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@ -38,7 +38,7 @@ Grynkewich's SACEUR command and his continuing Dialog attendance place an active
The SACEUR/EUCOM command is a major consumer of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) platforms, of data-fusion software, and of autonomous systems, which are the product categories supplied by the Thiel-network defense-tech cluster (Palantir's data-fusion platforms, Anduril's autonomous systems, the broader 8VC portfolio). The Dialog convening places the commander who consumes those platforms in a recurring, off-the-record setting with the principals of the firms that supply them. Whether any specific procurement decision was discussed at Dialog is not alleged; the 2026 leak is the first primary record of the cross-attendance.[^1]
The 2026 Dialog registrants named by *WIRED* include [[Jim Himes|Representative Jim Himes]] (the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee), [[Cory Booker|Senator Cory Booker]] (Democrat, [[New Jersey]]), and [[Ted Cruz|Senator Ted Cruz]] (Republican, Texas), alongside Grynkewich, whose military command is formally nonpartisan but whose appointment was made by the Trump administration. The cross-party roster shows the convening network reaches across the oversight, legislative, and operational-military tiers of the U.S. national-security apparatus rather than filtering by party.[^1]
The 2026 Dialog registrants named by *WIRED* include [[Jim Himes|Representative Jim Himes]] (the ranking Democrat on the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]]), [[Cory Booker|Senator Cory Booker]] (Democrat, [[New Jersey]]), and [[Ted Cruz|Senator Ted Cruz]] (Republican, Texas), alongside Grynkewich, whose military command is formally nonpartisan but whose appointment was made by the Trump administration. The cross-party roster shows the convening network reaches across the oversight, legislative, and operational-military tiers of the U.S. national-security apparatus rather than filtering by party.[^1]
### Footnotes

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@ -16,11 +16,11 @@ updated: 2026-05-21
summary: "Andrew Dymock is a British neo-Nazi who founded the System Resistance Network and Sonnenkrieg Division after National Action's proscription, convicted on 15 terrorism and hate crime counts at the Old Bailey in 2021 and sentenced to 7 years."
---
[[Andrew Dymock]] (born May 14, 1997, [[Bath]], Somerset, England) founded the [[System Resistance Network]] (SRN) and subsequently the [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), the two most significant organizational successors to [[National Action]] after its proscription in December 2016. SRN was itself proscribed in 2017 and SKD in 2019. Dymock was arrested in December 2018 at Gatwick Airport and tried at the Central Criminal Court ([[Old Bailey]]) in London. A jury found him guilty on all 15 counts in June 2021 and on July 21, 2021, Judge [[Mark Dennis QC]] sentenced him to 7 years imprisonment plus 3 years extended licence, describing him as "dangerous" and posing "a significant risk of serious harm" to the public.[^1]
[[Andrew Dymock]] (born May 14, 1997, [[Bath]], Somerset, England) founded the [[System Resistance Network]] (SRN) and subsequently the [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), the two most significant organizational successors to [[National Action]] after its proscription in December 2016. SRN was itself proscribed in 2017, and SKD on February 28, 2020. Dymock was arrested in December 2018 at Gatwick Airport and tried at the Central Criminal Court ([[Old Bailey]]) in London. A jury found him guilty on all 15 counts in June 2021 and on July 21, 2021, Judge [[Mark Dennis QC]] sentenced him to 7 years imprisonment plus 3 years extended licence, describing him as "dangerous" and posing "a significant risk of serious harm" to the public.[^1]
### SRN and Sonnenkrieg Division
After National Action's proscription Dymock founded SRN as a successor organization. Following internal disputes within SRN over the degree of [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A)-affiliated occultism to incorporate into the ideology, he founded the Sonnenkrieg Division in 2018. SKD was explicitly modeled on [[Atomwaffen Division]], incorporating O9A philosophy heavily, making it one of the most O9A-proximate proscribed organizations in the UK ecosystem. The Home Secretary proscribed SKD in 2019.
After National Action's proscription Dymock founded SRN as a successor organization. Following internal disputes within SRN over the degree of [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A)-affiliated occultism to incorporate into the ideology, he founded the Sonnenkrieg Division in 2018. SKD was explicitly modeled on [[Atomwaffen Division]], incorporating O9A philosophy heavily, making it one of the most O9A-proximate proscribed organizations in the UK ecosystem. The Home Secretary proscribed SKD on February 28, 2020.
Dymock operated SRN's website and its associated [[Twitter]] account, using both to disseminate terrorism content including calls for the extermination of Jewish people and encouragement of lone-actor attacks.[^2]

