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2026-09-21 17:31:27 -04:00 · 2026-09-21 17:31:27 -04:00 · e83310b1b8
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--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agustin
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agustin
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+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - AgustinEdwards
+  - ElMercurio
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - PepsiCo
+  - CovertAction
+  - Propaganda
+alias:
+  - Agustin Edwards Eastman
+  - Agustín Edwards
+summary: "Owner of the Santiago daily El Mercurio who met Richard Helms in Washington before Nixon ordered a coup in Chile, and whose paper received 1.665 million dollars in CIA subsidies."
+died: 2017-04-24
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Agustin Edwards Eastman (died April 24, 2017, aged 89) owned [[El Mercurio]], the principal newspaper of [[Chile]]. In September 1970, after [[Salvador Allende]] won the presidential vote, he went to Washington, where [[Donald Kendall]], the president of [[PepsiCo|Pepsi-Cola]], arranged for him to see [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]], [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[John Mitchell]], and the director of central intelligence, [[Richard Helms]]. The [[40 Committee]] later voted his newspaper 1,665,000 dollars. He spent the Allende years in the [[United States]] as a vice president of PepsiCo.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### September 1970
+
+Kissinger and Mitchell had breakfast with Kendall and Edwards on the morning of September 15, 1970, according to Mitchell's calendar. Helms testified in 1975: "Prior to this meeting with the President the editor of El Mercurio had come to Washington and I had been asked to go and talk to him at one of the hotels here, this having been arranged through Don Kendall, the head of the Pepsi Cola Company." He added: "I have this impression that the President called this meeting where I have my handwritten notes because of Edwards' presence in Washington and what he heard from Kendall about what Edwards was saying about conditions in Chile." At the meeting that afternoon President [[Richard Nixon]] instructed Helms to organize a military coup, the operation that became [[Project FUBELT]]. An ethics tribunal of the Chilean journalists' guild found in 2015 that Edwards had briefed Helms on the disposition of Chilean politicians and senior officers and on the equipment and logistical capacity of the navy, air force, and army.[^1][^3]
+
+Two days after the breakfast, the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] representatives [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]] recommended that American companies "pump some advertising into Mercurio" and help revive propagandists formerly supported by "the Matte and Edwards groups."[^4]
+
+### The Subsidies
+
+The 40 Committee authorized 700,000 dollars for El Mercurio on September 9, 1971, and 965,000 dollars more on April 11, 1972. A [[National Intelligence Estimate]] of August 1971 had concluded that the paper "had managed to retain its independence" under Allende. The [[Church Committee]] described the vote a month later as "at some variance" with that finding. From 1970 to 1975 Edwards lived in the United States as a vice president of PepsiCo and president of its [[Foods International]] division. He resumed the direction of El Mercurio in 1982 and held it until 2008.[^2][^3]
+
+### Expulsion
+
+On April 21, 2015, the ethics tribunal of the metropolitan council of the [[Colegio de Periodistas de Chile]] expelled Edwards on a petition filed by members in November 2014. It cited his receipt of CIA money "aimed at destabilizing Salvador Allende's government through communications operations," and his paper's part in April 1987, during the visit of Pope [[John Paul II]], in a staged operation with the security services that accused two young men of subversion and was used to justify their torture. He did not appeal. The researcher [[Peter Kornbluh]] called him "the most important collaborator according to the CIA in creating the conditions for a coup d'état."[^3][^5]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, quoting testimony of Richard Helms, July 15, 1975, pp. 4-5.
+[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 1975.
+[^3]: "El fin de un intocable: Colegio de Periodistas decide expulsar a Agustín Edwards," *El Mostrador,* April 21, 2015.
+[^4]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1973.
+[^5]: "Colegio de Periodistas expulsa a Agustín Edwards por graves faltas éticas," *Le Monde Diplomatique* (Chilean edition), May 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher
@ -0,0 +1,55 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence Scandal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ChristopherDrogoul
+  - BNL
+  - Iraqgate
+  - Banking
+  - Atlanta
+  - KissingerAssociates
+alias:
+  - Christopher P. Drogoul
+summary: "Manager of the Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro who extended more than four billion dollars in unreported credit to Iraq and testified that his superiors in Rome and Kissinger Associates knew of the business."
