vault backup: 2026-09-22 19:33:49

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Allen and Company.md

@@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ updated: 2026-09-22
 
 Allen and Company is the [[New York City]] investment bank of the Allen family. In September 1983 [[Dominic Laiti]], chairman of [[Hadron]], the company controlled by [[Earl Brian]], and [[Paul Wormeli]], vice president of its public-safety software subsidiary [[Simeon]], went to New York to raise capital for Simeon and met at the bank's offices with the executive [[Mark Kesselman]] and "a young man whose last name was Allen." Kesselman later visited Simeon's Northern Virginia offices; he told the investigators of the special counsel [[Nicholas J. Bua]] that he had been asked by [[Charles Allen]] to assist Allen's nephew [[Nathaniel Kramer]] in the analysis, and that he left the firm in February 1984. [[Bill Hamilton]] of [[INSLAW]] held that the trip's purpose was the acquisition of INSLAW and its [[PROMIS]] software; Bua's investigators concluded the thesis was "incorrect."[^1]
 
-About 1985 or 1986 the bank bought 7.8 percent of the stock of [[SCT|Systems and Computer Technology]] on behalf of an unnamed third party. INSLAW cited the purchase, in its rebuttal to Bua's report, as evidence that Brian was secretly behind SCT's attempted hostile purchase of INSLAW in 1986. The Justice Department's 1994 review rejected the inference as unsupported and noted that on INSLAW's own theory Brian by then already controlled the enhanced PROMIS and was selling it abroad, leaving him no motive to buy the company. Neither the Bua report nor the House Judiciary Committee's report connects the bank to the financing of Brian's later Infotechnology, [[Financial News Network]] and [[United Press International]] ventures, which collapsed in 1991.[^1][^2]
+About 1985 or 1986 the bank bought 7.8 percent of the stock of [[SCT|Systems and Computer Technology]] on behalf of an unnamed third party. INSLAW cited the purchase, in its rebuttal to Bua's report, as evidence that Brian was secretly behind SCT's attempted hostile purchase of INSLAW in 1986. The Justice Department's 1994 review rejected the inference as unsupported and noted that on INSLAW's own theory Brian by then already controlled the enhanced PROMIS and was selling it abroad, leaving him no motive to buy the company. Neither the Bua report nor the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s report connects the bank to the financing of Brian's later Infotechnology, [[Financial News Network]] and [[United Press International]] ventures, which collapsed in 1991.[^1][^2]
 
 ### Footnotes
 

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Dialog.md

@@ -35,7 +35,7 @@ Dialog maintained its membership list as confidential from founding through 2026
 
 The confirmed 2026 registrants, as reported by *WIRED*, spanned U.S. partisan politics, the technology industry, finance, media, and the military. Beyond the headline figures, the list included [[Chamath Palihapitiya]] (founder of Social Capital), [[Neal Mohan]] (chief executive of YouTube), [[Peter Attia]] (physician and author of *Outlive*), [[Scott Belsky]] (partner at A24, former chief strategy officer and chief product officer at Adobe), and six members of the PayPal Mafia. *WIRED* additionally identified "sitting [[Donald Trump|Trump]] administration officials" and "a former [[Middle East]] chief" among the registrants without naming them in the published text.[^1]
 
-*WIRED* and [[Gizmodo]] drew the explicit Bilderberg comparison on the basis of the roster's breadth: sitting U.S. senators of both parties, an active four-star military commander, sitting technology executives, and venture capital figures. Unlike Bilderberg, Dialog is a privately held U.S. entity with no disclosure obligations, no published attendee list, and no press access. Himes (the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee) and Grynkewich (the NATO SACEUR) appear on the same off-the-record roster as the executives whose firms contract to the agencies Himes oversees and Grynkewich commands.[^1][^3]
+*WIRED* and [[Gizmodo]] drew the explicit Bilderberg comparison on the basis of the roster's breadth: sitting U.S. senators of both parties, an active four-star military commander, sitting technology executives, and venture capital figures. Unlike Bilderberg, Dialog is a privately held U.S. entity with no disclosure obligations, no published attendee list, and no press access. Himes (the ranking member of the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]]) and Grynkewich (the NATO SACEUR) appear on the same off-the-record roster as the executives whose firms contract to the agencies Himes oversees and Grynkewich commands.[^1][^3]
 