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@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ No official body endorsed this account. The [[House October Surprise Task Force]
After the journalist [[Danny Casolaro]]'s death in August 1991, Ben-Menashe called [[Bill Hamilton]], president of [[INSLAW|Inslaw]], and claimed that two FBI agents from Lexington, Kentucky, had been en route to Martinsburg to give Casolaro evidence that the FBI was illegally using PROMIS software, one of them disaffected because his superiors had refused to indict senior Reagan officials over the October Surprise.[^19] In affidavits submitted to the bankruptcy court in February and March 1991, he claimed personal knowledge of Earl Brian's involvement in international PROMIS distribution, alleging that Brian made a 1987 presentation to Israeli Military Intelligence claiming ownership of PROMIS rights, that [[Rafael Eitan]] received PROMIS from Brian and McFarlane in 1982 for Israeli signals intelligence, and that enhanced PROMIS was sold to the Israeli intelligence community, the Singapore Armed Forces, the Soviet Union, and Canada.[^20] These PROMIS-distribution claims were later amplified by [[Seymour Hersh]] in [[The Samson Option]] and [[Gordon Thomas]] in [[Gideon's Spies]].[^8][^9]
The special counsel [[Nicholas Bua]], in his 1993 report on the Inslaw affair, rejected these claims. When interviewed, Ben-Menashe gave a substantially different account, stating that he had no knowledge of the transfer of Inslaw's proprietary software, and that the "PROMIS" in his affidavits referred not to Inslaw's product but to an NSA program he called "Milon," a dictionary-compilation tool developed independently before Inslaw existed; he admitted he had allowed the Hamiltons and others to assume he meant Inslaw's PROMIS "to promote his book."[^20] The NSA confirmed that its own internal Product Related On-line Management Information System, also called PROMIS, was written in M204 rather than COBOL and was wholly unrelated to Inslaw's software. The House October Surprise Task Force, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and the special counsel all found his testimony fabricated and unsupported.[^10][^20]
The special counsel [[Nicholas Bua]], in his 1993 report on the Inslaw affair, rejected these claims. When interviewed, Ben-Menashe gave a substantially different account, stating that he had no knowledge of the transfer of Inslaw's proprietary software, and that the "PROMIS" in his affidavits referred not to Inslaw's product but to an NSA program he called "Milon," a dictionary-compilation tool developed independently before Inslaw existed; he admitted he had allowed the Hamiltons and others to assume he meant Inslaw's PROMIS "to promote his book."[^20] The NSA confirmed that its own internal Product Related On-line Management Information System, also called PROMIS, was written in M204 rather than COBOL and was wholly unrelated to Inslaw's software. The House October Surprise Task Force, the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee|Senate Committee on Foreign Relations]], and the special counsel all found his testimony fabricated and unsupported.[^10][^20]
### Claims about Robert Maxwell