+location: "Atlanta, Georgia"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Christopher P. Drogoul managed the [[Atlanta]] branch of the Italian state-owned [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], which between 1985 and 1989 extended more than four billion dollars in unreported loans and credits to [[Iraq]], a portion of them backed by the [[Commodity Credit Corporation]] of the [[United States Department of Agriculture|Department of Agriculture]]. The FBI and the [[Federal Reserve]] raided the branch on August 4, 1989. Drogoul was indicted on February 28, 1991, the day after President [[George H.W. Bush]] ordered the ceasefire in the [[Gulf War]]. He pleaded guilty, withdrew the plea, pleaded guilty again to three counts, and was sentenced in December 1993 to 37 months. The government's position throughout was that he acted without the knowledge of the bank's headquarters. The first judge assigned to the case concluded otherwise.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### The Indictment
+
+The indictment, No. 1:91-CR-078 in the [[United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia|Northern District of Georgia]], charged Drogoul on 347 counts together with two branch officers, [[Therese Barden]] and [[Amedeo DeCarolis]]; the [[New York City|New York]] trading company [[Entrade International]] and its manager, [[Yavuz Tezeller]]; the Iraqi state [[Rafidain Bank]]; and four Iraqi officials, among them [[Safa al-Habobi]], who ran Iraq's front companies in [[London]]. The government's list of unindicted co-conspirators, filed by Assistant U.S. Attorney [[Gale McKenzie]] on September 12, 1991, named an employee of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and [[Amir al-Saadi]] of the [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]]. [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Richard Thornburgh]] said the defendants had been able "to silently pick the pockets of a major Italian bank of more than $4 billion in loans and credits, almost by the push of a button."[^1][^4]
+
+Tezeller left for [[Turkey]] after the raid and did not return. A [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] letter of January 9, 1990, said he could "provide information regarding after sales services (a fancy word for bribes, kickbacks), unearned consulting fees, and other payments to Iraqis as well as kickbacks paid by [[United States]] and multinational companies to obtain Iraqi contracts." Entrade was an affiliate of the Turkish conglomerate [[Enka]] and had handled 52 guaranteed transactions for Iraq. An Agriculture Department inquiry found no evidence that the commodities in those transactions reached Iraq. Representative [[Henry Gonzalez]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs|House Banking Committee]], said on the House floor that the [[State Department]] had kept the Atlanta investigators from traveling to Turkey to question Tezeller, and that the Justice Department had discouraged the indictment of the Central Bank of Iraq and of [[Wafai Dajani]], a Jordanian businessman close to King [[Hussein of Jordan|Hussein]], on grounds of foreign policy.[^5]
+
+[[Joseph D. Whitley]] became acting United States attorney in Atlanta on June 1, 1990, and recused himself from the case the same day because his former law firm had represented [[Matrix Churchill]], the Iraqi-owned machine tool company that the branch had financed.[^6]
+
+### Shoob
+
+Drogoul pleaded guilty to 60 counts in June 1992. At the sentencing hearing before Judge [[Marvin Shoob]] he testified that the branch had been "a tool of the U.S. and Italian governments" and that "one has to consider it a foreign policy matter and not a banking matter." On September 14, 1992, Gonzalez announced that the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had told his committee it had good evidence that officials of the bank in [[Rome]] knew of the Atlanta lending, which contradicted what the agency's general counsel had told the prosecutors. On October 1 Shoob allowed Drogoul to withdraw the plea and removed himself from the case, stating his conclusion "that officials at BNL-Rome were aware of and approved Mr. Drogoul's activities."[^1][^2][^7]
+
+Attorney General [[William Barr]] declined to seek an independent counsel and on October 16, 1992, appointed a retired federal judge, [[Frederick Lacey]], as special counsel. Lacey reported after 54 days. "I find Judge Shoob's specific charges against the USAO to be inaccurate," he wrote. Of the national security adviser and the deputy secretary of state, both formerly of [[Kissinger Associates]], he wrote: "It is clear that, while at Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft and Eagleburger came into contact with BNL management. I have seen nothing, however, to suggest that they knew of BNL-Atlanta's wrongful loans to Iraq or influenced the prosecution of this matter." The second part of his report was classified top secret. Gonzalez called it "the Lacey Job" and said: "At best Lacey's probe was a whitewash." In December 1992 prosecutors in [[Venice]] indicted 59 people, including executives of the bank, for financing arms sales to [[Iran]].[^6][^7]
+
+The staff of the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] reported in February 1993 that the intelligence agencies and the Justice Department had coordinated poorly and that the CIA's reasoning for withholding its reports from the prosecutors had "no legal support." It did not find that information had been concealed to protect senior officials.[^8]