 ### Prior Outings: The 2013 Invite and the Gelman Post
 

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Hunt Oil Company.md

@@ -0,0 +1,65 @@
+---
+category: "Private Organization"
+aliases:
+  - "Hunt Oil"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - Oil
+  - Texas
+  - HuntFamily
+summary: "Privately held Dallas oil company of H.L. Hunt and then of Ray Hunt, whose executives became ambassadors and whose 2007 Kurdish contract drew a congressional inquiry."
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+relations:
+  - type: owned
+    with: "[[H.L. Hunt]]"
+    reverse: true
+    end: 1974
+    fn: 2
+  - type: head_of
+    with: "[[Ray Hunt]]"
+    reverse: true
+    role: "chairman"
+    fn: 3
+  - type: employed_by
+    with: "[[Paul Rothermel]]"
+    reverse: true
+    start: 1955
+    role: "administrative assistant to H.L. Hunt; security chief"
+    fn: 5
+created: 2026-09-22
+updated: 2026-09-22
+---
+
+Hunt Oil Company is the privately held exploration and production company of the Hunt family of Dallas. In 2011 it described itself as having "successfully conducted worldwide petroleum operations for over 74 years."[^1] [[H.L. Hunt]], who in 1930 bought the discovery well of the [[East Texas Oil Field]] from [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], owned the company and founded [[Placid Oil Company]].[^2]
+
+### The Family Firm
+
+Hunt Oil's staff and the family overlapped. [[Margaret Hunt Hill]] married a company accountant, Albert Galatyn Hill, in 1938, and employees called her "the big boss"; [[Hassie Hunt]] drilled as the Hassie Hunt Production Company from an office in the building; [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a legal secretary who came to the company with Claude O'Quinn when he left her law firm for its main client, bore Hunt four children from 1943 while he kept her in a house two minutes' drive from the family home, and married him in November 1957.[^4][^2] The former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent [[Paul Rothermel]] wrote to [[J. Edgar Hoover]] on Hunt Oil letterhead on February 22, 1955, that he was "now associated with the Hunt Oil Company at Dallas"; the bureau described him as Hunt's administrative assistant and the press as his chief of security.[^5]
+
+Hunt Oil put about 45 million dollars into Hunt's food company, HLH Products, and in 1969 his nephew Tom Hunt, a company executive, found it losing heavily; investigators described six separate schemes against it. On February 3, 1970, the FBI's Cartha DeLoach reported that Hunt's sons had told Senator [[James Eastland]] they were trying to have their father declared incompetent and that Hunt Oil had lost about 80 million dollars over several years.[^2][^6] Private detectives hired by [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] and [[William Herbert Hunt]] then tapped the telephones of four Hunt Oil executives, Rothermel among them.[^7] Indicted in 1975 for obstructing the resulting grand jury, the brothers said that more than 50 million dollars had been embezzled from Hunt Oil by employees who "were secret Government agents," after they had refused a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] request to place officers in [[Hunt International Petroleum]]; the [[United States]] attorney acknowledged that "the CIA contacted the Hunts in the mid-1960s."[^7]
+
+On March 4, 1977, the company's spokesman, [[James C. Oberwetter]], issued a statement denying that Hunt "knew, ever communicated with or ever received communication from [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]," after the *Dallas Morning News* asked whether a handwritten "Dear Mr. Hunt" note attributed to Oswald was addressed to him.[^8] A former Hunt Oil official recalled seeing [[Eugene Hale Brading]] in the company's reception office on November 21, 1963, waiting to see Nelson Bunker Hunt.[^10]
+
+Hunt died in 1974, leaving all his Hunt Oil stock to Ruth Hunt and naming her son [[Ray Hunt]] sole executor. In a 1975 division with the sons of the first family, Bunker, Herbert and [[Lamar Hunt]] took Hunt Energy, Placid Oil and Penrod Drilling, and Ray kept Hunt Oil.[^3]
+
+### Under Ray Hunt
+
+Hunt Oil found the Alif field near Marib in 1984, the first oil discovered in North Yemen; on April 12, 1986, Vice President [[George H.W. Bush]] flew to Marib and dedicated the field's refinery. Yemen took back the block on November 15, 2005, and Hunt Oil and [[ExxonMobil]] filed for arbitration in Paris.[^11] Ray Hunt sat on the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]] from 2001, and two Hunt Oil executives became ambassadors: Jeanne L. Phillips, a senior vice president and Bush fundraiser, to the OECD from August 2001 to June 2003, after which she returned to the company, and Oberwetter to [[Saudi Arabia]], sworn in on January 8, 2004.[^9]
+
+On September 8, 2007, Hunt Oil and the [[Kurdistan Regional Government]] announced a production-sharing contract for a block in the Dohuk area under a regional oil law that Baghdad did not recognize; three days before the signing the company's regional manager, David McDonald, told the [[State Department]]'s reconstruction team in Erbil that it was interested in districts of northern Nineveh disputed between Erbil and Baghdad.[^12] On July 2, 2008, Representative [[Henry Waxman]] released documents and wrote to Secretary of State [[Condoleezza Rice]] that "contrary to the denials of Administration officials, advisors to the President and officials in the State and Commerce Departments knew about Hunt Oil's interest in the Kurdish region months before the contract was executed," quoting an internal Hunt Oil message: "This is really good for us."[^13]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hunt Oil Company, home page, Wayback Machine capture of January 7, 2011. https://web.archive.org/web/20110107034940/http://www.huntoil.com/
+[^2]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association, 1995, revised 2023. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
+[^3]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
+[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash.* W.W. Norton, 1981.
+[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr., released under the Freedom of Information Act. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
+[^6]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, parts 1 and 2 (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970; "Two Rich Men the U.S. Would Put in Jail," syndicated column, 1974, CIA-RDP88-01315R000300490023-4.
+[^7]: *United States v. Hunt,* 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974); United States v. Nelson Bunker Hunt et al., indictment, U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas, July 1975, count 1; "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents to Embezzle Funds," *The New York Times,* July 23, 1975, CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120024-3.
+[^8]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
+[^9]: "Top-secret cronies," *Salon,* November 17, 2005. https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/ ; The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Nominations and Appointments," October 5, 2001; U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "Jeanne L. Phillips"; "Ambassador focuses on U.S.-Saudi cooperation," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna8293255
+[^10]: Golz, Earl. "Eugene Hale Brading; Suspect," two installments, November 29 and December 6, 1973, the second in *The Midlothian Mirror,* as cited on the Eugene Hale Brading page.
+[^11]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," *United Press International,* April 12, 1986. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/ ; "Hunt Oil & ExxonMobil File for Arbitration on Yemen Field," *Rigzone,* 2005.
+[^12]: U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Hunt Oil Signs Agreement with KRG under KRG Oil Law," cable 07BAGHDAD3071, September 12, 2007. https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BAGHDAD3071_a.html
+[^13]: Waxman, Henry A., letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, July 2, 2008, as reported in "Bush Officials Condoned Regional Iraqi Oil Deal," *The Washington Post,* July 3, 2008.

