleans, Louisiana|New Orleans]] and raised in Texas and [[New York]]. He enlisted in the [[United States Marine Corps|Marine Corps]] in 1956 and was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron 1 (MACS-1) at Atsugi Air Base in [[Japan]] - a facility of particular intelligence significance. Atsugi's MACS-1 unit included height-finding radars (the MPS-16 radar among them), and Atsugi simultaneously hosted CIA Detachment C of the [[U-2]] reconnaissance program, which conducted overflights of the [[Soviet Union]] whose existence was concealed from Soviet authorities until Gary Powers was shot down in May 1960. A Japanese-American technical intelligence unit, JTAG, was also co-located at the base. As a radar operator, Oswald had access to data from high-altitude U-2 operations - information CIA counterintelligence chief [[James Angleton]] later assessed as potentially significant given Oswald's subsequent defection.
 Oswald received a hardship discharge in September 1959. Within two weeks, he traveled to the Soviet Union and, in October 1959, walked into the U.S. Embassy in Moscow to renounce his American citizenship. Soviet authorities initially denied him permanent residency but eventually allowed him to remain, settling him in [[Minsk]], where he worked in a factory under [[KGB]] surveillance. He married Marina Prusakova, a Soviet citizen, in April 1961. Soviet defectors were routinely debriefed by the KGB; given Oswald's Atsugi assignment, the extent of any debriefing and what he disclosed has never been established.
@ -30,15 +30,15 @@ Oswald subsequently sought to return to the [[United States]]. In 1962, the [[De
 ### CIA File: CI/SIG and Counterintelligence Handling
-The CIA's counterintelligence Staff D, known as CI/SIG (Counterintelligence Special Investigations Group) and run by [[James Angleton]], opened a 201 personnel file on Oswald on December 9, 1960 - more than two and a half years before the assassination. The file, numbered 201-289248, was opened by Ann Egerter, a CI/SIG officer, under the name "Lee Henry Oswald" - with his middle name rendered as "Henry" rather than the correct "Harvey." Recording an incorrect identifying detail in a newly opened file was a CI/SIG technique called "marked cards": deliberately inserting a small error to detect whether file contents had been obtained by a foreign intelligence service, since any leak would carry the false detail. The file was connected to the HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program, in which the CIA monitored correspondence between American citizens and addresses in the Soviet Union.[^2]
+The CIA's counterintelligence Staff D, known as CI/SIG (Counterintelligence Special Investigations Group) and run by James Angleton, opened a 201 personnel file on Oswald on December 9, 1960 - more than two and a half years before the assassination. The file, numbered 201-289248, was opened by Ann Egerter, a CI/SIG officer, under the name "Lee Henry Oswald" - with his middle name rendered as "Henry" rather than the correct "Harvey." Recording an incorrect identifying detail in a newly opened file was a CI/SIG technique called "marked cards": deliberately inserting a small error to detect whether file contents had been obtained by a foreign intelligence service, since any leak would carry the false detail. The file was connected to the HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program, in which the CIA monitored correspondence between American citizens and addresses in the Soviet Union.[^2]
-On October 10, 1963 - six weeks before the Kennedy assassination - the CIA [[Mexico City]] station cabled headquarters reporting that "Lee Henry Oswald" had visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City the previous week. CIA headquarters' response cable described Oswald in terms suggesting limited familiarity with his history - omitting his Soviet defection, his two-and-a-half years in [[Minsk]], and his summer 1963 [[Fair Play for Cuba Committee]] activities in New Orleans. This information was all available at headquarters and would have made Oswald's Soviet Embassy contact appear far more operationally significant.
+On October 10, 1963 - six weeks before the Kennedy assassination - the CIA Mexico City station cabled headquarters reporting that "Lee Henry Oswald" had visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City the previous week. CIA headquarters' response cable described Oswald in terms suggesting limited familiarity with his history - omitting his Soviet defection, his two-and-a-half years in Minsk, and his summer 1963 [[Fair Play for Cuba Committee]] activities in New Orleans. This information was all available at headquarters and would have made Oswald's Soviet Embassy contact appear far more operationally significant.
 The cable was routed through the office of Jane Roman, a senior CIA officer and wife of Howard Roman. Roman's initials appear on the cable as a sign-off. In 1994, journalist [[John Newman (historian)|John Newman]] showed Roman the cable and the withheld information during a recorded interview. Roman stated: "I'm signing off on something that I know isn't true." She was unable or unwilling to identify who at CIA headquarters had directed the response be drafted as it was, or why.[^2]
 ### Pro-Castro Activities and New Orleans
-In the summer of 1963, Oswald appeared in New Orleans distributing [[Fair Play for Cuba Committee]] (FPCC) leaflets stamped with a fictitious address - 544 Camp Street - that was the same building as 531 Lafayette Street, the office of [[Guy Banister]], a former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Special Agent in Charge who ran an anti-Castro intelligence network. Oswald gave a radio interview on WDSU defending Castro's Cuba and reportedly was the only FPCC member in New Orleans. His activities were monitored by the FBI.
+In the summer of 1963, Oswald appeared in New Orleans distributing Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC) leaflets stamped with a fictitious address - 544 Camp Street - that was the same building as 531 Lafayette Street, the office of [[Guy Banister]], a former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Special Agent in Charge who ran an anti-Castro intelligence network. Oswald gave a radio interview on WDSU defending Castro's Cuba and reportedly was the only FPCC member in New Orleans. His activities were monitored by the FBI.
 The coincidence of the FPCC leaflets' address with Banister's office has been examined extensively without definitive resolution: whether Oswald and Banister knew each other, whether the address overlap was deliberate or accidental, and whether Oswald's pro-Castro activities were genuine political expression, intelligence cover, or something else, remain unresolved questions in the HSCA record.[^1]
@ -48,13 +48,15 @@ In late September and early October 1963, Oswald (or someone representing himsel
 The CIA's evidentiary record from this surveillance proved anomalous. Photographs of individuals entering the Soviet Embassy on the dates Oswald claimed to have visited showed a heavyset, dark-haired man who was clearly not Oswald. CIA headquarters acknowledged this in cable DIR 84888, sent to the Mexico City station on November 23, 1963 - the day after the assassination - stating that the photographs "are not of Lee Oswald." The Mexico City station's explanation was that its cameras had malfunctioned or that the visitor was photographed at a moment when cameras were not operational.
 The agency's own internal account, drafted by [[Raymond Rocca]] of the counterintelligence staff for the general counsel on May 12, 1967, when [[Jim Garrison]] made the photograph an issue, states that Oswald's contact with the Soviet consulate on October 1, 1963, "was reported to CIA Headquarters on 9 October 1963" and distributed on October 10, "predicated entirely on the assumption that Oswald probably intended to redefect to the Soviets," and that the station "guessed" the man photographed that day "might be Oswald because of the coincidence in time." The station passed to the FBI on the afternoon of November 22 three photographs of the man taken at 12:17 on October 1, five taken at 11:32 on October 4, and two taken outside the Cuban embassy on October 15. One was cropped by agent Bardwell Odum in Dallas and shown to [[Marguerite Oswald]] on November 23. "No photograph was taken, acquired or received of Oswald, alone or with any individual, by CIA in front of the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy, or anywhere else in Mexico." A request to the Navy for a photograph of Oswald "had not been serviced before the assassination date." Rocca sent the draft to [[Thomas Karamessines]] "based on a file review as well as my recollections of the event," and a colleague noted: "This checks completely with my recollection." Its conclusion: "CIA's considered judgment is that this man and his photograph are totally irrelevant to the Oswald investigation."[^3]
 The LIENVOY recordings posed a separate problem. FBI agents who listened to recordings of intercepted phone calls involving someone claiming to be "Lee Oswald" stated the voice spoke broken Russian-accented English - markedly inconsistent with Oswald's documented fluency in Russian and his recorded voice from the New Orleans WDSU radio interview. Whether the recordings and photographs involved a different person using Oswald's name, technical failures in CIA surveillance, or something else was examined by the HSCA Lopez Report and not resolved.[^2]
 The HSCA commissioned a 350-page classified staff study, "Oswald, the CIA, and Mexico City," by Edwin Lopez and Dan Hardway (the Lopez Report), completed in 1979, partially released in 1996, and more fully released in 2003. The Lopez Report concluded that CIA information about Oswald "was not reported to CIA Headquarters in an accurate and expeditious manner prior to the assassination" and that the Mexico City station had not reported "all information in the possession of the CIA Mexico City Station" to headquarters. The report is available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/.[^2]
 ### The Assassination
-On October 14, 1963, Oswald was hired at the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]]. President Kennedy's motorcade route was announced in Dallas newspapers on November 19, passing directly in front of the TSBD.
+On October 14, 1963, Oswald was hired at the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) in Dallas. President Kennedy's motorcade route was announced in Dallas newspapers on November 19, passing directly in front of the TSBD.
 On November 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot while riding in his motorcade through [[Dealey Plaza]]. The Warren Commission concluded that three shots were fired from the sixth floor of the TSBD, where Oswald's presence was established, and that all three shots were fired by Oswald using a Mannlicher-Carcano rifle traced to him via a mail-order purchase under the alias "A. Hidell." Oswald was arrested that afternoon at the Texas Theatre after the killing of Officer Tippit. He denied killing Kennedy and denied owning the rifle. He was charged with both the Kennedy assassination and the Tippit murder.[^1]
@ -66,7 +68,7 @@ The Warren Commission concluded Ruby acted alone from personal grief over Kenned
 ### Dallas: [[George de Mohrenschildt]] and the Russian Community
-After Oswald's return from the Soviet Union in June 1962, he settled in the Dallas area, where a White Russian emigre community took social interest in Marina. The most prominent member to actively befriend Oswald was [[George de Mohrenschildt]], a petroleum geologist and Texas academic who maintained a documented relationship with CIA Domestic Contact Service officer [[J. Walton Moore]]. De Mohrenschildt told journalist [[Edward Jay Epstein]] shortly before his own death in 1977 that Moore had asked him to befriend Oswald and report on what Oswald had observed in the Soviet Union - with CIA assistance on a Haitian oil contract as the reciprocal arrangement. De Mohrenschildt obtained that contract in March 1963, immediately after his period of closest contact with Oswald.[^3]
+After Oswald's return from the Soviet Union in June 1962, he settled in the Dallas area, where a White Russian emigre community took social interest in Marina. The most prominent member to actively befriend Oswald was [[George de Mohrenschildt]], a petroleum geologist and Texas academic who maintained a documented relationship with CIA Domestic Contact Service officer [[J. Walton Moore]]. De Mohrenschildt told journalist [[Edward Jay Epstein]] shortly before his own death in 1977 that Moore had asked him to befriend Oswald and report on what Oswald had observed in the Soviet Union - with CIA assistance on a Haitian oil contract as the reciprocal arrangement. De Mohrenschildt obtained that contract in March 1963, immediately after his period of closest contact with Oswald.[^4]
 ### Intelligence Connections and Unresolved Questions
@ -80,4 +82,5 @@ The [[Assassination Records Review Board]] (ARRB), operating under the JFK Recor
 [^1]: Warren Commission. *Report of the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy.* Government Printing Office, 1964. House Select Committee on Assassinations. *Report of the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives.* Government Printing Office, 1979.
 [^2]: Newman, John. *Oswald and the CIA: The Documented Truth about the Unknown Relationship between the U.S. Government and the Alleged Killer of JFK.* Skyhorse Publishing, 2008 (updated ed.). Lopez, Edwin, and Dan Hardway. "Oswald, the CIA, and Mexico City" (Lopez Report). HSCA Staff Report, 1979. Available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/. Assassination Records Review Board. *Final Report of the Assassination Records Review Board.* Government Printing Office, 1998.
-[^3]: House Select Committee on Assassinations. *Report.* Vol. XII (de Mohrenschildt). Government Printing Office, 1979. Available at aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol12/. Epstein, Edward Jay. *Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald.* Reader's Digest Press, 1978.
+[^3]: Rocca, Raymond G. Draft memorandum to Lawrence Houston, "Garrison Allegations Re CIA Photograph in Warren Commission Report: The Facts," May 12, 1967, with routing slips of May 15, 1967, JFK record 104-10005-10374.
 [^4]: House Select Committee on Assassinations. *Report.* Vol. XII (de Mohrenschildt). Government Printing Office, 1979. Available at aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol12/. Epstein, Edward Jay. *Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald.* Reader's Digest Press, 1978.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Lee
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Lee
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - LeePennington
  - CIA
  - CIAOfficeOfSecurity
  - FBI
  - Watergate
  - AmericanSecurityCouncil
 alias:
  - Lee R. Pennington Jr.
 summary: "Retired FBI inspector kept on a monthly retainer by the CIA's Security Research Staff, who watched James McCord's wife burn papers days after the Watergate arrests, a fact the agency withheld from investigators until 1974."
 location: "Washington, D.C."
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Lee R. Pennington Jr. was "a former FBI inspector" and "an old family friend of the McCords." The [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s own account describes him as "for a number of years an informant of CIA's Office of Security. Being involved in work for the [[American Legion]] in the field of security he did research on the subject for CIA." [[Paul Gaynor]], head of the Security Research Staff of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]], retained him by the month until December 1972.[^1][^2][^3]
 ### June 1972
 Shortly after [[James McCord]] was arrested at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]], Pennington visited the McCord house, "where he found Mrs. McCord, with her daughter and son-in-law, destroying papers." He reported it. In August 1972 the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s Alexandria office asked the Office of Security about a "Pennington" who might have been McCord's supervisor. The agency answered with "the name of another Pennington, an employee of the CIA Office of Security, but who had never been a supervisor of McCord." The Senate minority staff found the purpose was "to withhold the name of Lee R. Pennington." In November and December 1972 he passed his case officer a memorandum by McCord about [[Jack Anderson]].[^1][^3]
 The published minority report of the Senate committee gives the retainer as "$250 per month until December of 1973" and states: "The Agency has advised that the Security Research Staff was abolished in August of 1973."[^4]
 ### 1974
 In January 1974, when the agency's inspector general was to review the Watergate files, [[Howard Osborn]] "ordered that the Pennington materials be removed." An employee of the Personnel Security Division copied them to his safe and told the inspector general. Osborn's memorandum of February 22, 1974, went to the Senate committee, the oversight committees, and the special prosecutor. Pennington testified in executive session on February 23 "that he did not go to the McCord home for the purpose of searching for or destroying CIA-related documents, but does acknowledge witnessing the destruction of documents." The testimony of others, the staff wrote, indicated "more active participation." Osborn retired on February 26. "The Security Research Staff has now been abolished." The staff noted that Pennington "may have been a 'domestic agent,' possibly in violation of the CIA's charter," and that his agency file "apparently has portions missing from it." The file itself went only to the House subcommittee of [[Lucien Nedzi]], with "gaps" the agency acknowledged. Nedzi concluded that the agency had not sent him to burn the papers. McCord wrote that Pennington, then 60, "came over to bring food to my family" and destroyed nothing.[^1][^2][^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, minority staff, "CIA Investigation," memorandum of Senator Howard H. Baker Jr., 1974, later printed in *Final Report,* S. Rept. 93-981, pp. 1115-1165. CIA Reading Room copy, document 01481990.