+
+### The Italian Witnesses
+
+Drogoul's lawyer, [[Bobby Lee Cook]], named three officials in Rome, [[Giacomo Pedde]], [[Teodoro Monaco]], and [[Angelo Florio]], as the men who had authorized the loans. The government sought to depose thirteen Italian bank officers in Rome. Seven, including Pedde, Florio, and [[Nerio Nesi]], refused to testify in the United States. The defense told the court of appeals that "the testimony of these thirteen witnesses lies at the very core of the charges in the indictment, and its refutation the heart of the defense." The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit|Eleventh Circuit]] ordered the depositions on September 2, 1993, six days before the trial date. Drogoul then pleaded guilty to one count of wire fraud and two of making false statements to the Federal Reserve. A Justice Department review filed with the court on August 23 had found that six employees in Atlanta were responsible and that neither Rome nor Washington knew. "The evidence never gets on the books," Gonzalez said, "and the public will never know for certain what the Bush administration did for [[Saddam Hussein]] before the war."[^1][^2]
+
+### Testimony on Kissinger Associates
+
+Drogoul testified under oath to the House Banking Committee on November 9, 1993, with five other former employees of the bank. He said he learned at a business meeting in [[Italy]] in 1987 that [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] sat on the bank's international advisory board. "As we became involved in the medium-term lending," he said, "it became clear to us that the people at Kissinger and Associates were somehow assisting clients of Iraq in further developing business." He added: "By the time we moved into the 1988 period or early 1989 period, it was fairly clear to me that Kissinger and Associates' people were involved in some way in trying to enhance and develop a relationship between Iraq and the United States. I really shouldn't go farther than that, because the rest is probably speculation."[^9]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Drogoul gets 37 months in BNL bank scandal," *United Press International,* December 9, 1993; "Was Banker Just Fall Guy in Loans to Iraq?" *Deseret News,* December 5, 1993.
+[^2]: United States v. Drogoul, 1 F.3d 1546 (11th Cir. 1993).
+[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920428g.htm
+[^4]: "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993.
+[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal," *Congressional Record,* House, March 30, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920330g.htm
+[^6]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15. https://archive.org/details/testimonyofforme1994unit
+[^7]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Update on BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, January 21, 1993.
+[^8]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair,* staff report, S. Prt. 103-12, February 1993.
+[^9]: Testimony of Christopher P. Drogoul, House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Curt
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Curt
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "BCCI Scandal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - CurtBradbury
+  - StephensInc
+  - WorthenBank
+  - BCCI
+  - BillClinton
+  - CampaignFinance
+summary: "Stephens Inc. officer present at the November 1977 Little Rock meeting with BCCI, later chairman of Worthen Bank, which lent the 1992 Clinton campaign 3.5 million dollars."
+location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Curt Bradbury is a [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] banker who spent his career with the firms of [[Jackson Stephens]].
+
+On November 9, 1977, as an employee of [[Stephens Inc.]], he sat with Stephens and [[Bert Lance]] in Little Rock opposite [[Abdus Sami]] of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]. The subject was Lance's [[National Bank of Georgia]]. "Stephens and Bradbury allegedly recommended that BCCI purchase FGB stock or recommend the stock to its clients," two reporters wrote of [[Financial General Bankshares]], of which Stephens Inc. held 4.9 percent. Within two months four clients of the bank had bought into the company through an account at Stephens Inc.[^1]
+
+In April 1985 [[Worthen Bank]] lost 52 million dollars of [[Arkansas]] state money in the failure of [[Bevill, Bresler and Schulman]]. Stephens Inc. underwrote a 35 million dollar stock issue, and Bradbury took charge of the bank. As its chairman in March 1992 he arranged a line of credit of 3.5 million dollars for the presidential campaign of [[Bill Clinton]], of which about 3 million was drawn and repaid. The campaign kept its federal election funds on deposit at the bank. With [[Mack McLarty]] he organized Little Rock fundraisers that brought in 2 million dollars, and he gave 10,000 dollars to the [[Democratic Party]]. Another account names the campaign's finance officer, [[David Watkins]], as the man who arranged the loan, and puts it at 3.9 million dollars in eleven installments.[^2][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992; Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981).
