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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "ARRB"
- "JFK Assassination Records Review Board"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- JFKAssassination
- Declassification
summary: "Independent federal agency created by the JFK Records Act of 1992 that released over four million pages from 1994 to 1998 and recorded agency destruction of assassination records."
start: 1994-04-11
end: 1998-09-30
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The Assassination Records Review Board was an independent agency created by the President [[John F. Kennedy]] Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992, Public Law 102-526, to re-examine for release the assassination records that federal agencies still held too sensitive to open. Representative Louis Stokes and Senator David Boren introduced the legislation on March 26, 1992; President [[George H.W. Bush]] signed it on October 26, 1992, and left the appointments to [[Bill Clinton]], whose five nominees were sworn in on April 11, 1994: John R. Tunheim, chairman, Henry F. Graff, Kermit L. Hall, William L. Joyce and Anna K. Nelson. The act provided that "No assassination record shall be destroyed, altered, or mutilated in any way." Extended by Congress in 1994 and 1997, the board finished on September 30, 1998, leaving "more than four million pages of records" in the National Archives.[^1]
### Releases
Among the records released through the board were the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]] proposals of 1962 known as [[Operation NORTHWOODS|Operation Northwoods]], made public in 1997.[^2] The files of [[Edward Wegmann]], lawyer for [[Clay Shaw]], given to the board by his daughter in 1995, showed "that the Shaw defense team had retained [[Southern Research Company]] as of mid-1967," the Shreveport firm whose [[New Orleans]] office had investigated [[David Ferrie]], and recorded [[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]] men reporting to the defense.[^3] On January 18, 1996, the board's lawyer Philip Golrick telephoned the former [[Guy Banister]] partner [[Joseph Oster]] in search of Banister's files, the Ferrie investigation and the Shaw defense.[^4] The board classed four [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] headquarters records on the family of [[H.L. Hunt]] as assassination records.[^5]
### Records Destroyed
The board's final report recorded what it could not recover:
- The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "destroyed most of its formal [[HTLINGUAL]] records," the files of its 1952-1973 mail-opening program, "in 1990 at the direction of CIA's Office of General Counsel."[^1]
- The CIA "destroyed tape[s] containing Oswald's voice and other related calls as a matter of routine procedure," although its [[Mexico City]] station had transcribed the calls and reported them to headquarters in an October 8, 1963, cable.[^1]
- Among the papers of Director [[John McCone]], a record of a dinner of May 19, 1964, with [[John J. McCloy]] "Re: Oswald" is annotated "Destroyed 1-28-72"; a record of a meeting with [[McGeorge Bundy]] on November 26, 1963, about the assassination is missing.[^1]
- [[Richard Helms]] directed that the notes and source material for the 1967 Inspector General's report on the plots against [[Fidel Castro]] be destroyed; no "operational diaries" of [[William Harvey]] were found.[^1]
- After [[J. Edgar Hoover]]'s death his secretary, Helen Gandy, destroyed many of his "Personal and Confidential" files.[^1]
- The Army destroyed its intelligence dossier on [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] in 1973 "as part of a program to purge domestic surveillance files."[^1]
- In 1974 the Secretary of the Joint Chiefs of Staff ordered the destruction of the minutes and transcripts of the chiefs' meetings from 1947 to 1978.[^1]
- In January 1995, with the act in force, the [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]] destroyed protection survey reports for some of Kennedy's trips in the fall of 1963; the board learned of it about a week later.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Assassination Records Review Board. *Final Report of the Assassination Records Review Board,* September 1998. https://www.archives.gov/research/jfk/review-board/report/arrb-final-report.txt
[^2]: Bamford, James. *Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency.* Doubleday, 2001, ch. 2, reproducing JCS memorandum 1969/321, March 13, 1962.
[^3]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9; National Archives and Records Administration, finding aid to the Papers of Edward F. Wegmann.
[^4]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files (OSTER.WPD), Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
[^5]: Fagnant, Marie (Assassination Records Review Board staff). "Summary of Dallas Figures: H.L. Hunt, N.B. Hunt, R.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison Jr. and Clint Murchison Sr.," memorandum, July 31, 1997.

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### Inspector General Investigation
CIA Inspector General [[Fred Hitz]] testified before the House Intelligence Committee in March 1998 that the CIA "did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity," including trafficking within the United States. His 400-page report documented CIA relationships with more than 50 suspected drug traffickers during the Contra war.[^14]
CIA Inspector General [[Fred Hitz]] testified before the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]] in March 1998 that the CIA "did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity," including trafficking within the United States. His 400-page report documented CIA relationships with more than 50 suspected drug traffickers during the Contra war.[^14]
### Iran-Contra Indictments

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs"
- "Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs"
- "House Committee on Banking"
- "House Financial Services Committee"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- BNL
- Iraqgate
summary: "House committee created in 1865 as Banking and Currency; under Henry Gonzalez it investigated the BNL loans to Iraq over executive-branch resistance, and under Jim Leach the Systematics allegations."
start: 1865
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Henry B. Gonzalez]]"
reverse: true
start: 1989
end: 1995
role: "chairman"
fn: 1
- type: head_of
with: "[[Jim Leach]]"
reverse: true
start: 1995
end: 2001
role: "chairman"
fn: 1
- type: investigated
with: "[[BNL Scandal]]"
start: 1990
end: 1993
fn: 3
- type: investigated
with: "[[Systematics]]"
start: 1995
fn: 8
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The House committee that became the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, and since 2001 the Financial Services Committee, was created in 1865 as the Committee on Banking and Currency. [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] of San Antonio chaired it in the 101st to 103rd Congresses and [[Jim Leach]] of Iowa in the 104th to 106th.[^1]
### Gonzalez and BNL
Gonzalez became chairman in January 1989, and his hearings on [[Charles Keating]] and [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] produced the evidence against the five senators who had intervened with regulators for Keating.[^2] After the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] raided the Atlanta branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] in August 1989 and found billions of dollars in off-book loans to Iraq, Gonzalez proposed hearings; the attorney general's legislative aide, [[Lee Rawls]], advised [[Richard Thornburgh]] in 1990 that "our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the House Banking Committee into this case is to have you contact Chairman Gonzalez directly." Gonzalez declined the call, and Thornburgh wrote to him on September 26, 1990, that a hearing and staff interviews raised "the prospect that culpable parties will elude prosecution."[^3][^4] The committee issued subpoenas, and from February 1992 Gonzalez read classified documents into the *Congressional Record* in some twenty special order speeches.[^4]
The committee took testimony from [[SerVaas Inc.]] on April 9, 1991, that the brass factory it sold to Iraq was for commercial products; on September 25, 1992, Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing the Iraqi buyer meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses.[^5] On April 28, 1992, he told the House that "BNL was a client of Mr. Scowcroft's while he was the vice-chairman of [[Kissinger Associates]]."[^6] [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] told the committee that year: "Quite frankly, the selective disclosure, out of context, of classified documents has led, knowingly or otherwise, to distortions of the record, half-truths, and outright falsehoods."[^3] Director [[Robert Gates]] ordered a damage assessment of one of Gonzalez's disclosures, and on August 4, 1992, the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation; Gonzalez was not censured.[^7] He called the report of the special counsel [[Frederick Lacey]], who in December 1992 found no grounds for an independent counsel, a whitewash.[^9] On November 9, 1993, [[Christopher Drogoul]], the former manager of the Atlanta branch, testified under oath before the committee with five other former employees.[^9]
### Leach and Systematics
At Leach's written request, officers of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s inspector general and the inspector general of the [[National Security Agency]] briefed him in the Rayburn Building on July 21, 1995, on published allegations about [[Systematics]], the Arkansas bank-software company of [[Jackson Stephens]], [[PROMIS]] and Mena. The CIA's memorandum of the meeting records Leach as saying that "most of the allegations contained within the articles were probably false," but that "as information goes out to the American public in non-traditional ways, it becomes more believable." The agency told him it had "not found any records related to Systematics of Arkansas." Director [[John Deutch]] ordered an inspector general's investigation on March 13, 1996, and Leach was still sending questions in 1998.[^8]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Committee on Financial Services, "Committee History." https://financialservices.house.gov/about/history.htm
[^2]: Kohout, Martin Donell. "González, Henry Barbosa," *Handbook of Texas,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/gonzalez-henry-barbosa
[^3]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq.* Bantam, 1993, pp. 145, 183-194.
[^4]: John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, "Henry González," Profile in Courage Award, 1994; Gonzalez, Henry B., "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, May 18, 1992.
[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq." *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502.
[^6]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL." *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992.
[^7]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez." *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
[^8]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Briefing for Chairman Leach, House Banking Committee," undated, and "Memorandum for the Record," briefing of July 21, 1995, approved for release September 28, 2009, CIA Reading Room documents 0001289820 and 0001289686; Deutch, John, memorandum to the Inspector General, March 13, 1996, as cited on the Jackson Stephens page.
[^9]: Lacey, Frederick B., "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," and testimony of Christopher P. Drogoul, in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993. https://archive.org/details/testimonyofforme1994unit ; Gonzalez, Henry B., "Update on BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, January 21, 1993.

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "House Judiciary Committee"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- PROMIS
- INSLAW
summary: "Standing committee of the House since 1813, overseeing the Justice Department, whose 1992 report under Jack Brooks found strong evidence the department stole INSLAW's PROMIS and sought an independent counsel."
start: 1813-06-03
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Jack Brooks]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman during the INSLAW investigation"
fn: 2
- type: investigated
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
end: 1992-09-10
role: "the INSLAW affair"
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The House of Representatives established a standing committee on the judiciary on June 3, 1813; its jurisdiction includes oversight of the [[Department of Justice]].[^1]
### The INSLAW Investigation
Under its chairman, [[Jack Brooks]] of Texas, the committee investigated whether high officials of the Justice Department had stolen [[INSLAW]]'s Enhanced [[PROMIS]] software, the matter known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]], and tried to put the company out of business, and whether Attorney General [[Edwin Meese]], Deputy Attorney General [[Lowell Jensen]] and others had conspired to distribute it to other agencies and foreign governments. The Hamiltons of INSLAW and [[Elliot Richardson]] testified before its subcommittee on December 5, 1990, at a hearing on the department's refusal to give the committee its documents.[^3] On July 25, 1991, the Subcommittee on Economic and Commercial Law voted 10 to 6 to subpoena the department; when it produced the INSLAW files on July 31, it said that 51 documents or files were missing and could not be found.[^2] The department's liaison in the dispute was [[Lee Rawls]].[^4] The committee also pursued the claim that Canadian agencies were running PROMIS; it called a letter of December 4, 1991, from the Canadian ambassador "conclusory" and wrote that "without direct access to RCMP, CSIS and other Canadian officials, the committee has been effectively thwarted."[^2]
After the Martinsburg police concluded in January 1992 that [[Danny Casolaro]] had killed himself, Brooks had committee investigators take sworn statements from the former [[Los Angeles]] strike force prosecutors [[Richard Stavin]] and [[Marvin Rudnick]] on March 13 and 14, 1992, and, "after initial resistance from the Bureau," from [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Special Agent [[Thomas Gates]] on March 25 and 26.[^2]
The committee adopted its report, *The INSLAW Affair,* on August 11, 1992, over the dissent of ten Republican members. It found "strong evidence, as indicated by the findings in two Federal court proceedings as well as by the committee investigation, that the Department of Justice 'acted willfully and fraudulently' and 'took, converted and stole' INSLAW's Enhanced PROMIS by 'trickery, fraud and deceit.'" It recommended that Attorney General [[William Barr]] settle INSLAW's claims at once and "strongly" recommended an independent counsel to investigate "a high level conspiracy within the Department to steal Enhanced PROMIS software to benefit friends and associates of former Attorney General Meese, including Dr. [[Earl Brian]]," the death of Casolaro, possible perjury and obstruction by department officials, and whether the missing documents "were stolen or illegally destroyed."[^2] Barr had appointed [[Nicholas J. Bua]] special counsel in November 1991; the committee noted that at the time Bua had not been empowered to subpoena witnesses, convene a grand jury or compel the department to produce key documents.[^2][^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Committee on the Judiciary, "About the Committee." https://judiciary.house.gov/about
[^2]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report,* H. Rept. 102-857, September 10, 1992, summary, section II and recommendations. https://archive.org/details/InslawAffairInvestigativeReport
[^3]: As cited on the Nancy Hamilton page: H. Rept. 102-857; U.S. Department of Justice, *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua,* March 1993.
[^4]: Friedman, Alan. *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq.* Bantam, 1993, pp. 193-194, as cited on the Lee Rawls page.
[^5]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of INSLAW, Inc.,* March 1993.

