vault backup: 2026-10-08 12:20:40

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Dean Rusk.md

@@ -9,12 +9,12 @@ tags:
   - ColdWar
   - Brazil
   - Vietnam
-summary: "Rockefeller Foundation president from 1952 to 1960 who became Secretary of State under Kennedy and Johnson, sealing the Foundation's pipeline into the State Department and overseeing the diplomatic side of the 1964 Brazil coup and the 1967 Bolivia operation against Che Guevara."
+summary: "Rockefeller Foundation president from 1952 to 1960 and Secretary of State under Kennedy and Johnson, in office during the 1964 Brazil coup, the 1967 Bolivia operation and the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war."
 born: 1909-02-09
 died: 1994-12-20
 location: Cherokee County, Georgia
 created: 2026-06-12
-updated: 2026-06-12
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
 
 David Dean Rusk (1909-1994) was [[Secretary of State]] under Presidents [[John F. Kennedy]] and [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] from 1961 to 1969, and before that the president of the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] for most of the 1950s. His career embodied the revolving door between the Foundation's board and the upper reaches of US foreign policy, and as Secretary of State he handled the diplomacy of the Cold War interventions that run through the Rockefeller network's history in [[Latin America]], including the 1964 overthrow of Brazil's [[Joao Goulart]] and the 1967 hunt for [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia.[^1]
@@ -33,6 +33,12 @@ During the April 1961 [[Bay of Pigs invasion]], Rusk counseled caution. After th
 
 In April 1967 Rusk convened a secret strategy session at the Pentagon on Bolivia with [[Walt Rostow]], William Bowdler, CIA Director [[Richard Helms]], and Southern Command chief General Robert Porter; that September, at the Punta del Este conference, he denounced Guevara's presence in Bolivia as a foreign invasion. A veteran of the [[Rockefeller Brothers Fund]]'s Special Studies Project, Rusk was a consistent advocate of counterinsurgency and of escalation in the [[Vietnam War]], a stance that drew him into a televised 1966 confrontation with Senator [[William Fulbright]] at the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]].[^5]
 
+### The June 1967 crisis
+
+In an appraisal of May 25, 1967, the CIA's [[Office of National Estimates]] stated: "We believe the Soviet aim is still to avoid military involvement and to give the US a black eye among the Arabs by identifying it with Israel." [[David S. Robarge]], the CIA's chief historian, writes that this judgment, which ran contrary to Tel Aviv's suspicions, caused Rusk to remark to Helms, "if this is a mistake, it's a beaut."[^6][^7]
+
+Notes of the [[National Security Council]] Special Committee meeting of June 9, 1967, which list Rusk first among those present, record on the attack on the [[USS Liberty Incident|USS Liberty]], under the initials "DR": "Do what is normal. 1) Reparation. 2) Punish. 3) No repetition." The entry follows remarks by [[Clark Clifford]] that the attack should be handled "as if Arabs or USSR had done it," next to which the note-taker wrote: "President subscribed 100%."[^8]
+
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "David Dean Rusk (1909-1994)," Biographies of the Secretaries of State. https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/people/rusk-david-dean
@@ -40,3 +46,6 @@ In April 1967 Rusk convened a secret strategy session at the Pentagon on Bolivia
 [^3]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 23; Ch. 24.
 [^4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 24; Ch. 29.
 [^5]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 33.
+[^6]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 61, Memorandum from Rostow to President Johnson, May 25, 1967, with attached CIA appraisal, paragraph 8. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d61
+[^7]: Robarge, David S. "Getting it Right: CIA Analysis of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War." *Studies in Intelligence* 49, no. 1 (March 2005). https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/CIA-Analysis-1967-War.pdf
+[^8]: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XIX, Document 236, Notes of a Meeting of the Special Committee of the National Security Council, June 9, 1967 (Saunders's handwritten notes). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d236

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Eden Pastora.md

@@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ aliases:
   - Comandante Cero
   - Commander Zero
 created: 2026-05-17
-updated: 2026-10-05
+updated: 2026-10-08
 category: "Military"
 tags:
   - Person
@@ -45,7 +45,7 @@ relations:
     start: 1983
     end: 1987
     role: "rent-free house in Costa Rica, two pickup trucks, cash"
-    fn: 7
+    fn: 10
   - type: funded
     with: "[[George Morales]]"
     reverse: true
@@ -64,19 +64,21 @@ Pastora joined the [[Sandinistas]] in the early 1970s and became famous when he
 
 Pastora formed the Sandino Revolutionary Front (FRS) in early 1982 and allied it with other groups to form ARDE in September 1982; [[Fernando Chamorro|Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro]]'s [[UDN-FARN]] left the [[FDN]] to join him, Webb wrote, and Pastora publicly called the FDN "criminal mummies and gorillas."[^1][^5] [[Gary Webb]] wrote that the CIA officer [[Dewey Clarridge]] recruited him in 1981 to command the Southern Front.[^6] The CIA's Inspector General recorded that from early 1982 to mid-1984 Pastora was the main recipient of the funds the CIA channeled to Southern Front forces, that the appropriation ran out in August 1984, and that it replaced him as ARDE's military leader in July 1984; ARDE's spokesman attributed that to injuries from the May 1984 bomb attack and the CIA said his refusal to join forces with the Northern Front also undermined him. The Senate's Kerry subcommittee wrote that on May 30, 1984 he was wounded by a bomb at La Penca, Nicaragua, that according to ARDE officer Karol Prado aid from the United States was cut off that day, and that the CIA regarded him as "disruptive and unpredictable"; the bomb killed seven people, three of them journalists.[^1][^2][^4] The Inspector General listed the CIA's other reasons for ending the relationship: the poor performance of his fighters, counterintelligence concerns about his contacts with the Sandinistas in Managua, and the congressional restrictions that took effect in October 1984.[^1]
 
+By September 1984 the CIA recorded [[Marcos Aguado]] as Chief of Air Operations for the FRS and ARDE and as Pastora's personal pilot. A December 1984 cable reported that Pastora had designated Aguado "one of his 18 commandantes, to be in charge of air operations and logistics at Ilopango," and said that Aguado "may very well be actively participating in alleged narcotics activities . . . or at least aware of such activities." In July 1987 Aguado asked, through [[Octaviano Cesar]], to give the CIA information tying Pastora to "past drug trafficking"; the station declined to meet him on counterintelligence grounds and passed the matter to the local DEA office.[^7] The Senate subcommittee called Aguado "Eden Pastora's air force chief." In an October 31, 1987 deposition in San José, Aguado said that traffickers "took advantage of the anti-Communist sentiment which existed in Central America" and "undoubtedly used it for drug trafficking."[^8][^9]
+
 ### Morales
 
-In October 1984 the CIA began receiving reports that Pastora's associates had agreed to help the Miami-based trafficker Jorge Morales bring drugs into the United States in return for material and financial help. The State Department's July 1986 report to Congress said a senior member of the FRS agreed late in 1984 that FRS pilots would fly narcotics from South America to sites in Costa Rica and Nicaragua; Morales gave the FRS a C-47 and two crated helicopters and about $100,000.[^2] A November 1984 cable reported that Pastora, Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro and Roberto Chamorro were traveling to Miami to meet Morales, that Morales had transferred about $30,000 to an ARDE account, and that two ARDE pilots, including Gerardo Duran, were there for a flight for Morales. A December 1984 cable said Pastora met Morales and did not like his "pressuring him to immediately meet [Pastora's] end of their arrangement, which is providing pilots and operational facilities in Costa Rica for Morales' drug operations." The CIA disseminated this to thirteen senior government officials in a December 1984 sensitive memorandum and briefed the DEA and the U.S. Attorney's office in Miami on December 6; its representatives told the House intelligence committee in January 1985 that members of Pastora's organization had agreed, "either with Pastora's direct knowledge or tacit approval," to supply pilots and landing strips to a Miami-based Colombian drug dealer.[^1] Pastora told the Inspector General that he did not know Morales was a trafficker until October 1984, ended the arrangement in January 1985 when he realized the political cost, and returned the planes; Popo Chamorro said Pastora learned of it only after the October meetings and his own December meeting with Morales; Pastora said Morales also gave him about $40,000, and he listed about $20,000 from a Cuban, about $40,000 and two helicopters from Leo Fernandez, and about $25,000 from [[Manuel Noriega]].[^1][^7] Morales testified to the Kerry subcommittee that he hoped helping the Contras would get his indictment dropped because of their CIA contacts.[^2]
+In October 1984 the CIA began receiving reports that Pastora's associates had agreed to help the Miami-based trafficker Jorge Morales bring drugs into the United States in return for material and financial help. The State Department's July 1986 report to Congress said a senior member of the FRS agreed late in 1984 that FRS pilots would fly narcotics from South America to sites in Costa Rica and Nicaragua; Morales gave the FRS a C-47 and two crated helicopters and about $100,000.[^2] A November 1984 cable reported that Pastora, Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro and Roberto Chamorro were traveling to Miami to meet Morales, that Morales had transferred about $30,000 to an ARDE account, and that two ARDE pilots, including Gerardo Duran, were there for a flight for Morales. A December 1984 cable said Pastora met Morales and did not like his "pressuring him to immediately meet [Pastora's] end of their arrangement, which is providing pilots and operational facilities in Costa Rica for Morales' drug operations." The CIA disseminated this to thirteen senior government officials in a December 1984 sensitive memorandum and briefed the DEA and the U.S. Attorney's office in Miami on December 6; its representatives told the House intelligence committee in January 1985 that members of Pastora's organization had agreed, "either with Pastora's direct knowledge or tacit approval," to supply pilots and landing strips to a Miami-based Colombian drug dealer.[^1] Pastora told the Inspector General that he did not know Morales was a trafficker until October 1984, ended the arrangement in January 1985 when he realized the political cost, and returned the planes; Popo Chamorro said Pastora learned of it only after the October meetings and his own December meeting with Morales; Pastora said Morales also gave him about $40,000, and he listed about $20,000 from a Cuban, about $40,000 and two helicopters from Leo Fernandez, and about $25,000 from [[Manuel Noriega]].[^1][^10] Morales testified to the Kerry subcommittee that he hoped helping the Contras would get his indictment dropped because of their CIA contacts.[^2]
 