 [^2]: Anderson, Jack. "Washington Merry-Go-Round," *Washington Post,* April 2, 1974, p. B15.
 [^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Questions Raised About Lee R. Pennington," 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01435032.
 [^4]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. "Minority Report on CIA Involvement, Submitted at the Request of Senator Howard H. Baker, Jr.," in *The Senate Watergate Report,* Dell, 1974, vol. 2, pp. 732 ff. (S. Rept. 93-981, 1974), "Pennington Matter."
 [^5]: McCord, James W., Jr. Letter to the editor, *Washington Star-News,* July 3, 1974. CIA Reading Room, document 01482011.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Luis
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Luis
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Raymond
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Raymond
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - RaymondRocca
  - CIA
  - CIACounterintelligenceStaff
  - JamesAngleton
  - GarrisonGroup
  - WarrenCommission
 alias:
  - Raymond G. Rocca
  - Ray Rocca
 summary: "Research chief on Angleton's counterintelligence staff who handled the CIA's side of the Warren Commission and wrote its papers on Jim Garrison in 1967, proposing to brief Hoover and McCone and line up press channels."
 born: 1917
 died: 1993-11-11
 location: "Falls Church, Virginia"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 Raymond G. Rocca "began his intelligence career during World War II. It included service in [[Rome]], where he went in 1944 with the [[Office of Strategic Services]] and later with the [[Central Intelligence Group]] and then the newly established [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]." He was chief of research and analysis on the [[CIA Counterintelligence Staff|Counterintelligence Staff]] under [[James Jesus Angleton]] and retired in 1975 "as acting chief of counterintelligence."[^1]
 ### Garrison
 [[Richard Helms]] assigned him the New Orleans matter in 1967. On April 26 he wrote that it would be "unwise to dismiss as trivial any attempts by Garrison to link the Agency to his plot." On May 12 he drafted for the general counsel the agency's account of the Mexico City photograph, "based on a file review as well as my recollections of the event." At the first meeting of the [[Garrison Group]] on September 20 "Rocca felt that Garrison would indeed obtain a conviction of Shaw for conspiring to assassinate President Kennedy." On September 26 he circulated "a survey of possible courses of action": charges of impersonation against [[Gordon Novel]] and [[Donald P. Norton]]; an effort "to block or head off any attempts to put the [[Playboy]] article into the [[Congressional Record]]"; briefings of [[Clark Clifford]] and [[John McCone]], who "is in a position to exert extensive influence in Catholic and Republican Party circles"; "Mr. [[J. Edgar Hoover]] is probably the single most important person to be considered in reacting to Garrison's false charges"; "carefully selected channels of communication lined up in advance" in the press; and "materials for covert exploitation" presenting the investigation as "wittingly or unwittingly designed to cover, exonerate or exculpate the Soviets in the Oswald case." He was to "work up a graphic of the organization as conceived by Garrison." In March 1968 he wrote that Garrison's charge of a plot by the agency and the military-industrial complex "is by and large a rehash."[^2][^3][^4]
 ### Later
 The [[Church Committee]] took his deposition on November 25, 1975, on the doctrine of counterespionage. The [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] took his testimony on July 17, 1978. He died at Arlington Hospital of a stroke on November 11, 1993, aged 76.[^1][^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: "Raymond G. Rocca, CIA Official, Dies," *Washington Post,* November 13, 1993.
 [^2]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001.
 [^3]: Janney, F.W.M. Memoranda for the record, Garrison Group meetings no. 1 and 2, September 20 and 26, 1967, JFK records 104-10428-10023 and 104-10428-10022.
 [^4]: Rocca, Raymond G. Memorandum, "This is a survey of possible courses of action," September 26, 1967, JFK record 104-10435-10022; draft memorandum to Lawrence Houston, "Garrison Allegations Re CIA Photograph in Warren Commission Report," May 12, 1967, JFK record 104-10005-10374.
 [^5]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book I*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, p. 167.; House Select Committee on Assassinations, security classified testimony of Raymond Rocca, July 17, 1978.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Rolando
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Rolando
@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
 ---
 category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
 tags:
  - Person
  - RolandoOtero
  - CubanExiles
  - Terrorism
  - Miami
  - DINA
  - Chile
 alias:
  - Rolando Otero Hernandez
 summary: "Cuban exile charged with nine Miami bombings of 1975, including the FBI office, who fled to Chile and was handed to the FBI by Pinochet's government in 1976, a surrender the Cuban Nationalist Movement resented."
 location: "Miami, Florida"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 At 5:58 on the morning of October 17, 1975, an Eastern Airlines reservation clerk took a call: "Listen to me. This is not a joke. We have planted some bombs in the complex. The first one will go off in a couple of minutes." Minutes later a bomb went off in a bank of lockers at [[Miami International Airport]]. A federal grand jury indicted Rolando Otero Hernández for that bombing and others of December 3 and 4, 1975, in a seventeen-count indictment, later moved to [[Jacksonville, Florida|Jacksonville]] for the press coverage in Miami. The clerk picked his voice from a spread of five by "accent, tone, rhythm and word formation." The state charged him with nine bombings, among them the FBI office in Miami, and tried him from November 15, 1976.[^1][^2]
 ### Chile
 Otero fled to [[Chile]]. In 1976 the FBI's legal attaché in [[Buenos Aires]], [[Robert Scherrer]], obtained his surrender. "The Chilean government first denied having Otero, then offered to turn him over in a coffin." Cuban exiles complained that Chile had given haven to Otero and [[Orlando Bosch]], "both fugitives from the FBI, only to betray them." When [[Michael Townley]] of [[DINA]] asked the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] for help against [[Orlando Letelier]] in September 1976, [[Guillermo Novo]] argued that "DINA should have killed Otero rather than turn him over to the FBI." A Dade County detective went to Venezuela in October 1976 to persuade [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] to testify at Otero's trial. An index to Morales's deposition of 1981, as transcribed on an exile website, lists Otero under the alias "Condor."[^3][^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: *United States v. Otero-Hernandez,* 418 F. Supp. 572 (M.D. Fla. 1976).
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^3]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 9-10, 130.
 [^4]: Deposition of Ricardo Morales Navarrete, Dade County Circuit Court, criminal case 81-17247, index.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Virgilio
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Virgilio
@ -28,7 +28,10 @@ In [[Rome]], where Townley was arranging with the followers of [[Stefano Delle C
 In September 1976 Paz gave Townley the remote-control detonator used against [[Orlando Letelier]], one Townley "himself had constructed months before in Santiago by modifying a radio paging device." Paz and [[Jose Dionisio Suarez]] drove with Townley to Letelier's house. "I was informed by Paz and Suarez that they expected me to place the device on the car," Townley stated, "as they wished to have a DINA agent, namely myself, directly tied to the placing of the device."[^1]
 Paz was indicted with six others on August 1, 1978, and remained a fugitive when Suárez was caught in 1990. He pleaded guilty to conspiracy to murder a foreign official and was sentenced to twelve years.[^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 16-19, 152-160.
 [^2]: Branch, Taylor, and Eugene M. Propper. *Labyrinth*. Viking, 1982, pp. 243-246, 303.
 [^3]: McAllister, Bill. "Suspect Arrested in Letelier Slaying," *Washington Post,* April 12, 1990. "USA v. Guillermo Novo Sampol et al., 78-CR-367," case synopsis, latinamericanstudies.org, not verified against the docket.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Walter
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Walter
@ -24,8 +24,11 @@ NBC broadcast a program critical of Garrison's conduct on June 19, 1967. On July
 "On 1 May, Jack Miller, a former assistant attorney general in charge of the Justice Department's Criminal Division, called the CIA's general counsel to offer some intelligence that had come to Miller 'from within Garrison's office,'" the agency's own journal recorded in 2001. "Miller's source was Walter Sheridan." The general counsel was [[Lawrence Houston]], and the call is recorded in a memorandum of May 1, 1967, headed "Report Concerning Garrison-Kennedy-CIA." Miller was the same lawyer who represented Sheridan against Garrison two years later.[^1]
 In September 1967, with Sheridan "subpoenaed by Garrison to appear before the Grand Jury in New Orleans," his lawyer Jack Miller, "who also is counsel for the Slocums in the Tofte case," told the agency's general counsel that Shaw's lawyers had approached him for someone in government "who could steer them as to the true facts and circumstances." Miller had been the channel from Garrison's office to the CIA in May; in September he was the channel from Shaw's defense.[^4]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf
 [^2]: Sheridan v. Garrison, 415 F.2d 699 (5th Cir. 1969).
 [^3]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9.
 [^4]: Houston, Lawrence R. Memorandum for the Executive Director-Comptroller, "Garrison Investigation," OGC 67-1787, September 18, 1967, JFK record 104-10428-10024.
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Edward
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Edward
@ -28,6 +28,8 @@ The defense "hired not one, but two top-notch private detective services," the [
 In September 1967 the defense, "confused by the smoke-screen Garrison was raising" about the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for someone "who could steer them as to the true facts and circumstances." The agency and the department declined, since "if Garrison learned of federal assistance to Shaw's lawyers, he'd play it to the hilt." Through the contact the department learned that Shaw had not told his own lawyers that from 1948 to 1956 he had reported to the agency's [[Domestic Contact Service]] on 33 occasions. The agency's general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], wrote on October 2, 1967, that if Shaw were to "be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA," then "we may be in for some difficult decisions." At the trial Dymond asked Shaw whether he had ever worked for the agency, and Shaw answered: "No, I have not."[^4]
 The approach went through [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]], the former head of the criminal division, who was also the lawyer of the NBC man [[Walter Sheridan]], then under subpoena from Garrison. Houston reported on September 18 that Miller "has been approached by the lawyers for Clay Shaw, Mr. Irving Diamond and Mr. FNU Wakeman. They told Miller they felt Shaw was leveling with them but that they were so confused by the smoke screen Garrison was raising they would like to talk to someone in Government who could steer them as to the true facts and circumstances." Houston told Miller that Justice would claim executive privilege for any agency witness. [[Nathaniel Kossack]] of the criminal division "agrees it is tempting to try to do something, such as talk to Shaw's lawyers, but he feels it is rather dangerous unless we know that we can trust them absolutely."[^5]
 Wegmann's daughter gave his files to the review board in 1995. They include the diary of [[Tom Bethell]], a member of Garrison's staff.[^2][^4]
 ### Footnotes
@ -36,3 +38,4 @@ Wegmann's daughter gave his files to the review board in 1995. They include the
 [^2]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9; National Archives and Records Administration, finding aid to the Papers of Edward F. Wegmann.
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Domestic Intelligence Division, informative note, April 14, 1967, JFK record 124-10369-10048; Assassination Records Review Board, letters to Southern Research Company, electronic files of Philip G. Golrick.
 [^4]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf
 [^5]: Houston, Lawrence R. Memorandum for the Executive Director-Comptroller, "Garrison Investigation," OGC 67-1787, September 18, 1967, JFK record 104-10428-10024.
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/José
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/José
@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
 ---
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
  - JoseZara
  - DINA
  - CarlosPrats
  - RonniMoffitt
  - OperationCondor
  - PuntaPeuco
 alias:
  - José Zara Holger
  - Jose Zara Holger
  - Jose Zara
 summary: "DINA exterior department officer sentenced to fifteen years for the Prats murders, released from Punta Peuco on August 25, 2025, rearrested within two days for the killing of Ronni Moffitt, and convicted in June 2026."
 location: "Santiago, Chile"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 José Zara Holger, a retired brigadier of the Chilean army, served in the exterior department of [[DINA]], which Judge [[Paola Plaza]] found to consist of one group for international policy and another for operations abroad.[^1]
 ### Prats
 In 2010 the Chilean courts convicted him, with [[Manuel Contreras]], [[Pedro Espinoza]], and [[Raúl Iturriaga Neumann|Raúl Iturriaga]], of the murders of General [[Carlos Prats]] and [[Sofía Cuthbert]] in [[Buenos Aires]] on September 30, 1974, and sentenced him to fifteen years. He served them at [[Punta Peuco]] and was released on Monday, August 25, 2025.[^1][^2]
 ### Moffitt
 He had been charged, with Iturriaga, as an author of the killing of [[Ronni Moffitt]], the 25-year-old colleague of [[Orlando Letelier]] who died in the same car on September 21, 1976, on complaints brought by the [[Agrupación de Familiares de Ejecutados Políticos]] and the former interior under-secretary Rodrigo Ubilla. Until then the only Chilean convictions in the case, those of Contreras and Espinoza by Judge Adolfo Bañados, concerned Letelier alone. Zara had been left at liberty in that case because he was serving the Prats sentence. On August 27, 2025, on the order of Judge Alejandro Aguilar, standing in for Plaza, the investigative police's human rights brigade arrested him and returned him to custody; his appeal was rejected. "No tengo que pedirle perdón a nadie," he told an interviewer that October. "Yo no tuve ninguna participación." On June 15, 2026, Plaza sentenced Zara, Iturriaga, and Espinoza to fifteen years each for Moffitt's death.[^1][^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Basso Prieto, Carlos. "José Zara Holger fue detenido de nuevo: esta vez por crimen de Ronni Moffitt," *El Mostrador,* August 27, 2025.
 [^2]: Chilean press reports of the 2010 judgments of Judge Alejandro Solís and the Supreme Court (La Tercera, El Mostrador), not read in full.
 [^3]: Kornbluh, Peter. "A Modicum of Justice for Ronni Karpen Moffitt," *The Nation,* September 2026.; The Clinic, interview of October 15, 2025, as quoted in press summaries.