+[^2]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times,* January 31, 1993; "15 Years in Review," *Arkansas Business.*
+[^3]: Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America*. Henry Holt, 1996.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eugene
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eugene
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Organized Crime"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - EugeneBrading
+  - JimBraden
+  - DealeyPlaza
+  - HuntFamily
+  - OrganizedCrime
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Jim Braden
+  - Eugene Brading
+  - Eugene Hale Braden
+summary: "California parolee detained across from the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the assassination, who gave the name Jim Braden and had told his probation officer the day before that he planned to see Lamar Hunt."
+location: "Beverly Hills, California"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Eugene Hale Brading was a convicted felon from [[Los Angeles]] who was taken into custody in [[Dealey Plaza]] on November 22, 1963, under the name Jim Braden. He had changed the name on his [[California]] driver's license two months earlier. The sheriff's office released him without learning who he was, and he used the same name when the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] interviewed him again in January 1964.[^1][^2]
+
+### November 21
+
+Four years out of the penitentiary, Brading needed the permission of the federal probation office for travel between states. On November 21 he reported under his real name to the chief probation officer in [[Dallas]], [[Roger Carroll]], whose record of the visit states that he "advised that he planned to see [[Lamar Hunt]] and other oil speculators while here." He was staying in a third-floor suite at the [[Cabana Motor Hotel|Cabana Hotel]] taken by his traveling companion, [[Morgan H. Brown]]. A former [[Hunt Oil Company]] official recalled seeing Brading and others in the receptionist's office that day, waiting to see [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]. A friend of the family said Brown "knew the Hunts very well, knew Lamar and Bunker and all of them," and had played poker with them in Dallas years before. Brown later served time in a California prison. A spokesman for Lamar Hunt said the names "didn't mean a thing to him" and that no such visitors appeared on his calendar. Brading later told a Los Angeles police official that he had not gone to the Hunt offices because of his record. [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman, [[Connie Trammell]], to the same building that day for an appointment with Lamar Hunt.[^2][^3]
+
+### November 22
+
+In a statement sworn before the [[Dallas County Sheriff's Department]] that afternoon, "Jim Braden," of 621 South Barrington in Los Angeles, with an office at 215 [[La Cienega Boulevard|South La Cienega]] in [[Beverly Hills, California|Beverly Hills]], said: "I am here on business (oil business) and was walking down [[Elm Street (Dallas)|Elm Street]] trying to get a cab and there wasn't any. I heard people talking saying 'My God the President has been shot.'" He said he went to the building across from the one the police had surrounded, was told by a woman that there was a telephone on the third floor, rode up in the freight elevator, found the telephone out of order, and rode down. "The colored man who ran the elevator said you are a stranger in this building and I was not supposed to let you up and he ran outside to an officer." He showed the officer a credit card. The building was the [[Dal-Tex Building]]. A supplementary report by Deputy [[C.L. "Lummie" Lewis|C.L. Lewis]] lists him with the [[Cabana Hotel]], room 301, as his Dallas address. Chief Deputy [[Allan Sweatt]] took the statement.[^1]
+
+While he waited at the sheriff's office his companions checked out of the Cabana, at about two in the afternoon. The desk clerk had noted at registration that they planned to stay until November 24. In 1973 Lewis and Sweatt identified Brading in an enlargement of a photograph, taken about ten minutes after the shooting, of a group standing on the sidewalk between the depository and the triple underpass, which would place him west of both buildings before he returned to the Dal-Tex Building to telephone. The [[Warren Commission]] published his statement among the sheriff's papers and did not examine him.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Decker Exhibit No. 5323, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 19, voluntary statement of Jim Braden, November 22, 1963, and supplementary investigation report of Deputy C.L. Lewis.