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "HPSCI"
- "House Intelligence Committee"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- IntelligenceOversight
- RemoteViewing
summary: "House committee created in 1977 to oversee the intelligence community, whose staff were briefed on the CIA's psychic research that year and whose evaluation subcommittee under Charlie Rose pressed the Pentagon to study remote viewing."
start: 1977
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Larry Combest]]"
reverse: true
start: 1995
end: 1997
role: "chairman, 104th Congress"
fn: 5
- type: member_of
with: "[[Charlie Rose]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman of the evaluation subcommittee"
fn: 4
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence was "created in 1977" and "is charged with oversight of the [[United States]] Intelligence Community," now eighteen elements, and the Military Intelligence Program.[^1] It and the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] grew out of the findings of the [[Church Committee]].[^2]
### Psychic Research
After *Parade* published "[[Psychic Spying]]" on August 7, 1977, the committee asked the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] for a briefing. [[David Brandwein]], director of the [[Office of Technical Service]], gave three staff members "a short oral history of OTS efforts in the field, dating back to 1961" on November 16, 1977, and left them a written outline of the work classified SECRET, the unclassified article on the research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] and "a brief article on Mr. [[Pat Price]]." He handled most of the office's briefing of Representative [[Charlie Rose]] on February 9, 1978.[^3] On October 25, 1978, Rose, as chairman of the committee's evaluation subcommittee, wrote to [[Ruth Davis]] of the Defense Department that "we have a strong obligation also to learn what Soviet research is underway" and that he would "like to see the [[Department of Defense]] undertake those efforts deemed necessary and appropriate to investigate remote viewing and other related phenomena."[^4] On March 28, 1995, the CIA sent its status responses on the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program to the committee's chairman, [[Larry Combest]], during the [[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]].[^6]
### Other Records
In 2021 classified versions of the intelligence community's assessment of domestic violent extremism were briefed to the House and Senate intelligence committees.[^7] [[Jim Himes]], its ranking member in 2026, appeared that year on a leaked membership list of [[Peter Thiel]]'s Dialog society.[^8]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, "History and Jurisdiction." https://intelligence.house.gov/history-jurisdiction/
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report,* S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, as cited on the Church Committee page.
[^3]: Brandwein, David S., memorandum for the record, "Briefing for House Permanent Select Committee re OTS Involvement in ESP Research," OTS memo 287-77, November 17, 1977, CIA-RDP96-00787R000200020020-8; Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, "Briefing of Representative Charles Rose," February 9, 1978, OLC 78-0576, CIA-RDP81M00980R000600250087-4.
[^4]: Davis, Ruth M., memorandum for Dr. Jack Vorona, "'Remote Viewing' Project," November 20, 1978, with the letter of Charlie Rose, Chairman, Subcommittee on Evaluation, Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, October 25, 1978.
[^5]: "COMBEST, Larry Ed," History, Art and Archives, U.S. House of Representatives. https://history.house.gov/People/Listing/C/COMBEST,-Larry-Ed-(C000653)/
[^6]: Executive Director for Intelligence Community Affairs to Larry Combest, Chairman, Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, March 28, 1995, CIA-RDP96-00791R000100040002-2.
[^7]: Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security. "Domestic Violent Extremism Poses Heightened Threat in 2021." Unclassified summary, March 17, 2021.
[^8]: Cameron, Dell, and Yulia Almazova. "Leak Exposes Members of Peter Thiel's Secretive 'Dialog' Society." *WIRED,* June 16, 2026.

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "Senate Committee on Foreign Relations"
- "Kerry subcommittee"
- "Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- Contras
- BCCI
summary: "Senate standing committee since 1816, hearing diplomatic nominations and CIA testimony on Chile, whose Kerry subcommittee reported in 1988 that the State Department had selected companies owned by drug traffickers to supply the Contras."
start: 1816
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: head_of
with: "[[Frank Church]]"
reverse: true
start: 1979
end: 1981
role: "chairman"
fn: 2
- type: member_of
with: "[[John Kerry]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations"
fn: 8
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Jack Blum]]"
reverse: true
role: "special counsel to the Kerry subcommittee"
fn: 8
- type: investigated
with: "[[Contras]]"
end: 1988-12
fn: 9
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The Senate established the Committee on Foreign Relations in 1816 as one of its original ten standing committees; it considers treaties and all diplomatic nominations.[^1] [[Frank Church]] chaired it from 1979 to 1981.[^2]
### Hearings
On January 6, 1961, Secretary of State [[Christian A. Herter]] gave his farewell briefing to a closed session of the committee and spoke of a "disturbing" new element in the [[Middle East]], the reactor at [[Dimona]].[^3] At his confirmation hearing of 1966 as assistant secretary for inter-American affairs, [[Lincoln Gordon]] testified that "Neither the American Embassy nor I personally played any part" in the 1964 coup in Brazil.[^4] The committee held hearings on the [[AIFLD|American Institute for Free Labor Development]] on August 1, 1969.[^5] On February 7 and March 6, 1973, [[Richard Helms]], newly ambassador to Iran, testified to it about Chile and [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], stating under oath that the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had not "tried to overthrow the government of Chile" and had not "passed money to the opponents of Allende"; in 1977 he pleaded no contest to two misdemeanor counts of misleading Congress.[^6][^13] At the hearing of July 26, 1983, on [[Thomas F. Ellis]], nominated to the Board for International Broadcasting, Senators Paul Tsongas and [[Joe Biden|Joseph Biden]] questioned him about his service on the board of the [[Pioneer Fund]]; he withdrew.[^7] It confirmed [[Donald Gregg]]'s ambassadorial nomination in June 1989 after hearings in which Kerry pressed him on what he had known of Contra operations.[^10]
### The Kerry Subcommittee
The Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations under [[John Kerry]], with [[Jack Blum]] as special counsel, took testimony in 1987 and 1988 from traffickers, pilots and officials, among them [[Ramon Milian Rodriguez]] and, in February 1988, José Blandón.[^8] Its report of December 1988, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy,* stated: "The Subcommittee did not find that the Contra leaders personally were involved in drug trafficking. There was substantial evidence of drug smuggling through the war zones on the part of individual Contras, Contra suppliers, Contra pilots, mercenaries who worked with the Contras, and Contra supporters throughout the region." It found that "senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contra's funding problems," citing [[Oliver North]]'s suggestion to the [[DEA]] in June 1985 that 1.5 million dollars from [[Barry Seal]]'s sting be given to the Contras, and that "the [[State Department]] selected four companies owned and operated by narcotics traffickers to supply humanitarian assistance to the Contras," among them [[SETCO]] Air, set up by [[Juan Matta Ballesteros|Ramón Matta Ballesteros]], and [[DIACSA]].[^9] The subcommittee's investigation of the [[BCCI|Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] led to *[[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|The BCCI Affair]],* the report of Kerry and Senator [[Hank Brown]] of December 1992.[^11]
In 1992 a subcommittee of the committee investigated the [[October Surprise]] allegations and found that [[William J. Casey]] had made "potentially dangerous" unauthorized efforts to collect intelligence on the Carter administration's negotiations for the release of the hostages in Iran, without finding a deal.[^12]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, "History." https://www.foreign.senate.gov/about/history
[^2]: As cited on the Frank Church page.
[^3]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991.
[^4]: Senate Foreign Relations Committee, hearing on the nomination of Lincoln Gordon as Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, 1966, as quoted on the Lincoln Gordon page.
[^5]: University of Maryland Special Collections, finding aid, "Senate Foreign Relations Committee, American Institute for Free Labor Development hearings," as cited on the AIFLD page.
[^6]: Powers, Thomas. *The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA.* Knopf, 1979; Department of Justice, Office of Legal Counsel, "Richard Helms' Eligibility Under 5 U.S.C. Section 8314 To Receive an Annuity," as cited on the Project FUBELT page.
[^7]: United Press International, dispatch on the withdrawal of Thomas Ellis, Washington, July 28, 1983; United States Senate, nomination PN59-1, 98th Congress.
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* Random House, 1993; as cited on the John Kerry, Ramon Milian Rodriguez and Mike Harari pages.
[^9]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations. *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy,* S. Prt. 100-165, December 1988. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^10]: As cited on the Donald Gregg page.
[^11]: Kerry, John, and Hank Brown. *The BCCI Affair: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate,* December 1992, as cited on the BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report page.
[^13]: Powers, Thomas, *The Man Who Kept the Secrets,* as cited on the Richard Helms page.
[^12]: U.S. House of Representatives, October Surprise Task Force, *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980,* 1993, as cited on the October Surprise page.

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "Senate Committee on the Judiciary"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- INSLAW
summary: "Standing Senate committee since 1816, overseeing the Justice Department and FBI and judicial nominations, whose chief investigator relayed a career official's INSLAW allegations to the company in 1988."
start: 1816-12-10
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Ronald LeGrand]]"
reverse: true
role: "chief investigator"
fn: 3
- type: investigated
with: "[[Leonard Leo]]"
start: 2023
role: "sought records and testimony on his donor network; he declined"
fn: 7
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The Senate established its Committee on the Judiciary on December 10, 1816, among its original standing committees. It oversees the [[Department of Justice]], including the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], and the Department of Homeland Security, and considers judicial and Justice Department nominations.[^1]
### INSLAW
In mid-1979, when the FBI sought approval to buy a new front-end processor, the committee commissioned technical analyses from the [[OTA|Office of Technology Assessment]] and from [[INSLAW]].[^2] In May 1988 its chief investigator, [[Ronald LeGrand]], passed to [[Bill Hamilton]] of INSLAW what a senior career official of the department's Criminal Division had told him: "What you think happened, did happen," and that the division had been the center of the effort to drive the company out of business. According to Hamilton's 1989 affidavit, the source also believed "that documents relating to [[Project Eagle]] were shredded inside DOJ." The special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] later interviewed the source, who said he had no first-hand knowledge of misconduct concerning INSLAW or [[PROMIS]] and had heard no credible rumors of it; LeGrand told House investigators and Bua that, as far as he knew, none of the information was first-hand.[^3][^4]
### Nominations and Later Inquiries
On June 27, 1985, the committee voted 10 to 8 to reject President [[Ronald Reagan]]'s nomination of [[William Bradford Reynolds]] as associate attorney general.[^5] On May 16, 2018, [[Christopher Wylie]] testified to it that [[Steve Bannon]] had engaged [[SCL Group|SCL]], "a foreign military contractor," to build "an arsenal of informational weapons."[^6] Under Chairman [[Dick Durbin]] it sought the records and testimony of [[Leonard Leo]] on his network of conservative donor groups; on July 25, 2023, Leo's counsel declined to provide them.[^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Committee on the Judiciary, "About the Committee." https://www.judiciary.senate.gov
[^2]: U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment. *An Assessment of Alternatives for a National Computerized Criminal History System.* OTA-CIS-161, October 1982, as cited on the INSLAW page.
[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of INSLAW, Inc.,* March 1993, and *Report on the Review of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua's Report,* September 27, 1994, quoting Hamilton's affidavit of 1989.
[^4]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
[^5]: *The Washington Post,* June 28, 1985, as cited on the William Bradford Reynolds page.
[^6]: "Christopher Wylie: Bannon wanted 'weapons' to fight a 'culture war' at Cambridge Analytica," testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee, May 16, 2018. *CBS News.* https://www.cbsnews.com/live-news/senate-cambridge-analytica-whistleblower-christopher-wylie-live-stream-updates-today-2018-05-16
[^7]: Leo counsel's letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee, July 25, 2023. https://levin-center.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/2023-7-25-Leo-counsels-ltr-to-Senate-Judiciary-declining-to-produce-requested-information.pdf ; "Inside the 'Private and Confidential' Conservative Group That Promises to 'Crush Liberal Dominance.'" *ProPublica,* March 15, 2023.