-Further reports followed. A Sandinista radio broadcast in February 1985 said Pastora's associates were building landing strips in Guanacaste for drug flights; an April 1985 cable named Duran and David Mayorga as owners of an air company said to hide cocaine in yucca shipments, with a plane belonging to Pastora and ARDE; a December 1985 cable said a Panamanian with business ties to Noriega, Cesar Rodriguez, was gathering money for Pastora, and in June 1986 the CIA was told Pastora accepted $10,000 from Rodriguez during a trip to Panama; and a January 1986 cable reported that a Costa Rican associate had 200 kilograms of cocaine he wished to use to help finance Pastora's activities. A February 1986 cable asked for an interagency review of the evidence on David Mayorga, one of Pastora's closest advisers, and noted that it "needs to be made available to those still bent on seeing that [Pastora] is given . . . funding"; the Inspector General found no record that the review took place. In March 1986 a CIA station chief wrote that the Southern Front structure was "too badly penetrated by Sandinistas and too many of the players have been associated with narcotics smuggling."[^1] [[Marcos Aguado]], Pastora's pilot and, in Pastora's words, his son-in-law, was among those named by [[Robert Owen]] as involved in trafficking, and Prado told the Kerry subcommittee that the allegations against Pastora's group were a CIA effort to discredit him; the subcommittee could not validate Owen's claims.[^2][^1]
+Further reports followed. A Sandinista radio broadcast in February 1985 said Pastora's associates were building landing strips in Guanacaste for drug flights; an April 1985 cable named Duran and David Mayorga as owners of an air company said to hide cocaine in yucca shipments, with a plane belonging to Pastora and ARDE; a December 1985 cable said a Panamanian with business ties to Noriega, Cesar Rodriguez, was gathering money for Pastora, and in June 1986 the CIA was told Pastora accepted $10,000 from Rodriguez during a trip to Panama; and a January 1986 cable reported that a Costa Rican associate had 200 kilograms of cocaine he wished to use to help finance Pastora's activities. A February 1986 cable asked for an interagency review of the evidence on David Mayorga, one of Pastora's closest advisers, and noted that it "needs to be made available to those still bent on seeing that [Pastora] is given . . . funding"; the Inspector General found no record that the review took place. In March 1986 a CIA station chief wrote that the Southern Front structure was "too badly penetrated by Sandinistas and too many of the players have been associated with narcotics smuggling."[^1] Marcos Aguado, Pastora's pilot and, in Pastora's words, his son-in-law, was among those named by [[Robert Owen]] as involved in trafficking, and Prado told the Kerry subcommittee that the allegations against Pastora's group were a CIA effort to discredit him; the subcommittee could not validate Owen's claims.[^1][^2]
 
-The CIA's Central American Task Force chief, [[Alan Fiers]], testified to the Iran-Contra committees on August 5, 1987 that "we knew that everybody around Pastora was involved in cocaine. His staff and friends . . . they were drug smugglers or involved in drug smuggling." He told the Senate intelligence committee on July 31, 1987 that the CIA had no knowledge that Pastora was directly involved in the Morales deal but had "a significant body of evidence" that Pastora's people were directly involved in cocaine trafficking to the United States, and said on October 14, 1987, as Pastora planned to return to Nicaragua, "This guy is a cocaine runner. Period. He ran cocaine." In January 1988 he told Senator Bill Bradley that "Pastora had been involved with a Colombian trafficker, but the FDN was clean."[^8][^1] Webb wrote that the CIA station chief [[Joseph Fernandez]] disputed Pastora's claim of a CIA plot, that CIA files showed the agency passed the drug reporting about Pastora to a wide range of officials in contrast to its silence about the FDN and UDN-FARN, and that after an Associated Press story in late 1985 Pastora quit within months.[^3] The CIA's Inspector General recorded that he left ARDE in 1986 and withdrew from the war; the Associated Press reported that he then ran a fishing cooperative in Costa Rica.[^1][^4]
+The CIA's Central American Task Force chief, [[Alan Fiers]], testified to the Iran-Contra committees on August 5, 1987 that "we knew that everybody around Pastora was involved in cocaine. His staff and friends . . . they were drug smugglers or involved in drug smuggling." He told the Senate intelligence committee on July 31, 1987 that the CIA had no knowledge that Pastora was directly involved in the Morales deal but had "a significant body of evidence" that Pastora's people were directly involved in cocaine trafficking to the United States, and said on October 14, 1987, as Pastora planned to return to Nicaragua, "This guy is a cocaine runner. Period. He ran cocaine." In January 1988 he told Senator Bill Bradley that "Pastora had been involved with a Colombian trafficker, but the FDN was clean."[^1][^11] Webb wrote that the CIA station chief [[Joseph Fernandez]] disputed Pastora's claim of a CIA plot, that CIA files showed the agency passed the drug reporting about Pastora to a wide range of officials in contrast to its silence about the FDN and UDN-FARN, and that after an Associated Press story in late 1985 Pastora quit within months.[^3] The CIA's Inspector General recorded that he left ARDE in 1986 and withdrew from the war; the Associated Press reported that he then ran a fishing cooperative in Costa Rica.[^1][^4]
 
 ### Blandon, Meneses and the California circle
 
-The Justice Department and CIA inspectors recorded the money [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] gave him and disagree about its source and meaning. Blandón said he let Pastora live rent-free in a house he owned in Costa Rica from about 1983 or 1984 to 1987, gave him about $9,000 in 1985 or 1986 "for personal use," from his legitimate businesses, and gave him two cars; he told the Justice Department's inspectors that Pastora "didn't want to know" about the source and that he never told him he dealt drugs. Pastora told the Senate intelligence committee on November 26, 1996 that Blandón gave him $3,000 twice between 1985 and 1987 and two pickup trucks, that he met Blandón three or four times, and that he knew nothing of the trafficking until Blandón's 1992 arrest; he told the CIA's inspectors Blandón gave about $6,000 and the housing and that the trucks were worth about $1,500 each. Blandón estimated the total at about $30,000, including the housing. The DEA informant DEA CI-1 told the Inspectors General that Pastora and Adolfo Calero "lied" in congressional hearings in denying they knew Meneses, Blandón and Torres; Pastora testified that he met [[Norwin Meneses]] in 1979 and by chance in Costa Rica around 1988.[^9][^7] An informant told the FBI that Pastora met Blandón in Miami in January 1985 seeking cocaine funds for Contra operations; LA CI-1 told the Inspector General he meant the funds were cocaine money, not that Pastora knew it, and that Blandón, drunk at a Miami party, produced no money. The Rolodex from Blandón's car lot listed a number for Pastora in Costa Rica.[^10][^11][^9] In the January 1987 Operation Perico reports, DEA CI-1 recorded that Blandón's organization had given Pastora weapons until two years earlier, that Pastora lived in a Blandón house, and, separately, that Pastora lived in Meneses's house in Costa Rica and told Meneses he wanted to enter cocaine trafficking to funnel money to the Contras and asked Meneses to find a buyer for a DC-3 at Ilopango, with Aguado as his representative in El Salvador.[^12] Webb wrote that Pastora got money and trucks from Blandón and that the physician Felix Saborio, a Blandón friend, became his Cuban-community liaison in Miami and an ARDE fundraiser; Pastora said of both, "Blandón and Saborio . . . both vanished from my ranks when it became clear that I was not willing to march to the tune of the CIA."[^3]
+The Justice Department and CIA inspectors recorded the money [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] gave him and disagree about its source and meaning. Blandón said he let Pastora live rent-free in a house he owned in Costa Rica from about 1983 or 1984 to 1987, gave him about $9,000 in 1985 or 1986 "for personal use," from his legitimate businesses, and gave him two cars; he told the Justice Department's inspectors that Pastora "didn't want to know" about the source and that he never told him he dealt drugs. Pastora told the Senate intelligence committee on November 26, 1996 that Blandón gave him $3,000 twice between 1985 and 1987 and two pickup trucks, that he met Blandón three or four times, and that he knew nothing of the trafficking until Blandón's 1992 arrest; he told the CIA's inspectors Blandón gave about $6,000 and the housing and that the trucks were worth about $1,500 each. Blandón estimated the total at about $30,000, including the housing. The DEA informant DEA CI-1 told the Inspectors General that Pastora and Adolfo Calero "lied" in congressional hearings in denying they knew Meneses, Blandón and Torres; Pastora testified that he met [[Norwin Meneses]] in 1979 and by chance in Costa Rica around 1988.[^10][^12] An informant told the FBI that Pastora met Blandón in Miami in January 1985 seeking cocaine funds for Contra operations; LA CI-1 told the Inspector General he meant the funds were cocaine money, not that Pastora knew it, and that Blandón, drunk at a Miami party, produced no money. The Rolodex from Blandón's car lot listed a number for Pastora in Costa Rica.[^12][^13][^14] In the January 1987 Operation Perico reports, DEA CI-1 recorded that Blandón's organization had given Pastora weapons until two years earlier, that Pastora lived in a Blandón house, and, separately, that Pastora lived in Meneses's house in Costa Rica and told Meneses he wanted to enter cocaine trafficking to funnel money to the Contras and asked Meneses to find a buyer for a DC-3 at Ilopango, with Aguado as his representative in El Salvador.[^15] Webb wrote that Pastora got money and trucks from Blandón and that the physician Felix Saborio, a Blandón friend, became his Cuban-community liaison in Miami and an ARDE fundraiser; Pastora said of both, "Blandón and Saborio . . . both vanished from my ranks when it became clear that I was not willing to march to the tune of the CIA."[^3]
 
-Webb also relayed that Pastora visited Blandón's silk-screen shop in Los Angeles in 1982, where T-shirts with his likeness were printed, and a *San Francisco Chronicle* report in 1994 that he attended a weapons demonstration at a firing range near the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] in 1981, a claim Webb wrote Pastora both confirmed and denied.[^13] Blandón said he arranged a presentation by [[Ronald Lister]] of weapons for Contra leaders including Pastora and Adolfo Chamorro, who showed no interest; a handwritten note seized from Lister's home in 1986 listed the names of several CIA officers working with Pastora's ARDE, Webb wrote.[^7][^3]
+Webb also relayed that Pastora visited Blandón's silk-screen shop in Los Angeles in 1982, where T-shirts with his likeness were printed, and a *San Francisco Chronicle* report in 1994 that he attended a weapons demonstration at a firing range near the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] in 1981, a claim Webb wrote Pastora both confirmed and denied.[^16] Blandón said he arranged a presentation by [[Ronald Lister]] of weapons for Contra leaders including Pastora and Adolfo Chamorro, who showed no interest; a handwritten note seized from Lister's home in 1986 listed the names of several CIA officers working with Pastora's ARDE, Webb wrote.[^3][^10]
 
 ### Later years
 
@@ -90,10 +92,13 @@ Webb wrote that Pastora said the CIA had targeted him after he refused to merge
 [^4]: Associated Press, "Eden Pastora, Nicaraguan revolutionary, dead at 83," June 16, 2020, https://www.news4jax.com/news/2020/06/16/eden-pastora-nicarguan-revolutionary-dead-at-83/
 [^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 5: "God, Fatherland and Freedom." Sole source for the passages so cited.
 [^6]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Cast of Characters. Sole source for the passages so cited.
-[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General, *Report of Investigation: Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States (96-0143-IG)*, Volume I: The California Story, January 29, 1998, Findings (Ross, Blandon, Meneses), https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine/findings1.html
-[^8]: U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (the Kerry report), December 1988, p. 38, quoting the August 5, 1987 testimony of the CIA Central American Task Force chief before the Iran-Contra Committees, https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
-[^9]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter IV, section B (OIG investigation regarding support of the Contras by Blandon and Meneses), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch04p2.htm
-[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions* (December 1997, released July 1998), Chapter II (Oscar Danilo Blandon), sections A-D, https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch02p1.htm
-[^11]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter IV, section A (sources of the allegations), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch04p1.htm
-[^12]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter II, section G (the 1987 Los Angeles OCDETF investigation), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch02p4.htm
-[^13]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty." Sole source for the passages so cited.
+[^7]: CIA Inspector General, *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States*, Volume II (October 8, 1998), Marcos Antonio Aguado section of the Southern Front chapter, https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/south.html
+[^8]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (December 1988), pp. 37, 50 to 52, https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
+[^9]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy: The Cartel, Haiti and Central America*, Part 3, hearing of April 7, 1988, testimony of Jorge Morales (pp. 297 to 300) and videotaped depositions of October 31, 1987, https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41152832_0005. Gary Webb, in Dark Alliance (1998), dates the "CIA agents" statement to 1986 congressional testimony, and his chapter notes give April 7, 1986 and March 27, 1987.
+[^10]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General, *Report of Investigation: Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States (96-0143-IG)*, Volume I: The California Story, January 29, 1998, Findings (Ross, Blandon, Meneses), https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine/findings1.html
+[^11]: U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (the Kerry report), December 1988, p. 38, quoting the August 5, 1987 testimony of the CIA Central American Task Force chief before the Iran-Contra Committees, https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
+[^12]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter IV, section B (OIG investigation regarding support of the Contras by Blandon and Meneses), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch04p2.htm
+[^13]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions* (December 1997, released July 1998), Chapter II (Oscar Danilo Blandon), sections A-D, https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch02p1.htm
+[^14]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter IV, section A (sources of the allegations), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch04p1.htm
+[^15]: U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy* (December 1997), Chapter II, section G (the 1987 Los Angeles OCDETF investigation), https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/archive/special/9712/ch02p4.htm
+[^16]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty." Sole source for the passages so cited.