+[^2]: Golz, Earl. "Eugene Hale Brading; Suspect," two installments, November 29 and December 6, 1973, the second in *The Midlothian Mirror,* in the Sylvia Meagher clippings, Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College.
+[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Connie Trammell, Commission Exhibit 2270, *Hearings,* vol. 25.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Harold
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Harold
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HaroldGeneen
+  - ITT
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - JohnMcCone
+  - CorporateIntelligence
+alias:
+  - Harold S. Geneen
+  - Hal Geneen
+summary: "Chairman of ITT who in 1970 offered the CIA a fund to keep Salvador Allende from the Chilean presidency, swore to the Senate that ITT had done nothing, and was not charged with perjury."
+location: "New York, New York"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Harold S. Geneen was chairman and chief executive of [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph]]. His board included [[John McCone]], the former director of central intelligence, who testified that he had remained "a consultant to the Agency since I left the Agency in 1965."[^1]
+
+### The Offers
+
+McCone testified that the board concluded in May or June 1970 that [[Salvador Allende]] would win the Chilean election, and that he felt the government should be warned, "not only because of its effect on the business interests, but also because of its effect on the taxpayer," since there were "several hundred million dollars of OPIC guarantees, of which approximately $100 million were ITT's." On the instructions of Director [[Richard Helms]], [[William Broe]], chief of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[CIA Western Hemisphere Division|Western Hemisphere Division]], met Geneen in his room at the [[Sheraton-Carlton Hotel]] on July 16, 1970. Broe testified that Geneen "offered to assemble a substantial fund" to support [[Jorge Alessandri]], to be "controlled and channeled through the CIA," and that he refused it. After Allende's plurality in September, Geneen told McCone that he would put up as much as a million dollars for any government plan to stop Allende in the [[National Congress of Chile|Chilean Congress]]. McCone took the offer to [[Henry Kissinger]] and Helms. On September 29, again on Helms's instructions, Broe called on the senior vice president [[Edward Gerrity]] in [[New York City|New York]] with proposals for creating economic instability in [[Chile]], which both men testified Gerrity thought unworkable.[^1]
+
+### Testimony
+
+Appearing with two lawyers in 1973, Geneen swore that ITT had taken no steps to block the election and had contributed no money "to any person or to any agency of any government" to that end. He said the company's concern was its 70 percent interest in the Chilean telephone company, an investment of 153 million dollars, which was seized on September 29, 1971. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] paid ITT 34.7 million dollars in cash in 1975 and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations, its largest indemnity to that time.[^1][^2]
+
+The [[Department of Justice]] investigated Geneen, Gerrity, and [[Robert Berrellez]] for perjury in 1977. On March 20, 1978, it charged the two subordinates. The grand jury was discharged without indicting anyone, and the wire report of the day stated that "the department decided not to prosecute ITT Chairman Harold Geneen." The cases against Gerrity and Berrellez were dropped in early 1979 after the defense sought classified material.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, pp. 93-95, 394-395, and 457-458. https://archive.org/details/MultinationalCorporationsAndUSForeignPolicyUSSenateHearings
+[^2]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322, note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322
+[^3]: "2 ITT Men Charged with Senate Lies," wire report, March 21, 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030069-7.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Henry
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Henry
@ -0,0 +1,60 @@
+---
+category: "Political Figure"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HenryGonzalez
+  - HouseBankingCommittee
+  - BNLScandal
+  - Iraqgate
+  - HSCA
+  - CongressionalOversight
+alias:
+  - Henry Gonzalez
+  - Henry B. González
+  - Henry Barbosa Gonzalez
+summary: "House Banking Committee chairman from San Antonio who read classified documents on American aid to Iraq into the Congressional Record in 1992 after the Justice Department asked him to stop his inquiry on national security grounds."