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/INSLAW.md

@@ -48,7 +48,7 @@ Senior District Judge [[William Bryant, Jr.|William Bryant]] of the district cou
 
 The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PSI) issued a report in September 1989 finding "no proof" that [[Lowell Jensen]] and [[Edwin Meese]] had conspired to ruin INSLAW or steal its software. The Senate report nonetheless found that DOJ official Thomas Stanton had improperly sought special handling for INSLAW's bankruptcy and criticized the Department for placing Brewer in charge of the implementation contract given his prior employment by INSLAW.[^3]
 
-The House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Representative [[Jack Brooks]], conducted a three-year investigation from 1989 to 1992. Its September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) found "strong evidence...that the Department of Justice 'acted willfully and fraudulently,' and 'took, converted and stole,' Inslaw's Enhanced PROMIS by 'trickery fraud and deceit.'" A key basis for this conclusion was testimony from Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, who had told DOJ's Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's proprietary rights claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court on this issue," yet DOJ continued litigating against INSLAW for another decade.[^1]
+The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]], chaired by Representative [[Jack Brooks]], conducted a three-year investigation from 1989 to 1992. Its September 1992 report (House Report 102-857) found "strong evidence...that the Department of Justice 'acted willfully and fraudulently,' and 'took, converted and stole,' Inslaw's Enhanced PROMIS by 'trickery fraud and deceit.'" A key basis for this conclusion was testimony from Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, who had told DOJ's Office of Professional Responsibility in 1986 that INSLAW's proprietary rights claim was "legitimate" and that the government "would probably lose the case in court on this issue," yet DOJ continued litigating against INSLAW for another decade.[^1]
 
 Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua issued a 267-page report in March 1993 finding no credible evidence that any DOJ official had committed criminal wrongdoing in connection with the INSLAW matter. The Senate subsequently referred INSLAW's remaining claims to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims in May 1995. Judge [[Christine Odell Cook Miller|Christine Miller]] ruled on July 31, 1997, that all versions of PROMIS were in the public domain and that the government had always been entitled to use the software as it wished. A three-judge Review Panel upheld that ruling in August 1998. INSLAW received no compensation from the federal government.[^2][^6]
 