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Garry Reid.md

@@ -13,9 +13,17 @@ According to Elizondo, Garry Reid was part of a hostile leadership environment w
 
 Following Elizondo's public disclosure of AATIP, Elizondo wrote that Reid launched a "scorched-earth" campaign against him. This included seizing his computers and files, questioning his former employees, and launching a criminal inquiry with the Air Force [[Office of Special Investigations]] (AFOSI) into the release of the three UAP videos. This investigation ultimately found no wrongdoing on Elizondo's part. Reid was also allegedly responsible for the Pentagon's public statements that falsely denied Elizondo's involvement with AATIP.[^1]
 
+### Information memoranda on Elizondo and AATIP
+
+An information memorandum headed "FROM: Garry Reid, Director for Defense Intelligence, Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence" answers six questions from the Secretary of Defense about Luis Elizondo and the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program (AATIP). It states that Elizondo "has provided three different explanations for his sudden resignation," and: "To the best of my knowledge, he had no job responsibilities related to the AATIP. The AATIP was terminated in 2012."[^2]
+
+The memorandum gives Elizondo's assignment to the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence as September 28, 2008 to October 4, 2017, and records that he submitted a resignation letter on October 3, 2017 requesting immediate termination of his employment. It states that the Office of Special Investigations was conducting an inquiry to determine whether Elizondo mishandled classified information, and that its informal assessment "did not find any wrongdoing by Mr. Elizondo."[^2] A second memorandum, "Update on Media Reporting Related to the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program," refers to events of December 2017 and states that Elizondo "affirms his alleged role in leading the AATIP program" in a television interview.[^2]
+
 ### Inspector General Investigation
 
-Garry Reid was the subject of a [[Department of Defense]] Inspector General (IG) investigation into numerous allegations, including maintaining an inappropriate relationship with a subordinate, sexual harassment, and fostering a hostile work environment. The IG eventually concluded that Reid had violated Joint Ethics Regulations. He was later reassigned from the OUSD(I) to the DIA as a "special advisor."[^1]
+Garry Reid was the subject of a Department of Defense Inspector General (IG) investigation into numerous allegations, including maintaining an inappropriate relationship with a subordinate, sexual harassment, and fostering a hostile work environment. The IG eventually concluded that Reid had violated Joint Ethics Regulations. He was later reassigned from the OUSD(I) to the DIA as a "special advisor."[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
+
 [^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024.
+[^2]: Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, information memoranda, "Response to Your Questions on the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program (AATIP) and Actions of Former DoD Employee Luis Elizondo," from Garry Reid, Director for Defense Intelligence, and "Update on Media Reporting Related to the Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program," both undated, with Elizondo's resignation letter of October 3, 2017 at Tab B. https://www.esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/FOID/Reading%20Room/UFOsandUAPs/18-F-0324_Docs.pdf

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Harold Okimoto.md

@@ -1,16 +1,37 @@
 ---
+aliases:
+  - Harold Tadao Okimoto
 category: "Organized Crime"
 tags:
   - Person
   - OrganizedCrime
-summary: "Okimoto's company, Island Tobacco, was said to sell cigarettes at the Casino du Liban, which was controlled by the Syrian mob and used as a front by narcotics people.[1]"
+  - Yakuza
+  - Hawaii
+  - TheOctopus
+summary: "Honolulu businessman whom Robert Booth Nichols listed as a former employer, whose address an FBI wiretap affidavit tied to Nichols in 1987, and whom Spy's sources called a high-ranking Yakuza figure."
+relations:
+  - type: director_of
+    with: "[[Meridian International Logistics]]"
+    role: "director of the subsidiary Meridian Arms, per Seymour 1992 (sole source)"
+    fn: 5
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
-[[Harold Okimoto]] is a figure linked to [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and alleged organized crime activities, particularly the [[Yakuza]]. He is described as a 67-year-old car dealer in Hawaii and believed by some sources to be a top Japanese organized crime figure based in Hawaii, acting as a top agent in the [[Yakuza]] overseas.[1]
+Harold Okimoto is a figure linked to [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and alleged organized crime activities, particularly the [[Yakuza]]. He is described as a 67-year-old car dealer in Hawaii and believed by some sources to be a top Japanese organized crime figure based in Hawaii, acting as a top agent in the Yakuza overseas.[^1]
 
-[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] was under Okimoto's influence and referred to Nichols as Okimoto's "god-son." Okimoto was also represented as an intelligence person who had worked under [[Frank Carlucci]] for years, and reportedly performed services for the [[United States|U.S. government]] during [[World War II]], for which he was rewarded.[1]
+[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that Nichols was under Okimoto's influence and referred to Nichols as Okimoto's "god-son." Okimoto was also represented as an intelligence person who had worked under [[Frank Carlucci]] for years, and reportedly performed services for the [[United States|U.S. government]] during [[World War II]], for which he was rewarded.[^1]
 
-The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that Okimoto's company, [[Island Tobacco]], sold cigarettes at the Casino du Liban, which was controlled by the [[Syria|Syrian]] mob and used as a front by narcotics people.[1]
+The writer Cheri Seymour wrote that Okimoto's company, [[Island Tobacco]], sold cigarettes at the Casino du Liban, which was controlled by the [[Syria|Syrian]] mob and used as a front by narcotics people.[^1]
+
+### FBI Affidavit and Hawaii Registrations
+
+The 1987 continuation wiretap affidavit of the FBI agent [[Thomas Gates]] states that a Hawaii-plated car seen after [[Eugene Giaquinto]]'s July 15, 1987 meeting was registered to [[Wells Fargo]] at a Honolulu residential address where a Harold Tadao Okimoto lived, which was also the address Nichols gave at his 1985 arrest; that Honolulu police records showed Okimoto arrested for gambling in 1977; and that Hawaii motor-vehicle records showed more than fifty vehicles registered to Wells Fargo Bank at different residences, while the bank had no auto-leasing business or banking facilities in Hawaii under that name. Gates wrote that the registration method led him to believe "some type of covert activity may be involved."[^2] On July 27, 1987 Nichols gave Giaquinto the same Hawaii telephone number he had given at his 1985 arrest, saying "Harold (possibly Okimoto)" would have a tape put on the answering machine.[^2]
+
+[[Peter Zokosky]] told Seymour and [[Kelly O'Meara]] in 2001 that Nichols had once been caught stealing from Okimoto in Hawaii, after which Okimoto brought him into his business. Seymour summarized a December 2, 1982 FBI Los Angeles report as stating that Okimoto took Nichols "under his wing" in Honolulu and had reportedly been involved in racketeering since 1962.[^3] John Connolly reported in [[Spy (magazine)|Spy]] in January 1993 that Nichols listed Okimoto as a former employer on a weapons-permit application and that intelligence sources believed Okimoto a high-ranking member of the Yakuza.[^4] Seymour's 1992 VORTEX account lists Okimoto among the directors of Meridian Arms, the subsidiary of [[Meridian International Logistics]].[^5]
 
----
 ### Footnotes
-[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
+
+[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the passages so cited.
+[^2]: Affidavit of Special Agent Thomas G. Gates in support of an application to continue interception of wire communications of Martin Bacow, Eugene Giaquinto, Joseph Garofalo, Robert Nichols and others, before Judge J. Spencer Letts, C.D. Cal. (continuation affidavit citing intercepts through September 1, 1987), Danny Casolaro papers, folder "Gates." https://archive.org/details/casolaro-notebooks (file Gates.pdf), paragraphs 46 and 84.
+[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010, chapter 22. Sole source.
+[^4]: Connolly, John. "The Story That Killed Danny Casolaro." *Spy,* January 1993. https://archive.org/details/SpyMagazine
+[^5]: Seymour, Cheri. "VORTEX," diary dated February 24, 1992, p. 11. https://archive.org/details/VORTEXDocument

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Igor Smirnov.md

@@ -72,7 +72,7 @@ Weinberger reported in 2007 that the movement of Smirnov's technology toward the
 
 ### March 1993: Virginia and Waco
 
-*Defense Electronics* reported in July 1993 that "in a series of closed meetings beginning March 17 in suburban Northern Virginia with Dr. Igor Smirnov of the Moscow Medical Academy, FBI officials were briefed" on his decade of research, "a few weeks before" the April 19 fire at Waco. An unnamed participant said "it was suggested to us [by other federal officials] that they bring in the FBI, which was looking for a viable option to deal with Koresh." The account, which the article said was confirmed by an executive summary memorandum of [[Psychotechnologies Corp.]], a Richmond, Virginia firm owning the American rights to the technology, described the siege as "an ongoing domestic hostage situation." After several meetings the FBI officials, who "repeatedly expressed fears" that [[David Koresh]] and his followers were suicidal, asked for a proposal describing requirements and procedures for use at Waco. "They wanted the Russians to promise zero risk," the participant said, "but the Russians wouldn't do that"; and Smirnov had brought only "entry-level equipment," with more sophisticated hardware to be "rushed over from Russia." Officials of the CIA, the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] and the [[Advanced Research Projects Agency]] were also present, according to the source; spokesmen for those agencies did not return calls.[^2]
+*Defense Electronics* reported in July 1993 that "in a series of closed meetings beginning March 17 in suburban Northern Virginia with Dr. Igor Smirnov of the Moscow Medical Academy, FBI officials were briefed" on his decade of research, "a few weeks before" the April 19 fire at Waco. An unnamed participant said "it was suggested to us [by other federal officials] that they bring in the FBI, which was looking for a viable option to deal with Koresh." The account, which the article said was confirmed by an executive summary memorandum of [[Psychotechnologies Corp.]], a Richmond, Virginia firm owning the American rights to the technology, described the siege as "an ongoing domestic hostage situation." After several meetings the FBI officials, who "repeatedly expressed fears" that [[David Koresh]] and his followers were suicidal, asked for a proposal describing requirements and procedures for use at Waco. "They wanted the Russians to promise zero risk," the participant said, "but the Russians wouldn't do that"; and Smirnov had brought only "entry-level equipment," with more sophisticated hardware to be "rushed over from Russia." Officials of the CIA, the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] and the [[DARPA|Advanced Research Projects Agency]] were also present, according to the source; spokesmen for those agencies did not return calls.[^2]
 
 Non-military attendees at the Virginia meetings and at a series of later briefings by "the two Russians" at the [[University of Kansas Medical Center]] in [[Topeka]] included [[Richard Nakamura]] of the [[National Institute of Mental Health]] and "Dr. Christopher Green, director of General Motors Corp. (GM) biomedical research department in [[Detroit]]." A GM spokesman said Green attended in his capacity as a member of a National Academy of Sciences panel on 21st-century Army technologies and that "this has no connection to anything being done by GM." Dr. [[Fowler Jones]] of the University of Kansas Medical Center's psychology division said the session was "really more of a presentation than an actual demonstration because, unfortunately, a lot of the software we couldn't get going," and that he and colleagues were seeking funding to test the technology in the treatment of alcoholism and other addictions.[^2] The Green named in the article is identified in the page for [[Kit Green]].
 