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@ -0,0 +1,56 @@
---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
aliases:
- "SSCI"
- "Senate Intelligence Committee"
tags:
- Organization
- Government
- Congress
- IntelligenceOversight
- RemoteViewing
summary: "Permanent Senate committee created in 1976 after the Church Committee to oversee intelligence; its budget subcommittee ended Army remote-viewing funding in 1982, and its 2014 study documented the CIA's interrogation program."
start: 1976
location: "Washington, D.C."
relations:
- type: member_of
with: "[[Malcolm Wallop]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman of the budget subcommittee"
fn: 4
- type: investigated
with: "[[BNL Scandal]]"
end: 1993-02
fn: 7
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The Senate created the Select Committee on Intelligence in 1976 "to oversee and make continuing studies of the intelligence activities and programs of the [[United States]] Government" and "to provide vigilant legislative oversight over the intelligence activities of the United States to assure that such activities are in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States." It has seventeen members, nine from the majority and eight from the minority, including members drawn from the Appropriations, Armed Services, Foreign Relations and Judiciary committees.[^1] It and its House counterpart grew out of the findings of the [[Church Committee]].[^2]
### Letelier and the Charter
On September 29, 1976, eight days after the assassination of [[Orlando Letelier]] in Washington, Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] of the committee wrote to Director [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] asking what the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] knew of a reported high-level meeting in the Chilean government at which Letelier had been discussed.[^3] In April 1978 the former deputy director for plans [[Thomas Karamessines]] appeared before the committee to oppose its draft charter for the CIA, calling the investigations of the preceding years "an inexcusable exercise in political sensationalism."[^8]
### Remote Viewing
At the end of fiscal 1982, according to the Army's Intelligence and Security Command, "the budget subcommittee of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (Senator Wallop) curtailed all psychoenergetic operational activities conducted by the Army in the National Foreign Intelligence Program"; its chronology records that on October 1, 1982, "NFIP funding terminated for Army GRILL FLAME collection operations project by Congressional directive," and the program continued under other funding as [[Center Lane]].[^4][^5] Senator [[Claiborne Pell]] invited eight members of the committee to a GRILL FLAME briefing in his Capitol office on September 29, 1982; "none were present."[^6] After a briefing of [[Malcolm Wallop]] on October 5, 1983, the Army's record states that "the Senator replied that he is only one person, and that perhaps the briefing should be presented to the entire SSCI Budget Subcommittee."[^4] Committee staff received status reports on the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program in March and April 1995 and a briefing on June 1, attended by seven staff members, during its [[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA|transfer to the CIA]].[^9]
### Later Inquiries
The CIA told the committee in April 1984 that it "was unable to confirm reports implicating high-level Sandinistas in drug trafficking."[^10] In 1986, after a member of Senator [[Jesse Helms]]'s staff was briefed by the CIA on the burning of Rodrigo Rojas by Chilean soldiers and the Chilean government learned of an American intelligence operation, the committee asked the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] to investigate whether Helms or an aide had disclosed it.[^11] Its staff reported in February 1993 on the [[BNL Scandal]] that the intelligence agencies and the Justice Department had coordinated poorly and that the CIA's grounds for withholding its reports from prosecutors had "no legal support," without finding deliberate concealment.[^7] Its study of the CIA's detention and interrogation program, released in summary on December 9, 2014, concluded that the program had produced little intelligence not available by other means and that the agency had misled Congress, the [[White House]] and the public about it.[^12]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, "About the Committee." https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/about-the-committee/
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. *Final Report,* S. Rept. 94-755, 1976, as cited on the Church Committee page.
[^3]: Inouye, Daniel K., letter to George Bush, September 29, 1976, CIA Reading Room, as cited on the Orlando Letelier page.
[^4]: Buzby, Brian, memorandum "Briefing to Senator Wallop, 5 October 1983," October 14, 1983, CIA-RDP96-00788R001700270015-0. Read in the archive.org mirror of the CIA FOIA Reading Room STARGATE collection.
[^5]: US Army Intelligence and Security Command, "Briefing - Project Center Lane," c. 1984, CIA-RDP96-00789R002100180002-8, and "List of Events from September 1977 to January 1986," CIA-RDP96-00788R001100020001-8. Read in the archive.org mirror of the CIA FOIA Reading Room STARGATE collection.
[^6]: Jachim, Robert J., memorandum "Information Briefing for Senator Clairborne Pell," October 6, 1982, CIA-RDP96-00788R001100320001-5.
[^7]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair,* staff report, S. Prt. 103-12, February 1993.
[^8]: Hailey, Jean R. "T. H. Karamessines, Ex-Chief of CIA Covert Work, Dies." *The Washington Post,* September 9, 1978, p. B4.
[^9]: "Star Gate Transfer Chronology: 1995," memorandum for the record, CIA-RDP96-00791R000200190017-9; Director of Research and Development, ORD-0520-95, memorandum for the Executive Director, "Star Gate - Final Response," September 27, 1995.
[^10]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998, as cited on the Sandinistas page.
[^11]: United Press International, report on the Justice Department inquiry into Senator Helms, August 2, 1986.
[^12]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. *Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency's Detention and Interrogation Program,* S. Rept. 113-288, December 9, 2014.

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@ -10,13 +10,13 @@ tags:
summary: "The U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia was the original client for the PROMIS case management software, commissioning the system in 1969 under U.S. Attorney Thomas A. Flannery and deploying it January 1, 1971; the EOUSA later signed the March 1982 implementation contract with INSLAW that became the central dispute in the PROMIS Software Scandal."
location: "Washington, D.C."
---
The U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia is the federal prosecutor's office responsible for both local criminal matters (unique among U.S. Attorneys' offices due to DC's non-state status) and federal crimes within the District. As used throughout the INSLAW files and the House Judiciary Committee's PROMIS investigation, "the U.S. Attorney's Office" refers to this DC office unless otherwise specified.
The U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia is the federal prosecutor's office responsible for both local criminal matters (unique among U.S. Attorneys' offices due to DC's non-state status) and federal crimes within the District. As used throughout the INSLAW files and the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s PROMIS investigation, "the U.S. Attorney's Office" refers to this DC office unless otherwise specified.
### Role in PROMIS Development
In 1969, U.S. Attorney [[Thomas A. Flannery]] perceived an urgent need for improved case management tools to handle the volume of cases flowing through the DC office. He directed the [[Office of Crime Analysis of the District of Columbia]] to commission a computerized case tracking system, funded by a $60,000 [[LEAA]] grant (70-DF-047) administered through [[Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co]]. The design team was co-directed by [[Joan E. Jacoby]] and [[Charles R. Work]] (then Deputy Chief of the office's Superior Court Division), with [[Bill Hamilton]] of Peat Marwick as project manager. The resulting system, the Prosecutor's Management Information System ([[PROMIS]]), was deployed January 1, 1971.[^1]
The DC office became the first PROMIS site and served as the demonstration platform for the system's national expansion. [[LEAA]] subsequently funded [[INSLAW]] to adapt PROMIS for adoption by other jurisdictions, and provided grants to municipalities converting to the system.[^1]
The DC office became the first PROMIS site and served as the demonstration platform for the system's national expansion. LEAA subsequently funded [[INSLAW]] to adapt PROMIS for adoption by other jurisdictions, and provided grants to municipalities converting to the system.[^1]
### EOUSA Implementation Contract

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@ -25,7 +25,7 @@ Davies and Raymond founded National Action in late 2013. Raymond was an active a
The primary catalysts for proscription were National Action's public celebration of the June 2016 murder of Labour MP Jo Cox by [[Thomas Mair]] and subsequent explicit death threats to other MPs. Earlier incidents had already drawn police attention: member [[Garron Helm]] was sentenced in October 2014 to four weeks in prison for sending an antisemitic tweet to MP [[Luciana Berger]]. Zack Davies, identified by police as a National Action member, was convicted in September 2015 of the attempted murder of Sikh dental student [[Sarandev Bhambra]] in Mold, Flintshire and sentenced to life imprisonment with a minimum 14 years.
On December 16, 2016, Rudd described National Action as "a racist, antisemitic and homophobic organisation which stirs up hatred, glorifies violence and promotes a vile ideology." Successor organizations [[System Resistance Network]] (SRN) and [[Scottish Dawn]] were separately proscribed in 2017; the [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), founded by former SRN leader [[Andrew Dymock]], was proscribed in 2019.[^1]
On December 16, 2016, Rudd described National Action as "a racist, antisemitic and homophobic organisation which stirs up hatred, glorifies violence and promotes a vile ideology." Successor organizations [[System Resistance Network]] (SRN) and [[Scottish Dawn]] were separately proscribed in 2017; the [[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (SKD), founded by former SRN leader [[Andrew Dymock]], was proscribed in February 2020.[^1]
### Prosecutions
@ -51,7 +51,7 @@ Hannam had attended his first National Action meeting on 6 March 2016 at a pub i
He was identified by [[Counter Terrorism Command]] in February 2020 through the November 2019 Iron March database leak, and arrested on 5 March 2020. The prosecution described him as an "active recruiter" for National Action's London branch.[^5]
#### Wave 5 (Winchester Crown Court, May 2022)
[[Alex Davies]], co-founder (Swansea): found guilty on May 17, 2022 of membership between December 17, 2016 and September 27, 2017, sentenced to 8 years 6 months.[^4]
Alex Davies, co-founder (Swansea): found guilty on May 17, 2022 of membership between December 17, 2016 and September 27, 2017, sentenced to 8 years 6 months.[^4]
### O9A Integration via Ryan Fleming