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/SISMI.md
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/INTERNATIONAL/SISMI.md
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ The organizational architecture was designed to provide deniable operational cap
 ### Strategy of Tension Involvement
-Gian Adelio Maletti, the head of SID's intelligence division (Ufficio D), was charged with deliberately misdirecting the investigation of the [[Piazza Fontana bombing]] away from the neofascist network by providing false information to investigators. He fled to South Africa in 1981 before his trial and was convicted in absentia. From South Africa he later gave statements acknowledging that SID had possessed information about neofascist responsibility for the Piazza Fontana bombing before it occurred and had not disclosed it.
+[[Gian Adelio Maletti]], the head of SID's intelligence division (Ufficio D), was charged with deliberately misdirecting the investigation of the [[Piazza Fontana bombing]] away from the neofascist network by providing false information to investigators. He fled to South Africa in 1981 before his trial and was convicted in absentia. From South Africa he later gave statements acknowledging that SID had possessed information about neofascist responsibility for the Piazza Fontana bombing before it occurred and had not disclosed it.
 Following the [[Bologna railway station bombing]] in 1980, former SISMI officer Pietro Musumeci and former SISMI officer Giuseppe Belmonte were convicted of slander and political conspiracy for their roles in planting false evidence intended to deflect the Bologna investigation toward neo-Marxist groups. The conviction established that SISMI had conducted an active disinformation operation against a domestic criminal investigation.[^2]
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/CIA
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/GOVERNMENT/USA/CIA
@ -30,13 +30,15 @@ In August 1960 [[Richard Bissell]] asked Edwards whether the office had assets f
 When Maheu's men were arrested for a wiretap in [[Las Vegas]], Edwards briefed Attorney General [[Robert F. Kennedy|Robert Kennedy]]. "At our request, prosecution was dropped." On May 7, 1962, Edwards and the general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], briefed Kennedy on the operation itself. "If you have seen Mr. Kennedy's eyes get steely and his jaw set and his voice get low and precise you get a definite feeling of unhappiness," Houston testified. The inspector general concluded in 1967 that "the Attorney General was not told that the gambling syndicate operation had already been reactivated nor as far as we know was he ever told that CIA had a continuing involvement with U.S. gangster elements."[^1][^2]
 In May 1975 the director of security, [[Charles W. Kane]], answered the [[Church Committee]]'s questions from the office's files: the operation "was approved by [[Allen Dulles]], who was DCI at the time"; a memorandum of May 14, 1962, in Roselli's file "reflects that the 'Agency' had authorized $150,000 to accomplish the operation, however, neither the memorandum nor the above files indicate who approved the actual figure"; and an undated, unsigned memorandum in Maheu's file recorded that Varona "had been given $10,000 plus $1,000 worth of communications equipment" before "the 'deal' was called off after the Bay of Pigs." "These files contain only one reference to any actual expenditure of funds in connection with the Castro operation."[^3]
 ### Nosenko
 The [[KGB]] defector Yuri Nosenko was held from August 13, 1965, to October 27, 1967, in a specially built cell, "literally confined in a room with nothing but a cot in it." The compilation records that "this Office together with the Office of General Counsel became increasingly concerned with the illegality of the Agency's position." On the second date he was transferred to the Office of Security under Admiral [[Rufus Taylor]], the deputy director, moved to a safehouse, "and was interviewed under friendly, sympathetic conditions by his Security Case Officer, Mr. [[Bruce Solie]], for more than a year. It soon became apparent that Nosenko was bona fide." The paper called him "the most valuable and economical defector this Agency has ever had."[^1]
 ### Mail, Dissidents, and Reporters
-"Since 1953, this office has operated a mail intercept program of incoming and outgoing Russian mail" at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] in [[New York City|New York]], [[SRPOINTER]], which "included not only the photographing of envelopes but also surreptitious opening and photographing of selected items of mail. The bulk of the take involved matters of internal security interest which was disseminated to the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]." Of the agency's New York mail-opening project, [[HTLINGUAL]], which [[James Jesus Angleton]] defended as "foreign surveillance," Osborn testified in 1975: "We got no benefit from it at all. The product was worthless." At a meeting on May 19, 1971, [[Thomas Karamessines]] argued that "any flap would cause the CIA the worst possible publicity," and Osborn "stated that he thought the operation served mainly a Bureau requirement." [[Richard Helms]] continued it.[^1][^3]
+"Since 1953, this office has operated a mail intercept program of incoming and outgoing Russian mail" at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] in [[New York City|New York]], [[SRPOINTER]], which "included not only the photographing of envelopes but also surreptitious opening and photographing of selected items of mail. The bulk of the take involved matters of internal security interest which was disseminated to the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]]." Of the agency's New York mail-opening project, [[HTLINGUAL]], which [[James Jesus Angleton]] defended as "foreign surveillance," Osborn testified in 1975: "We got no benefit from it at all. The product was worthless." At a meeting on May 19, 1971, [[Thomas Karamessines]] argued that "any flap would cause the CIA the worst possible publicity," and Osborn "stated that he thought the operation served mainly a Bureau requirement." [[Richard Helms]] continued it.[^1][^4]
 From February 1967 to November 1971 an Office of Security proprietary, [[Project MERRIMAC]], "recruited and handled several Agents for the purpose of covertly monitoring dissident groups in the Washington area considered to be potential threats to Agency personnel and installations. One of these Agents so successfully penetrated one dissident group that she was turned over to the FBI for handling." The office gave equipment and training to the police of [[Fairfax County, Virginia|Fairfax]] and [[Arlington County, Virginia|Arlington]] counties and to the intelligence division of the [[Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia|Metropolitan Police Department]].[^1]
@ -44,11 +46,12 @@ From February 1967 to November 1971 an Office of Security proprietary, [[Project
 ### Private Security Firms
-In November 1967 Harvey, leaving the agency for a law practice, asked the bureau's liaison, [[Sam Papich]], for reputable private investigators. Osborn recorded that Papich suggested the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] or the [[Fidelifax]] company. In July 1978 Solie certified that the staff of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] had reviewed the office's Wackenhut file.[^4]
+In November 1967 Harvey, leaving the agency for a law practice, asked the bureau's liaison, [[Sam Papich]], for reputable private investigators. Osborn recorded that Papich suggested the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] or the [[Fidelifax]] company. In July 1978 Solie certified that the staff of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] had reviewed the office's Wackenhut file.[^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Family Jewels," memorandum of Howard J. Osborn, Director of Security, to the Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee, May 16, 1973, with attachments, pp. 00002-00006, 00012-00014, 00023, 00026-00030, 00448. Released June 25, 2007.
 [^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report*. S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, pp. 133-134.
-[^3]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book III*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, pp. 579, 600-602.
+[^3]: Kane, Charles W., Director of Security. Memorandum for the Inspector General, "Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Operations, Request," May 22, 1975, JFK record 104-10106-10619.
-[^4]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076; Solie, Bruce L. Memorandum, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
+[^4]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report, Book III*. S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, pp. 579, 600-602.
 [^5]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076; Solie, Bruce L. Memorandum, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450. National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection.
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/CORU.md
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/CORU.md
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
 ---
 category: "Paramilitary"
 tags:
  - Organization
  - CORU
  - CubanExiles
  - OrlandoBosch
  - Terrorism
  - CubanNationalistMovement
  - DISIP
 alias:
  - Coordinación de Organizaciones Revolucionarias Unidas
  - Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations
 summary: "Umbrella of five Cuban exile organizations formed under Orlando Bosch in the Dominican Republic on June 11, 1976, whose members bombed a Cubana airliner that October and lent DINA the men who killed Orlando Letelier."
 start: 1976-06-11
 location: "Miami, Florida"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 CORU was "integrated by 5 anti-Castro groups which united in the [[Dominican Republic]] on June 11, 1976, under the leadership of Dr. [[Orlando Bosch]]": Bosch's Acción Cubana; the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]], "a right wing organization which claimed credit for acts of violence in the United States and Canada during the mid-1960s"; the [[Frente de Liberación Nacional Cubano|Cuban National Liberation Front]], formed in October 1973 and credited with about 25 acts; the veterans' association of [[Brigade 2506]]; and the 17th of April Movement. Bosch told an interviewer from prison: "We were conspiring there. Planning bombings and killings. Everything was planned there."[^1][^2]
 ### 1976
 In September Bosch reached [[Caracas]] under Venezuelan protection. On October 6 two employees of [[Luis Posada Carriles]] blew up a [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing|Cubana airliner]] off Barbados. [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] of [[DISIP]] named [[Frank Castro]], "a leader of CORU," among those who planned it at the Anauco Hilton, and said Castro had wanted his own front to claim it and then, after the deaths, did not. Members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement had meanwhile gone to Washington with [[Michael Townley]] of [[DINA]] and killed [[Orlando Letelier]] on September 21.[^3]
 ### After Bosch
 With Bosch in a Caracas prison the leadership passed to Frank Castro, "CORU Chief from Miami." Informants reported him reorganizing cells, planning to sabotage a Mexican airliner on the Mérida-Havana route while insisting "that all operations must be outside of the boundaries of the United States," raising money among exile doctors for a jailbreak in the Dominican Republic, and running a "young action oriented cell" of [[Alvin Ross]] and Raciel Rodríguez that bombed the Viasa Airlines office in Miami Beach on December 23, 1977. In January 1977 a CORU member came to Miami on the instructions of Venezuela's [[Orlando García Vásquez]] to arrange "a dramatic mission that would cause maximum publicity," a naval attack on Cuban shipping, and a lesser bombing, to "take away the 'pressure' from Orlando Bosch." In January 1978 [[Guillermo Novo]] was organizing cells in [[Union City, New Jersey]] "for military action in the U.S. and against the country of Venezuela." Bosch wanted "war declared against Venezuela." In July 1978 Bosch, from prison, removed Castro and named Dr. Carlos Dominicis interim head. An informant reported an offer of money from the [[Unification Church]] to a Chicago federation of which CORU was proposed as the military arm.[^1][^4]
 The Justice Department wrote in 1989 that CORU "has claimed responsibility for numerous bombings in Miami, New York, Venezuela, Panama, Mexico, Argentina, and elsewhere."[^5]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 13.
 [^2]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 250, quoting Bosch to Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
 [^5]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Associate Attorney General, *In the Matter of Orlando Bosch-Avila,* decision of Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley in exclusion proceedings, January 23, 1989.
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Cuban
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Cuban
@ -27,7 +27,7 @@ Michael Townley testified that in the summer of 1976 DINA assigned him to go to
 ### Trials
-Novo and Ross were convicted in 1979 of murder, murder of a foreign official, and conspiracy, and Novo's brother [[Ignacio Novo]] of lying to the grand jury. Part of the evidence came from jailhouse informants working with the government. One of them, [[Sherman Kaminsky]], testified that Ross "told me that he was involved in the murder of Orlando Letelier together with generals in DINA, Sepulveda, Michael Townley, and other members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement in this country." In 1980 the Supreme Court held such testimony inadmissible in United States v. Henry, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] reversed the convictions of Novo and Ross and ordered a new trial. It reversed Ignacio Novo's for the failure to try him separately.[^1]
+Novo and Ross were convicted in 1979 of murder, murder of a foreign official, and conspiracy, and Novo's brother [[Ignacio Novo]] of lying to the grand jury. Part of the evidence came from jailhouse informants working with the government. One of them, [[Sherman Kaminsky]], testified that Ross "told me that he was involved in the murder of Orlando Letelier together with generals in DINA, Sepulveda, Michael Townley, and other members of the Cuban Nationalist Movement in this country." In 1980 the Supreme Court held such testimony inadmissible in [[United States v. Henry]], and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] reversed the convictions of Novo and Ross and ordered a new trial. It reversed Ignacio Novo's for the failure to try him separately.[^1]
 At the retrial in May 1981 the defense undertook to prove "that Townley and DINA alone plotted to kill Letelier." Townley, the government's witness, admitted that he had lied to a Chilean military investigator and had given [[El Mercurio]] a false statement that he had nothing to do with the killing. Paz and Suárez were not tried with them.[^4]
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Junta
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Junta
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
 ---
 category: "Paramilitary"
 tags:
  - Organization
  - JuntaCoordinadoraRevolucionaria
  - JCR
  - Tupamaros
  - MIR
  - ERP
  - OperationCondor
  - SouthAmerica
 alias:
  - JCR
  - Junta de Coordinación Revolucionaria
 summary: "Alliance of the Tupamaros, the Chilean MIR, the Bolivian ELN, and the Argentine ERP, formed in 1973 on Che Guevara's model of coordinating juntas, whose members were the first targets of Operation Condor."
 start: 1973
 location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 The Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria united four armed organizations of the [[Southern Cone]]: the [[Tupamaros|Movimiento de Liberación Nacional]] of [[Uruguay]], the [[Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria]] of [[Chile]], the [[Ejército de Liberación Nacional (Bolivia)|Ejército de Liberación Nacional]] of [[Bolivia]], and the [[Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo]] of [[Argentina]]. Its first communiqué opened with [[Che Guevara]]'s message to the Tricontinental, which had proposed that "the groups in arms could form something like Juntas of Coordination to make more difficult the repressive task of Yankee imperialism," and declared the four organizations' "decision to unite in a Junta de Coordinación Revolucionaria" to "unify the revolutionary forces against the imperialist enemy."[^1]
 Contacts dated from 1968, consolidation from 1972, and the junta was constituted in August 1973. Before the Chilean coup its cadres trained at Cajón del Maipo under Tupamaro instructors; afterward its central office moved to Argentina. The communiqué was published in the junta's magazine *Che Guevara* on November 1, 1974.[^2]
 ### Condor
 Arrests of the junta's couriers in [[Paraguay]] in 1975, interrogated before an audience by [[Pastor Coronel]], drew the first documented American participation in the multinational hunt, a letter from the FBI's [[Robert Scherrer]] to the Chilean police. By Scherrer's account the Paraguayan interrogations sent French agents to a [[Paris]] apartment looking for the ERP's Roberto Santucho and finding [[Carlos the Jackal]] instead. "They should be rounded up," Scherrer said. "But they should be tried, not slaughtered." The junta's pursuit is counted among the reasons for the November 1975 conference in [[Santiago]] that founded [[Operation Condor]].[^2][^3]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: "Primer Comunicado de la Junta Coordinadora Revolucionaria," 1974, text as republished by latinamericanstudies.org.