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jay Stratton.md

@@ -8,24 +8,24 @@ relations:
     with: "[[Defense Intelligence Agency]]"
     start: 2009
     role: "AAWSAP and AATIP investigator and recruiter of Elizondo; in Elizondo's account helped create AAWSAP, wrote the report on the 2004 Nimitz encounter and the OPLAN Interloper proposal"
-    fn: 2
+    fn: 5
   - type: director_of
     with: "[[UAP Task Force]]"
     role: "first director, per Elizondo, after the Secretary of Defense announced the task force"
-    fn: 5
+    fn: 8
   - type: employed_by
     with: "[[Radiance Technologies]]"
     start: 2022-05-12
     role: "subject matter expert for intelligence strategy, member of the chief executive's strategy team, per the company release of May 12, 2022"
-    fn: 6
-updated: 2026-10-03
+    fn: 9
+updated: 2026-10-08
 summary: "In early 2009, Jay Stratton, along with a colleague, approached Luis Elizondo to recruit him for a highly classified program at the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)."
 ---
 [[Jay Stratton]] is a former US Navy intelligence officer who played a crucial role in the [[Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program]] (AATIP) and later became the first director of the [[UAP Task Force]]. He was instrumental in recruiting [[Luis Elizondo]] into the UAP investigation effort and was a key investigator and strategist throughout the process.[^1]
 
 ### Recruitment of Luis Elizondo
 
-In early 2009, Jay Stratton, along with a colleague, approached [[Luis Elizondo]] to recruit him for a highly classified program at the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA). Stratton, who Elizondo pegged as a fellow special operator, explained that the program, initially known as [[AAWSAP]], was focused on "unconventional technologies" and required a senior intelligence officer to handle counterintelligence and security.[^1]
+In early 2009, Jay Stratton, along with a colleague, approached Luis Elizondo to recruit him for a highly classified program at the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA). Stratton, who Elizondo pegged as a fellow special operator, explained that the program, initially known as [[AAWSAP]], was focused on "unconventional technologies" and required a senior intelligence officer to handle counterintelligence and security.[^1]
 
 ### Role in AATIP
 
@@ -35,26 +35,39 @@ When AATIP faced internal opposition and lost its funding, Stratton worked with
 
 ### UAP Task Force
 
-After Elizondo's resignation from the Pentagon, Stratton remained in the government and was tasked by Navy intelligence leadership to build a whole-of-government interagency task force to continue the UAP investigation. This effort, which he built from the ground up, became the Pentagon's [[UAP Task Force]], and Stratton was named its first director. In this role, he continued to push the UAP issue forward within the government, briefing members of Congress and the [[White House]] [[National Security Council]], and laying the groundwork for future legislative action.[^1]
+After Elizondo's resignation from the Pentagon, Stratton remained in the government and was tasked by Navy intelligence leadership to build a whole-of-government interagency task force to continue the UAP investigation. This effort, which he built from the ground up, became the Pentagon's UAP Task Force, and Stratton was named its first director. In this role, he continued to push the UAP issue forward within the government, briefing members of Congress and the [[White House]] [[National Security Council]], and laying the groundwork for future legislative action.[^1]
+
+### Charter and the 2021 briefing title
+
+The charter of the task force, dated September 1, 2020 and issued by the [[Naval Intelligence Activity]], states that "Leadership of the Task Force will be designated by the Director of the Naval Intelligence Activity."[^2] The title slide of a briefing for the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence]] dated May 17, 2021 carries the title Director, UAP Task Force, Naval Intelligence Activity, without printing a name.[^3]
+
+### The triangular photograph
+
+In December 2020 [[The Debrief]] reported a photograph of a triangular object rising from the ocean, attributed to an F/A-18 pilot. Emails of December 3 and 4, 2020, released under FOIA case 21-F-0299, include a message from the Deputy Chief of Naval Operations office to [[Susan Gough]] that reads "Jay [Stratton] tells me the photo is part of the active investigation, so it would probably be withheld from release for that reason."[^4]
+
+In a statement to [[The Black Vault]], Stratton said: "At the time of this email exchange, the story in The Debrief, and the claim that an F/A-18 pilot had provided a photograph of a triangle emerging from the ocean, I was handling multiple cases." He added: "We had photographs from F/A-18 pilots, instances of UAP that appeared triangular/pyramidal, and other unrelated cases." The Black Vault reported that no such photograph "was ever received by the UAPTF." Asked why he did not correct the record, Stratton said: "Keep in mind that's an email on an unclassified system. I don't recall if I corrected it on a separate system at the time, but generally, there was no formal process for publicly addressing inaccuracies related to potentially classified reporting."[^4]
 
 ### Stratton in Elizondo's account
 
-Elizondo described Stratton in early 2009 as "a serious male in his midthirties," who "helped create something called the AAWSAP," and who with a colleague he calls "[[Rosemary Caine]]" arrived at his Arlington office wearing blue credentials identifying them as government intelligence officials.[^2] He wrote that Stratton "investigated the incident before I joined the team" and "had written a detailed AAWSAP/AATIP report" on the Nimitz encounter of November 2004, and that pilots later told Stratton they had been debriefed by intelligence officers and saw no follow-up.[^3] He wrote that Stratton drafted the operation plan "Interloper," "a classic 'honey pot,'" with dates, call signs, ship names and radar data, which the Joint Staff declined to give a compartment designation in late 2016, and that Stratton proposed the term unidentified aerial phenomena in place of UFO.[^4] After the resignation, Elizondo wrote, Stratton fielded briefing requests from members of Congress, Navy intelligence leadership tasked him with building a whole-of-government task force with members from the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], the [[National Reconnaissance Office]], [[NASA]] and the Federal Aviation Administration, the Secretary of Defense announced the UAP Task Force "after a couple of years" and named Stratton its first director, and the [[Legacy Program]] then "started quietly pushing back on Jay."[^5]
+Elizondo described Stratton in early 2009 as "a serious male in his midthirties," who "helped create something called the AAWSAP," and who with a colleague he calls "[[Rosemary Caine]]" arrived at his Arlington office wearing blue credentials identifying them as government intelligence officials.[^5] He wrote that Stratton "investigated the incident before I joined the team" and "had written a detailed AAWSAP/AATIP report" on the Nimitz encounter of November 2004, and that pilots later told Stratton they had been debriefed by intelligence officers and saw no follow-up.[^6] He wrote that Stratton drafted the operation plan "Interloper," "a classic 'honey pot,'" with dates, call signs, ship names and radar data, which the Joint Staff declined to give a compartment designation in late 2016, and that Stratton proposed the term unidentified aerial phenomena in place of UFO.[^7] After the resignation, Elizondo wrote, Stratton fielded briefing requests from members of Congress, Navy intelligence leadership tasked him with building a whole-of-government task force with members from the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], the [[National Reconnaissance Office]], [[NASA]] and the Federal Aviation Administration, the Secretary of Defense announced the UAP Task Force "after a couple of years" and named Stratton its first director, and the [[Legacy Program]] then "started quietly pushing back on Jay."[^8]
 
 ### Radiance Technologies
 
-[[Radiance Technologies]] announced on May 12, 2022 the hiring of Stratton, as "John F. Stratton Jr.," for the position of subject matter expert for intelligence strategy. The release states that he was "recently retired" from his role as Defense Intelligence Senior Executive with the [[Office of Naval Intelligence]], with more than 32 years in the national intelligence community, that as a member of the chief executive's strategy team he would lead and develop efforts in scientific and technical intelligence, and that "Most recently, he was the first Director of the Unidentified Aerial Phenomenon Task Force (UAPTF)." It quotes Radiance president [[Tim Tinsley]] and quotes Stratton: "I am very excited to join Radiance Technologies."[^6]
+[[Radiance Technologies]] announced on May 12, 2022 the hiring of Stratton, as "John F. Stratton Jr.," for the position of subject matter expert for intelligence strategy. The release states that he was "recently retired" from his role as Defense Intelligence Senior Executive with the [[Office of Naval Intelligence]], with more than 32 years in the national intelligence community, that as a member of the chief executive's strategy team he would lead and develop efforts in scientific and technical intelligence, and that "Most recently, he was the first Director of the Unidentified Aerial Phenomenon Task Force (UAPTF)." It quotes Radiance president [[Tim Tinsley]] and quotes Stratton: "I am very excited to join Radiance Technologies."[^9]
 