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@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ The identity of "Anton Long" is the central contested question in O9A studies. M
The case for the Myatt-Long attribution rests on: shared philosophical concepts (the "acausal" realm, the division of history into distinct aeons, support for space colonization, the "[[Star Game]]"); stylistic overlap between Myatt's neo-Nazi writings and O9A texts; historical proximity (Myatt was active in the same West Midlands neo-Nazi milieu in the 1970s where O9A emerged); and an identification published as early as 1998 in the anti-fascist magazine [[Searchlight Magazine]]. That 1998 identification predates any O9A interest in constructing a counter-narrative, giving it some evidentiary weight.[^3]
Dissenting scholars, including [[Jeffrey Kaplan]], have argued the attribution remains circumstantial and that Myatt and Long may be separate individuals. The full biographical entry for [[David Myatt]] documents his parallel career and provides additional context for the attribution debate.
Dissenting scholars, including [[Jeffrey Kaplan]], have argued the attribution remains circumstantial and that Myatt and Long may be separate individuals. The full biographical entry for David Myatt documents his parallel career and provides additional context for the attribution debate.
### Ideology: The Seven Fold Way
@ -42,7 +42,7 @@ O9A's core initiatory framework is the [[Seven Fold Way]] (or Septenary System),
The most operationally significant element of the Seven Fold Way for law enforcement purposes is the [[Insight Roles]] concept. O9A doctrine holds that initiates at certain stages must undertake "insight roles," periods typically lasting three to six months in which they adopt and fully live out a specified lifestyle or role that is alien to their normal existence and forces transgressive personal experience. O9A published "Insight Roles: A Guide" in 1989, subsequently collected in *[[Hostia]]: Secret Teachings of the O.N.A.* Volume I (1992), O9A's second major text.[^4]
The roles enumerated in O9A texts are criminal in ordinary-language terms. Practitioners are encouraged to live as a street criminal, a drug dealer, a hired killer, a soldier or mercenary, a practitioner of Satanic rituals, or, in materials distributed through American affiliate [[Tempel ov Blood]], to commit acts of violence against targeted victims described as "culling." O9A frames this not as crime but as a method of confronting personal limitation, developing genuine knowledge of the "sinister" aspects of existence, and accumulating "esoteric experience." The practical consequence is that O9A doctrine explicitly authorizes and encourages criminal violence as a spiritual practice, which distinguishes it structurally from other extremist ideologies that arrive at violence through political argument.[^1]
The roles enumerated in O9A texts are criminal in ordinary-language terms. Practitioners are encouraged to live as a street criminal, a drug dealer, a hired killer, a soldier or mercenary, a practitioner of Satanic rituals, or, in materials distributed through American affiliate Tempel ov Blood, to commit acts of violence against targeted victims described as "culling." O9A frames this not as crime but as a method of confronting personal limitation, developing genuine knowledge of the "sinister" aspects of existence, and accumulating "esoteric experience." The practical consequence is that O9A doctrine explicitly authorizes and encourages criminal violence as a spiritual practice, which distinguishes it structurally from other extremist ideologies that arrive at violence through political argument.[^1]
### Acausality and the Sinister Dialectic
@ -52,7 +52,7 @@ The eschatological figure at the center of this project is [[Vindex]], described
### Structure: Nexions
O9A deliberately avoids centralized organizational structure. The basic unit is the [[nexion]] (O9A's term for a local cell or working group), intended to be autonomous and self-directing. Nexions are connected by shared texts, aesthetics, and doctrine rather than by formal hierarchical command. This decentralization makes O9A resistant to decapitation by law enforcement and allows it to absorb and influence other organizations without formal merger, as it did with [[Atomwaffen Division]] through the Tempel ov Blood nexion beginning in 2017.[^1]
O9A deliberately avoids centralized organizational structure. The basic unit is the [[nexion]] (O9A's term for a local cell or working group), intended to be autonomous and self-directing. Nexions are connected by shared texts, aesthetics, and doctrine rather than by formal hierarchical command. This decentralization makes O9A resistant to decapitation by law enforcement and allows it to absorb and influence other organizations without formal merger, as it did with Atomwaffen Division through the Tempel ov Blood nexion beginning in 2017.[^1]
O9A's American publishing arm, [[Martinet Press]], operated under the direction of [[Joshua Caleb Sutter]] and his wife [[Jillian Hoy]] and distributed O9A texts internationally. The most significant Martinet Press publication in terms of documented radicalization impact is *Iron Gates* (2014), a 312-page novel set in a post-nuclear-war America centered on a gang of Satanists committing acts of extreme violence including infanticide, cannibalism, rape, and torture. The book was written as "spiritual instruction" for O9A adherents and became required reading for Atomwaffen Division new members under [[John Cameron Denton]].[^5] Sutter, the publisher, was simultaneously a paid FBI informant who received $78,133.20 from the FBI specifically in connection with his Atomwaffen Division work, in addition to prior payments totaling more than $140,000 since 2003.[^6]
@ -72,7 +72,7 @@ The Deofel Quintet (novels, 1976-1992): Five O9A novels functioning as esoteric
### Atomwaffen Division and O9A Integration
The most consequential real-world application of O9A doctrine in the United States came through Tempel ov Blood's infiltration of Atomwaffen Division beginning in 2017. Sutter joined AWD in the spring of 2017 under the alias "swissdiscipline," after AWD leader [[John Cameron Denton]] invited ToB members into the group. Sutter attended AWD "Hate Camp" paramilitary trainings in 2017 and 2018 and the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]], which also drew [[James Mason]], the author of *[[Siege]]*. At least nine O9A/ToB members held key leadership positions in Atomwaffen Division at the peak of this relationship.[^5]
The most consequential real-world application of O9A doctrine in the United States came through Tempel ov Blood's infiltration of Atomwaffen Division beginning in 2017. Sutter joined AWD in the spring of 2017 under the alias "swissdiscipline," after AWD leader John Cameron Denton invited ToB members into the group. Sutter attended AWD "Hate Camp" paramilitary trainings in 2017 and 2018 and the [[2019 AWD Nuclear Congress]], which also drew [[James Mason]], the author of *[[Siege]]*. At least nine O9A/ToB members held key leadership positions in Atomwaffen Division at the peak of this relationship.[^5]
Denton made Sutter's books (*Iron Gates*, *Liber 333*, and *Bluebird*) required or approved reading for AWD members. This ideological shift provoked internal controversy and drove out members who rejected Satanism as a contamination of their National Socialist politics, but it also deepened AWD's capacity for violence by giving members a framework in which murder was construed as spiritual service.[^1]
@ -88,19 +88,19 @@ Between April 2019 and April 2021, [[HOPE not hate]] documented eight individual
[[Harry Vaughan]], 18, of Kingston-upon-Thames, a grammar school student at [[Tiffin School]] who had achieved A-grade A-levels in maths, further maths, physics, and history, was arrested on 19 June 2019 in a Counter Terrorism Policing investigation into [[Fascist Forge]], an online extremist forum. He was charged with one count of encouraging terrorism (section 1, Terrorism Act 2006), one count of disseminating a terrorist publication (section 2, Terrorism Act 2006), 12 counts of possessing documents useful to a terrorist (section 58, Terrorism Act 2000), and two counts of possessing indecent images. He pleaded guilty on all counts. The documents on his devices included Sonnenkrieg Division propaganda of his own creation, bomb-making manuals, and a guide to killing people. Sentenced at the Old Bailey in November 2020 by Mr Justice Sweeney, who described him as "a dangerous offender," he received a two-year detention sentence suspended for two years, a result that drew criticism from counter-extremism researchers.[^26]
The cases of the unnamed Cornish teenager ([[Feuerkrieg Division]] UK leader, sentenced February 2021) and [[Benjamin Hannam]] (Metropolitan Police constable, sentenced May 2021) are documented in the existing page and in the [[National Action]] vault entry respectively. The unnamed Cornish defendant received a 24-month youth rehabilitation order; the [[Crown Prosecution Service]] press release confirmed that a copy of [[Iron Gates]], the O9A-affiliated novel published by [[Martinet Press]], was found during the 2019 police search of his home.[^27]
The cases of the unnamed Cornish teenager ([[Feuerkrieg Division]] UK leader, sentenced February 2021) and [[Benjamin Hannam]] (Metropolitan Police constable, sentenced May 2021) are documented in the existing page and in the [[National Action]] vault entry respectively. The unnamed Cornish defendant received a 24-month youth rehabilitation order; the [[Crown Prosecution Service]] press release confirmed that a copy of Iron Gates, the O9A-affiliated novel published by Martinet Press, was found during the 2019 police search of his home.[^27]
[[Danyal Hussein]], an 18-year-old Iraqi Kurd from [[Wembley]], was convicted on 6 July 2021 at the [[Old Bailey]] of the murders of sisters [[Bibaa Henry]] (46) and [[Nicole Smallman]] (27) in [[Fryent Country Park]], London, on 6 June 2020. Hussein had signed a handwritten contract in his own blood addressed to the demon [[Lucifuge Rofocale]], pledging to kill six women every six months in exchange for lottery winnings. He was sentenced to life with a minimum term of 35 years. Investigators found that he had been in contact with an individual closely associated with the Order of Nine Angles. The case was cited by [[Stephanie Peacock MP]] in October 2021 in renewed calls for O9A's proscription.[^11]
[[Danyal Hussein]], an 18-year-old Iraqi Kurd from [[Wembley]], was convicted on 6 July 2021 at the Old Bailey of the murders of sisters [[Bibaa Henry]] (46) and [[Nicole Smallman]] (27) in [[Fryent Country Park]], London, on 6 June 2020. Hussein had signed a handwritten contract in his own blood addressed to the demon [[Lucifuge Rofocale]], pledging to kill six women every six months in exchange for lottery winnings. He was sentenced to life with a minimum term of 35 years. Investigators found that he had been in contact with an individual closely associated with the Order of Nine Angles. The case was cited by [[Stephanie Peacock MP]] in October 2021 in renewed calls for O9A's proscription.[^11]
[[Ben John]], 21, of Lincoln, a criminology student at [[De Montfort University]] Leicester, was convicted at Leicester Crown Court on 12 August 2021 of one count of possessing a document useful to a terrorist under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000. Officers from Counter Terrorism Policing's East Midlands unit found a hard drive containing the Anarchy Cookbook, alongside white supremacist and antisemitic literature and material relating to O9A. Judge [[Timothy Spencer QC]] sentenced John on 31 August 2021 to two years' imprisonment suspended for two years, ordering him to read works of classic literature including Dickens and Austen, a direction that attracted widespread press criticism. Solicitor General [[Alex Chalk QC MP]] referred the sentence to the Court of Appeal under section 36 of the [[Criminal Justice Act 1988]] as unduly lenient. On 19 January 2022, the Court of Appeal increased the sentence to two years' immediate custody plus one year on licence.[^28]
[[Luca Benincasa]], 20, of Cardiff, was sentenced at Winchester Crown Court on 26 January 2023 by Judge [[Jane Miller KC]] to five years and seven months for terrorism charges and an additional consecutive eight months for child images offences, with a three-year extended licence on the terrorism counts, for a total custodial term of approximately nine years and three months. He had pleaded guilty at Winchester Crown Court on 15 July 2022 to one count of membership of the proscribed organisation Feuerkrieg Division under section 11 of the Terrorism Act 2000 and four counts of possessing documents useful to a terrorist under section 58, including improvised explosive device and pipe-bomb manuals. Benincasa was the first person convicted of FKD membership since that group's proscription in July 2020. He had described himself as the "UK cell leader" of FKD and one of its key recruiters; Judge Miller KC found him to be "a prominent member." Press coverage described him as a "prominent ONA member," though the published sentencing remarks' specific language on O9A has not been independently verified and constitutes an open thread.[^29]
[[Ashley Podsiad-Sharp]], 42, a prison officer at [[HMP Armley]] in Leeds, was convicted at Sheffield Crown Court of one count of possessing terrorist material under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (acquitted of a second count of dissemination). He was sentenced on 31 August 2023 by Judge [[Jeremy Richardson KC]] to eight years' imprisonment plus five years' extended licence. His devices contained the White Resistance Manual, a 200-page publication containing sections on arson, poisoning, infrastructure sabotage, bomb-making, and evading police capture. He had been a former member of [[National Action]] before its proscription and had subsequently founded the [[White Stag Athletics Club]], which required members to hold white-supremacist and antisemitic views. Podsiad-Sharp showed, in the judge's assessment, "not one iota of remorse." The sentencing remarks are published on the Courts and Tribunals Judiciary website.[^30]
[[Ashley Podsiad-Sharp]], 42, a prison officer at [[HMP Armley]] in Leeds, was convicted at Sheffield Crown Court of one count of possessing terrorist material under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (acquitted of a second count of dissemination). He was sentenced on 31 August 2023 by Judge [[Jeremy Richardson KC]] to eight years' imprisonment plus five years' extended licence. His devices contained the White Resistance Manual, a 200-page publication containing sections on arson, poisoning, infrastructure sabotage, bomb-making, and evading police capture. He had been a former member of National Action before its proscription and had subsequently founded the [[White Stag Athletics Club]], which required members to hold white-supremacist and antisemitic views. Podsiad-Sharp showed, in the judge's assessment, "not one iota of remorse." The sentencing remarks are published on the Courts and Tribunals Judiciary website.[^30]
[[Declan George-Candiani]], 26, of Streatham, was stopped at [[Stansted Airport]] on 13 August 2024 by Counter Terrorism Command officers using Schedule 7 powers. His phone was analysed and he was arrested; an iPad was also seized from his home. He was convicted at the Old Bailey on 3 October 2024 of two counts of collecting material likely useful to a terrorist under section 58(1) of the Terrorism Act 2000 (acquitted of two further counts), and sentenced on 28 November 2024 to 23 months' imprisonment plus one year on licence, plus a 10-year terrorism notification requirement. Devices contained extreme right-wing manifestos, mass killer writings, and lone-wolf attack guides. In police interview, George-Candiani told officers he had developed an interest in O9A's "traditional Satanism," attributing his downloading of the material to that interest.[^31]
[[Cameron Finnigan]], 19, of Horsham, West Sussex, joined the [[764 Network|764]] online extremist group in late 2023. Counter Terrorism Policing became aware of him in March 2024. He pleaded guilty on 4 October 2024 to five counts: one count of possessing a document for terrorist purposes under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (an 11-page PDF outlining truck, knife, and firearm mass-casualty attack planning), one count of doing an act capable of encouraging or assisting suicide under section 2 of the [[Suicide Act 1961]] as amended (encouraging a young woman to livestream her suicide to his Telegram group), two counts of criminal damage, and one count of possessing indecent images. He was sentenced at the Central Criminal Court on 16 January 2025 by Mr Justice Jay to six years' imprisonment plus three years' extended licence. The judge assessed him as posing a high risk of serious harm to the public, including children, and applied a 25% reduction for youth and mental health. The sentencing remarks are published on the judiciary.uk website.[^32]
[[Cameron Finnigan]], 19, of Horsham, West Sussex, joined the 764 online extremist group in late 2023. Counter Terrorism Policing became aware of him in March 2024. He pleaded guilty on 4 October 2024 to five counts: one count of possessing a document for terrorist purposes under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (an 11-page PDF outlining truck, knife, and firearm mass-casualty attack planning), one count of doing an act capable of encouraging or assisting suicide under section 2 of the [[Suicide Act 1961]] as amended (encouraging a young woman to livestream her suicide to his Telegram group), two counts of criminal damage, and one count of possessing indecent images. He was sentenced at the Central Criminal Court on 16 January 2025 by Mr Justice Jay to six years' imprisonment plus three years' extended licence. The judge assessed him as posing a high risk of serious harm to the public, including children, and applied a 25% reduction for youth and mental health. The sentencing remarks are published on the judiciary.uk website.[^32]
### Criminal Cases Linked to O9A: International
@ -114,45 +114,45 @@ Documented individuals who committed or planned violence while affiliated with o
[[Andrew Dymock]], a British neo-Nazi charged with 15 terrorism and hate-related counts in the United Kingdom, with documented O9A affiliation.
[[David Copeland]], who detonated three nail bombs targeting London's Black, Asian, and LGBTQ communities in 1999, killing three and injuring 139, was found in possession of writings by [[David Myatt]].[^3]
[[David Copeland]], who detonated three nail bombs targeting London's Black, Asian, and LGBTQ communities in 1999, killing three and injuring 139, was found in possession of writings by David Myatt.[^3]
### The Proscription Non-Decision
O9A has not been proscribed in the United Kingdom as of mid-2026. The [[Home Office]] proscription criteria under Section 3 of the [[Terrorism Act 2000]] require the Home Secretary to believe that an organisation is "concerned in terrorism," meaning it: (a) commits or participates in acts of terrorism; (b) prepares for terrorism; (c) promotes or encourages terrorism; or (d) is otherwise concerned in terrorism. If the statutory test is met, the Home Secretary then applies discretionary factors including the nature and scale of the organisation's activities and the need to support the international counter-terrorism community.[^13]
O9A has not been proscribed in the United Kingdom as of mid-2026. The [[Home Office]] proscription criteria under Section 3 of the Terrorism Act 2000 require the Home Secretary to believe that an organisation is "concerned in terrorism," meaning it: (a) commits or participates in acts of terrorism; (b) prepares for terrorism; (c) promotes or encourages terrorism; or (d) is otherwise concerned in terrorism. If the statutory test is met, the Home Secretary then applies discretionary factors including the nature and scale of the organisation's activities and the need to support the international counter-terrorism community.[^13]
The legal and structural problem O9A presents for proscription is its deliberate decentralisation. O9A has no formal membership rolls, no governing body, no public leadership structure, and no legal entity. Its basic unit is the autonomous nexion, connected by shared texts rather than hierarchy. Proscription under the Terrorism Act 2000 operates on the premise that there is an "organisation" whose members can then be charged with membership offences under Section 11. If the Home Office concludes that O9A's structure is too diffuse to constitute an "organisation" in the statutory sense, the proscription mechanism becomes legally uncertain even if the substantive test of concern in terrorism is met. This structural problem does not appear to have been definitively addressed in any published government document, but it is widely cited by counter-extremism researchers as the most likely non-political reason for the non-decision.[^14]
### Parliamentary Campaign for Proscription: Timeline
March 2020: [[HOPE not hate]] formally called for O9A proscription in its *State of Hate 2020* report, characterising O9A as "an incubator of terrorism."[^15]
March 2020: HOPE not hate formally called for O9A proscription in its *State of Hate 2020* report, characterising O9A as "an incubator of terrorism."[^15]
March 2020: [[Yvette Cooper]], chair of the [[Home Affairs Select Committee]], called on the Home Secretary to "immediately" refer O9A to the proscription review group, following the New Statesman investigation that documented O9A materials being held under restricted access at the [[British Library]].[^16]
19 April 2021: [[HOPE not hate]] published "Government misses opportunity to proscribe Order of Nine Angles" on the same day the Home Office announced the proscription of [[Atomwaffen Division]] and [[The Base]] under the Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) (No. 3) Order 2021. Hope not Hate CEO [[Nick Lowles]] stated: "The government's counter-terrorism strategy against the far-right threat remains deeply troubling." The statement argued that O9A had been recommended for proscription over a year earlier and that its influence on proscribed groups including Atomwaffen Division made the omission incoherent.[^17]
19 April 2021: HOPE not hate published "Government misses opportunity to proscribe Order of Nine Angles" on the same day the Home Office announced the proscription of Atomwaffen Division and [[The Base]] under the Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) (No. 3) Order 2021. Hope not Hate CEO [[Nick Lowles]] stated: "The government's counter-terrorism strategy against the far-right threat remains deeply troubling." The statement argued that O9A had been recommended for proscription over a year earlier and that its influence on proscribed groups including Atomwaffen Division made the omission incoherent.[^17]
13 July 2021: Parliamentary debate, "Prevention and Suppression of Terrorism" (HC Deb), featuring extended discussion of O9A. [[Stephanie Peacock]] (Labour, Barnsley East) and [[Stephen Doughty]] (Labour, Cardiff South and Penarth) both called on the Home Secretary to proscribe O9A. The minister's response was the standard formula: the government "will not provide any commentary on which groups are or are not being considered for proscription by the review group" and that "the proscription review process is robust and working as it should."[^18]
October 2021: Peacock renewed her call for proscription in response to the Danyal Hussein conviction, citing his contact with an O9A-associated individual as evidence that O9A's influence was translating into direct harm on British streets.[^11]
18 July 2023: CONTEST 2023, the fourth iteration of the UK counter-terrorism strategy, identified extreme right-wing terrorism as accounting for approximately 22 per cent of UK attacks since 2018 and approximately 25 per cent of MI5's caseload. It listed proscribed far-right organisations including [[Feuerkrieg Division]], [[Atomwaffen Division]], [[Sonnenkrieg Division]], and [[The Base]], but did not name O9A in accessible sections as either proscribed or under active review.[^33]
18 July 2023: CONTEST 2023, the fourth iteration of the UK counter-terrorism strategy, identified extreme right-wing terrorism as accounting for approximately 22 per cent of UK attacks since 2018 and approximately 25 per cent of MI5's caseload. It listed proscribed far-right organisations including Feuerkrieg Division, Atomwaffen Division, [[Sonnenkrieg Division]], and The Base, but did not name O9A in accessible sections as either proscribed or under active review.[^33]
15 September 2023: The Home Office Proscription Factsheet described the proscription review process and criteria in general terms but made no reference to O9A.[^34]
2 July 2025: The [[House of Commons]] debated the draft Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2025, which proscribed three new organisations: [[Maniac Murder Cult]] (a US-based accelerationist group with documented O9A and 764 connections), [[Palestine Action]], and the [[Russian Imperial Movement]]. The Order was approved by 385 votes to 26 after a division. O9A was not included. During the debate, the parliamentary chair of [[HOPE not hate]] again urged the government to consider O9A proscription; the minister's response was the standard formula that the government does not comment on groups under or not under consideration. The Order bears SI number 9780348273373.[^35]
2 July 2025: The [[House of Commons]] debated the draft Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2025, which proscribed three new organisations: [[Maniac Murder Cult]] (a US-based accelerationist group with documented O9A and 764 connections), [[Palestine Action]], and the [[Russian Imperial Movement]]. The Order was approved by 385 votes to 26 after a division. O9A was not included. During the debate, the parliamentary chair of HOPE not hate again urged the government to consider O9A proscription; the minister's response was the standard formula that the government does not comment on groups under or not under consideration. The Order bears SI number 9780348273373.[^35]
No proscription of O9A has been announced as of mid-2026. The government's consistent refusal to explain the non-decision stands in contrast to the public reasoning given for other proscriptions. When [[National Action]] was proscribed in December 2016, [[Amber Rudd]] made a public statement characterising it as "a racist, antisemitic and homophobic organisation which stirs up hatred, glorifies violence and promotes a vile ideology." No equivalent statement characterising O9A as below the threshold, or as failing the statutory test on structural grounds, has been published.
No proscription of O9A has been announced as of mid-2026. The government's consistent refusal to explain the non-decision stands in contrast to the public reasoning given for other proscriptions. When National Action was proscribed in December 2016, [[Amber Rudd]] made a public statement characterising it as "a racist, antisemitic and homophobic organisation which stirs up hatred, glorifies violence and promotes a vile ideology." No equivalent statement characterising O9A as below the threshold, or as failing the statutory test on structural grounds, has been published.
### Proscription Comparisons
The gap between O9A's legal status and that of its downstream networks is substantial. The following proscribed organisations have documented O9A connections:
[[Sonnenkrieg Division]] (proscribed 2019): explicitly modelled on O9A philosophy and [[Atomwaffen Division]]; five members convicted of terrorism charges in the UK.[^19]
Sonnenkrieg Division (proscribed February 2020): explicitly modelled on O9A philosophy and Atomwaffen Division; five members convicted of terrorism charges in the UK.[^19]
[[Atomwaffen Division]] (proscribed April 2021): ideologically shaped by O9A through [[Tempel ov Blood]] and [[Joshua Caleb Sutter]]; considered O9A texts required reading.[^17]
Atomwaffen Division (proscribed April 2021): ideologically shaped by O9A through Tempel ov Blood and Joshua Caleb Sutter; considered O9A texts required reading.[^17]
[[The Base]] (proscribed April 2021): structurally influenced by O9A's nexion model; [[Rinaldo Nazzaro]] incorporated O9A aesthetics and doctrine.[^17]
The Base (proscribed April 2021): structurally influenced by O9A's nexion model; [[Rinaldo Nazzaro]] incorporated O9A aesthetics and doctrine.[^17]
[[Combat 18]] (proscribed February 2020, S.I. 2020/200): the organisation in which [[David Myatt]], O9A's attributed founder, served as "ideological heavyweight." Proscribed while O9A itself is not.[^20]
[[Combat 18]] (proscribed February 2020, S.I. 2020/200): the organisation in which David Myatt, O9A's attributed founder, served as "ideological heavyweight." Proscribed while O9A itself is not.[^20]
### New Zealand Designation
@ -160,11 +160,11 @@ The gap between O9A's legal status and that of its downstream networks is substa
### O9A Texts and the British Library
A specific detail from the March 2020 New Statesman investigation: O9A materials were being held in a secure, supervised section of the [[British Library]], accessible only under controlled conditions. This is a standard British Library procedure for materials assessed as potentially harmful rather than a formal legal restriction, but it was cited in the Yvette Cooper proscription call as evidence of the state's implicit recognition of O9A's dangerous character while formal proscription remained absent.[^16]
A specific detail from the March 2020 New Statesman investigation: O9A materials were being held in a secure, supervised section of the British Library, accessible only under controlled conditions. This is a standard British Library procedure for materials assessed as potentially harmful rather than a formal legal restriction, but it was cited in the Yvette Cooper proscription call as evidence of the state's implicit recognition of O9A's dangerous character while formal proscription remained absent.[^16]
### O9A and the 764 Ecosystem
O9A's influence on [[764 Network|764]] is documented but operates at one remove. 764 is not an O9A nexion and its members do not generally identify as O9A adherents. The connection works through three channels: first, aesthetic adoption, as 764 groups took on O9A visual symbolism and nomenclature; second, structural parallel, as the insight roles doctrine of committing crimes as spiritual progression mirrors 764's content economy in which criminal acts are required for advancement; third, distribution pipeline, as *Iron Gates* and other O9A texts circulated through Terrorgram channels that overlapped with the 764 radicalization environment. The ISD characterized O9A materials as having "directly influenced the operational practices of 764."[^22]
O9A's influence on 764 is documented but operates at one remove. 764 is not an O9A nexion and its members do not generally identify as O9A adherents. The connection works through three channels: first, aesthetic adoption, as 764 groups took on O9A visual symbolism and nomenclature; second, structural parallel, as the insight roles doctrine of committing crimes as spiritual progression mirrors 764's content economy in which criminal acts are required for advancement; third, distribution pipeline, as *Iron Gates* and other O9A texts circulated through Terrorgram channels that overlapped with the 764 radicalization environment. The ISD characterized O9A materials as having "directly influenced the operational practices of 764."[^22]
### Footnotes