 [^2]: "La Junta de Coordinación Revolucionaria (1972-1979). Una experiencia de internacionalismo armado en el Cono Sur," academic article indexed at Dialnet, as summarized; not read in full.
 [^3]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 90-94.
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Ordine
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/PARAMILITARY/Ordine
@ -39,7 +39,7 @@ The judicial path to conviction was tortured over three decades, with acquittals
 ### Peteano Bombing and Vinciguerra
-The [[Peteano bombing]] of May 31, 1972, in which three Carabinieri were killed by a bomb concealed in a Fiat 500, was carried out by [[Vincenzo Vinciguerra]], a member of both Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale. Vinciguerra fled to Spain after the attack and surrendered to Italian authorities in 1979. In 1984 he made a voluntary confession to Venice investigating magistrate [[Felice Casson]], providing testimony that explicitly linked the attack to the Gladio stay-behind network and to SID intelligence service protection - naming not just his own actions but the organizational framework within which they occurred. His testimony became the foundation for Casson's discovery of the Gladio documents in 1990 and the subsequent forced disclosure by Prime Minister [[Giulio Andreotti]].[^1]
+The [[Peteano bombing]] of May 31, 1972, in which three Carabinieri were killed by a bomb concealed in a Fiat 500, was carried out by [[Vincenzo Vinciguerra]], a member of both Ordine Nuovo and [[Avanguardia Nazionale]]. Vinciguerra fled to Spain after the attack and surrendered to Italian authorities in 1979. In 1984 he made a voluntary confession to Venice investigating magistrate [[Felice Casson]], providing testimony that explicitly linked the attack to the Gladio stay-behind network and to SID intelligence service protection - naming not just his own actions but the organizational framework within which they occurred. His testimony became the foundation for Casson's discovery of the Gladio documents in 1990 and the subsequent forced disclosure by Prime Minister [[Giulio Andreotti]].[^1]
 ### SID Relationships
--- a/ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Wackenhut
+++ b/ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Wackenhut
@ -43,37 +43,39 @@ On March 14, 1963, [[Fred R. Youngblood]], chief of the nonofficial cover branch
 A memorandum for the record of July 28, 1975, summarizes the file. The agency opened files on Wackenhut and his company in May 1960 "for the purpose of obtaining cover support for Western Hemisphere Agency employees assigned to Florida." He "was investigated by this Agency with favorable results, and a Covert Security Approval for his use was granted on 21 November 1961. Subsequently, his company provided cover backstopping to Western Hemisphere employees stationed in the [[Miami]], Florida, area. In April of 1967 due to the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida, Mr. Wackenhut's Covert Security Approval was rescinded and this Agency severed our relations with him." That January Governor [[Claude Kirk]] had made Wackenhut the unpaid director of a privately financed "war on crime," staffed by the company's investigators.[^4][^5]
-Routing slips of September and December 1969 added to the file the card of the manager of [[Wackenhut Protective Systems]] in [[Rockville, Maryland]]. In March 1971 the agency's security office approved a contact clearance for a Wackenhut employee. On April 20, 1971, the special agent in charge, [[Arthur C. Sheridan]], wrote to the Miami field office that "restrictions imposed on the use of Subject corporation in 1967 still apply and were recently reaffirmed in a cable dated 16 July 1970." The chief of a project with the cryptonym VENOM wanted contact with two Wackenhut men, [[Manuel J. Chavez]] and [[Junius Jaffe Mallin]]. "It is recognized that Subject firm could be an operational asset to [[Project VENOM]] in certain circumstances," Sheridan wrote, but "this office can accomplish its mission without the necessity of utilizing Subject corporation." Other records of the same Miami security office show VENOM collecting on the armed exile groups in the city: on [[Gerald Patrick Hemming|Gerry Hemming]] and [[Roy Hargraves]] in July 1970, when they were reported to be planning a missile attack on [[Guantanamo Bay Naval Base|Guantanamo]] to be blamed on [[Cuba]], and on [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete|Ricardo Morales]], whom the project had used briefly in 1964 and who in May 1971 was presenting himself at a Miami hotel as an agency operative "with mission to make an approach to local mafia."[^6]
+On April 24, 1968, a year after the severance, the chief of the [[JMWAVE]] station in Miami sent headquarters a telepouch dispatch, subject "Wackenhut Corporation," reporting that the *[[Miami Herald]]* business section of April 23 "carried an article reflecting that the Wackenhut Corp., a Coral Gables, Florida firm, had announced an agreement to purchase the Reliable Reporting Service, Inc., Rockville Center, New York, which provides pre-insurance and pre-employment reports for more than 400 clients in the insurance, financial and industrial fields." It went to the chief of the Western Hemisphere Division "as a matter of information."[^6] Routing slips of September and December 1969 added to the file the card of the manager of [[Wackenhut Protective Systems]] in [[Rockville, Maryland]]. In March 1971 the agency's security office approved a contact clearance for a Wackenhut employee. On April 20, 1971, the special agent in charge, [[Arthur C. Sheridan]], wrote to the Miami field office that "restrictions imposed on the use of Subject corporation in 1967 still apply and were recently reaffirmed in a cable dated 16 July 1970." The chief of a project with the cryptonym VENOM wanted contact with two Wackenhut men, [[Manuel J. Chavez]] and [[Junius Jaffe Mallin]]. "It is recognized that Subject firm could be an operational asset to [[Project VENOM]] in certain circumstances," Sheridan wrote, but "this office can accomplish its mission without the necessity of utilizing Subject corporation." Other records of the same Miami security office show VENOM collecting on the armed exile groups in the city: on [[Gerald Patrick Hemming|Gerry Hemming]] and [[Roy Hargraves]] in July 1970, when they were reported to be planning a missile attack on [[Guantanamo Bay Naval Base|Guantanamo]] to be blamed on [[Cuba]], and on [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete|Ricardo Morales]], whom the project had used briefly in 1964 and who in May 1971 was presenting himself at a Miami hotel as an agency operative "with mission to make an approach to local mafia."[^7]
-The 1975 memorandum ends: "In November of 1974 it was learned that Wackenhut Corporation was providing guard coverage to Global Marine Development, Incorporated (GMDI), [[Los Angeles]], [[California]], a firm that the Agency office of DDS&T was dealing with. This Agency made no attempt to persuade GMDI to terminate their contract with Wackenhut Corporation, and it is assumed that GMDI is still receiving guard coverage from them." Global Marine Development built and operated the [[Hughes Glomar Explorer]] for the [[Directorate of Science and Technology]], which used the ship in the summer of 1974 to raise part of a sunken Soviet submarine in [[Project Azorian]]. The [[Los Angeles Times]] disclosed the operation on February 7, 1975.[^4][^7]
+The same item went on April 30, 1968, from the Office of Security to its New York field office "for your information only."[^8] The National Archives' index of the agency's file on the company lists, among records not yet reproduced here, a memorandum of April 25, 1967, from the deputy director of security, [[Victor R. White]], to the [[CIA Counterintelligence Staff|counterintelligence staff]] on "DCI opposition to the use of private investigative firm"; a *[[Washington Star]]* clipping of November 8, 1971, circulated to the director of security, on the retired Air Force Lieutenant General [[Joseph F. Carroll]], the first director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the retired Vice Admiral [[William Raborn]], director of central intelligence from 1965 to 1966, joining the Wackenhut board; a note of February 4, 1974, on a telephone call from Raborn "trying to arrange an appointment with [[William Colby|Colby]] for himself and Mr. Mayo"; a three-page memorandum from Howard Osborn to the director of February 6, 1974, on the company that "contains a recommendation for approval"; and a note from the director of February 11, 1974, "concerning telephonic contact with Admiral Raborn of Wackenhut Corp."[^9]
 The 1975 memorandum ends: "In November of 1974 it was learned that Wackenhut Corporation was providing guard coverage to Global Marine Development, Incorporated (GMDI), [[Los Angeles]], [[California]], a firm that the Agency office of DDS&T was dealing with. This Agency made no attempt to persuade GMDI to terminate their contract with Wackenhut Corporation, and it is assumed that GMDI is still receiving guard coverage from them." Global Marine Development built and operated the [[Hughes Glomar Explorer]] for the [[Directorate of Science and Technology]], which used the ship in the summer of 1974 to raise part of a sunken Soviet submarine in [[Project Azorian]]. The [[Los Angeles Times]] disclosed the operation on February 7, 1975.[^4][^10]
 ### Federal Contracts, the Board, and the Files
-The law firm of Senator [[George Smathers]] of Florida found the way around the 1893 federal statute that barred employees of private detective agencies from government work by creating a Wackenhut subsidiary that supplied only guards. The first large federal contracts, at [[Cape Canaveral]] and the Nevada Test Site, followed. The early board included Captain [[Eddie Rickenbacker]], General [[Mark W. Clark|Mark Clark]], and the [[John Birch Society]] leader [[Ralph E. Davis]]. After the [[Fair Credit Reporting Act]] took effect in 1971 the company cut its files from about 2.5 million names to about 250,000, and in 1975 it gave them to the [[Church League of America]] of [[Wheaton, Illinois]], to which [[George Wackenhut]] was a major contributor, keeping the right to consult them. The files are now in the [[Tamiment Library]] at [[New York University]].[^8][^9]
+The law firm of Senator [[George Smathers]] of Florida found the way around the 1893 federal statute that barred employees of private detective agencies from government work by creating a Wackenhut subsidiary that supplied only guards. The first large federal contracts, at [[Cape Canaveral]] and the Nevada Test Site, followed. The early board included Captain [[Eddie Rickenbacker]], General [[Mark W. Clark|Mark Clark]], and the [[John Birch Society]] leader [[Ralph E. Davis]]. After the [[Fair Credit Reporting Act]] took effect in 1971 the company cut its files from about 2.5 million names to about 250,000, and in 1975 it gave them to the [[Church League of America]] of [[Wheaton, Illinois]], to which [[George Wackenhut]] was a major contributor, keeping the right to consult them. The files are now in the [[Tamiment Library]] at [[New York University]].[^11][^12]
-The retired FBI agent [[William Hinshaw]] told Connolly: "It is known throughout the industry that if you want a dirty job done, call Wackenhut." [[Philip Agee]] said: "I don't have the slightest doubt that the CIA and Wackenhut overlap." Asked whether his company was an arm of the CIA, George Wackenhut answered, "No!" At the end of the interview he said to the reporter: "You've done an awful lot of research. How would you like to run all our [[New York City|New York]] operations?" Connolly reported that in June 1991 the head of the company's special investigations division, [[Wayne Black]], traveled to [[Caracas]] on an [[Abu Dhabi]] passport for a client, [[Blanca Ibanez]], to discredit the security chief of President [[Carlos Andres Perez]].[^8]
+The retired FBI agent [[William Hinshaw]] told Connolly: "It is known throughout the industry that if you want a dirty job done, call Wackenhut." [[Philip Agee]] said: "I don't have the slightest doubt that the CIA and Wackenhut overlap." Asked whether his company was an arm of the CIA, George Wackenhut answered, "No!" At the end of the interview he said to the reporter: "You've done an awful lot of research. How would you like to run all our [[New York City|New York]] operations?" Connolly reported that in June 1991 the head of the company's special investigations division, [[Wayne Black]], traveled to [[Caracas]] on an [[Abu Dhabi]] passport for a client, [[Blanca Ibanez]], to discredit the security chief of President [[Carlos Andres Perez]].[^11]
 ### Horsch
-The [[Philadelphia]] filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview that after leaving high school in 1961 he worked freelance for Wackenhut, "a security firm staffed by FBI agents," until about 1965. "I bugged telephones and committed burglaries for them," he said. "The burglaries were mostly to install electronics or bug telephones or just things like burglarizing a potential client to demonstrate that their security was not up to par." He said one regular client, introduced as "Mr. Smith," was [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]] of the CIA, and described jobs at the [[Fairchild Hiller]] plant in [[Hagerstown, Maryland]], in [[Trenton, New Jersey]], and in Philadelphia. Horsch was convicted in later years of forgery, counterfeiting, and passport fraud.[^10]
+The [[Philadelphia]] filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview that after leaving high school in 1961 he worked freelance for Wackenhut, "a security firm staffed by FBI agents," until about 1965. "I bugged telephones and committed burglaries for them," he said. "The burglaries were mostly to install electronics or bug telephones or just things like burglarizing a potential client to demonstrate that their security was not up to par." He said one regular client, introduced as "Mr. Smith," was [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]] of the CIA, and described jobs at the [[Fairchild Hiller]] plant in [[Hagerstown, Maryland]], in [[Trenton, New Jersey]], and in Philadelphia. Horsch was convicted in later years of forgery, counterfeiting, and passport fraud.[^13]
 ### Florida, 1967
-On January 13, 1967, FBI headquarters instructed its Florida offices to give Kirk's investigators nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency." The order was repeated by telephone on April 3, after Kirk had seen the attorney general. [[Hank Messick]], the [[Miami Herald]] crime reporter whose articles had led to the indictment of two county sheriffs in 1966, and to whom the bureau had itself been passing leads, joined Wackenhut that December and left after six weeks. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he said. He objected that the company kept as a private client Sir [[Stafford Sands]], the former Bahamian minister with gambling interests, while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. Wackenhut replied: "I do not find it necessary to dignify Mr. Messick's remarks with a reply." A former Wackenhut detective, [[Norman Casper]], later worked as an informant for the [[Internal Revenue Service]] against the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]] in the [[Bahamas]].[^11]
+On January 13, 1967, FBI headquarters instructed its Florida offices to give Kirk's investigators nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency." The order was repeated by telephone on April 3, after Kirk had seen the attorney general. [[Hank Messick]], the Miami Herald crime reporter whose articles had led to the indictment of two county sheriffs in 1966, and to whom the bureau had itself been passing leads, joined Wackenhut that December and left after six weeks. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he said. He objected that the company kept as a private client Sir [[Stafford Sands]], the former Bahamian minister with gambling interests, while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. Wackenhut replied: "I do not find it necessary to dignify Mr. Messick's remarks with a reply." In September 1967 the Miami office reported the reaction of an informant inside the [[Bonanno crime family|Bonanno family]] to press reports that a "contract" had been let on the Dade County state attorney, [[Richard Gerstein]], a tip that "had been 'leaked' to the press by GERSTEIN'S office, which had received the tip from a Wackenhut Detective Agency source." The informant "stated that this was the biggest laugh to hit Miami in some time, in that GERSTEIN was, and still is, 'their' number one connection in the Miami area." He said: "Them guys, including Wackenhut, and all the locals haven't yet come close to us. The only people who have the proper line on us are those in the FBI."[^14] A former Wackenhut detective, [[Norman Casper]], later worked as an informant for the [[Internal Revenue Service]] against the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]] in the [[Bahamas]].[^15]