-[[George Knapp]] of [[KLAS-TV]] reported on May 24, 2022 that "In January 2021 ... Stratton was surprisingly transferred out of the job" at the Task Force, and that Stratton "has never spoken publicly about his work and is not commenting now."[^7] In a report posted October 13, 2022, Knapp wrote that Stratton urged Radiance to hire [[Travis Taylor]], and quoted Taylor: "Jay and I are working on growing the capabilities, doing reverse engineering of foreign materials."[^8] [[Liberation Times]] reported on December 3, 2023, in an article in which the attorney [[Daniel Sheehan]] alleged that the CIA supplies Radiance with non-human materials, that "multiple sources" had told it the allegation was untrue and that Stratton and Taylor "are long-time advocates for more transparency on this topic and are in no way involved in any coverup." Details are on [[Radiance Technologies]].[^9]
+[[George Knapp]] of [[KLAS-TV]] reported on May 24, 2022 that "In January 2021 ... Stratton was surprisingly transferred out of the job" at the Task Force, and that Stratton "has never spoken publicly about his work and is not commenting now."[^10] In a report posted October 13, 2022, Knapp wrote that Stratton urged Radiance to hire [[Travis Taylor]], and quoted Taylor: "Jay and I are working on growing the capabilities, doing reverse engineering of foreign materials."[^11] [[Liberation Times]] reported on December 3, 2023, in an article in which the attorney [[Daniel Sheehan]] alleged that the CIA supplies Radiance with non-human materials, that "multiple sources" had told it the allegation was untrue and that Stratton and Taylor "are long-time advocates for more transparency on this topic and are in no way involved in any coverup." Details are on Radiance Technologies.[^12]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024.
-[^2]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 5 to 14.
-[^3]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 71 to 73.
-[^4]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 143, 147 and 186 (Interloper at pp. 143 and 186; the term UAP at p. 186).
-[^5]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 211 and 223 (task force and first director at p. 223).
-[^6]: "John F. Stratton Jr. Joins Radiance Technologies as SME for Intel Strategy," Radiance Technologies, PR Newswire, May 12, 2022, read in the Internet Archive capture of the same date. https://web.archive.org/web/20220512145721/https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/john-f-stratton-jr-joins-radiance-technologies-as-sme-for-intel-strategy-301546258.html
-[^7]: George Knapp, "More UFO hearings? Congress might consider hearing from these 2 men," 8 News Now (KLAS), May 24, 2022. https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/?p=1136519
-[^8]: George Knapp, "Is this company working with alien technology in Nevada?" KLAS 8 News Now, posted October 13, 2022 (Pacific time). https://www.8newsnow.com/news/local-news/is-this-company-working-with-alien-technology-in-nevada/
-[^9]: Christopher Sharp, "Daniel Sheehan Exposes Five Powerful Republicans Blocking UFO Disclosure Act, As The Clock Ticks Down," Liberation Times, December 3, 2023. Sole source for the Sheehan allegation and the denial so cited. https://www.liberationtimes.com/home/daniel-sheehan-exposes-five-powerful-republicans-blocking-ufo-disclosure-act-as-the-clock-ticks-down
+[^2]: Naval Intelligence Activity, "Charter for Unidentified Aerial Phenomenon Task Force," Ser NW20S0068, September 1, 2020, in the Department of the Navy final response in FOIA case DON-2021-003140, April 22, 2025. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/navy/DON-2021-003140.pdf
+[^3]: Naval Intelligence Activity, "Unidentified Aerial Phenomena" briefing for the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, May 17, 2021, title slide. https://documents2.theblackvault.com/documents/ufos/UAPTFHPSCIBriefRedacted.pdf
+[^4]: The Black Vault, "FOIA-Released Emails Mention Alleged Triangular UAP Photo; Former UAP Task Force Director Speaks Out," FOIA case 21-F-0299. https://www.theblackvault.com/documentarchive/foia-released-emails-mention-alleged-triangular-uap-photo-former-uap-task-force-director-speaks-out/
+[^5]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 5 to 14.
+[^6]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 71 to 73.
+[^7]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 143, 147 and 186 (Interloper at pp. 143 and 186; the term UAP at p. 186).
+[^8]: Luis Elizondo, *Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs* (New York: William Morrow, 2024), pp. 211 and 223 (task force and first director at p. 223).
+[^9]: "John F. Stratton Jr. Joins Radiance Technologies as SME for Intel Strategy," Radiance Technologies, PR Newswire, May 12, 2022, read in the Internet Archive capture of the same date. https://web.archive.org/web/20220512145721/https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/john-f-stratton-jr-joins-radiance-technologies-as-sme-for-intel-strategy-301546258.html
+[^10]: George Knapp, "More UFO hearings? Congress might consider hearing from these 2 men," 8 News Now (KLAS), May 24, 2022. https://digital-release.8newsnow.com/?p=1136519
+[^11]: George Knapp, "Is this company working with alien technology in Nevada?" KLAS 8 News Now, posted October 13, 2022 (Pacific time). https://www.8newsnow.com/news/local-news/is-this-company-working-with-alien-technology-in-nevada/
+[^12]: Christopher Sharp, "Daniel Sheehan Exposes Five Powerful Republicans Blocking UFO Disclosure Act, As The Clock Ticks Down," Liberation Times, December 3, 2023. Sole source for the Sheehan allegation and the denial so cited. https://www.liberationtimes.com/home/daniel-sheehan-exposes-five-powerful-republicans-blocking-ufo-disclosure-act-as-the-clock-ticks-down

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/John Poindexter.md

@@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
 ---
 created: 2026-05-17
-updated: 2026-05-17
+updated: 2026-10-08
 title: John Poindexter
 aliases:
   - John Poindexter
@@ -16,9 +16,16 @@ tags:
   - 1980s
   - 1990s
   - 2000s
-summary: "Vice Admiral John Poindexter served as Reagan's National Security Adviser from December 1985 to November 1986, authorized the Iran-Contra diversion without informing the president, was convicted on five counts before reversal on immunized-testimony grounds, and later directed DARPA's Total Information Awareness program until Congress terminated it in 2003."
+summary: "Vice Admiral John Poindexter was Reagan's National Security Adviser in 1985 and 1986, authorized the Iran-Contra diversion, had his convictions reversed, and directed DARPA's Information Awareness Office from 2002 to 2003."
 born: 1936-08-12
 location: "Washington, D.C."
+relations:
+  - type: employed_by
+    with: "[[DARPA]]"
+    start: 2002-01
+    end: 2003-08-29
+    role: "director, Information Awareness Office"
+    fn: 3
 ---
 
 John Marlan Poindexter was born August 12, 1936. He graduated first in his class from the [[U.S. Naval Academy]] in 1958 and earned a PhD in nuclear physics from the [[California Institute of Technology]] in 1964. He pursued a naval career that included service in the Pentagon's [[National Security Council]] staff, rising to military assistant to President Reagan's National Security Advisers before assuming the position himself.[^1]
@@ -39,11 +46,15 @@ The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed Poindexter's conviction in November 1
 
 ### Total Information Awareness
 
-In 2002, the [[George W. Bush|Bush]] administration appointed Poindexter to direct the Information Awareness Office at [[DARPA]], a research program focused on mining large-scale databases for intelligence indicators. The office developed the Total Information Awareness (TIA) system, which proposed aggregating commercial, government, and intelligence databases to identify patterns predictive of terrorist activity.
+[[DARPA]] created the [[Information Awareness Office]] in mid-January 2002, under the [[George W. Bush|Bush]] administration, and Poindexter directed it.[^3] The office, a research program focused on mining large-scale databases for intelligence indicators, developed the Total Information Awareness (TIA) system, which proposed aggregating commercial, government, and intelligence databases to identify patterns predictive of terrorist activity.
 
-When TIA became publicly known in late 2002, it generated intense opposition from civil liberties organizations and members of Congress, who argued that the system constituted a mass domestic surveillance infrastructure. Poindexter's own Iran-Contra history - including his conviction and its reversal - was cited repeatedly in the congressional debate over TIA. Poindexter resigned from DARPA in August 2003, and Congress terminated TIA funding.[^1]
+When TIA became publicly known in late 2002, it generated intense opposition from civil liberties organizations and members of Congress, who argued that the system constituted a mass domestic surveillance infrastructure. Poindexter's own Iran-Contra history (including his conviction and its reversal) was cited repeatedly in the congressional debate over TIA. On August 12, 2003 Poindexter submitted a five-page letter of resignation to DARPA director [[Anthony Tether]], effective August 29.[^3] The conference report on the fiscal 2004 defense appropriations act provided in Section 8131 that none of the funds may be obligated "for the Terrorism Information Awareness Program," excepting processing, analysis and collaboration tools for counterterrorism foreign intelligence funded in the National Foreign Intelligence Program, and its joint explanatory statement states that the conferees "direct that the Office be terminated immediately."[^4]
+
+The joint explanatory statement lists four projects previously under the office that may continue under DARPA: Bio-Event Advanced Leading Indicator Recognition Technology, Rapid Analytic Wargaming, Wargaming the Asymmetric Environment, and Automated Speech and Text Exploitation in Multiple Languages, including Babylon and Symphony.[^4]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
 [^1]: Tower Commission Report (President's Special Review Board). *The Tower Commission Report*. Bantam Books/Times Books, 1987. U.S. Congress, Joint Committees on Iran-Contra. *Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair*. 100th Congress, 1st Session, 1987.
 [^2]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-Up*. W.W. Norton, 1997. Walsh, Lawrence E. *Iran-Contra: The Final Report*. Random House, 1994.
+[^3]: Dan Caterinicchia, "Poindexter leaving DARPA," *Nextgov/FCW*, August 13, 2003. https://www.nextgov.com/people/2003/08/poindexter-leaving-darpa/201670/
+[^4]: Congressional Record, House, September 24, 2003, Conference Report on H.R. 2658, Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2004 (House Report 108-283), Sec. 8131 and Joint Explanatory Statement. https://sgp.fas.org/congress/2003/tia.html

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Lynn Schroeder.md

@@ -5,11 +5,15 @@ tags:
   - Stargate
   - Soviet
 summary: "Schroeder and Ostrander's work, which included accounts from figures like Eduard Naumov, contributed to the growing awareness and concern within the U.S."
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
 [[Lynn Schroeder]] is an American author who, along with [[Sheila Ostrander]], co-authored the 1970 book *Psychic Discoveries Behind the [[Iron Curtain]]*. This book played a significant role in popularizing Soviet and Eastern European [[Parapsychology|psi]] research in the West. The book portrayed a "veritable frenzy of psychic research" going on in the [[Soviet Union|USSR]], with investigators uncovering powerful natural clairvoyants, psychokinetic prodigies, and dowsers whose talents could potentially be employed against the West.[^1]
 
+The book's account of the [[The Nautilus (Telepathy Project)|Nautilus]] reports, on pages 6 to 8, quotes [[Leonid Vasiliev]]'s April 1960 statement that "Today the American Navy is testing telepathy on their atomic submarines," and records that the Navy "denied the Nautilus story in tones of demi-horror."[^2]
+
 Schroeder and Ostrander's work, which included accounts from figures like [[Eduard Naumov]], contributed to the growing awareness and concern within the U.S. intelligence community about a potential "psi gap" with the Soviet Union, ultimately influencing the decision to fund and initiate programs like the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]].[^1]
 
----
+### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
+[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
+[^2]: Ostrander, Sheila, and Lynn Schroeder. *Psychic Discoveries Behind the Iron Curtain*. Prentice-Hall, 1970, pp. 6-7. Sole source for the passages so cited.

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Marco Rubio.md

@@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ tags:
   - Person
   - UFO
   - Politician
-summary: "Senator Rubio was the chief sponsor of the bill that mandated the Director of National Intelligence to produce an unclassified report on UAP, which led to the landmark June 2021 'Preliminary Assessment: Unidentified Aerial Phenomena.' He has been a vocal advocate for taking the UAP issue seriously,"
+summary: "Florida senator who submitted the Senate Intelligence Committee report of June 2020 that directed the 2021 ODNI assessment of unidentified aerial phenomena, and an advocate of UAP transparency legislation."
 born: 1971-05-28
 location: "Miami, Florida"
 ---
@@ -12,9 +12,13 @@ location: "Miami, Florida"
 
 ### Support for UAP Legislation
 
-Senator Rubio was the chief sponsor of the bill that mandated the [[Director of National Intelligence]] to produce an unclassified report on UAP, which led to the landmark June 2021 "Preliminary Assessment: Unidentified Aerial Phenomena." He has been a vocal advocate for taking the UAP issue seriously, stating that "There is a lot we still don’t know about these UAP and that is a big problem. We’ve taken some important steps over the last few years to increase transparency and reduce stigmas, but more needs to be done."[^1]
+On June 17, 2020 Rubio submitted, from the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, the committee's report accompanying S. 3905, the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021. The report directs the [[Director of National Intelligence]], in consultation with the Secretary of Defense, to submit within 180 days a report on unidentified aerial phenomena, which the [[Office of the Director of National Intelligence]] issued on June 25, 2021 as its "Preliminary Assessment: Unidentified Aerial Phenomena."[^2][^3] On December 21, 2020 Rubio had the joint explanatory statement for the act printed in the Congressional Record; the statement provides that it "incorporates by reference, and the Executive Branch shall comply with, all direction contained in" S. Rept. 116-233.[^4] Luis Elizondo described Rubio as the chief sponsor of the bill.[^1] He has been a vocal advocate for taking the UAP issue seriously, stating that "There is a lot we still don’t know about these UAP and that is a big problem. We’ve taken some important steps over the last few years to increase transparency and reduce stigmas, but more needs to be done."[^1]
 