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---
category: "Paramilitary"
aliases:
- "Assault Brigade 2506"
tags:
- Organization
- Paramilitary
- Cuba
- CIA
- CubanExiles
summary: "CIA-trained Cuban exile force of the 1961 Bay of Pigs landing, whose veterans' association later joined CORU and whose members reappeared in Watergate, the Letelier inquiry and the Contra supply network."
start: 1960
location: "Miami, Florida"
relations:
- type: funded
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
reverse: true
start: 1960
end: 1961
fn: 1
- type: participant_in
with: "[[Bay of Pigs]]"
start: 1961-04-17
end: 1961-04-19
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[CORU]]"
start: 1976-06-11
role: "the brigade's veterans' association was a founding group"
fn: 4
- type: member_of
with: "[[Felipe Rivero]]"
reverse: true
role: "veteran"
fn: 6
- type: member_of
with: "[[Felix Rodriguez]]"
reverse: true
role: "veteran"
fn: 3
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Brigade 2506 was the force of Cuban exiles organized, trained and equipped by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] for the landing at the [[Bay of Pigs]] on April 17, 1961. It took its name from the membership number of a trainee, Carlos Rafael Santana, who died in a training accident on September 8, 1960. At the invasion it numbered about 1,400 to 1,500 men in six infantry battalions, with five tanks, sixteen B-26 bombers and transport aircraft. Of its members 114 were killed and about 1,179 captured.[^1][^2] On December 21, 1962, the New York lawyer James B. Donovan, recruited by [[Robert F. Kennedy]], signed an agreement with [[Fidel Castro]] exchanging 1,113 surviving prisoners for 53 million dollars in food and medicine. At the Orange Bowl in Miami on December 29, the brigade gave President [[John F. Kennedy]] its flag, which he said he would return "to a free Havana."[^2]
### Veterans
Veterans of the brigade formed the core of later CIA operations against Cuba.[^3] [[Bernard Barker]], [[Howard Hunt]]'s contact in Miami for the break-ins at the office of [[Daniel Ellsberg]]'s psychiatrist and at the [[Watergate]], had served under Hunt in the Bay of Pigs operation; he and the burglars [[Eugenio Martinez]] and [[Frank Sturgis]] were Bay of Pigs veterans.[^3][^5] [[Felix Rodriguez]], a veteran, took part in the capture of [[Che Guevara]] in Bolivia and in the 1980s ran the Contra resupply operation at [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]] as "Max Gomez."[^3] [[Felipe Rivero]], a veteran, founded the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] with [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Ignacio Novo]].[^6] [[Luis D. Elizondo III]], father of [[Luis Elizondo]], fought with the brigade and was held in Cuba for two years.[^7]
### The Veterans' Association and the Letelier Case
The brigade's veterans' association was one of five groups that formed [[CORU]], the Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations, under [[Orlando Bosch]] in the [[Dominican Republic]] on June 11, 1976, together with Bosch's Acción Cubana, the Cuban Nationalist Movement, the Cuban National Liberation Front and the 17th of April Movement. "We were conspiring there," Bosch later said. "Planning bombings and killings. Everything was planned there."[^4]
In early September 1976, three weeks before the assassination of [[Orlando Letelier]] in Washington, the brigade's president, Roberto Carballo, Manuel Camargo and [[Bernardo de Torres]] called on Admiral [[Ronald McIntyre]] of the Chilean naval mission there. They told him the leadership was committed to uniting anti-Castro Cubans and ending the bombings of small groups in Miami; the "only discordant note" was Carballo's feeling "over the detention in Chile and handover to US authorities of the Cuban Otero," meaning [[Rolando Otero]].[^8] An undated memorandum to Colonel [[Manuel Contreras]] of Chile's [[DINA]], written after October 1976, reported that "the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] reached the conclusion that the perpetrators of the attack on Letelier were 4 members of Brigade 2506," naming Roberto Carvallo (Carballo), Carlos Pascual, Vicente Vásquez and Guillermo Novo, who "would have been deceived and paid by a Castro agent."[^9] By May 1977 the Letelier grand jury had summoned Armando López Estrada of the veterans' association among fifteen Cuban exiles.[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: CIA Inspector General. "Inspector General's Survey of the Cuban Operation," October 1961, declassified February 22, 1998, in Kornbluh, Peter, ed., *Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba,* New Press, 1998; *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963,* vol. X, as cited on the Bay of Pigs page.
[^2]: Cuba Study Group (Taylor Commission), final report, June 13, 1961, FRUS 1961-1963, vol. X, doc. 169; Wyden, Peter, *Bay of Pigs: The Untold Story,* Simon & Schuster, 1979, as cited on the Bay of Pigs page.
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998; Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
[^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami, file 2-471, "CORU," August 16, 1978, National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 153, doc. 13; Dinges, John, and Saul Landau, *Assassination on Embassy Row,* McGraw-Hill, 1980, p. 250, quoting Bosch to Blake Fleetwood, *New Times,* May 13, 1977.
[^5]: U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. *Final Report,* 1974, section on the Watergate break-in (Barker's background). https://archive.org/details/senatewatergater01unit
[^6]: Marina, Gloria. "Citan a Felipe Rivero en el caso Letelier," *El Miami Herald,* May 3, 1977, scan at latinamericanstudies.org/belligerence/Rivero-Letelier.pdf
[^7]: Elizondo, Luis. *Imminent.* William Morrow, 2024.
[^8]: Fiscalía Militar Ad-Hoc, Santiago, causa 192-78, as reproduced in *Proceso contra Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda y Pedro Espinoza Bravo,* tomo 2, sworn declaration of Admiral Ronald McIntyre, 1978, translated from the Spanish. https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Causa-Contreras-Espinoza-1991-2.pdf
[^9]: Fiscalía Militar Ad-Hoc, Santiago, causa 192-78, as reproduced in *Proceso contra Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda y Pedro Espinoza Bravo,* tomo 1, memorandum "Caso Letelier" to Colonel Manuel Contreras, undated, translated from the Spanish. https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Causa-Contreras-Espinoza-1991.pdf