-In the course of Governor Kirk's campaign Wackenhut told the legislature that "overlord of the whole state's criminal syndicates" was [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santo Trafficante]], "longtime [[Trafficante crime family|Tampa Mafia]] boss, now living in Miami." The clippings are in the FBI's Miami file on the company. Trafficante's casino manager in [[Havana]], [[Lewis McWillie]], had been visited there in 1959 by his friend [[Jack Ruby]], and a CIA memorandum in the [[Warren Commission]]'s files reported that Trafficante, while held by [[Fidel Castro]]'s government that year, was "frequently visited" by "an American gangster" named "Ruby." McWillie told the House committee in 1978 that he had twice visited the detention camp and seen Trafficante there, and was not clear whether Ruby had gone with him. The FBI's four files on the company contain no reference to Ruby, to McWillie, or to a Wackenhut office in [[Texas]] before 1968.[^11][^12][^13]
+In the course of Governor Kirk's campaign Wackenhut told the legislature that "overlord of the whole state's criminal syndicates" was [[Santos Trafficante, Jr.|Santo Trafficante]], "longtime [[Trafficante crime family|Tampa Mafia]] boss, now living in Miami." The clippings are in the FBI's Miami file on the company. Trafficante's casino manager in [[Havana]], [[Lewis McWillie]], had been visited there in 1959 by his friend [[Jack Ruby]], and a CIA memorandum in the [[Warren Commission]]'s files reported that Trafficante, while held by [[Fidel Castro]]'s government that year, was "frequently visited" by "an American gangster" named "Ruby." McWillie told the House committee in 1978 that he had twice visited the detention camp and seen Trafficante there, and was not clear whether Ruby had gone with him. The FBI's four files on the company contain no reference to Ruby, to McWillie, or to a Wackenhut office in [[Texas]] before 1968.[^15][^16][^17]
 ### The Assassinations Committee
-The security file reached the public through the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]. On January 6, 1978, the committee's chief counsel, [[G. Robert Blakey]], sent the CIA a request for 38 files. Item 18 was E. Howard Hunt. Item 19 was "[[Jim Garrison]] aka Wackenhut Corp.," item 28 "Garrison 1967 investigation," and item 36 "Southern Research Corp." The [[National Photographic Interpretation Center]] answered on January 30 that it had "no documented information or files on the [[Southern Research Company|Southern Research Corporation]], presently known as the Wackenhut Corporation." The [[CIA Office of Logistics|Office of Logistics]] found under item 36 contract actions with Wackenhut for 1970 to 1975 in the management information system of the Directorate of Science and Technology. [[Bruce Solie]] of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] certified on July 18, 1978, that committee staff had reviewed the Wackenhut file "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr."[^14]
+The security file reached the public through the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]. On January 6, 1978, the committee's chief counsel, [[G. Robert Blakey]], sent the CIA a request for 38 files. Item 18 was E. Howard Hunt. Item 19 was "[[Jim Garrison]] aka Wackenhut Corp.," item 28 "Garrison 1967 investigation," and item 36 "Southern Research Corp." The [[National Photographic Interpretation Center]] answered on January 30 that it had "no documented information or files on the [[Southern Research Company|Southern Research Corporation]], presently known as the Wackenhut Corporation." The [[CIA Office of Logistics|Office of Logistics]] found under item 36 contract actions with Wackenhut for 1970 to 1975 in the management information system of the Directorate of Science and Technology. [[Bruce Solie]] of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] certified on July 18, 1978, that committee staff had reviewed the Wackenhut file "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr."[^18]
-The pairing of the names goes back to [[New Orleans]]. The lawyers who defended [[Clay Shaw]] against District Attorney Garrison's conspiracy charge, [[Edward Wegmann]] and his brother William, engaged two firms of former federal agents, Wackenhut and [[Holloway Associates]] of Texas. Edward Wegmann's files, given to the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] by his daughter in 1995, show Wackenhut men reporting to the defense with the WDSU television reporter [[Rick Townley]] on April 19, 1967, and interviewing the Cuban exile [[Carlos Bringuier]] on May 9. The researcher who first went through the files wrote that Wackenhut "was the same company that did the reports for [[Eastern Air Lines|Eastern Airlines]] in the dismissal proceedings against [[David Ferrie]]. The firm was then called Southern Research." The company's own histories do not mention the name, and the phrase "presently known as" first appears in Blakey's letter. [[Louisiana]]'s corporate register shows a Southern Research Company, Inc., chartered in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] on December 2, 1958, which absorbed a polygraph firm, [[Truth Verification of Louisiana]], in 1973 and is still in business, with sister companies in [[Baton Rouge]] and [[Lake Charles, Louisiana|Lake Charles]]. Its New Orleans company, Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc., was chartered on September 5, 1963. It filed notice of dissolution on October 5, 1967, and was dissolved on December 13. The Wackenhut Corporation had qualified to do business in Louisiana on May 3, 1965. Shaw was arrested on March 1, 1967. The CIA rescinded George Wackenhut's security approval the following month.[^15]
+The pairing of the names goes back to [[New Orleans]]. The lawyers who defended [[Clay Shaw]] against District Attorney Garrison's conspiracy charge, [[Edward Wegmann]] and his brother William, engaged two firms of former federal agents, Wackenhut and [[Holloway Associates]] of Texas. Edward Wegmann's files, given to the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] by his daughter in 1995, show Wackenhut men reporting to the defense with the WDSU television reporter [[Rick Townley]] on April 19, 1967, and interviewing the Cuban exile [[Carlos Bringuier]] on May 9. The researcher who first went through the files wrote that Wackenhut "was the same company that did the reports for [[Eastern Air Lines|Eastern Airlines]] in the dismissal proceedings against [[David Ferrie]]. The firm was then called Southern Research." The company's own histories do not mention the name, and the phrase "presently known as" first appears in Blakey's letter. [[Louisiana]]'s corporate register shows a Southern Research Company, Inc., chartered in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] on December 2, 1958, which absorbed a polygraph firm, [[Truth Verification of Louisiana]], in 1973 and is still in business, with sister companies in [[Baton Rouge]] and [[Lake Charles, Louisiana|Lake Charles]]. Its New Orleans company, Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc., was chartered on September 5, 1963. It filed notice of dissolution on October 5, 1967, and was dissolved on December 13. The Wackenhut Corporation had qualified to do business in Louisiana on May 3, 1965. Shaw was arrested on March 1, 1967. The CIA rescinded George Wackenhut's security approval the following month.[^19]
-The New Orleans office of Southern Research was run by [[Joseph Oster]], a former city police detective who had worked for [[Guy Banister]]. A credit report of July 1960 in a CIA security file describes him as vice president of "Southern Research, Inc., whose home office is in Shreveport," a firm of ten or twelve employees, and as having come to it from "[[Guy Banister Associates|Guy B------ Associates]], Inc." Oster told a lawyer for the Assassination Records Review Board in January 1996 that he had left Banister "because Banister was getting more involved in controversial political causes, to the detriment of attracting paying clients," that he had investigated Ferrie for Eastern Air Lines in 1962 and 1963, and that he had gone with the district attorney's men to Ferrie's house on the night of the assassination. He left the firm in the middle 1960s. The president of the Shreveport company, [[Thomas Ostendorff]], gave the board its file on Ferrie, number 11-N-224. Wegmann's records, the board wrote, "indicate that the Shaw defense team had retained Southern Research Company as of mid-1967," a witness before the [[Orleans Parish]] grand jury was asked in January 1969 whether he had been "interviewed by Southern Research or any investigating firm that is doing Shaw's investigation," and a file on [[Gordon Novel]] records that Southern Research interviewed his lawyer, [[Steven Plotkin]], on April 7, 1967. "Mr. Oster stated that neither he nor Southern Research had worked for the Clay Shaw defense team." The board's lawyer noted "the conflicting accounts we have found."[^16]
+The New Orleans office of Southern Research was run by [[Joseph Oster]], a former city police detective who had worked for [[Guy Banister]]. A credit report of July 1960 in a CIA security file describes him as vice president of "Southern Research, Inc., whose home office is in Shreveport," a firm of ten or twelve employees, and as having come to it from "[[Guy Banister Associates|Guy B------ Associates]], Inc." Oster told a lawyer for the Assassination Records Review Board in January 1996 that he had left Banister "because Banister was getting more involved in controversial political causes, to the detriment of attracting paying clients," that he had investigated Ferrie for Eastern Air Lines in 1962 and 1963, and that he had gone with the district attorney's men to Ferrie's house on the night of the assassination. He left the firm in the middle 1960s. The president of the Shreveport company, [[Thomas Ostendorff]], gave the board its file on Ferrie, number 11-N-224. Wegmann's records, the board wrote, "indicate that the Shaw defense team had retained Southern Research Company as of mid-1967," a witness before the [[Orleans Parish]] grand jury was asked in January 1969 whether he had been "interviewed by Southern Research or any investigating firm that is doing Shaw's investigation," and a file on [[Gordon Novel]] records that Southern Research interviewed his lawyer, [[Steven Plotkin]], on April 7, 1967. "Mr. Oster stated that neither he nor Southern Research had worked for the Clay Shaw defense team." The board's lawyer noted "the conflicting accounts we have found."[^20]
-On April 14, 1967, the FBI's [[FBI Domestic Intelligence Division|Domestic Intelligence Division]] recorded that [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Ramsey Clark]] had told reporters the bureau had investigated Shaw and cleared him. "This is not true and we so informed the Attorney General." The New Orleans office, it went on, had told "[[Charles R. Carson (Wackenhut)|Charles R. Carson]], a Wackenhut Corporation investigator, and [[Dean Andrews]]" only that it had no comment, and the bureau "has no intention of telling these or any other individuals that the Attorney General's statement is incorrect." A witness told the review board at a public hearing that the former FBI employee [[William Walter]] had said to Garrison in 1973 "that the FBI through Wackenhut, the [[Metropolitan Crime Commission]] and [[Aaron Kohn]], had wire tapped his office." On May 3, 1967, [[George Walker (Wackenhut)|George Walker]] of the company's [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]] headquarters gave the FBI in Miami a letter from a man who said that before the assassination a Cuban in his boarding house, known as "Cash," had remarked that to kill Kennedy one had only to excite a Cuban with a high-powered rifle.[^17]
+On April 14, 1967, the FBI's [[FBI Domestic Intelligence Division|Domestic Intelligence Division]] recorded that [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Ramsey Clark]] had told reporters the bureau had investigated Shaw and cleared him. "This is not true and we so informed the Attorney General." The New Orleans office, it went on, had told "[[Charles R. Carson (Wackenhut)|Charles R. Carson]], a Wackenhut Corporation investigator, and [[Dean Andrews]]" only that it had no comment, and the bureau "has no intention of telling these or any other individuals that the Attorney General's statement is incorrect." A witness told the review board at a public hearing that the former FBI employee [[William Walter]] had said to Garrison in 1973 "that the FBI through Wackenhut, the [[Metropolitan Crime Commission]] and [[Aaron Kohn]], had wire tapped his office." On May 3, 1967, [[George Walker (Wackenhut)|George Walker]] of the company's Coral Gables headquarters gave the FBI in Miami a letter from a man who said that before the assassination a Cuban in his boarding house, known as "Cash," had remarked that to kill Kennedy one had only to excite a Cuban with a high-powered rifle.[^21]
-In November 1967 [[William Harvey]], the former head of the CIA's [[Task Force W]], who was planning a law practice, asked the FBI's liaison officer, [[Sam Papich]], about "reputable private investigators that might be willing to use Harvey's services to establish contacts and investigative coverage on the Continent." The CIA's director of security, [[Howard Osborn]], recorded the answer: "Mr. Papich suggested Wackenhut Corporation or the [[Fidelifax|Fidelifax Company]] as having a good reputation in the trade." The same memorandum reports two telephone calls in October from [[Johnny Roselli|John Roselli]] asking Harvey to act as his lawyer.[^18]
+In November 1967 [[William Harvey]], the former head of the CIA's [[Task Force W]], who was planning a law practice, asked the FBI's liaison officer, [[Sam Papich]], about "reputable private investigators that might be willing to use Harvey's services to establish contacts and investigative coverage on the Continent." The CIA's director of security, [[Howard Osborn]], recorded the answer: "Mr. Papich suggested Wackenhut Corporation or the [[Fidelifax|Fidelifax Company]] as having a good reputation in the trade." The same memorandum reports two telephone calls in October from [[Johnny Roselli|John Roselli]] asking Harvey to act as his lawyer.[^22]
 ### Controversies and Allegations
@ -101,7 +103,7 @@ A particularly controversial aspect of Wackenhut's operations was its joint vent
 Within the Cabazon Joint Venture, Michael Riconosciuto claimed to have modified the proprietary [[PROMIS]] computer software. This modification, allegedly spearheaded by [[Earl Brian]] and made available through [[Peter Videnieks]] of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]], was intended to facilitate the worldwide implementation of PROMIS in law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Riconosciuto's affidavit detailed his work on the software, including specific modifications for the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] in [[Canada]]. This alleged pirating and modification of the PROMIS software became a central component of the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].[^1]
-It was here that the "trap door" was built into the U.S. version of PROMIS, based on [[Israel|Israeli]] information. This operation was conducted by a small CIA group, headed by [[Robert Gates]], who sought to keep it secret from the NSA due to interagency competition.[^19]
+It was here that the "trap door" was built into the U.S. version of PROMIS, based on [[Israel|Israeli]] information. This operation was conducted by a small CIA group, headed by [[Robert Gates]], who sought to keep it secret from the NSA due to interagency competition.[^23]
 ### Danny Casolaro Investigation
@ -122,17 +124,21 @@ The Wackenhut/Cabazon Joint Venture was terminated on October 1, 1984, following
 [^3]: Youngblood, Fred R. "The Wackenhut Corporation," CIA memorandum for the record, CS-2793, March 26, 1963. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10472.