 He has worked closely with a bipartisan group of senators, including [[Kirsten Gillibrand]] and [[Chuck Schumer]], as well as with [[Christopher Mellon]] and [[Luis Elizondo]], to draft and pass legislation that has established a permanent UAP office ([[All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office|AARO]]) and created a secure process for whistleblowers to report UAP-related information to Congress. His leadership on this issue has been a critical factor in the recent progress of the UAP disclosure movement.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
+
 [^1]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent*. William Morrow, 2024.
+[^2]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Intelligence, "Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021," S. Rept. 116-233, June 17, 2020, cover and pp. 11 to 12. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-116srpt233/pdf/CRPT-116srpt233.pdf
+[^3]: Office of the Director of National Intelligence, "Preliminary Assessment: Unidentified Aerial Phenomena," June 25, 2021, p. 2. https://www.dni.gov/files/ODNI/documents/assessments/Prelimary-Assessment-UAP-20210625.pdf
+[^4]: Congressional Record, vol. 166, no. 218, December 21, 2020, pp. S7932 to S7934, joint explanatory statement for the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021. https://irp.fas.org/congress/2020_cr/fy2021-exp.html

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Pavel Naumov.md

@@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ relations:
     role: "named in the Army-prepared study DST-1810S-387-75 as the conductor of a submarine and rabbit experiment around 1956"
     fn: 1
 created: 2025-08-05
-updated: 2026-10-05
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
 
 Pavel Naumov was a [[Moscow]] psychologist, described by the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] in 1975 as bearing "no relation to the now imprisoned Edward Naumov" ([[Eduard Naumov]]).[^1] [[Sheila Ostrander]] and [[Lynn Schroeder]] wrote that he conducted studies in the noisy atmosphere of a Moscow gynecological clinic, where mothers were housed in a section distant from their babies and "cannot possibly hear them." A mother, he said, showed nervousness when her baby cried, and anxiety when an infant was in pain as a doctor took a blood specimen; "we found communication in 65 percent of our cases," he concluded in a paper at the Congress on Scientific Problems of Telepathy at the [[Popov Society|A. S. Popov Radio-Technology Institute]] in Moscow on February 22, 1968, titled "Methods of Training Telepathic Abilities." He also reported that girls dating boys with telepathic aptitudes correctly received up to 40 percent of the images the boys sent. Ostrander and Schroeder list a second paper, "On the Question of Wordless Transmission of Information," among his publications.[^2]
@@ -37,8 +37,13 @@ The DIA's 1975 study, prepared by the [[U.S. Army Medical Intelligence and Infor
 
 In Ostrander and Schroeder's book the rabbit experiment appears in a chapter that also quotes Pavel Naumov on mothers and infants, but the authors introduce it with "The first day we met Naumov he brought up an extremely interesting 'telepathy' test," in a conversation about the American Nautilus reports, and the Naumov they met on arrival in Moscow was Edward. In that account he put the test "about three years previously," that is, about 1965 rather than 1956, and said the reports "are, I'm sorry to say, not public."[^2] [[Igor Tsykunov]]'s 2023 article records that the submarine-and-rabbit method was repeated in the foreword to [[Lyall Watson]]'s *Supernature* (London, 1976), and that a department under [[Vitaly Perov]] at the [[Institute of Automation and Electrometry]] in [[Novosibirsk]]'s [[Akademgorodok]] sponsored by naval officers ran rabbit telepathy experiments from October 5 to November 16, 1967, after more than two years of preliminary work.[^4] The 1975 DIA study's personnel appendix lists "Naumov, P." among Soviet researchers whose affiliation is unknown.[^1]
 
+When the British delegate [[John Cutten]] asked whether the work implied close cooperation with the government and the military, Naumov answered that Cutten's remark "speaks for itself."[^5] [[Jim Schnabel]] attributes the announcement at the 1968 Moscow conference that the Red Navy had replicated the entire Nautilus experiment to Eduard Naumov.[^6]
+
 ### Footnotes
+
 [^1]: Defense Intelligence Agency, "Soviet and Czechoslovakian Parapsychology Research (U)," DST-1810S-387-75, September 1975, prepared by U.S. Army Medical Intelligence and Information Agency, Part I Section II and appendix, CIA-RDP96-00787R000500420001-2. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp96-00787r000500420001-2
 [^2]: Sheila Ostrander and Lynn Schroeder, *Psychic Discoveries Behind the Iron Curtain* (Prentice-Hall, 1970), chapters 1 and 3 ("Mind-Link, Body-Link") and Partial Bibliography, read in the archive.org copy of the 1984 printing. https://archive.org/details/shelia-ostrander-psychic-discoveries-behind-the-iron-curtain-1984
 [^3]: Annie Jacobsen, *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis* (Little, Brown and Company, 2017).
 [^4]: I. V. Tsykunov, "Ot fantazii k realnosti: kak istoriya Nautilusa otkryla gonku sverkhestestvennykh vooruzheniy mezhdu SSSR i SShA," *Aliter* (2023). https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/ot-fantazii-k-realnosti-kak-istoriya-nautilusa-otkryla-gonku-sverhestestvennyh-vooruzheniy-mezhdu-sssr-i-ssha
+[^5]: Ostrander, Sheila, and Lynn Schroeder. *Psychic Discoveries Behind the Iron Curtain*. Prentice-Hall, 1970, pp. 32-33. Sole source for the passages so cited.
+[^6]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers: The Secret History of America's Psychic Spies*. Dell, 1997, pp. 90-93. Sole source for the passages so cited.

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Robert Booth Nichols.md

@@ -30,47 +30,56 @@ relations:
     with: "[[Samuel Israel III]]"
     start: 2004-07-11
     role: "Financial and Security Consultancy Agreement; ten-million-dollar fee"
-    fn: 5
+    fn: 1
   - type: spouse_of
     with: "[[Ellen M. Nichols]]"
-    fn: 5
+    fn: 1
   - type: director_of
     with: "[[First Intercontinental Development Corporation]]"
     role: "director, senior vice president, chairman of the investment committee (sole source: Seymour)"
-    fn: 1
+    fn: 4
 created: 2024-04-25
-updated: 2026-09-22
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
 
-Robert Booth Nichols was born in the [[United States]] on March 3, 1943.[^5] He was a principal source for the journalist [[Danny Casolaro]] in the investigation Casolaro called [[The Octopus]], and the subject of a [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] organized-crime investigation from 1987.[^2][^3]
+Robert Booth Nichols was born in the [[United States]] on March 3, 1943.[^1] He was a principal source for the journalist [[Danny Casolaro]] in the investigation Casolaro called [[The Octopus]], and the subject of a [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] organized-crime investigation from 1987.[^2][^3]
 
 ### Meridian and the FBI
 
 In September 1987 the FBI's [[Los Angeles]] division opened an investigation of Nichols, who, "acting through Meridian, was suspected of being involved in organized crime"; it was led by Special Agent [[Thomas Gates]], who learned that Nichols "had potential illegal contacts with individuals in both Japan and Australia" and pursued them through the FBI's legal attachés there. On June 16, 1989, Nichols's company, [[Meridian International Logistics]], sued Gates in California state court for eleven million dollars for libel, slander and interference with contracts, alleging that he had told the Australian Federal Police and others that Meridian was involved in organized crime and fraud; the former FBI agent [[Ted Gunderson]] filed a declaration that such foreign contacts "would never, under FBI policies, be initiated by an agent assigned to the Los Angeles field office." The government substituted itself for Gates, and on July 19, 1991, the Ninth Circuit reversed the dismissal of the suit.[^2]
 
-According to [[Cheri Seymour]], the FBI investigated Meridian as "a source of funding for the purchasing of narcotics/controlled substances"; [[Eugene Giaquinto]], president of the home entertainment division of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]], sat on its board, and FBI wiretaps on MCA recorded his calls with Nichols.[^1] Gates swore in a 72-page affidavit to a federal court on an FBI wiretap of figures in the entertainment industry suspected of organized-crime ties; the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]], which heard from Gates that the threads of Casolaro's inquiry led to "a single individual, Robert Booth Nichols," took "no position on any of Gates' assertions or suppositions vis-a-vis Nichols, except to note again that they were duly sworn statements."[^3]
+According to [[Cheri Seymour]], [[Eugene Giaquinto]], president of the home entertainment division of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]], sat on Meridian's board.[^4] Gates's 1987 continuation wiretap affidavit named Nichols, with Giaquinto, [[Joseph Garofalo]] and [[Martin Bacow]], under its stock-fraud offenses, and placed "The source of funding for the purchasing of narcotics/controlled substances" among the matters the intercepts of Giaquinto and Garofalo were to establish under its controlled-substance offenses.[^5] Gates swore in a 72-page affidavit to a federal court on an FBI wiretap of figures in the entertainment industry suspected of organized-crime ties; the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]], which heard from Gates that the threads of Casolaro's inquiry led to "a single individual, Robert Booth Nichols," took "no position on any of Gates' assertions or suppositions vis-a-vis Nichols, except to note again that they were duly sworn statements."[^3]
+
+Gates's sworn affidavits to Judge J. Spencer Letts of the Central District of California (March 27, May 20, June 25, July 15 and August 3, 1987, and a continuation affidavit) listed Nichols among the persons whose calls were to be intercepted. The continuation affidavit gives his employment as Meridian International Logistics, states that California Department of Justice records showed several permits to possess and sell firearms, including machine guns, and states that FBI files showed that in 1978 he "was allegedly an international money launderer for money generated through narcotics trafficking and organized crime (LCN) activities" and "may have been associated with the Gambino LCN family in New York City." It records his 1985 Honolulu arrest for driving under the influence, and FBI surveillance on July 15, 1987 at Le Dome restaurant in which a man Gates compared with Nichols's booking photograph took a box from Giaquinto's trunk.[^5] On July 23, 1987 Gates recorded Giaquinto asking Nichols what to do if Nichols's name came up in connection with [[ZZZZ Best]], and Nichols answering to tell the truth, that he had written a treatment and was looking for a production company; on July 27 Nichols told Giaquinto he was leaving the country and gave a Hawaii number where "Harold (possibly Okimoto)" would have a tape put on the answering machine.[^5]
 