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@ -19,13 +19,13 @@ Arnold Burns served as Deputy [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]
Burns was among the senior DOJ officials interviewed by the Department's Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigators in 1986 in connection with the [[INSLAW]] contract dispute. He told OPR that INSLAW's proprietary rights claim to the enhanced version of [[PROMIS]] was "legitimate" and that the DOJ "would probably lose the case in court on this issue." His statement was made during a period when DOJ was continuing to litigate aggressively against INSLAW despite internal recognition of the weakness of its legal position.[^1]
The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) cited Burns's admission as pivotal evidence. The committee found it "incredible that the Department, having made this determination, would continue to pursue its litigation of these matters." The committee concluded that DOJ attorneys had "proceeded to challenge INSLAW's claims in court even though it knew that these claims were valid and that the Department would most likely lose in court on this issue."[^1]
The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) cited Burns's admission as pivotal evidence. The committee found it "incredible that the Department, having made this determination, would continue to pursue its litigation of these matters." The committee concluded that DOJ attorneys had "proceeded to challenge INSLAW's claims in court even though it knew that these claims were valid and that the Department would most likely lose in court on this issue."[^1]
The Bua Report (1993) interpreted Burns's OPR statement differently, arguing that his comments reflected concern about the difficulty of litigating the proprietary rights issue rather than an admission of wrongdoing. The Bua Report concluded that Burns's statements had been "entirely unwarranted" in the interpretation placed on them by the House Judiciary Committee.[^2]
### Resignation from DOJ
Burns and [[William F. Weld]], the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division, submitted their resignations to President [[Ronald Reagan]] on March 29, 1988, after separately meeting with [[White House Chief of Staff]] [[Howard Baker]] to raise concerns about [[Edwin Meese]]'s conduct. Both men had reportedly grown frustrated by being sidestepped in Meese's office and by DOJ decisions made without their knowledge regarding investigations into Meese's associates. Their simultaneous resignations were characterized as an unprecedented vote of no confidence in a sitting Attorney General. Senator [[Robert Byrd]] called Meese "the crown jewel of Reagan's sleaze factor" and demanded his resignation.[^3]
Burns and [[William F. Weld]], the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division, submitted their resignations to President [[Ronald Reagan]] on March 29, 1988, after separately meeting with [[White House Chief of Staff]] [[Howard Baker]] to raise concerns about Edwin Meese's conduct. Both men had reportedly grown frustrated by being sidestepped in Meese's office and by DOJ decisions made without their knowledge regarding investigations into Meese's associates. Their simultaneous resignations were characterized as an unprecedented vote of no confidence in a sitting Attorney General. Senator [[Robert Byrd]] called Meese "the crown jewel of Reagan's sleaze factor" and demanded his resignation.[^3]
### Footnotes

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@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ Bason also found that Brewer had originated a plan to convert INSLAW's Chapter 1
### House Judiciary Committee Findings
The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 report cited Brewer as a central figure in the DOJ's misappropriation of PROMIS. The committee found that high-level DOJ officials had "deliberately ignored INSLAW's proprietary rights" and misappropriated the software, and that Brewer's documented adversarial conduct was a key mechanism through which this occurred. The report raised the question of whether Brewer's actions were independent or directed from above - specifically, whether [[Lowell Jensen]] had knowingly allowed Brewer's campaign to proceed as part of a broader conspiracy with [[Earl Brian]].[^3]
The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s September 1992 report cited Brewer as a central figure in the DOJ's misappropriation of PROMIS. The committee found that high-level DOJ officials had "deliberately ignored INSLAW's proprietary rights" and misappropriated the software, and that Brewer's documented adversarial conduct was a key mechanism through which this occurred. The report raised the question of whether Brewer's actions were independent or directed from above - specifically, whether [[Lowell Jensen]] had knowingly allowed Brewer's campaign to proceed as part of a broader conspiracy with [[Earl Brian]].[^3]
### Bua Report Findings