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/National Security Archive.md

@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Private Organization"
+aliases:
+  - "NSArchive"
+  - "National Security Archives"
+tags:
+  - Organization
+  - FOIA
+  - Declassification
+  - Archive
+summary: "Nongovernmental research institute and FOIA litigant at George Washington University, founded in 1985, whose suits and briefing books released the Family Jewels, the Bay of Pigs inspector general's report and Gottlieb's testimony."
+start: 1985
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-22
+updated: 2026-09-22
+---
+
+The National Security Archive, at George Washington University in Washington, was "founded in 1985 by journalists and scholars to check rising government secrecy." It describes itself as an investigative journalism center, a research institute, a library of declassified documents, a leading nonprofit user of the [[Freedom of Information Act]], a public interest law firm and a publisher of former secrets.[^1]
+
+### Releases Forced or Published
+
+After a two-year effort under the Freedom of Information Act, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] declassified on February 22, 1998, the 1961 report of its inspector general, Lyman Kirkpatrick, on the [[Bay of Pigs]], published that year as *Bay of Pigs Declassified*, edited by the archive's [[Peter Kornbluh]].[^2] The CIA released the [[CIA Family Jewels|Family Jewels]], under Director [[Michael Hayden]], on June 26, 2007, after a lawsuit by the archive.[^3] On February 13, 2001, the archive drafted a complaint against the Archivist of the [[United States]] and the Secretary of State over the telephone transcripts that [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] had removed on leaving office and shipped to [[Nelson Rockefeller]]'s estate; the government recovered copies in August 2001.[^4]
+
+Its electronic briefing books have published the planning record of the 1964 coup in Brazil, in No. 118 (2004), edited by Kornbluh, and No. 465 (2014), edited by Kornbluh and James G. Hershberg;[^5] the drafts showing that the [[Gerald Ford]] [[White House]] altered the [[Rockefeller Commission 1975|Rockefeller Commission]]'s report, including [[Dick Cheney]]'s handwritten comments, in 2016;[^6] the 1978 confession of the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]] in 2023;[^7] documents on the assassination of General [[Carlos Prats]] in 2024;[^8] and in October 2025 the transcripts of [[Sidney Gottlieb]]'s Top Secret testimony to the [[Church Committee]] in October 1975.[^9] In 2025 it added a note to its 2000 publication of [[State Department]] documents on the killing of [[Charles Horman]] stating that the theory of an American role was now in doubt.[^10]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: National Security Archive, "About the National Security Archive." https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/about
+[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. *Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba.* New Press, 1998, as cited on the Bay of Pigs page.
+[^3]: CIA FOIA Reading Room, "The Family Jewels," released 2007, as cited on the CIA Family Jewels page.
+[^4]: National Security Archive Briefing Book No. 852, ed. William Burr, February 13, 2024; NSAEBB No. 123, "The Kissinger Telcons," and No. 263.
+[^5]: National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 118, "Brazil Marks 40th Anniversary of Military Coup," ed. Peter Kornbluh, March 31, 2004; No. 465, "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup," ed. James G. Hershberg and Peter Kornbluh, 2014.
+[^6]: National Security Archive, "Gerald Ford White House Altered Rockefeller Commission Report in 1975," February 29, 2016, as cited on the Rockefeller Commission 1975 page.
+[^7]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Dictatorship Declassified: Confessions of a DINA Hit Man." National Security Archive, November 22, 2023. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2023-11-22/pinochet-dictatorship-declassified-confessions-dina-hit-man
+[^8]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofía Cuthbert." National Security Archive, October 1, 2024. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
+[^9]: National Security Archive, "Top Secret Testimony of CIA's MKULTRA Chief, 50 Years Later," October 30, 2025, as cited on the Sidney Gottlieb page.
+[^10]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "Chile in Their Hearts." National Security Archive, May 7, 2025, as cited on the Charles Horman page.