 ### Allegations
 
-Seymour's book, largely on the word of [[Michael Riconosciuto]], describes Nichols as a director, senior vice president and chairman of the investment committee of the [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation]], a company alleged to have served the [[National Security Council]] in Lebanon; as chief executive of R.B.N. Companies, International; as a contract operative for the NSC; as the man who helped [[Ignacio Paz]] of the Philippine government move money through Swiss accounts; and as a participant in a heroin operation run through Euramae Trading in Nicosia, [[Cyprus]]. In the same account he laundered money and gold for [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodríguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|José Santacruz Londoño]] of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], was linked to the [[Gambino Crime Family]], the [[Bufalino Crime Family]] and the [[Yakuza]], was called the "godson" of [[Harold Okimoto]] of Hawaii, and was the subject of investigations that the [[Department of Justice]] shut down.[^1] Neither the House report nor the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] mentions the First Intercontinental Development Corporation.[^3][^4]
+Seymour's book, largely on the word of [[Michael Riconosciuto]], describes Nichols as a director, senior vice president and chairman of the investment committee of the [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation]], a company alleged to have served the [[National Security Council]] in Lebanon; as chief executive of R.B.N. Companies, International; as a contract operative for the NSC; as the man who helped [[Ignacio Paz]] of the Philippine government move money through Swiss accounts; and as a participant in a heroin operation run through Euramae Trading in Nicosia, [[Cyprus]]. In the same account he laundered money and gold for [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela|Gilberto Rodríguez]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|José Santacruz Londoño]] of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], was linked to the [[Gambino Crime Family]], the [[Bufalino Crime Family]] and the [[Yakuza]], was called the "godson" of [[Harold Okimoto]] of Hawaii, and was the subject of investigations that the [[Department of Justice]] shut down.[^4] Nevada charter C417-1961, amended under the name First Intercontinental Development Corporation on August 7, 1984, is recorded under the name Meridian International Logistics, Inc.[^6] The employment address the 1987 affidavit gives for Nichols, 834 Rose Blossom Drive in Cupertino, is the registered address of Meridian Arms Corporation.[^5][^7]
 
-Riconosciuto swore to the House committee that [[Earl Brian]] and [[Peter Videnieks]] had delivered [[PROMIS]] to the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] for "refitting," and Seymour describes Nichols's company Meridian Arms as a partner of Riconosciuto in the proposed weapons work of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] joint venture there. The committee called the material linking Nichols, Meridian Arms and Riconosciuto to the Cabazon-Wackenhut venture "speculative reports and fragmentary records," and the "continuing intersection" of those names "certainly intriguing and curious associations but without the requisite degree of causation and factual convergence necessary to draw conclusions."[^1][^3] Bua found Riconosciuto "totally unreliable."[^4]
+Riconosciuto swore to the House committee that [[Earl Brian]] and [[Peter Videnieks]] had delivered [[PROMIS]] to the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] for "refitting," and Seymour describes Nichols's company Meridian Arms as a partner of Riconosciuto in the proposed weapons work of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] joint venture there. The committee called the material linking Nichols, Meridian Arms and Riconosciuto to the Cabazon-Wackenhut venture "speculative reports and fragmentary records," and the "continuing intersection" of those names "certainly intriguing and curious associations but without the requisite degree of causation and factual convergence necessary to draw conclusions."[^3][^4] The special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] found Riconosciuto "totally unreliable."[^8]
 
-Nichols testified in 1993, in his suit against the Los Angeles Police Department, that he had been a member of the American intelligence community for many years. The Justice Department's review of 1994 reported that "No evidence supports that claim. In fact, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] informed us that it does not have, nor has it ever had, any employment relationship, contractual relationship or any other association with Mr. Booth Nichols," and that documents showed Howard Hughes's Summa Corporation had rejected the bid for its assets that Nichols testified he had been "instructed" to make in the late 1970s.[^4]
+Nichols testified in 1993, in his suit against the Los Angeles Police Department, that he had been a member of the American intelligence community for many years. Bua's report of March 1993 stated: "No evidence supports that claim. In fact, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] informed us that it does not have, nor has it ever had, any employment relationship, contractual relationship or any other association with Mr. Booth Nichols," and that documents showed Howard Hughes's Summa Corporation had rejected the bid for its assets that Nichols testified he had been "instructed" to make in the late 1970s.[^8]
+
+[[Peter Zokosky]] told Seymour and [[Kelly O'Meara]] on February 14, 2001 that it was his understanding that Nichols worked for the NSC ("everything revolves around the NSC"), doing contract work for the NSA and NSC and occasionally other agencies, and showed them a three-page FBI Los Angeles report dated December 2, 1982 that, in Seymour's summary, recorded a confidential source's March 16, 1978 allegation that Nichols was "an international money launderer," a reference to a G-77 submachine-gun permit, and the conclusion that he "should be considered armed and dangerous."[^9] John Connolly reported in [[Spy (magazine)|Spy]] in January 1993 that Nichols obtained his California machine-gun permits with a recommendation from a CIA official named Larry Curran and listed Okimoto as a former employer on his concealed-weapon application; [[Jack Valenti]] told Spy, of a proposal by Giaquinto that the [[Motion Picture Association of America]] hire Nichols for Asian anti-piracy work, "I didn't feel comfortable with Nichols."[^10]
 
 ### Casolaro
 
-Telephone records show that Casolaro and Nichols "spoke regularly and at length" in the last months of Casolaro's life, and the two had dinner at a restaurant in Virginia in the early summer of 1991. Nichols told committee investigators he had been "a sounding board" for Casolaro and would not give a sworn statement.[^3] On September 30, 1991, he told Detective Sergeant Swartwood of the Martinsburg police that he thought Casolaro had been murdered and that Riconosciuto "was probably involved in some way." The review noted a January 1993 *[[Spy (magazine)|Spy]]* article suggesting that Nichols had Casolaro killed for fear of being exposed as a would-be FBI informant against the Mafia, and found "no evidence that he had anything to do with Mr. Casolaro's death. Furthermore, he was in London on the day that Mr. Casolaro died."[^4] According to Seymour, Nichols had warned Casolaro to drop the investigation and went to Martinsburg to press him in person, Casolaro had confronted him shortly before his death about [[Michael Abbell]] and the Cali cartel, and Nichols later wrote a manuscript, "Danny Casolaro's Octopus."[^1]
+Telephone records show that Casolaro and Nichols "spoke regularly and at length" in the last months of Casolaro's life, and the two had dinner at a restaurant in Virginia in the early summer of 1991. Nichols told committee investigators he had been "a sounding board" for Casolaro and would not give a sworn statement.[^3] On September 30, 1991, he told Detective Sergeant Swartwood of the Martinsburg police that he thought Casolaro had been murdered and that Riconosciuto "was probably involved in some way." Bua's report noted a January 1993 *Spy* article suggesting that Nichols had Casolaro killed for fear of being exposed as a would-be FBI informant against the Mafia, and found "no evidence that he had anything to do with Mr. Casolaro's death. Furthermore, he was in London on the day that Mr. Casolaro died."[^8] According to Seymour, Nichols had warned Casolaro to drop the investigation and went to Martinsburg to press him in person, Casolaro had confronted him shortly before his death about [[Michael Abbell]] and the Cali cartel, and Nichols later wrote a manuscript, "Danny Casolaro's Octopus."[^4]
 
 ### The Bayou Fee
 
-In the spring of 2004 Nichols offered [[Samuel Israel III]], manager of the Bayou hedge funds, access to what British investigators later described as programs with "all of the hallmarks of fraudulent prime bank note programs." After more than 150 million dollars of Bayou money passed through a London account of the "Humanitarian Coalition Aid Foundation" and back in April 2004, Nichols and Israel signed a "Financial and Security Consultancy Agreement" on July 11, 2004, and on July 19 Israel wired ten million dollars to accounts in Germany, Liechtenstein, Singapore and the [[United Kingdom]] in the name of or controlled by Nichols, about eight million of which ended in a London account in the names of Nichols and his wife, Ellen. The Bayou funds' liquidating entity sued the couple in 2008 to recover the fee as a fraudulent transfer; they answered that he had received it "for value, in good faith and without knowledge of the alleged voidability of the transfer." Nichols was deposed on video at the [[U.S. Attorney's office]] in Manhattan on December 16, 2008, and the case was closed on April 28, 2010.[^5][^6] At the time his address was in Honolulu.[^5]
+In the spring of 2004 Nichols offered [[Samuel Israel III]], manager of the Bayou hedge funds, access to what British investigators later described as programs with "all of the hallmarks of fraudulent prime bank note programs." After more than 150 million dollars of Bayou money passed through a London account of the "Humanitarian Coalition Aid Foundation" and back in April 2004, Nichols and Israel signed a "Financial and Security Consultancy Agreement" on July 11, 2004, and on July 19 Israel wired ten million dollars to accounts in Germany, Liechtenstein, Singapore and the [[United Kingdom]] in the name of or controlled by Nichols, about eight million of which ended in a London account in the names of Nichols and his wife, Ellen. The Bayou funds' liquidating entity sued the couple in 2008 to recover the fee as a fraudulent transfer; they answered that he had received it "for value, in good faith and without knowledge of the alleged voidability of the transfer." Nichols was deposed on video at the [[U.S. Attorney's office]] in Manhattan on December 16, 2008, and the case was closed on April 28, 2010.[^1][^11] At the time his address was in Honolulu.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the claims so attributed, many of them from Michael Riconosciuto.
+[^1]: Annis, Stephen Robert, Assets Recovery Agency. Witness statement in support of an application for a restraint order, *In the Matter of Robert Booth Nichols,* Crown Court at Blackfriars, PCA 2007/0003; Financial and Security Consultancy Agreement, July 11, 2004; Answer of Robert B. Nichols and Ellen M. Nichols, June 12, 2008; all filed in *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols,* No. 08-cv-06036 (S.D.N.Y.). https://archive.org/details/SamIsraelIII-BayouManagement-RobertBoothNicholsCourtFilings
 [^2]: *Meridian International Logistics, Inc. v. United States,* 939 F.2d 740 (9th Cir. 1991). https://openjurist.org/939/f2d/740
 [^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair,* H. Rept. 102-857, September 10, 1992, section on Earl Brian, Michael Riconosciuto, Robert Booth Nichols and the Cabazon Indian Reservation, and memorandum of interview with Nichols, January 21, 1992. https://archive.org/details/InslawAffairInvestigativeReport
-[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua,* March 1993 (Riconosciuto's credibility), and *Report on the Review of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua's Report,* September 27, 1994, section on the death of Danny Casolaro, citing *Booth Nichols v. City of Los Angeles,* No. NCC 31322B, trial transcript, March 11, 1993. https://archive.org/details/doj-oip-inslaw-1993
-[^5]: Annis, Stephen Robert, Assets Recovery Agency. Witness statement in support of an application for a restraint order, *In the Matter of Robert Booth Nichols,* Crown Court at Blackfriars, PCA 2007/0003; Financial and Security Consultancy Agreement, July 11, 2004; Answer of Robert B. Nichols and Ellen M. Nichols, June 12, 2008; all filed in *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols,* No. 08-cv-06036 (S.D.N.Y.). https://archive.org/details/SamIsraelIII-BayouManagement-RobertBoothNicholsCourtFilings
-[^6]: Nichols, Robert Booth. Videotaped deposition, December 16, 2008, *United States v. Samuel Israel III,* 05 Cr. 1039 (S.D.N.Y.), and *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols.* https://archive.org/details/robert-booth-nichols ; docket, *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols,* 1:08-cv-06036 (S.D.N.Y.), filed July 2, 2008, terminated April 28, 2010, CourtListener.
+[^4]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the claims so attributed, many of them from Michael Riconosciuto.
+[^5]: Affidavit of Special Agent Thomas G. Gates in support of an application to continue interception of wire communications of Martin Bacow, Eugene Giaquinto, Joseph Garofalo, Robert Nichols and others, before Judge J. Spencer Letts, C.D. Cal. (continuation affidavit citing intercepts through September 1, 1987), Danny Casolaro papers, folder "Gates." https://archive.org/details/casolaro-notebooks (file Gates.pdf), paragraphs 3, 5, 9-13, 46, 79 and 84. Seymour, *The Last Circle,* p. 356, paraphrases the narcotics-funding wording as describing Meridian International Logistics; the affidavit places it under the controlled-substance offenses of Giaquinto and Garofalo.
+[^6]: OpenCorporates, record and filing list for Meridian International Logistics, Inc., Nevada company C417-1961 (retrieved October 8, 2026). https://opencorporates.com/companies/us_nv/C417-1961/filings
+[^7]: OpenCorporates, record for Meridian Arms Corporation, California company 0853005 (retrieved October 8, 2026). https://opencorporates.com/companies/us_ca/0853005
+[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua,* March 1993 (Riconosciuto's credibility), and section "Involvement of Robert Booth Nichols," pp. 157-159 and note 58 (p. 159), citing *Booth Nichols v. City of Los Angeles,* No. NCC 31322B, trial transcript, March 11, 1993. https://archive.org/details/doj-oip-inslaw-1993
+[^9]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010, chapter 22. Sole source for the passages so cited.
+[^10]: Connolly, John. "The Story That Killed Danny Casolaro." *Spy,* January 1993. https://archive.org/details/SpyMagazine
+[^11]: Nichols, Robert Booth. Videotaped deposition, December 16, 2008, *United States v. Samuel Israel III,* 05 Cr. 1039 (S.D.N.Y.), and *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols.* https://archive.org/details/robert-booth-nichols ; docket, *Bayou Management, LLC v. Nichols,* 1:08-cv-06036 (S.D.N.Y.), filed July 2, 2008, terminated April 28, 2010, CourtListener.