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@ -216,7 +216,7 @@ The Justice Department went to considerable lengths to protect Blandón's status
At Ross's 1996 trial in San Diego, Blandón testified for the prosecution wearing tinted aviator glasses and a dark suit, escorted by U.S. marshals. Prosecutor LJ Oneale led Blandón through testimony in which he admitted Meneses had recruited him to sell cocaine for the Contras but progressively shifted the date he claimed to have stopped. O'Neale had initially said the split occurred in 1986, then revised it to 1984 before trial, and by the end of his testimony Blandón was insisting he quit in 1982, before he had met Ross. Government documents showed Blandón was still selling cocaine for the Contras through 1986.[^15]
When defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]] cross-examined Blandón about his Contra fundraising, Blandón began to say: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," then paused, looked at O'Neale, and said "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue the admission. Blandón also confessed under cross-examination that he did not know whether the Contras had received $19 million in CIA aid, contradicting his claim that he quit because the organization had sufficient funds. After the trial, Blandón admitted to the Senate Intelligence Committee and the CIA Inspector General that his Contra contributions continued through 1985.[^15]
When defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]] cross-examined Blandón about his Contra fundraising, Blandón began to say: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," then paused, looked at O'Neale, and said "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue the admission. Blandón also confessed under cross-examination that he did not know whether the Contras had received $19 million in CIA aid, contradicting his claim that he quit because the organization had sufficient funds. After the trial, Blandón admitted to the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence|Senate Intelligence Committee]] and the CIA Inspector General that his Contra contributions continued through 1985.[^15]
### Footnotes

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@ -60,7 +60,7 @@ In 2024, Martinsburg police released records under a Freedom of Information Act
### Congressional and Official Findings
The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 report noted that Casolaro had "encountered dangerous individuals associated with organized crime and the world of covert intelligence operations" and recommended further investigation into the circumstances of his death. The committee found no evidence that DOJ had sought to influence the local West Virginia investigation.[^2]
The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s September 1992 report noted that Casolaro had "encountered dangerous individuals associated with organized crime and the world of covert intelligence operations" and recommended further investigation into the circumstances of his death. The committee found no evidence that DOJ had sought to influence the local West Virginia investigation.[^2]
The Bua Report, completed in March 1993, concluded that the physical evidence "strongly supported" the suicide finding, that DOJ had not influenced the local investigation, and that Casolaro had possessed "ample reason to commit suicide," being unemployed, financially dependent on family, facing a balloon mortgage, and unable to sell his book.[^4]

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@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ The scale of the alleged scheme: $6 million worth of software stolen from the Ha
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed in a March 1991 affidavit that Brian made a copy of the PROMIS software available to him at the [[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]]-[[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]] joint venture in Indio, California, after acquiring it from Videnieks. Riconosciuto stated he subsequently modified PROMIS for global implementation in law enforcement and intelligence agencies, including specific adaptations for Canada's [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]] (RCMP) and [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service]] (CSIS), and that it was his understanding Brian had sold the modified version to the Canadian government.[^3]
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]], in affidavits submitted to the House Judiciary Committee in 1991, alleged that Brian brought PROMIS versions to [[Israel]], and that Brian received several million dollars for selling enhanced PROMIS to Israeli intelligence and to the Singapore Armed Forces. Ben-Menashe also stated that Brian sold public-domain versions of PROMIS to [[Iraq]] and [[Jordan]].[^1]
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]], in affidavits submitted to the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] in 1991, alleged that Brian brought PROMIS versions to [[Israel]], and that Brian received several million dollars for selling enhanced PROMIS to Israeli intelligence and to the Singapore Armed Forces. Ben-Menashe also stated that Brian sold public-domain versions of PROMIS to [[Iraq]] and [[Jordan]].[^1]
The House Judiciary Committee's September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) described Brian's alleged role as "intriguing...but without the requisite degree of causation," raising concerns while stopping short of the direct evidentiary finding it reached regarding DOJ's treatment of INSLAW. The committee found that Brian and Meese's long association, Meese's wife's stock purchase, and Brian's position to profit from INSLAW's destruction constituted circumstantial grounds for concern.[^1]

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@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ born: 1911-10-01
died: 2001-11-04
location: "Springfield, Massachusetts"
---
Edward P. Boland was the Massachusetts Democratic congressman who sponsored the [[Boland Amendment|Boland Amendments]], the series of congressional provisions that prohibited the use of taxpayer funds for covert military operations against [[Nicaragua]]. The amendments, passed between 1982 and 1984, were named after Boland as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.[^1]
Edward P. Boland was the Massachusetts Democratic congressman who sponsored the [[Boland Amendment|Boland Amendments]], the series of congressional provisions that prohibited the use of taxpayer funds for covert military operations against [[Nicaragua]]. The amendments, passed between 1982 and 1984, were named after Boland as chairman of the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]].[^1]
### The Boland Amendments