 [^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454, released in full March 18, 2025. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2025/0318/104-10130-10454.pdf
 [^5]: "Florida: I, Claudius," *Time,* 1967.
-[^6]: Central Intelligence Agency, transmittal and routing slips, September 5 and December 10, 1969, records 104-10130-10470 and 104-10130-10471; request for contact security approval, February to March 1971, record 104-10130-10468; Sheridan, Arthur C., memorandum to SAC, Miami Field Office, "Wackenhut Corporation #493364," April 20, 1971, record 104-10130-10469. JFK Assassination Records Collection. On VENOM: CIA memoranda of July 23, 1970 (104-10120-10117), March 19, 1971 (104-10117-10341), and May 5, 1971 (104-10122-10166), as summarized in the Mary Ferrell Foundation cryptonym database, entry "VENOM."
+[^6]: Chief of Station, JMWAVE, telepouch dispatch UFGT-21770 to Chief, WOBONE, April 24, 1968, JFK record 104-10130-10474.
-[^7]: Burr, William, ed. "Project Azorian: The CIA's Declassified History of the Glomar Explorer," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 305, 2010. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb305/index.htm
+[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, transmittal and routing slips, September 5 and December 10, 1969, records 104-10130-10470 and 104-10130-10471; request for contact security approval, February to March 1971, record 104-10130-10468; Sheridan, Arthur C., memorandum to SAC, Miami Field Office, "Wackenhut Corporation #493364," April 20, 1971, record 104-10130-10469. JFK Assassination Records Collection. On VENOM: CIA memoranda of July 23, 1970 (104-10120-10117), March 19, 1971 (104-10117-10341), and May 5, 1971 (104-10122-10166), as summarized in the Mary Ferrell Foundation cryptonym database, entry "VENOM."
-[^8]: Connolly, John. "Inside the Shadow CIA," *Spy,* September 1992, pp. 46-54.
+[^8]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, cable to SAC New York field office, "Wackenhut Corp.," April 30, 1968, JFK record 104-10130-10473.
-[^9]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
+[^9]: National Archives, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record identification forms 104-10130-10459 (April 25, 1967), 104-10130-10466 (November 8, 1971), 104-10130-10463 (February 4, 1974), 104-10130-10461 (February 6, 1974), and 104-10130-10460 (February 11, 1974), agency file 80T01357A. Titles and dates from the index; the documents themselves have not been read.
-[^10]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49. https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/13/ray-horsch-2/
+[^10]: Burr, William, ed. "Project Azorian: The CIA's Declassified History of the Glomar Explorer," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 305, 2010. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb305/index.htm
-[^11]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and memorandum recording the instruction of April 3, 1967, headquarters file on the Wackenhut Corporation; "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, Tampa file. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation ; Hougan, Jim. *Spooks*. William Morrow, 1978; House Select Committee on Assassinations, *Report,* vol. 9, pp. 802-805, and testimony of Lewis McWillie, vol. 5.
+[^11]: Connolly, John. "Inside the Shadow CIA," *Spy,* September 1992, pp. 46-54.
-[^12]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami file 80-1229, "The Wackenhut Corporation," with clipping "Wackenhut Is 'Shocked' At Crime's Extent In State," Times-Miami Herald Service, 1967. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation
+[^12]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
-[^13]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 345-346, citing Warren Commission Document 206 and Commission Exhibit 1697.
+[^13]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49. https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/13/ray-horsch-2/
-[^14]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, "HSCA Chrono for 1977-1978 of Reports and Requests," CIA Reading Room document 00548292; Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, January 12, 1978, with National Photographic Interpretation Center memorandum of January 30, 1978, document 00491180; McDonald, James H., Director of Logistics, memorandum on item 36, JFK record 104-10135-10200; Solie, Bruce L. "Wackenhut Corp.," memorandum for the record, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450.
+[^14]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami office to Director, September 15, 1967, file 92-6054, pp. 3-4, JFK record 124-10293-10312.
-[^15]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9, in the Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College; Central Intelligence Agency, "Names Traces on OLC Requests," February 6, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00419231, listing item 36 as "Southern Research Corp (Wachenhut Corp)." Louisiana Secretary of State, business filings, charters 24407110D (Southern Research Company, Inc.), 26310590D (Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc.), and 27005970F (The Wackenhut Corporation), consulted September 21, 2026.
+[^15]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and memorandum recording the instruction of April 3, 1967, headquarters file on the Wackenhut Corporation; "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, Tampa file. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation ; Hougan, Jim. *Spooks*. William Morrow, 1978; House Select Committee on Assassinations, *Report,* vol. 9, pp. 802-805, and testimony of Lewis McWillie, vol. 5.
-[^16]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, and letters and subpoena to Southern Research Company, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files of Philip G. Golrick (OSTER.WPD, SOURES.WPD); Central Intelligence Agency, report of investigation, September 13, 1960, JFK record 104-10109-10379, p. 14; Orleans Parish Grand Jury, testimony of Arthur Bidderson, January 9, 1969; Assassination Records Review Board, file inventory (082395.WPD). All consulted at the Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
+[^16]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami file 80-1229, "The Wackenhut Corporation," with clipping "Wackenhut Is 'Shocked' At Crime's Extent In State," Times-Miami Herald Service, 1967. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation
-[^17]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Domestic Intelligence Division, informative note, April 14, 1967, JFK record 124-10369-10048; Assassination Records Review Board, public hearing transcript, testimony of James DiEugenio, p. 89; FBI Miami, memorandum of May 10, 1967, headquarters file 62-109060, section 129, p. 166.
+[^17]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 345-346, citing Warren Commission Document 206 and Commission Exhibit 1697.
-[^18]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076.
+[^18]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, "HSCA Chrono for 1977-1978 of Reports and Requests," CIA Reading Room document 00548292; Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, January 12, 1978, with National Photographic Interpretation Center memorandum of January 30, 1978, document 00491180; McDonald, James H., Director of Logistics, memorandum on item 36, JFK record 104-10135-10200; Solie, Bruce L. "Wackenhut Corp.," memorandum for the record, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450.
-[^19]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^19]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9, in the Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College; Central Intelligence Agency, "Names Traces on OLC Requests," February 6, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00419231, listing item 36 as "Southern Research Corp (Wachenhut Corp)." Louisiana Secretary of State, business filings, charters 24407110D (Southern Research Company, Inc.), 26310590D (Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc.), and 27005970F (The Wackenhut Corporation), consulted September 21, 2026.
 [^20]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, and letters and subpoena to Southern Research Company, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files of Philip G. Golrick (OSTER.WPD, SOURES.WPD); Central Intelligence Agency, report of investigation, September 13, 1960, JFK record 104-10109-10379, p. 14; Orleans Parish Grand Jury, testimony of Arthur Bidderson, January 9, 1969; Assassination Records Review Board, file inventory (082395.WPD). All consulted at the Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
 [^21]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Domestic Intelligence Division, informative note, April 14, 1967, JFK record 124-10369-10048; Assassination Records Review Board, public hearing transcript, testimony of James DiEugenio, p. 89; FBI Miami, memorandum of May 10, 1967, headquarters file 62-109060, section 129, p. 166.
 [^22]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076.
 [^23]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
--- a/PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Garrison
+++ b/PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Garrison
@ -17,19 +17,49 @@ updated: 2026-09-21
 The Garrison Group was an ad hoc committee of "six of CIA's highest officials" that Director [[Richard Helms]] formed in 1967 "to formulate a strategy" toward the investigation of the Kennedy assassination by the [[New Orleans]] district attorney, [[Jim Garrison]]. Its first meeting is recorded in a memorandum of September 20, 1967.[^1]
 The first paper in the series was Rocca's draft of May 12, 1967, for Houston on Garrison's claim about the [[Mexico City]] photograph in the [[Warren Commission]] report, which set out the dates of the photographs of the unidentified man at the Soviet and Cuban embassies, the cropping by the FBI and the commission "for the protection of sources and methods," and the conclusion that "CIA did not acquire, receive or hold a photograph of Lee Harvey Oswald taken in Mexico City before the assassination." Rocca sent it to [[Thomas Karamessines]] on May 15 as "a first draft based on a file review as well as my recollections of the event," and to a colleague who wrote back: "This checks completely with my recollection."[^2]
 ### The Meetings
 The minutes were kept by [[F.W.M. Janney|Wistar Janney]]. Present on September 20, 1967, were the executive director, the general counsel, the inspector general, the deputy directors for plans and for support, Rocca of the counterintelligence staff, the director of security, and Mr. Goodwin, assistant to the director. "Executive Director said that the Director had asked him to convene a group to consider the possible implications for the Agency emanating from New Orleans before, during, and after the trial of Clay Shaw." The general counsel "discussed his dealings with Justice and the desire of Shaw's lawyers to make contact with the Agency." "Rocca felt that Garrison would indeed obtain a conviction of Shaw for conspiring to assassinate President Kennedy." The group was to settle "what kind of action, if any, is available to the Agency, and what actions should be taken inside the Agency to reassure the Director that we have the problem in focus." The general counsel's office and Rocca would "make a detailed study of all the facts and consult with Justice."[^3]
 On September 26, with [[Donovan Pratt]] of the counterintelligence staff added, the general counsel reported that [[Nathaniel Kossack]], first assistant in the criminal division of the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]], "had met with Shaw's lawyers. They gave him a list of questions and names of individuals that they believed might be implicated in the trial. Justice did not want the Agency to contact Shaw's lawyers, but rather to maintain the safety of our executive privilege." The executive director asked how complete the agency's records were of contacts with Cubans; the deputy director for plans "explained that they are adequate where contacts were with individuals but not when they were with Cuban groups." The executive director "remarked on the impressive number of contacts we seem to have had who might now be implicated by Garrison" and asked "what our course of action should be in the event our position on executive privilege becomes unstuck." Rocca "felt that [[John McCone|McCone]] should be briefed, and perhaps also [[J. Edgar Hoover|Hoover]] and [[Clark Clifford|Clifford]]," and had prepared "a hypothetical scenario." The director "complained of the lack of explanation as to where and how he is liable to get into trouble" and "also wanted to know how he could fight back"; Goodwin suggested he needed "conversational" material. Pratt "called attention to that part of Garrison's story which was based on alleged CIA involvement in a plot to kill Castro," and Rocca was to "work up a graphic of the organization as conceived by Garrison." Goodwin noted the *[[Life (magazine)|Life]]* article linking Garrison to the [[Carlos Marcello|Cosa Nostra in New Orleans]].[^4]
 ### Shaw and the Agency
 Garrison's defendant, [[Clay Shaw]], had been a source of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[Domestic Contact Service]]. His first report, of December 1948, concerned trade with [[Czechoslovakia]], and he reported "on 33 separate occasions" through 1956 on economic matters in [[Latin America]] and Europe, unpaid. The contact division closed the case on June 4, 1956. Two days after Shaw's arrest the chief of the service's New Orleans office, [[Lloyd Ray]], cabled headquarters recommending that the general counsel be briefed "to be on the safe side."[^1]
 ### Rocca and Houston
-Helms assigned the matter to [[Raymond Rocca]], chief of research and analysis on the [[CIA Counterintelligence Staff|Counterintelligence Staff]]. Rocca wrote on April 26, 1967, that it would be "unwise to dismiss as trivial any attempts by Garrison to link the Agency to his plot," whose effect "will not depend principally upon their veracity" but on "their timeliness and extent of press coverage." On May 1 the former assistant attorney general [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]] telephoned the general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], with information "from within Garrison's office" supplied by the NBC reporter [[Walter Sheridan]]. In September Shaw's lawyers asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for guidance on Garrison's claims about the agency and were refused. Houston's memorandum of October 2, 1967, set out each allegation and the facts, recommended doing nothing beyond resisting subpoenas, and warned that if Shaw were to "be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA," then "we may be in for some difficult decisions." Rocca wrote on March 1, 1968, that Garrison's new charge of a plot by the agency and the military-industrial complex "is by and large the [[Moscow]] line."[^1]
+Helms assigned the matter to [[Raymond Rocca]], chief of research and analysis on the [[CIA Counterintelligence Staff|Counterintelligence Staff]]. Rocca wrote on April 26, 1967, that it would be "unwise to dismiss as trivial any attempts by Garrison to link the Agency to his plot," whose effect "will not depend principally upon their veracity" but on "their timeliness and extent of press coverage." On May 1 the former assistant attorney general [[Herbert J. Miller Jr.|Jack Miller]] telephoned the general counsel, [[Lawrence Houston]], with information "from within Garrison's office" supplied by the NBC reporter [[Walter Sheridan]]. In September Shaw's lawyers asked the Justice Department for guidance on Garrison's claims about the agency and were refused. Rocca wrote on March 1, 1968, that Garrison's new charge of a plot by the agency and the military-industrial complex "is by and large the [[Moscow]] line."[^1]
 ### The Rocca Survey
 Rocca's "hypothetical scenario" was a memorandum of September 26, "a survey of possible courses of action," distributed to the deputy director for plans, to Houston, and to the Garrison file. Toward the attorney general it proposed a "bill of particulars on all aspects of the Garrison investigation that have become public" and action "to bring charges of unlawful impersonation against Gordon NOVEL and Donald P. NORTON." Toward Congress: [[John Warner]], the legislative counsel, "should be fully briefed"; "certainly an effort should be made to block or head off any attempts to put the [[Playboy]] article into the [[Congressional Record]]"; "who in the Senate or House would have the influence to induce Senator [[Russell Long|Long]], who has endorsed Garrison, to consider the facts rather than the fanciful theories?"; and the agency might seek legislation against impersonation of its officers "in situations not involving financial gain," since "CIA does not have the same protection for its people in the U.S. as the FBI and certain other agencies have for their operations."[^5]