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Sheila Ostrander.md

@@ -5,11 +5,15 @@ tags:
   - Stargate
   - Soviet
 summary: "Ostrander and Schroeder's work, which included accounts from figures like Eduard Naumov, contributed to the growing awareness and concern within the U.S."
+updated: 2026-10-08
 ---
 [[Sheila Ostrander]] is an American author who, along with [[Lynn Schroeder]], co-authored the 1970 book *Psychic Discoveries Behind the [[Iron Curtain]]*. This book played a significant role in popularizing Soviet and Eastern European [[Parapsychology|psi]] research in the West. The book portrayed a "veritable frenzy of psychic research" going on in the [[Soviet Union|USSR]], with investigators uncovering powerful natural clairvoyants, psychokinetic prodigies, and dowsers whose talents could potentially be employed against the West.[^1]
 
+The book's account of the [[The Nautilus (Telepathy Project)|Nautilus]] reports appears in its first chapter, pages 6 to 8, and a Russian's account of a submarine test with rabbits on pages 32 and 33. Of the first the authors write: "Whether the American Nautilus tests happened or not, the reports of them were enough to set the Soviets going on some ESP tests with their own submarines."[^2]
+
 Ostrander and Schroeder's work, which included accounts from figures like [[Eduard Naumov]], contributed to the growing awareness and concern within the U.S. intelligence community about a potential "psi gap" with the Soviet Union, ultimately influencing the decision to fund and initiate programs like the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]].[^1]
 
----
+### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
+[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
+[^2]: Ostrander, Sheila, and Lynn Schroeder. *Psychic Discoveries Behind the Iron Curtain*. Prentice-Hall, 1970, pp. 6-8 and 32-33. Sole source for the passages so cited.

10 - PEOPLE/(N-S)/Zalman Mordecai Shapiro.md

@@ -9,16 +9,25 @@ born: 1920-05-12
 died: 2016-07-16
 location: "Canton, Ohio"
 ---
-Zalman Mordecai Shapiro was an American Jew and owner of the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation]] (NUMEC), a privately owned nuclear enriching plant in [[Apollo]], [[Pennsylvania]]. He was suspected by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and others of having smuggled more than two hundred pounds of weapons-grade uranium to [[Israel]], enough for four bombs. This alleged diversion was a major factor in [[Carl E. Duckett]]'s [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] estimates of [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal.[^1]
+Zalman Mordecai Shapiro was an American Jew and owner of the [[Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation]] (NUMEC), a privately owned nuclear enriching plant in [[Apollo]], [[Pennsylvania]]. He was suspected by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and others of having smuggled more than two hundred pounds of weapons-grade uranium to [[Israel]], enough for four bombs. This alleged diversion was a major factor in [[Carl E. Duckett]]'s CIA estimates of Israel's nuclear arsenal.[^1]
 
-Shapiro was hounded by these suspicions for twenty-five years, despite no significant evidence proving the diversion was ever found. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] never learned that Shapiro did have a secret life, meeting and befriending many of [[Israel]]'s senior nuclear scientists, including [[Ernst David Bergmann]], and conducting sensitive, legitimate missions for [[Israel]]. He was asked by [[Israel]] to devise a rapid and accurate method of determining whether water had been contaminated with toxic materials, and also advised on how to prevent water loss in the National Water Carrier.[^1]
+Hersh writes that Shapiro was hounded by these suspicions for twenty-five years, that no significant evidence of a diversion was found, and that the CIA and [[Atomic Energy Commission|AEC]] never learned that Shapiro had a secret life, meeting and befriending many of Israel's senior nuclear scientists, including [[Ernst David Bergmann]], and conducting sensitive, legitimate missions for Israel. He was asked by Israel to devise a rapid and accurate method of determining whether water had been contaminated with toxic materials, and also advised on how to prevent water loss in the National Water Carrier.[^1]
 
-Shapiro's business involved the chemical isolation and recovery of enriched uranium from dirt and scrap, a process that inherently generated some loss, known as MUF (material unaccounted for). The AEC eventually determined that over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium could not be accounted for from NUMEC, leading to suspicions of diversion. Despite intensive FBI surveillance and investigations, no significant evidence proving that Shapiro had diverted any uranium was ever found. Instead, the missing uranium was found to have ended up in the air and water of [[Apollo]], as well as in the plant's ducts, tubes, and floors.[^1]
+Shapiro's business involved the chemical isolation and recovery of enriched uranium from dirt and scrap, a process that inherently generated some loss, known as MUF (material unaccounted for). The AEC eventually determined that over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium could not be accounted for from NUMEC, leading to suspicions of diversion. Hersh concludes that intensive FBI surveillance and investigation found no significant evidence that Shapiro diverted uranium, and that the missing uranium ended up in the air and water of Apollo and in the plant's ducts, tubes and floors.[^1]
 
-In 1967, Shapiro and his partners were forced to merge their interest in NUMEC into the [[Atlantic Richfield Company]] (ARCO) due to the continuing controversy. Shapiro continued to run the plant. He convened meetings of American and Israeli scientists to discuss protecting [[Israel]]'s National Water Carrier from terrorists, and his company provided specialized small power sources for the security of waterways, all approved for export by the Commerce Department.[^1]
+In 1967, Shapiro and his partners were forced to merge their interest in NUMEC into the [[Atlantic Richfield Company]] (ARCO) due to the continuing controversy. Shapiro continued to run the plant. He convened meetings of American and Israeli scientists to discuss protecting Israel's National Water Carrier from terrorists, and his company provided specialized small power sources for the security of waterways, all approved for export by the Commerce Department.[^1]
 
-In 1977, [[Jody Powell]], President [[Jimmy Carter]]'s press secretary, publicly announced that investigations had "failed to reveal" a diversion of uranium to [[Israel]]. However, [[Carl E. Duckett]] and [[John L. Hadden]] continued to push their suspicions, leading to further investigations. By the early 1990s, Duckett essentially recanted many of his previous assertions, stating he knew of nothing to indicate Shapiro was guilty. Despite this, many journalists continued to believe Shapiro diverted uranium for the Israeli bomb.[^1]
+### Records of 1965 to 1968
+
+An August 10, 1965 meeting of Atomic Energy Commission commissioners with Shapiro and others from NUMEC concerned inventory differences in highly enriched uranium detected earlier that year by the AEC's Oak Ridge office; Shapiro "admitted that some waste was generated by work on Navy fuels" and noted that in earlier years NUMEC had paid the AEC up to $1 million for material losses. A letter of February 14, 1966 from the AEC General Manager, R. L. Hollingsworth, to the [[Joint Committee on Atomic Energy]] stated that an audit of November 1965 found 178 kilograms of U-235 unaccounted for since the start of operations at Apollo, of which 93.8 kilograms could not be ascribed to any known loss mechanism. Minutes of an AEC briefing of the same date record the staff view that "if collusion between a shipper and a foreign government were assumed it would be theoretically possible to ship material abroad in excess of the amounts indicated in the company's records," and that the Commission could not say unequivocally that the material had not been diverted.[^2]
+
+An FBI report of June 21, 1966 summarized an interview of Shapiro by the Pittsburgh office on June 15, 1966, made at the AEC's request, on whether he should have registered as an agent of a foreign government; Shapiro described the formation of ISORAD, a joint venture of NUMEC and the [[Israel Atomic Energy Commission|Israeli Atomic Energy Commission]], and meetings with the American ambassador to Israel and with Joseph Eyal, science attache of the Israeli embassy. A General Accounting Office report to the Joint Committee of June 20, 1967 stated that cumulative losses of U-235 through December 31, 1966 totaled about 260 kilograms, or about 1.2 percent of receipts.[^2]
+
+On April 2, 1968, [[Richard Helms]] wrote to Attorney General [[Ramsey Clark]] asking for a "discreet intelligence investigation of an all source nature of Dr. Shapiro in order to establish the nature and extent of his relationship with the Government of Israel." An FBI memorandum of May 6, 1968 from [[Cartha DeLoach]] to [[Clyde Tolson]] expressed misgivings, and [[J. Edgar Hoover]] wrote on it: "OK, but I doubt advisability of getting into this."[^2] On September 6, 1968 the AEC's New York security office reported that NUMEC had asked for a visit by four Israelis to Apollo on September 10: Avraham Hermoni, scientific counselor at the Israeli embassy in Washington; Ephraim Biegun and Abraham Bendor of the Israeli Department of Electronics; and [[Rafael Eitan|Raphael Eitan]] of the Israeli Ministry of Defense. The National Security Archive identifies Hermoni as the [[LAKAM]] station chief in Washington, Biegun and Bendor as Shin Bet officers, and Eitan as deputy chief of operations of the [[Mossad]], who organized the 1968 Plumbat operation that diverted natural uranium oxide from Europe to Israel.[^2]
+
+In 1977, [[Jody Powell]], President [[Jimmy Carter]]'s press secretary, publicly announced that investigations had "failed to reveal" a diversion of uranium to Israel. However, Carl E. Duckett and [[John L. Hadden]] continued to push their suspicions, leading to further investigations. By the early 1990s, Duckett essentially recanted many of his previous assertions, stating he knew of nothing to indicate Shapiro was guilty. Despite this, many journalists continued to believe Shapiro diverted uranium for the Israeli bomb.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
 
-[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 14, 18.
+[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 14, 18.
+[^2]: National Security Archive, "The NUMEC Affair: Did Highly Enriched Uranium from the U.S. Aid Israel's Nuclear Weapons Program?" (November 2, 2016), Documents 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10, drawing on U.S. Department of Energy archives (AEC Secretariat Collection), FBI FOIA file 117-2564, the Comptroller General's report in the Morris Udall Papers (University of Arizona) and ISCAP Appeal No. 2013-062. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2016-11-02/numec-affair-did-highly-enriched-uranium-us-aid-israels-nuclear-weapons-program The identifications of the four Israelis and of Eitan's role in Plumbat are the posting's commentary.