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Patricof and Company.md

@@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ created: 2026-09-22
 updated: 2026-09-22
 ---
 
-Patricof and Company, formally Allen Patricof and Associates and known in the special counsel's report as APA, was a New York venture capital firm founded in 1969 as Patricof & Co. Ventures by [[Alan Patricof]], later renamed Apax Partners.[^2] It managed several funds, among them [[53rd Street Ventures]], formed about 1976. [[Jonathan Ben Cnaan]], a native of [[Israel]] employed at the firm from 1981 to 1987, managed the funds and about 1982 made the firm's first investment in [[INSLAW]], 100,000 dollars through 53rd Street Ventures, describing himself to the investigators of [[Nicholas J. Bua]] as a "follower" investor with no active role in the negotiations. [[Patricia Cloherty]] worked at the firm from about 1970 to 1977, left for the Small Business Administration under [[Jimmy Carter]], ran [[Tessler & Cloherty|Tessler and Cloherty]] with her husband [[Daniel Tessler]] through the 1980s, during which that firm took over the 53rd Street fund in 1984, and returned to Patricof and Company in February 1988. Neither the House Judiciary Committee nor Bua found any wrongdoing by the firm, which entered the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|INSLAW affair]] only through its stake in the company and the handoff of the fund to the Tesslers, whose dealings with [[Bill Hamilton]] in December 1984 became the subject of his affidavit.[^1]
+Patricof and Company, formally Allen Patricof and Associates and known in the special counsel's report as APA, was a New York venture capital firm founded in 1969 as Patricof & Co. Ventures by [[Alan Patricof]], later renamed Apax Partners.[^2] It managed several funds, among them [[53rd Street Ventures]], formed about 1976. [[Jonathan Ben Cnaan]], a native of [[Israel]] employed at the firm from 1981 to 1987, managed the funds and about 1982 made the firm's first investment in [[INSLAW]], 100,000 dollars through 53rd Street Ventures, describing himself to the investigators of [[Nicholas J. Bua]] as a "follower" investor with no active role in the negotiations. [[Patricia Cloherty]] worked at the firm from about 1970 to 1977, left for the Small Business Administration under [[Jimmy Carter]], ran [[Tessler & Cloherty|Tessler and Cloherty]] with her husband [[Daniel Tessler]] through the 1980s, during which that firm took over the 53rd Street fund in 1984, and returned to Patricof and Company in February 1988. Neither the [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] nor Bua found any wrongdoing by the firm, which entered the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|INSLAW affair]] only through its stake in the company and the handoff of the fund to the Tesslers, whose dealings with [[Bill Hamilton]] in December 1984 became the subject of his affidavit.[^1]
 
 ### Footnotes
 

20 - ORGANIZATIONS/PRIVATE/Simeon.md

@@ -22,9 +22,9 @@ Hamilton alleged that a 1983 fundraising trip to New York City by [[Dominic Lait
 
 Both Wormeli and Titus contradicted Hamilton's account under questioning by investigators. Wormeli confirmed the New York trip took place and that he and Laiti met with [[Earl Brian]] and executives from [[Allen and Company]] (including Mark Kesselman) to discuss funding. However, Wormeli stated that neither Laiti nor Brian ever discussed the acquisition of PROMIS or INSLAW with him, and that Laiti never mentioned PROMIS at any of the meetings. Titus denied ever telling Hamilton that the trip's purpose was to acquire PROMIS, and stated she was not present at or party to any conversations about acquiring INSLAW's software or any unethical or illegal activities to obtain it. She noted that the only court-related software company Simeon/Hadron had discussed acquiring was a Southern California company called Responsive Design.[^1]
 
-The [[Department of Justice]] Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua, in his 1993 report on the INSLAW allegations, concluded that the evidence from Titus, Wormeli, and other interviewed witnesses did not support Hamilton's thesis and that there was no evidence Hadron or Simeon ever had any interest in obtaining INSLAW's PROMIS software.
+The Department of Justice Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua, in his 1993 report on the INSLAW allegations, concluded that the evidence from Titus, Wormeli, and other interviewed witnesses did not support Hamilton's thesis and that there was no evidence Hadron or Simeon ever had any interest in obtaining INSLAW's PROMIS software.
 
-The Bua report's findings were themselves contested by Hamilton and INSLAW, who maintained that the DOJ investigation could not be objective given the department's own alleged role in the PROMIS theft. The House Judiciary Committee's competing investigation reached more skeptical conclusions about the DOJ's handling of the INSLAW case and the Bua report's comprehensiveness.
+The Bua report's findings were themselves contested by Hamilton and INSLAW, who maintained that the DOJ investigation could not be objective given the department's own alleged role in the PROMIS theft. The [[House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]]'s competing investigation reached more skeptical conclusions about the DOJ's handling of the INSLAW case and the Bua report's comprehensiveness.
 
 ### Footnotes