+born: 1916-05-03
+died: 2000-11-28
+location: "San Antonio, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Henry B. Gonzalez (May 3, 1916 to November 28, 2000) represented [[San Antonio]] in the [[United States House of Representatives]] from 1961 to 1999 and was chairman of the [[House Banking Committee|Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs]] from 1989 to 1995. In 1977 he was briefly chairman of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]. From 1990 to 1993 he investigated the loans of the [[Atlanta]] branch of [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] to [[Iraq]], and published much of what his committee obtained by reading it on the House floor.[^1][^2]
+
+### Early Career
+
+Gonzalez was born in San Antonio to Mexican immigrants, took a law degree at [[St. Mary's University]] in 1943, and worked during the [[World War II|Second World War]] as a civilian cable and radio censor for military and naval intelligence. He was elected to the city council in 1953 and to the [[Texas Senate]] in 1956, where in 1957 he and [[Abraham Kazen]] filibustered a package of segregation bills. He ran for governor in 1958 and for the [[United States Senate]] in 1961, was a national chairman of the [[Viva Kennedy Clubs|Viva Kennedy]] campaign of 1960, and won a special election to the House in November 1961. He sat on the banking committee for all of his 37 years in Congress.[^1]
+
+In 1963 he shoved Representative [[Ed Foreman]], who had called him a "pinko," and in 1986 he struck a man who called him a communist in a San Antonio restaurant. He pressed for years for an investigation of the 1979 murder of federal judge [[John H. Wood Jr.]] in San Antonio, which he held to be the work of organized crime. When indictments came in 1982, [[William Webster]] of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] credited him.[^1]
+
+### The Assassinations Committee
+
+Gonzalez became chairman of the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1977 and entered a public dispute with its chief counsel, [[Richard A. Sprague]], over Sprague's independence of the committee. The other members sided with Sprague, and Gonzalez resigned on March 2, 1977, within a month of taking the chair.[^1]
+
+### The Banking Committee
+
+He became chairman of the banking committee in January 1989, having warned of the condition of the savings and loan industry since 1979. His hearings on [[Charles Keating]] and [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] produced the evidence against the five senators who had intervened with regulators on Keating's behalf.[^1][^2]
+
+### Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
+
+The FBI raided the Atlanta branch of the Italian state bank in August 1989 and found that it had lent Iraq several billion dollars off its books, much of it guaranteed by the [[Commodity Credit Corporation]] of the [[Department of Agriculture]]. When Gonzalez proposed hearings, the [[John F. Kennedy Presidential Library|Kennedy Library]] later recorded, "he was asked by high-ranking government officials to desist on the grounds of national security." [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Richard Thornburgh]] wrote to him on September 26, 1990, that a hearing scheduled for October 9 and staff interviews of witnesses raised "the prospect that culpable parties will elude prosecution," and added: "As you should be aware, this is a sensitive case with national security concerns." On December 18 the [[State Department]] informed the [[Department of Justice]] that "with respect to the national security aspects of the investigation, we have determined that the State Department does not have any concerns it wishes to raise at this juncture." The committee issued subpoenas. Beginning in February 1992 he delivered about twenty hour-long special order speeches on the House floor, among them "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the [[BNL Scandal]]," "[[Kissinger Associates]], [[Brent Scowcroft|Scowcroft]], [[Lawrence Eagleburger|Eagleburger]], Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," "The Rostow Gang," "Scowcroft Improperly Intervened in CCC Program and Many More Lies to Congress," and "The BNL Case: Hear No Evil, Speak No Evil," and entered the documents in the [[Congressional Record]].[^2][^3]
+
+On May 18, 1992, he said: "When the BNL offices were raided in Atlanta in August 1989, investigators uncovered massive fraud, placing the entire [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|CCC Program for Iraq]] in jeopardy. So the [[White House]] and NSC, armed with National Security Directive 26, sprang into action in order to save the CCC Program for Iraq." He named Scowcroft, the president's counsel [[C. Boyden Gray]], Gray's deputy [[John Schmitz]], [[Richard Haass]] of the [[National Security Council]] staff, and [[Clayton Yeutter]] as parties to the discussions, and said that by April 1990 "it was apparent the BNL indictment was being delayed." On July 21 he quoted a July 1990 intelligence report, "Iraq's Growing Arsenal," which identified Iraq's State Establishment for Oil Refining and Gas Processing as "a dedicated front for procuring chemical weapons related components," against the text of [[National Security Directive 26]], which placed "particular emphasis on expanding [[United States]]-Iraq oil industry related trade."[^3][^4]