 Among others, the President's board of consultants "or Clark Clifford as Chairman, could be briefed in detail." John McCone "could be fully briefed along the lines already discussed above. He is in a position to exert extensive influence in Catholic and Republican Party circles. The events under discussion took place during his Directorship." "Mr. J. Edgar Hoover is probably the single most important person to be considered in reacting to Garrison's false charges. Garrison has obviously made a play in the past four months to detach the FBI from CIA." "We have in the past months kept the FBI liaison fully informed of all aspects of our findings." Under "Mass Media Approaches," "careful thought should be given to the extent to which Mr. Goodwin or the Director can assure that the newspaper outlets receive a coherent picture of Garrison's 'facts' and motives. In anticipation of a trial, it would be prudent to have carefully selected channels of communication lined up in advance." The director "could take up directly with [[John Daly]], who has recently succeeded to the direction of [[United States Information Agency|USIA]] and is the son-in-law of the Chief Justice, the facts of our position." "There is a spectrum that could be covered in preparing materials for covert exploitation": the first attribution of the assassination to the agency had been made in Britain by [[R. Palme Dutt]] in January 1964, "the Communist Bloc exploitation of Garrison's investigation since March 1967 would by itself constitute a theme to be surfaced and exploited," and "there is enough known about Oswald's contacts with the Soviets in the USSR and in Mexico City to warrant the suggestion that Garrison's investigation is wittingly or unwittingly designed to cover, exonerate or exculpate the Soviets in the Oswald case." [[Mark Lane]], [[Harold Weisberg|Weisberg]], [[Edward Jay Epstein|Epstein]] "and other 'assassination buffs' have deliberately turned the Warren Commission Report inside out. The precise status, background, and motivation of each of these individuals ought to be subjected to careful public scrutiny."[^5]
 ### The Houston Paper
 Houston's paper of September 29, 1967, went to the director on October 2 with the note: "It also takes the position that there is nothing we can do at the moment. The Department of Justice has seen and agrees. We are following the situation very closely with them." A routing slip asked whether "the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board|PFIAB]] or possibly Mr. Clifford personally" would be interested. The paper reasoned that Garrison "will have to prove at least one overt act in pursuance of the conspiracy, and with Oswald and Ferrie both dead, we do not at the moment know of such an act which he could prove," and that he would therefore "try to involve others and bring out testimony that they were involved in such things as the movement of arms and money." "Despite the fact that Garrison's theories are basically and preposterously false, therefore, he may well be able to involve CIA in the Shaw trial."[^6]
 It then listed what witnesses might say and what the agency knew. [[Carlos Quiroga]] might testify that [[David Ferrie]] was a friend of [[Sergio Arcacha Smith]] of the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council|Cuban Democratic Revolutionary Front]], and "the CDRF was funded by CIA in Miami, and Arcacha Smith was with the New Orleans branch." Rudolph Ricardo Davis might testify to a training camp at [[Lacombe, Louisiana|Lacombe]] connected with [[Victor Paneque]] and Fernando Fernandez; the Miami station had sought a provisional clearance for Paneque in August 1964 and dropped him in October 1965, and Fernandez "was a contact of the Miami Station from December 1960 through January 1966." Emilio Santana, whom Garrison placed in [[Dealey Plaza]], "was recruited by the Miami Station in October 1962 as a guide for an infiltration operation in Cuba which was carried out in May 1963," was dropped on October 15, 1963, and "knew some CIA staff members and agents by their true names." [[Carlos Bringuier]] "had some contact with the Domestic Contact Service's New Orleans office and was formerly the New Orleans leader of the [[Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil|Student Revolutionary Directorate]], which was an anti-Castro organization conceived, created, and funded by CIA." [[Gordon Novel]] and his lawyer had "never at any time had any association with the Agency." Of [[Donald P. Norton]]'s claim to have carried 50,000 dollars from Shaw to Oswald: "There is no truth in Norton's story in any respect."[^6]
 "The Government, and particularly CIA, is placed in a quandary. If it were to deny the Norton and Novel stories, which are wholly untrue, it would have to make some partial admissions at least in connection with Laborde, Santana, and possibly Paneque, Bringuier, and others. Shaw himself was a contact of the Domestic Contact Service's New Orleans office from 1948 to 1956 and introduced General [[Charles Cabell|Cabell]], then Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, when he addressed the New Orleans Foreign Policy Association in May 1961." Justice would claim executive privilege if either side tried to bring the agency into the trial, and "this, too, can be turned by Garrison into a claim that it is part of the whole cover up by the establishment and particularly by CIA." "At the present time, therefore, there is no action we can recommend for the Director or the Agency to take. If during the trial it appears that Shaw may be convicted on information that could be refuted by CIA, we may be in for some difficult decisions." Outside Louisiana, "press and public opinion appear to be extremely skeptical if not scornful of Garrison's allegations."[^6]
 ### Afterward
 After a federal court enjoined Garrison's last prosecution of Shaw in 1971 the director of the Domestic Contact Service wrote to his [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] office: "Looks like Mr. Garrison is on the ropes and will have all he can do to keep the hornets away."[^1]
-The [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] asked the agency in January 1978 for its files on "Jim Garrison aka Wackenhut Corp." and on the "Garrison 1967 investigation."[^2]
+The [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] asked the agency in January 1978 for its files on "Jim Garrison aka Wackenhut Corp." and on the "Garrison 1967 investigation."[^7]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: Holland, Max. "The Lie That Linked CIA to the Kennedy Assassination," *Studies in Intelligence,* vol. 45, no. 5, 2001. https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Lie-That-Linked-CIA.pdf The documents are cited there to the Russell Holmes Papers and the HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, National Archives.
-[^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, January 12, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00491180.
+[^2]: Rocca, Raymond G. Draft memorandum to Lawrence Houston, "Garrison Allegations Re CIA Photograph in Warren Commission Report: The Facts," May 12, 1967, with routing slips of May 15, 1967, JFK record 104-10005-10374.
 [^3]: Janney, F.W.M. Memorandum for the record, "Garrison Group Meeting No. 1 - 20 September 1967," JFK record 104-10428-10023.
 [^4]: Janney, F.W.M. Memorandum for the record, "Garrison Group Meeting No. 2 - 26 September 1967," JFK record 104-10428-10022.
 [^5]: Rocca, Raymond G. (C/CI/R&A). Memorandum, "This is a survey of possible courses of action," September 26, 1967, JFK record 104-10435-10022.
 [^6]: Houston, Lawrence R. Memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence, "Clay L. Shaw's Trial and the Central Intelligence Agency," OGC 67-1877, September 29, 1967, forwarded to the Director October 2, 1967, JFK record 104-10104-10280.
 [^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, January 12, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00491180.
--- a/PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation
+++ b/PROJECTS/INTELLIGENCE_OPERATIONS/Operation
@ -35,9 +35,9 @@ The communications network (called Condortel) was established through a secure t
 ### CIA Support
-The CIA's material support for Condor is documented through declassified State Department and CIA documents, the findings of the Church Committee (1975-1976), and the subsequent Hinchey Report (2000). CIA officer [[Michael Townley]], stationed in Chile, was a DINA operative who participated in multiple Condor assassinations, including the 1976 car bombing in [[Washington, D.C.]] of former Chilean diplomat [[Orlando Letelier]] and his American colleague [[Ronni Moffitt]] - carried out by DINA with Townley's direct participation on American soil. Townley pleaded guilty in the United States and served time before being placed in witness protection.[^1]
+The CIA's material support for Condor is documented through declassified State Department and CIA documents, the findings of the Church Committee (1975-1976), and the subsequent Hinchey Report (2000). [[Michael Townley]], an American in Chile whom the CIA had name-traced in 1970 and, by its account, turned away, was a DINA operative who participated in multiple Condor assassinations, including the 1976 car bombing in [[Washington, D.C.]] of former Chilean diplomat [[Orlando Letelier]] and his American colleague [[Ronni Moffitt]] - carried out by DINA with Townley's direct participation on American soil. Townley pleaded guilty in the United States and served time before being placed in witness protection.[^1]
-Secretary of State [[Henry Kissinger]]'s awareness of and attitude toward Condor is documented in declassified State Department cables. In June 1976, Kissinger had his assistant send a cable to U.S. ambassadors in Condor countries warning of negative publicity if Condor's Phase III European operations became public - a cable that critics interpreted as more concerned with managing exposure than halting the assassinations.[^2]
+Secretary of State [[Henry Kissinger]] was told of the arrangement by the Argentine foreign minister, [[César Augusto Guzzetti|César Guzzetti]], on June 10, 1976, during the OAS meeting in Santiago that coincided with the second Condor conference. Guzzetti said Argentina wanted "to integrate with our neighbors, all of them: Chile, Paraguay, Bolivia, Uruguay, Brazil" against terrorism. Kissinger answered: "If there are things that have to be done, you should do them quickly. But you must get back quickly to normal procedures." "We want you to succeed. We do not want to harass you. I will do what I can." On August 23, after [[Harry Shlaudeman]]'s warning that the governments had "established Operation Condor to find and kill terrorists," the department cabled its ambassadors in Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Santiago that "government planned and directed assassinations within and outside the territory of Condor members has most serious implications which we must face squarely and rapidly," and told them to see the heads of state. The ambassadors balked. On September 16 Kissinger "instructed that no further action be taken on this matter." The instruction went out on September 20. Letelier was killed on September 21.[^2][^3][^4]
 ### Major Operations
@ -51,15 +51,17 @@ The "Caravan of Death" - DINA special army unit executions across Chile in Octob
 ### Santiago, November 1975
-At the founding conference on November 26, 1975, Manuel Contreras "outlined his proposal for three phases of what he called 'effective coordination.'" The first was a coordinating center in Chile "similar to that which [[Interpol]] has in Paris, but dedicated to subversion." His paper went on: "We recommend the utilization of liaison resources outside the countries of the System, especially those that are outside the continent, to obtain information on Subversion." Contreras "would later say publicly that both the CIA and the FBI knew about this intelligence data bank, contributed information to it, and sought information from it." The third phase, "surveillance and assassination outside [[Latin America]]," "stunned even some of this group of hardened intelligence veterans."[^3]
+At the founding conference on November 26, 1975, Manuel Contreras "outlined his proposal for three phases of what he called 'effective coordination.'" The first was a coordinating center in Chile "similar to that which [[Interpol]] has in Paris, but dedicated to subversion." His paper went on: "We recommend the utilization of liaison resources outside the countries of the System, especially those that are outside the continent, to obtain information on Subversion." Contreras "would later say publicly that both the CIA and the FBI knew about this intelligence data bank, contributed information to it, and sought information from it." The third phase, "surveillance and assassination outside [[Latin America]]," "stunned even some of this group of hardened intelligence veterans."[^5]
 ### Washington, 1976
-A memorandum of June 4, 1976, the day [[Juan José Torres]] was found dead in Buenos Aires, weighed the "existence of an intergovernmental assassination program" and found "no evidence to support a contention that [[Southern Cone]] governments are cooperating in some sort of international Murder Inc." On June 8 [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] met Pinochet in his office in Santiago. The transcript was withheld until 1998. Pinochet's aide summarized: "He asked a lot, but offered little." When Ambassador [[David Popper]] had raised human rights with the junta, Kissinger wrote on the cable: "Tell Popper to cut out the political science lectures." On August 3 Assistant Secretary [[Harry Shlaudeman]] sent Kissinger "The Third World War and South America," on the assassination plans. The warning to the governments that followed had not been carried through when Letelier was killed seven weeks later.[^4]
+A memorandum of June 4, 1976, the day [[Juan José Torres]] was found dead in Buenos Aires, weighed the "existence of an intergovernmental assassination program" and found "no evidence to support a contention that [[Southern Cone]] governments are cooperating in some sort of international Murder Inc." On June 8 [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] met Pinochet in his office in Santiago. The transcript was withheld until 1998. Pinochet's aide summarized: "He asked a lot, but offered little." When Ambassador [[David Popper]] had raised human rights with the junta, Kissinger wrote on the cable: "Tell Popper to cut out the political science lectures." On August 3 Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman sent Kissinger "The Third World War and South America," on the assassination plans. The warning to the governments that followed had not been carried through when Letelier was killed seven weeks later.[^6]
 A CIA paper prepared for a later meeting with Ambassador David Popper records that "in early October, after consulting with Ambassador Popper," the station chief "confronted the Chilean head of DINA, Colonel Manuel Contreras, with U.S. knowledge of Condor's existence. Colonel Contreras denied that our information of Condor was accurate and refused to admit that one of its objectives was to operate against terrorists in Europe. Recent clandestinely acquired information indicates that plans for Condor are continuing."[^7]
 ### The Scherrer Cable
-The first description of the system to reach Washington in writing came from the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s legal attaché in Buenos Aires, [[Robert Scherrer]], soon after the murder of Orlando Letelier. "Operation Condor is the code name for the collection, exchange and storage of intelligence data concerning leftists, communists and Marxists which was recently established between the cooperating services in South America," he cabled. "Chile is the center for Operation Condor." It continued: "A third and more secret phase of Operation Condor involves the formation of special teams from member countries to travel anywhere in the world to non-member countries to carry out sanctions, [including] assassinations." His source had heard that operations of the third phase were under consideration for [[Portugal]] and [[France]], and "had reason to believe Letelier may have been the first victim." Scherrer learned that Manuel Contreras, "Condor One," had "personally provided the inspiration and organizational impetus," that the system had begun to function late in 1975, and that Chile had provided much of the money.[^5]
+The first description of the system to reach Washington in writing came from the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]'s legal attaché in Buenos Aires, [[Robert Scherrer]], soon after the murder of Orlando Letelier. "Operation Condor is the code name for the collection, exchange and storage of intelligence data concerning leftists, communists and Marxists which was recently established between the cooperating services in South America," he cabled. "Chile is the center for Operation Condor." It continued: "A third and more secret phase of Operation Condor involves the formation of special teams from member countries to travel anywhere in the world to non-member countries to carry out sanctions, [including] assassinations." His source had heard that operations of the third phase were under consideration for [[Portugal]] and [[France]], and "had reason to believe Letelier may have been the first victim." Scherrer learned that Manuel Contreras, "Condor One," had "personally provided the inspiration and organizational impetus," that the system had begun to function late in 1975, and that Chile had provided much of the money.[^8]
 ### Discovery and Documentation
@ -69,6 +71,9 @@ The "Condor Archive" - approximately 700,000 documents from Paraguay's secret po
 [^1]: McSherry, J. Patrice. *Predatory States: Operation Condor and Covert War in Latin America.* Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.
 [^2]: Kornbluh, Peter. *The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability.* The New Press, 2003.
-[^3]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 12-15.
+[^3]: National Security Archive, "Operation Condor Verdict: GUILTY!," Electronic Briefing Book, May 27, 2016, with the memorandum of Harry Shlaudeman to the Secretary of State, August 5, 1976, the memorandum of conversation of Kissinger and César Guzzetti, June 10, 1976, and cables of September 16 and 20, 1976.
-[^4]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 156-166, 171-174.