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@ -35,7 +35,7 @@ The Sandinista government was opposed by the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administra
Despite the Reagan administration's efforts to link the Sandinistas to drug trafficking, the evidence never materialized. "Although uncorroborated reports indicating Nicaraguan involvement in the shipping of cocaine to the United States had been received, CIA was unable to confirm reports implicating high-level Sandinistas in drug trafficking," the CIA informed the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] in April 1984. Two years later, Justice Department officials reached the same conclusion.[^3]
President Reagan displayed a photograph of [[Federico Vaughn]], identified as "a top aide to one of the nine commandantes," loading an aircraft with drugs. A subsequent House Judiciary Committee investigation revealed Vaughn was likely a U.S. double agent whose house had been "continuously rented" by the U.S. Embassy since 1981, and who was associated with both Norwin Meneses and [[Oliver North]].[^3]
President Reagan displayed a photograph of [[Federico Vaughn]], identified as "a top aide to one of the nine commandantes," loading an aircraft with drugs. A subsequent [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] investigation revealed Vaughn was likely a U.S. double agent whose house had been "continuously rented" by the U.S. Embassy since 1981, and who was associated with both Norwin Meneses and [[Oliver North]].[^3]
### Footnotes

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@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ updated: 2026-09-22
Allen and Company is the [[New York City]] investment bank of the Allen family. In September 1983 [[Dominic Laiti]], chairman of [[Hadron]], the company controlled by [[Earl Brian]], and [[Paul Wormeli]], vice president of its public-safety software subsidiary [[Simeon]], went to New York to raise capital for Simeon and met at the bank's offices with the executive [[Mark Kesselman]] and "a young man whose last name was Allen." Kesselman later visited Simeon's Northern Virginia offices; he told the investigators of the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] that he had been asked by [[Charles Allen]] to assist Allen's nephew [[Nathaniel Kramer]] in the analysis, and that he left the firm in February 1984. [[Bill Hamilton]] of [[INSLAW]] held that the trip's purpose was the acquisition of INSLAW and its [[PROMIS]] software; Bua's investigators concluded the thesis was "incorrect."[^1]
About 1985 or 1986 the bank bought 7.8 percent of the stock of [[SCT|Systems and Computer Technology]] on behalf of an unnamed third party. INSLAW cited the purchase, in its rebuttal to Bua's report, as evidence that Brian was secretly behind SCT's attempted hostile purchase of INSLAW in 1986. The Justice Department's 1994 review rejected the inference as unsupported and noted that on INSLAW's own theory Brian by then already controlled the enhanced PROMIS and was selling it abroad, leaving him no motive to buy the company. Neither the Bua report nor the House Judiciary Committee's report connects the bank to the financing of Brian's later Infotechnology, [[Financial News Network]] and [[United Press International]] ventures, which collapsed in 1991.[^1][^2]
About 1985 or 1986 the bank bought 7.8 percent of the stock of [[SCT|Systems and Computer Technology]] on behalf of an unnamed third party. INSLAW cited the purchase, in its rebuttal to Bua's report, as evidence that Brian was secretly behind SCT's attempted hostile purchase of INSLAW in 1986. The Justice Department's 1994 review rejected the inference as unsupported and noted that on INSLAW's own theory Brian by then already controlled the enhanced PROMIS and was selling it abroad, leaving him no motive to buy the company. Neither the Bua report nor the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s report connects the bank to the financing of Brian's later Infotechnology, [[Financial News Network]] and [[United Press International]] ventures, which collapsed in 1991.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes

2
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@ -35,7 +35,7 @@ Dialog maintained its membership list as confidential from founding through 2026
The confirmed 2026 registrants, as reported by *WIRED*, spanned U.S. partisan politics, the technology industry, finance, media, and the military. Beyond the headline figures, the list included [[Chamath Palihapitiya]] (founder of Social Capital), [[Neal Mohan]] (chief executive of YouTube), [[Peter Attia]] (physician and author of *Outlive*), [[Scott Belsky]] (partner at A24, former chief strategy officer and chief product officer at Adobe), and six members of the PayPal Mafia. *WIRED* additionally identified "sitting [[Donald Trump|Trump]] administration officials" and "a former [[Middle East]] chief" among the registrants without naming them in the published text.[^1]
*WIRED* and [[Gizmodo]] drew the explicit Bilderberg comparison on the basis of the roster's breadth: sitting U.S. senators of both parties, an active four-star military commander, sitting technology executives, and venture capital figures. Unlike Bilderberg, Dialog is a privately held U.S. entity with no disclosure obligations, no published attendee list, and no press access. Himes (the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee) and Grynkewich (the NATO SACEUR) appear on the same off-the-record roster as the executives whose firms contract to the agencies Himes oversees and Grynkewich commands.[^1][^3]
*WIRED* and [[Gizmodo]] drew the explicit Bilderberg comparison on the basis of the roster's breadth: sitting U.S. senators of both parties, an active four-star military commander, sitting technology executives, and venture capital figures. Unlike Bilderberg, Dialog is a privately held U.S. entity with no disclosure obligations, no published attendee list, and no press access. Himes (the ranking member of the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]]) and Grynkewich (the NATO SACEUR) appear on the same off-the-record roster as the executives whose firms contract to the agencies Himes oversees and Grynkewich commands.[^1][^3]
### Prior Outings: The 2013 Invite and the Gelman Post

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---
category: "Private Organization"
aliases:
- "Hunt Oil"
tags:
- Organization
- Oil
- Texas
- HuntFamily
summary: "Privately held Dallas oil company of H.L. Hunt and then of Ray Hunt, whose executives became ambassadors and whose 2007 Kurdish contract drew a congressional inquiry."
location: "Dallas, Texas"
relations:
- type: owned
with: "[[H.L. Hunt]]"
reverse: true
end: 1974
fn: 2
- type: head_of
with: "[[Ray Hunt]]"
reverse: true
role: "chairman"
fn: 3
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Paul Rothermel]]"
reverse: true
start: 1955
role: "administrative assistant to H.L. Hunt; security chief"
fn: 5
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Hunt Oil Company is the privately held exploration and production company of the Hunt family of Dallas. In 2011 it described itself as having "successfully conducted worldwide petroleum operations for over 74 years."[^1] [[H.L. Hunt]], who in 1930 bought the discovery well of the [[East Texas Oil Field]] from [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], owned the company and founded [[Placid Oil Company]].[^2]
### The Family Firm
Hunt Oil's staff and the family overlapped. [[Margaret Hunt Hill]] married a company accountant, Albert Galatyn Hill, in 1938, and employees called her "the big boss"; [[Hassie Hunt]] drilled as the Hassie Hunt Production Company from an office in the building; [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a legal secretary who came to the company with Claude O'Quinn when he left her law firm for its main client, bore Hunt four children from 1943 while he kept her in a house two minutes' drive from the family home, and married him in November 1957.[^4][^2] The former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent [[Paul Rothermel]] wrote to [[J. Edgar Hoover]] on Hunt Oil letterhead on February 22, 1955, that he was "now associated with the Hunt Oil Company at Dallas"; the bureau described him as Hunt's administrative assistant and the press as his chief of security.[^5]
Hunt Oil put about 45 million dollars into Hunt's food company, HLH Products, and in 1969 his nephew Tom Hunt, a company executive, found it losing heavily; investigators described six separate schemes against it. On February 3, 1970, the FBI's Cartha DeLoach reported that Hunt's sons had told Senator [[James Eastland]] they were trying to have their father declared incompetent and that Hunt Oil had lost about 80 million dollars over several years.[^2][^6] Private detectives hired by [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] and [[William Herbert Hunt]] then tapped the telephones of four Hunt Oil executives, Rothermel among them.[^7] Indicted in 1975 for obstructing the resulting grand jury, the brothers said that more than 50 million dollars had been embezzled from Hunt Oil by employees who "were secret Government agents," after they had refused a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] request to place officers in [[Hunt International Petroleum]]; the [[United States]] attorney acknowledged that "the CIA contacted the Hunts in the mid-1960s."[^7]
On March 4, 1977, the company's spokesman, [[James C. Oberwetter]], issued a statement denying that Hunt "knew, ever communicated with or ever received communication from [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]," after the *Dallas Morning News* asked whether a handwritten "Dear Mr. Hunt" note attributed to Oswald was addressed to him.[^8] A former Hunt Oil official recalled seeing [[Eugene Hale Brading]] in the company's reception office on November 21, 1963, waiting to see Nelson Bunker Hunt.[^10]
Hunt died in 1974, leaving all his Hunt Oil stock to Ruth Hunt and naming her son [[Ray Hunt]] sole executor. In a 1975 division with the sons of the first family, Bunker, Herbert and [[Lamar Hunt]] took Hunt Energy, Placid Oil and Penrod Drilling, and Ray kept Hunt Oil.[^3]
### Under Ray Hunt
Hunt Oil found the Alif field near Marib in 1984, the first oil discovered in North Yemen; on April 12, 1986, Vice President [[George H.W. Bush]] flew to Marib and dedicated the field's refinery. Yemen took back the block on November 15, 2005, and Hunt Oil and [[ExxonMobil]] filed for arbitration in Paris.[^11] Ray Hunt sat on the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]] from 2001, and two Hunt Oil executives became ambassadors: Jeanne L. Phillips, a senior vice president and Bush fundraiser, to the OECD from August 2001 to June 2003, after which she returned to the company, and Oberwetter to [[Saudi Arabia]], sworn in on January 8, 2004.[^9]
On September 8, 2007, Hunt Oil and the [[Kurdistan Regional Government]] announced a production-sharing contract for a block in the Dohuk area under a regional oil law that Baghdad did not recognize; three days before the signing the company's regional manager, David McDonald, told the [[State Department]]'s reconstruction team in Erbil that it was interested in districts of northern Nineveh disputed between Erbil and Baghdad.[^12] On July 2, 2008, Representative [[Henry Waxman]] released documents and wrote to Secretary of State [[Condoleezza Rice]] that "contrary to the denials of Administration officials, advisors to the President and officials in the State and Commerce Departments knew about Hunt Oil's interest in the Kurdish region months before the contract was executed," quoting an internal Hunt Oil message: "This is really good for us."[^13]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hunt Oil Company, home page, Wayback Machine capture of January 7, 2011. https://web.archive.org/web/20110107034940/http://www.huntoil.com/
[^2]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association, 1995, revised 2023. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
[^3]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash.* W.W. Norton, 1981.
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr., released under the Freedom of Information Act. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
[^6]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, parts 1 and 2 (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970; "Two Rich Men the U.S. Would Put in Jail," syndicated column, 1974, CIA-RDP88-01315R000300490023-4.
[^7]: *United States v. Hunt,* 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974); United States v. Nelson Bunker Hunt et al., indictment, U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas, July 1975, count 1; "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents to Embezzle Funds," *The New York Times,* July 23, 1975, CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120024-3.
[^8]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
[^9]: "Top-secret cronies," *Salon,* November 17, 2005. https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/ ; The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Nominations and Appointments," October 5, 2001; U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "Jeanne L. Phillips"; "Ambassador focuses on U.S.-Saudi cooperation," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna8293255
[^10]: Golz, Earl. "Eugene Hale Brading; Suspect," two installments, November 29 and December 6, 1973, the second in *The Midlothian Mirror,* as cited on the Eugene Hale Brading page.
[^11]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," *United Press International,* April 12, 1986. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/ ; "Hunt Oil & ExxonMobil File for Arbitration on Yemen Field," *Rigzone,* 2005.
[^12]: U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Hunt Oil Signs Agreement with KRG under KRG Oil Law," cable 07BAGHDAD3071, September 12, 2007. https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BAGHDAD3071_a.html
[^13]: Waxman, Henry A., letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, July 2, 2008, as reported in "Bush Officials Condoned Regional Iraqi Oil Deal," *The Washington Post,* July 3, 2008.

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@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ Senior District Judge [[William Bryant, Jr.|William Bryant]] of the district cou
The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PSI) issued a report in September 1989 finding "no proof" that [[Lowell Jensen]] and [[Edwin Meese]] had conspired to ruin INSLAW or steal its software. The Senate report nonetheless found that DOJ official Thomas Stanton had improperly sought special handling for INSLAW's bankruptcy and criticized the Department for placing Brewer in charge of the implementation contract given his prior employment by INSLAW.[^3]
The House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Representative [[Jack Brooks]], conducted a three-year investigation from 1989 to 1992. Its September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) found "strong evidence...that the Department of Justice 'acted willfully and fraudulently,' and 'took, converted and stole,' Inslaw's Enhanced PROMIS by 'trickery fraud and deceit.'" A key basis for this conclusion was testimony from Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, who had told DOJ's Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's proprietary rights claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court on this issue," yet DOJ continued litigating against INSLAW for another decade.[^1]
The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]], chaired by Representative [[Jack Brooks]], conducted a three-year investigation from 1989 to 1992. Its September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) found "strong evidence...that the Department of Justice 'acted willfully and fraudulently,' and 'took, converted and stole,' Inslaw's Enhanced PROMIS by 'trickery fraud and deceit.'" A key basis for this conclusion was testimony from Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, who had told DOJ's Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's proprietary rights claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court on this issue," yet DOJ continued litigating against INSLAW for another decade.[^1]
Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua issued a 267-page report in March 1993 finding no credible evidence that any DOJ official had committed criminal wrongdoing in connection with the INSLAW matter. The Senate subsequently referred INSLAW's remaining claims to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims in May 1995. Judge [[Christine Odell Cook Miller|Christine Miller]] ruled on July 31, 1997, that all versions of PROMIS were in the public domain and that the government had always been entitled to use the software as it wished. A three-judge Review Panel upheld that ruling in August 1998. INSLAW received no compensation from the federal government.[^2][^6]