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@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ Jack Bascom Brooks was born December 18, 1922, in Crowley, Louisiana. His family
### Congressional Career
Brooks served 42 years in the House of Representatives, one of the longest tenures in Texas congressional history. He chaired the House Committee on Government Operations from 1975 to 1988, during which he authored the Brooks Act governing federal government procurement of information technology -- earning an informal designation as "father of federal IT procurement." He chaired the House Judiciary Committee from 1989 until his defeat in 1994.[^1]
Brooks served 42 years in the House of Representatives, one of the longest tenures in Texas congressional history. He chaired the House Committee on Government Operations from 1975 to 1988, during which he authored the Brooks Act governing federal government procurement of information technology -- earning an informal designation as "father of federal IT procurement." He chaired the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] from 1989 until his defeat in 1994.[^1]
Brooks was present aboard Air Force One on November 22, 1963, when Lyndon B. Johnson was sworn in as President following the assassination of [[John F. Kennedy]]. He is visible in the Cecil Stoughton photograph of the ceremony, standing to the upper right of Jacqueline Kennedy.[^1]

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@ -30,7 +30,7 @@ The Hunter Biden tip ran alongside Buma's work on the Giuliani investigation int
### The Thiel Confidential Human Source Relationship (Summer 2021)
[[Business Insider]] reported in October 2023 that Peter Thiel began providing information to the FBI as a confidential human source (CHS) in summer 2021, with Buma as his handling agent. Buma told *The Guardian* that he had briefed Thiel on "what a targeting looks like," and that Thiel was "receptive to collaboration and threat briefings," confirming the targeting pattern and providing "helpful information to help us identify the nodes through which these outreaches have occurred." The CHS relationship ran while Thiel simultaneously chaired [[Palantir Technologies]] (a major CIA and FBI contractor), cofounded the [[Dialog]] convening network, funded the [[JD Vance]] and [[Blake Masters]] Senate campaigns, and maintained the documented [[Jeffrey Epstein]] relationship that ran through 2019. The congressional record references Thiel's CHS role in a House Judiciary Committee document submitted January 22, 2026.[^2][^5]
[[Business Insider]] reported in October 2023 that Peter Thiel began providing information to the FBI as a confidential human source (CHS) in summer 2021, with Buma as his handling agent. Buma told *The Guardian* that he had briefed Thiel on "what a targeting looks like," and that Thiel was "receptive to collaboration and threat briefings," confirming the targeting pattern and providing "helpful information to help us identify the nodes through which these outreaches have occurred." The CHS relationship ran while Thiel simultaneously chaired [[Palantir Technologies]] (a major CIA and FBI contractor), cofounded the [[Dialog]] convening network, funded the [[JD Vance]] and [[Blake Masters]] Senate campaigns, and maintained the documented [[Jeffrey Epstein]] relationship that ran through 2019. The congressional record references Thiel's CHS role in a [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] document submitted January 22, 2026.[^2][^5]
The FBI's [[Confidential Human Source Policy Guide]] governs the handling of sources. The CHS status entails a reporting obligation on the source's part and a protection obligation on the Bureau's part. The contents of Thiel's reporting to Buma are not public beyond Buma's own description of the briefings.[^2]