+[^4]: U.S. Department of State, cable 209192 to the embassies at Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Santiago, "Operation Condor," August 23, 1976, Secret, Roger Channel. National Security Archive, document 04 in "Operation Condor Verdict: GUILTY!," Electronic Briefing Book, May 27, 2016.
-[^5]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 237-239.
+[^5]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 12-15.
 [^6]: Dinges, John. *The Condor Years: How Pinochet and His Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents*. New Press, 2004, pp. 156-166, 171-174.
 [^7]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-11, part 2, Documents on South America, 1973-1976, document 253, paper prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency, undated.
 [^8]: Dinges, John, and Saul Landau. *Assassination on Embassy Row*. McGraw-Hill, 1980, pp. 237-239.
--- a/EVENTS/CONTRA_WAR/Bay
+++ b/EVENTS/CONTRA_WAR/Bay
@ -21,7 +21,7 @@ end: 1961-04-19
 location: "Bay of Pigs (Bahia de Cochinos), Cuba"
 ---
-The Bay of Pigs invasion (April 17-19, 1961) was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-organized covert paramilitary operation that deployed approximately 1,400 Cuban exile fighters of Brigade 2506 against [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuba]], ending in the capture of 1,179 survivors and the most publicly damaging intelligence failure in the agency's history to that date. Authorized under President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] and inherited by President [[John F. Kennedy]], the invasion failed for a combination of operational, political, and intelligence reasons - among them Kennedy's last-minute cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the early collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and systematic G2 infiltration of the exile training program in [[Guatemala]]. CIA Inspector General [[Lyman Kirkpatrick]] concluded in his suppressed October 1961 report: "Plausible denial was a pathetic illusion." The invasion's veterans became the organizational core of the CIA's subsequent Cuba operations, and many reappeared in the [[Watergate]] burglary and the [[Contra]] network of the 1980s.[^1]
+The Bay of Pigs invasion (April 17-19, 1961) was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-organized covert paramilitary operation that deployed approximately 1,400 Cuban exile fighters of [[Brigade 2506]] against [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[Cuba]], ending in the capture of 1,179 survivors and the most publicly damaging intelligence failure in the agency's history to that date. Authorized under President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] and inherited by President [[John F. Kennedy]], the invasion failed for a combination of operational, political, and intelligence reasons - among them Kennedy's last-minute cancellation of the D-Day follow-up air strikes, the early collapse of the cover story at the [[United Nations]], and systematic G2 infiltration of the exile training program in [[Guatemala]]. CIA Inspector General [[Lyman Kirkpatrick]] concluded in his suppressed October 1961 report: "Plausible denial was a pathetic illusion." The invasion's veterans became the organizational core of the CIA's subsequent Cuba operations, and many reappeared in the [[Watergate]] burglary and the [[Contra]] network of the 1980s.[^1]
 ### Authorization and Planning
@ -107,7 +107,7 @@ Kennedy welcomed the released prisoners at the Orange Bowl in Miami on December
 ### Veterans and Later Operations
-Brigade 2506 veterans became the CIA's organizational core for subsequent Cuba operations and reappeared across later covert programs. [[Felix Rodriguez]], a veteran who had participated in the capture of [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia, managed the Contra resupply operation at [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]] in the 1980s under the alias "Max Gomez." [[Howard Hunt]], the Bay of Pigs political officer responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council exile leadership, recruited Bay of Pigs veterans for the Watergate burglary team. Three of the Watergate burglars - [[Bernard Barker]], Eugenio Martinez, and Frank Sturgis - were Bay of Pigs veterans with continuing CIA relationships. Hunt's Bay of Pigs role, and the CIA's desire to contain investigation into it, was a recurring element of the Watergate cover-up narrative.[^3]
+Brigade 2506 veterans became the CIA's organizational core for subsequent Cuba operations and reappeared across later covert programs. [[Felix Rodriguez]], a veteran who had participated in the capture of [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia, managed the Contra resupply operation at [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]] in the 1980s under the alias "Max Gomez." [[Howard Hunt]], the Bay of Pigs political officer responsible for the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council]] exile leadership, recruited Bay of Pigs veterans for the Watergate burglary team. Three of the Watergate burglars - [[Bernard Barker]], Eugenio Martinez, and Frank Sturgis - were Bay of Pigs veterans with continuing CIA relationships. Hunt's Bay of Pigs role, and the CIA's desire to contain investigation into it, was a recurring element of the Watergate cover-up narrative.[^3]
 ### Footnotes
--- a/EVENTS/TERRORISM/Cubana
+++ b/EVENTS/TERRORISM/Cubana
@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
 ---
 category: "Terrorism"
 tags:
  - Event
  - CubanaFlight455
  - Terrorism
  - CubanExiles
  - OrlandoBosch
  - LuisPosadaCarriles
  - DISIP
  - CIA
 alias:
  - Cubana Flight 455
  - Cubana bombing
 summary: "Bombing of a Cubana DC-8 off Barbados on October 6, 1976, killing 73, planned in Caracas by Luis Posada Carriles, Orlando Bosch, and a DISIP officer, after a CIA source heard Posada promise it."
 start: 1976-10-06
 location: "Barbados"
 created: 2026-09-21
 updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
 On October 6, 1976, a bomb destroyed a [[Cubana de Aviación|Cubana]] DC-8 shortly after it left [[Barbados]] for [[Havana]], killing the 73 people aboard.[^1]
 ### The Two Passengers
 Two Venezuelans had flown from [[Caracas]] to [[Trinidad]] on Pan Am 443 in the early hours of that day, checked into the Holiday Inn at two in the morning as "Jose Garcia" and "Freddy Perez," boarded the Cubana flight at 11:50, left it at Barbados, returned to Trinidad the same day on BWIA, and checked into the same hotel at eleven at night without their suitcases. One, holding a passport in the name José Vázquez García, was [[Hernán Ricardo]]; the other was [[Freddy Lugo]], "a Venezuelan newsman who is also employed as an investigator by [[Luis Posada Carriles|Luis Posada]]." Lugo's passport carried a Barbados entry stamp of July 9, 1976; the FBI noted that "the bombs which went off at the BWIA office and at the general manager's car and yacht in Bridgetown, Barbados, took place on 10 and 11 July, 1976." Ricardo had asked the FBI's legal attaché in Caracas for a visa to [[San Juan, Puerto Rico|San Juan]] on October 1, on Posada's referral.[^2]
 The two were arrested in Trinidad. Their first telephone call after the crash was to the office of Posada's security company. Ricardo told the Trinidad police he had been paid 16,000 dollars and Lugo 8,000; the explosive had been carried in a Colgate toothpaste tube and fired by a pencil timer after they left the aircraft. Deputy Commissioner Dennis Ramdwar swore that Ricardo "in his own handwriting recorded the steps to be taken before a bomb was placed in an aircraft and how a plastic bomb is detonated." An FBI informant reported that Ricardo had telephoned [[Orlando Bosch]] from Trinidad and said: "A bus with 73 dogs went off a cliff and all got killed."[^1][^3]
 ### Caracas
 On October 7 a confidential source told the legal attaché that a party whose name is redacted was "arranging for Luis Posada and Orlando Bosch Avila to leave Venezuela as soon as possible. The source all but admitted that Posada and Bosch had engineered the bombing of the airline." Bosch had arrived at Maiquetía airport on September 8 on a false Costa Rican passport and been met by Posada, [[Orlando García Vásquez|Orlando García]], the security adviser to President [[Carlos Andrés Pérez]], and [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete]] of [[DISIP]]. On October 14 the CIA reported a fund-raising dinner for Bosch in September at the house of a Cuban exile doctor, attended by Venezuelan officials, at which Bosch said his group had done "a great job" in killing [[Orlando Letelier]] and would "try something else." A few days later, the report went on, "Luis Posada Carriles was overheard to say that 'we are going to hit a Cuban airplane' and 'Orlando has the details.'" A State Department memorandum to [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] of October 18 repeated the remark. The CIA had reported "Possible Plans of Cuban Exile Extremists to Blow Up a Cubana Airliner" on June 22, 1976.[^2][^4][^5]
 Morales, chief of DISIP's counterintelligence section D-54, told a Dade County detective on October 23 and 24 that the plan had been discussed at the bar of the Anauco Hilton by [[Frank Castro]], Gustavo Castillo, Posada, and himself, and again in his own apartment, where there was "disagreement as to who would take part in the various phases of the operation, and who would claim credit for the bombing." The group had tried before to bomb Cubana aircraft in [[Panama]] and [[Jamaica]]. "Some people in the Venezuelan government are involved in this airplane bombing," he said, "and if Posada Carriles talks, then Morales Navarrete and others in the Venezuelan government will 'go down the tube.'" "We'll have our own Watergate." García told the detective that DISIP's bomb expert, Carlos Fabri, "became very nervous" when told he would have to testify. On October 27 the Venezuelan government announced "there is no Ricardo Morales Navarrete in DISIP."[^4]
 ### Afterward
 Venezuela arrested Posada and Bosch. Posada escaped in September 1985; Bosch was acquitted after eleven years and returned to the [[United States]] in 1988. A CIA summary filed in court in 2011 states that Posada was its paid agent from 1965 to 1967 and from 1968 to 1974, that he "provided unsolicited threat reporting" from 1974 to 1976, and that the agency severed ties in February 1976. In January 1977 an FBI informant reported that a [[CORU]] member had come to Miami on the instructions of García to arrange "a naval operation against Cuban shipping enterprises, which should result in a maximum number of Cuban nationals killed," and a bombing of an embassy of a country with relations with Cuba, to "take away the 'pressure' from Orlando Bosch." The informant said Bosch had acted in bad faith: "The plane was to have been sabotaged on the ground and not in the air."[^5][^6][^7]
 ### Footnotes
 [^1]: National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006, with the affidavits of Trinidad and Tobago police officers and the FBI report of November 5, 1976, to the Secretary of State.
 [^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, message relay, Director to SAC Miami and legal attachés, "Suspected Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados," October 7-8, 1976. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 9.
 [^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Director to the Secretary of State, November 5, 1976, in National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006, with the affidavits of Trinidad and Tobago police officers and the FBI report of November 5, 1976, to the Secretary of State.
 [^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, teletype to Director, "Bombing of Cubana Airlines DC-8 Near Barbados, West Indies, October 6, 1976," November 2, 1976, JFK Assassination Records Collection. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 10.
 [^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, intelligence report, "Activities of Cuban Exile Leader Orlando Bosch During his Stay in Venezuela," October 14, 1976. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 334, document 7.
 [^6]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Unclassified Summary of the CIA's Relationship With Luis Clemente Posada Carriles," filed by the Department of Justice in *United States v. Posada Carriles,* W.D. Tex., 2011. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 334, document 1.
 [^7]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU)," January 24, 1977. National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, document 12.
--- a/PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/JM-WAVE.md
+++ b/PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/JM-WAVE.md
@ -43,7 +43,7 @@ Maritime operations: Small fast boats conducted raids on Cuban coastal installat
 Intelligence collection: Cuban refugees arriving in Miami were systematically debriefed; agent networks inside Cuba reported on military dispositions, economic conditions, and political developments; and aerial photography supplemented human intelligence.
-Exile organizational management: The station provided funding and direction to multiple Cuban exile groups including the Democratic Revolutionary Front (FRD) and its successor the Cuban Revolutionary Council, Brigade 2506's survivors, and various smaller organizations. Managing competing exile factions and their political agendas within CIA operational requirements was a persistent challenge.
+Exile organizational management: The station provided funding and direction to multiple Cuban exile groups including the Democratic Revolutionary Front (FRD) and its successor the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council]], [[Brigade 2506]]'s survivors, and various smaller organizations. Managing competing exile factions and their political agendas within CIA operational requirements was a persistent challenge.
 Assassination planning: The CIA-organized crime assassination plots against Castro, run through [[Johnny Roselli]] and [[Sam Giancana]] by Harvey, were coordinated at least in part through JM/WAVE's Miami presence.[^1]
--- a/PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Opa
+++ b/PLACES/MILITARY_INSTALLATIONS/Opa
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ Opa Locka was a location in the [[Miami]], [[Florida]] area connected to [[Contr
 ### Aviation Hub
-Opa Locka's airfield served as one of the aviation facilities in the Miami area used by pilots connected to both the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Contra supply operations and the [[cocaine]] trafficking networks that funded them. The proximity to Miami International Airport and the cluster of aviation-related businesses in the area, including [[DIACSA]], made Opa Locka part of the infrastructure supporting the dual weapons-for-drugs shuttle between [[Central America]] and the [[United States]].[^2]
+Opa Locka's airfield served as one of the aviation facilities in the Miami area used by pilots connected to both the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Contra supply operations and the [[cocaine]] trafficking networks that funded them. The proximity to [[Miami International Airport]] and the cluster of aviation-related businesses in the area, including [[DIACSA]], made Opa Locka part of the infrastructure supporting the dual weapons-for-drugs shuttle between [[Central America]] and the [[United States]].[^2]
 ### Footnotes
--- a/PLACES/US_STATES/Florida.md
+++ b/PLACES/US_STATES/Florida.md
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ Florida served as a major hub for both [[cocaine]] trafficking and [[Contras|Con
 ### Contra Operations in Miami
-After leaving [[Los Angeles]], [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] relocated to Miami and invested drug profits in a string of companies. His restaurant La Parrilla was co-owned by Somoza's former counterinsurgency expert Major General Gustavo Medina and [[Donald Barrios]], an [[FDN]] supporter. The restaurant became a gathering place for Contra leaders and the site of pro-Contra demonstrations. Blandón's Alpha II Rent-a-Car business began outside Miami International Airport and spread to 24 locations. His immigration lawyer was deeply involved with the FDN's Miami support network, arranging travel papers for rebel soldiers.[^2]
+After leaving [[Los Angeles]], [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] relocated to Miami and invested drug profits in a string of companies. His restaurant La Parrilla was co-owned by Somoza's former counterinsurgency expert Major General Gustavo Medina and [[Donald Barrios]], an [[FDN]] supporter. The restaurant became a gathering place for Contra leaders and the site of pro-Contra demonstrations. Blandón's Alpha II Rent-a-Car business began outside [[Miami International Airport]] and spread to 24 locations. His immigration lawyer was deeply involved with the FDN's Miami support network, arranging travel papers for rebel soldiers.[^2]
 ### Money Laundering