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---
category: "Private Organization"
aliases:
- "NSArchive"
- "National Security Archives"
tags:
- Organization
- FOIA
- Declassification
- Archive
summary: "Nongovernmental research institute and FOIA litigant at George Washington University, founded in 1985, whose suits and briefing books released the Family Jewels, the Bay of Pigs inspector general's report and Gottlieb's testimony."
start: 1985
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
The National Security Archive, at George Washington University in Washington, was "founded in 1985 by journalists and scholars to check rising government secrecy." It describes itself as an investigative journalism center, a research institute, a library of declassified documents, a leading nonprofit user of the [[Freedom of Information Act]], a public interest law firm and a publisher of former secrets.[^1]
### Releases Forced or Published
After a two-year effort under the Freedom of Information Act, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] declassified on February 22, 1998, the 1961 report of its inspector general, Lyman Kirkpatrick, on the [[Bay of Pigs]], published that year as *Bay of Pigs Declassified*, edited by the archive's [[Peter Kornbluh]].[^2] The CIA released the [[CIA Family Jewels|Family Jewels]], under Director [[Michael Hayden]], on June 26, 2007, after a lawsuit by the archive.[^3] On February 13, 2001, the archive drafted a complaint against the Archivist of the [[United States]] and the Secretary of State over the telephone transcripts that [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] had removed on leaving office and shipped to [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s estate; the government recovered copies in August 2001.[^4]
Its electronic briefing books have published the planning record of the 1964 coup in Brazil, in No. 118 (2004), edited by Kornbluh, and No. 465 (2014), edited by Kornbluh and James G. Hershberg;[^5] the drafts showing that the [[Gerald Ford]] [[White House]] altered the [[Rockefeller Commission 1975|Rockefeller Commission]]'s report, including [[Dick Cheney]]'s handwritten comments, in 2016;[^6] the 1978 confession of the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]] in 2023;[^7] documents on the assassination of General [[Carlos Prats]] in 2024;[^8] and in October 2025 the transcripts of [[Sidney Gottlieb]]'s Top Secret testimony to the [[Church Committee]] in October 1975.[^9] In 2025 it added a note to its 2000 publication of [[State Department]] documents on the killing of [[Charles Horman]] stating that the theory of an American role was now in doubt.[^10]
### Footnotes
[^1]: National Security Archive, "About the National Security Archive." https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/about
[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. *Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba.* New Press, 1998, as cited on the Bay of Pigs page.
[^3]: CIA FOIA Reading Room, "The Family Jewels," released 2007, as cited on the CIA Family Jewels page.
[^4]: National Security Archive Briefing Book No. 852, ed. William Burr, February 13, 2024; NSAEBB No. 123, "The Kissinger Telcons," and No. 263.
[^5]: National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 118, "Brazil Marks 40th Anniversary of Military Coup," ed. Peter Kornbluh, March 31, 2004; No. 465, "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup," ed. James G. Hershberg and Peter Kornbluh, 2014.
[^6]: National Security Archive, "Gerald Ford White House Altered Rockefeller Commission Report in 1975," February 29, 2016, as cited on the Rockefeller Commission 1975 page.
[^7]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Dictatorship Declassified: Confessions of a DINA Hit Man." National Security Archive, November 22, 2023. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2023-11-22/pinochet-dictatorship-declassified-confessions-dina-hit-man
[^8]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofía Cuthbert." National Security Archive, October 1, 2024. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
[^9]: National Security Archive, "Top Secret Testimony of CIA's MKULTRA Chief, 50 Years Later," October 30, 2025, as cited on the Sidney Gottlieb page.
[^10]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "Chile in Their Hearts." National Security Archive, May 7, 2025, as cited on the Charles Horman page.

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@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Patricof and Company, formally Allen Patricof and Associates and known in the special counsel's report as APA, was a New York venture capital firm founded in 1969 as Patricof & Co. Ventures by [[Alan Patricof]], later renamed Apax Partners.[^2] It managed several funds, among them [[53rd Street Ventures]], formed about 1976. [[Jonathan Ben Cnaan]], a native of [[Israel]] employed at the firm from 1981 to 1987, managed the funds and about 1982 made the firm's first investment in [[INSLAW]], 100,000 dollars through 53rd Street Ventures, describing himself to the investigators of [[Nicholas J. Bua]] as a "follower" investor with no active role in the negotiations. [[Patricia Cloherty]] worked at the firm from about 1970 to 1977, left for the Small Business Administration under [[Jimmy Carter]], ran [[Tessler & Cloherty|Tessler and Cloherty]] with her husband [[Daniel Tessler]] through the 1980s, during which that firm took over the 53rd Street fund in 1984, and returned to Patricof and Company in February 1988. Neither the House Judiciary Committee nor Bua found any wrongdoing by the firm, which entered the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|INSLAW affair]] only through its stake in the company and the handoff of the fund to the Tesslers, whose dealings with [[Bill Hamilton]] in December 1984 became the subject of his affidavit.[^1]
Patricof and Company, formally Allen Patricof and Associates and known in the special counsel's report as APA, was a New York venture capital firm founded in 1969 as Patricof & Co. Ventures by [[Alan Patricof]], later renamed Apax Partners.[^2] It managed several funds, among them [[53rd Street Ventures]], formed about 1976. [[Jonathan Ben Cnaan]], a native of [[Israel]] employed at the firm from 1981 to 1987, managed the funds and about 1982 made the firm's first investment in [[INSLAW]], 100,000 dollars through 53rd Street Ventures, describing himself to the investigators of [[Nicholas J. Bua]] as a "follower" investor with no active role in the negotiations. [[Patricia Cloherty]] worked at the firm from about 1970 to 1977, left for the Small Business Administration under [[Jimmy Carter]], ran [[Tessler & Cloherty|Tessler and Cloherty]] with her husband [[Daniel Tessler]] through the 1980s, during which that firm took over the 53rd Street fund in 1984, and returned to Patricof and Company in February 1988. Neither the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] nor Bua found any wrongdoing by the firm, which entered the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|INSLAW affair]] only through its stake in the company and the handoff of the fund to the Tesslers, whose dealings with [[Bill Hamilton]] in December 1984 became the subject of his affidavit.[^1]
### Footnotes

4
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@ -22,9 +22,9 @@ Hamilton alleged that a 1983 fundraising trip to New York City by [[Dominic Lait
Both Wormeli and Titus contradicted Hamilton's account under questioning by investigators. Wormeli confirmed the New York trip took place and that he and Laiti met with [[Earl Brian]] and executives from [[Allen and Company]] (including Mark Kesselman) to discuss funding. However, Wormeli stated that neither Laiti nor Brian ever discussed the acquisition of PROMIS or INSLAW with him, and that Laiti never mentioned PROMIS at any of the meetings. Titus denied ever telling Hamilton that the trip's purpose was to acquire PROMIS, and stated she was not present at or party to any conversations about acquiring INSLAW's software or any unethical or illegal activities to obtain it. She noted that the only court-related software company Simeon/Hadron had discussed acquiring was a Southern California company called Responsive Design.[^1]
The [[Department of Justice]] Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua, in his 1993 report on the INSLAW allegations, concluded that the evidence from Titus, Wormeli, and other interviewed witnesses did not support Hamilton's thesis and that there was no evidence Hadron or Simeon ever had any interest in obtaining INSLAW's PROMIS software.
The Department of Justice Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua, in his 1993 report on the INSLAW allegations, concluded that the evidence from Titus, Wormeli, and other interviewed witnesses did not support Hamilton's thesis and that there was no evidence Hadron or Simeon ever had any interest in obtaining INSLAW's PROMIS software.
The Bua report's findings were themselves contested by Hamilton and INSLAW, who maintained that the DOJ investigation could not be objective given the department's own alleged role in the PROMIS theft. The House Judiciary Committee's competing investigation reached more skeptical conclusions about the DOJ's handling of the INSLAW case and the Bua report's comprehensiveness.
The Bua report's findings were themselves contested by Hamilton and INSLAW, who maintained that the DOJ investigation could not be objective given the department's own alleged role in the PROMIS theft. The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s competing investigation reached more skeptical conclusions about the DOJ's handling of the INSLAW case and the Bua report's comprehensiveness.
### Footnotes

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---
category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
aliases:
- "SKD"
tags:
- Organization
- NeoNazi
- Accelerationism
- OrderOfNineAngles
- SiegeCulture
- TerroristOrganization
- UnitedKingdom
summary: "British neo-Nazi group founded by Andrew Dymock after National Action's ban, modelled on Atomwaffen Division and the Order of Nine Angles, proscribed in the UK on February 28, 2020."
location: "United Kingdom"
relations:
- type: founded
with: "[[Andrew Dymock]]"
reverse: true
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[Michael Szewczuk]]"
reverse: true
role: "co-founder; administrator of the group's Gab page"
fn: 2
- type: member_of
with: "[[Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski]]"
reverse: true
fn: 2
created: 2026-09-22
updated: 2026-09-22
---
Sonnenkrieg Division (SKD) was founded by [[Andrew Dymock]], who had earlier founded the [[System Resistance Network]], a successor to [[National Action]] after that group's proscription in December 2016. Modelled on the American [[Atomwaffen Division]], it drew on the doctrine of the [[Order of Nine Angles]].[^1][^2]
### Prosecutions
[[Michael Szewczuk]], 19, of Leeds, a co-founder, and [[Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski]], 18, of West London, shared control of the group's page on Gab, where they posted material encouraging lone-actor terrorism, including an image of [[Prince Harry]] with a gun to his head captioned as a "race traitor." At the [[Old Bailey]] on June 18, 2019, Judge Rebecca Poulet QC, calling the content "abhorrent as well as criminal by reason of their clear intention to encourage terrorist acts," sentenced Szewczuk to four years and three months and Dunn-Koczorowski to eighteen months' detention.[^2] Dymock was arrested at Gatwick Airport in December 2018, convicted of fifteen counts, twelve of them terrorism offences, in June 2021, and sentenced by Judge Mark Dennis QC on July 21, 2021, to seven years with three years' extended licence.[^1] [[Harry Vaughan]], an eighteen-year-old Tiffin School student arrested on June 19, 2019, in an investigation of the [[Fascist Forge]] forum, had made and uploaded SKD propaganda and kept bomb-making manuals; he pleaded guilty to fourteen terrorism offences and in November 2020 received a suspended sentence from Mr Justice Sweeney, who called him "a dangerous offender."[^3] [[Jacek Tchorzewski]], who admired the group, wrote in a notebook, "Let's fill our hearts with terror and London's streets with blood."[^4]
### Proscription
On February 24, 2020, the Home Office announced orders to proscribe Sonnenkrieg Division and to treat the System Resistance Network as an alias of National Action, following a meeting of the Proscription Review Group. "By proscribing these groups we are making it much harder for them to spread their hateful rhetoric," said the Home Secretary, [[Priti Patel]]. The Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2020, made on February 27, added "Sonnenkrieg Division" to the list after Ansaroul Islam and came into force on February 28; membership or support carries up to ten years' imprisonment.[^5] The [[Feuerkrieg Division]] was proscribed later that year.[^6] Australia listed Sonnenkrieg Division in August 2021, its first designation of a far-right group, before [[The Base]].[^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Tell MAMA UK. "Neo-Nazi student to be sentenced for terrorism and hate offences." 2021. https://tellmamauk.org/neo-nazi-student-to-be-sentenced-for-terrorism-and-hate-offences/ ; "British neo-Nazi who called for extermination of Jews sentenced to 7 years." *Algemeiner,* July 22, 2021. https://www.algemeiner.com/2021/07/22/british-neo-nazi-who-called-for-extermination-of-jews-sentenced-to-7-years-in-jail/
[^2]: "Two British teens just convicted for promoting far-right terrorism online." *The Washington Post,* June 18, 2019. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2019/06/18/two-british-teens-just-convicted-promoting-far-right-terrorism-online/ ; HOPE not hate. "Jailed neo-Nazi Satanists were a legacy of National Action." June 18, 2019. https://hopenothate.org.uk/2019/06/18/jailed-neo-nazi-satanists-legacy-national-action/
[^3]: "Teenage Satanist neo-Nazi avoids jail after admitting 14 terror offences." *ITV News London,* November 2, 2020. https://www.itv.com/news/london/2020-11-02/teenage-satanist-neo-nazi-harry-vaughan-sentenced-for-terror-offences
[^4]: Faith Matters. "Nazi-Obsessed Teenager Who Dreamt of Planning Terrorism Jailed." September 2019, as cited on the Jacek Tchorzewski page.
[^5]: Home Office. "Government takes action to proscribe right-wing terrorist groups." February 24, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-takes-action-to-proscribe-right-wing-terrorist-groups ; "Order to proscribe far-right terrorist group comes into force." February 28, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/order-to-proscribe-far-right-terrorist-group-comes-into-force ; The Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2020, SI 2020/200, arts. 1-2. https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2020/200/made
[^6]: The Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) (No. 2) Order 2020, SI 2020/743.
[^7]: "The Base, Hezbollah get terrorist designation in Australia." *The Washington Post,* November 23, 2021, as cited on The Base page.