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@ -30,13 +30,13 @@ The Tower Commission Report (1987) characterized Ghorbanifar as a commercially m
### PROMIS Software Connection
A letter dated May 16, 1985, signed by [[William Bradford Reynolds]] and addressed to U.S. Attorney [[William F. Weld]], named Ghorbanifar alongside [[Adnan Khashoggi]] and [[Richard Armitage]] as brokers for a transaction distributing [[PROMIS]] software equipped with a surveillance back door to a Saudi sheikh for "resale and general distribution as gifts in his region." [[William Bradford Reynolds]] independently confirmed remembering Ghorbanifar, Khashoggi, and Armitage working together on PROMIS when shown the letter in 2005.[^3]
A letter dated May 16, 1985, signed by [[William Bradford Reynolds]] and addressed to U.S. Attorney [[William F. Weld]], named Ghorbanifar alongside [[Adnan Khashoggi]] and [[Richard Armitage]] as brokers for a transaction distributing [[PROMIS]] software equipped with a surveillance back door to a Saudi sheikh for "resale and general distribution as gifts in his region." William Bradford Reynolds independently confirmed remembering Ghorbanifar, Khashoggi, and Armitage working together on PROMIS when shown the letter in 2005.[^3]
The letter was signed in May 1985, just months before Ghorbanifar was introduced to the Reagan NSC as the Iran-Contra arms intermediary -- a timing that suggests overlap between the PROMIS distribution network and the network that produced Iran-Contra.
### Post-Iran-Contra Activity
In the early 2000s, Ghorbanifar resurfaced as a source for claims about alleged Iraqi connections to al-Qaeda and about Iranian internal politics. The Office of the Vice President under [[Dick Cheney]] reportedly showed interest in his claims. The CIA, citing his established record as a fabricator, consistently objected to any operational engagement with him. Two meetings between Ghorbanifar and Pentagon officials in Rome and Paris in 2001 and 2003 were later investigated by the Senate Intelligence Committee as potentially unauthorized intelligence activities bypassing normal CIA channels.[^2]
In the early 2000s, Ghorbanifar resurfaced as a source for claims about alleged Iraqi connections to al-Qaeda and about Iranian internal politics. The Office of the Vice President under [[Dick Cheney]] reportedly showed interest in his claims. The CIA, citing his established record as a fabricator, consistently objected to any operational engagement with him. Two meetings between Ghorbanifar and Pentagon officials in Rome and Paris in 2001 and 2003 were later investigated by the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence|Senate Intelligence Committee]] as potentially unauthorized intelligence activities bypassing normal CIA channels.[^2]
### Footnotes

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@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ updated: 2026-05-22
summary: "Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski was an 18-year-old from West London who was a Sonnenkrieg Division member sentenced in June 2019 to an 18-month Detention and Training Order at the Old Bailey for two counts of encouraging terrorism via Gab posts supporting Anders Breivik and calling for ethnic cleansing."
---
Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski, 18, of West London, was a member of [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), the British neo-Nazi accelerationist organisation proscribed in 2019. He was sentenced at the [[Old Bailey]] on 18 June 2019 by Judge [[Rebecca Poulet QC]] to an 18-month Detention and Training Order after pleading guilty to two counts of encouraging terrorism under section 1 of the [[Terrorism Act 2006]].[^1]
Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski, 18, of West London, was a member of [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), the British neo-Nazi accelerationist organisation proscribed in February 2020. He was sentenced at the [[Old Bailey]] on 18 June 2019 by Judge [[Rebecca Poulet QC]] to an 18-month Detention and Training Order after pleading guilty to two counts of encouraging terrorism under section 1 of the [[Terrorism Act 2006]].[^1]
### Offences
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ Judge Rebecca Poulet QC described the content produced by both Dunn-Koczorowski
### Sonnenkrieg Division and O9A
Sonnenkrieg Division was founded by [[Andrew Dymock]] following his departure from the [[System Resistance Network]] and incorporated [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A) philosophy heavily into its ideology, distinguishing it from its National Action-successor predecessor. Dunn-Koczorowski and Szewczuk were the first SKD members to face prosecution; their sentences preceded SKD's formal proscription, which followed later in 2019.
Sonnenkrieg Division was founded by [[Andrew Dymock]] following his departure from the [[System Resistance Network]] and incorporated [[Order of Nine Angles]] (O9A) philosophy heavily into its ideology, distinguishing it from its National Action-successor predecessor. Dunn-Koczorowski and Szewczuk were the first SKD members to face prosecution; their sentences preceded SKD's formal proscription, which followed in February 2020.
### Footnotes