+
+On September 25 he described a brass factory worth 40 million dollars sold to Iraq by [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] under a contract negotiated with [[Safa al-Habobi]] and financed by the Atlanta branch. Its owner had told the committee in April 1991 that the brass was "solely for commercial uses." Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing that the Iraqi purchaser meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses, and quoted the owner's remark to the [[Indianapolis Star]] in August 1992: "Probably the only thing they are doing is melting the brass down." President [[George H.W. Bush]]'s report to Congress of September 1991 had stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability."[^5]
+
+### The Ethics Resolution
+
+His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^6]
+
+The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994, for investigating, "regardless of the attempts to strip him of his committee chairmanship, the involvement of high-level officials in the Reagan and Bush Administrations in the sale of U.S. arms to Iraq." Of the war of 1991 he had said: "Not only did our own service men and women face military material that had been exported from the U.S., the U.S. military itself relied on these Iraqi front companies for some of the military goods they used." He lost the chairmanship to [[Jim Leach|James Leach]] in 1995 and did not run in 1998. His son Charles succeeded him.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kohout, Martin Donell. "González, Henry Barbosa," *Handbook of Texas,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/gonzalez-henry-barbosa
+[^2]: John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, "Henry González," Profile in Courage Award, 1994.
+[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, May 18, 1992; index of statements, 102nd Congress, second session, February 24 to September 28, 1992.
+[^4]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "United States Policy to Arm Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, July 21, 1992.
+[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502.
+[^6]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ihsan
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ihsan
@ -1,17 +1,45 @@
 ---
-category: "World War II & Nazi Era"
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
-  - WW2
-  - Nazi
-summary: "Barbouti procured artillery cups for Cardoen's Santiago-produced chemical weapons from West Germany."
+  - IhsanBarbouti
+  - ChemicalWeapons
+  - Rabta
+  - Libya
+  - Iraq
+  - BNLScandal
+  - CarlosCardoen
+alias:
+  - Dr. Ihsan Barbouti
+  - IBI
+summary: "Iraqi-born London architect who designed Libya's chemical weapons plant at Rabta, sought nerve gas precursors through an Oklahoma company, held real estate in Texas, and was reported dead on his 63rd birthday in July 1990."
+died: 1990-07
+location: "London, England"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---

-[[Ihsan Barbouti]] was an Egyptian national living in the [[United States|U.S.]]. He was involved in the procurement of materials for chemical weapons and had connections to various intelligence operations.

-Barbouti procured artillery cups for [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen's]] [[Santiago]]-produced chemical weapons from [[West Germany]]. He had previously provided equipment for chemical weapons to [[Libya]] and was known for arranging for former [[Nazi Germany|Nazi]] scientists to work on missile technology in [[Egypt]] in the 1950s. He faked his death to escape [[Mossad]] and resurfaced in the [[United States|U.S.]] in the early 1980s. According to [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence, he later cut a deal with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and began working on its behalf with [[Arab countries]], basing himself in [[Texas]] and [[Florida]].[^1]
+### Rabta

-He had an interest in [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen's]] "agricultural project" (chemical plant) in [[Paraguay]], which was a joint venture, sourcing materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]. Barbouti was also involved in nuclear missile projects in [[Iraq]] through the [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]] network. He was named as an enemy of the state by an [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, though [[Yitzhak Shamir]] intervened to put the executions on hold.[^1]
+Ihsan Barbouti was an Iraqi-born architect living in [[London]]. In discovery in a federal suit in [[Oklahoma]] his opponents obtained an agency contract between him and the Libyan Secretary of Atomic Energy. A co-investor in his American real estate, [[Mike Peress]] of [[Metropolitan Life]], testified that he "heard Dr. Barbouti admit to being the architect and procurer of material for a plant in Libya that Dr. Barbouti classified as a pharmaceutical plant," and that Barbouti said a shipper, [[Joseph Gedopt]] of a company called Crosslink, could "redirect, camouflage, or change manifests on any shipment Dr. Barbouti saw fit." [[William Webster]], the director of central intelligence, reported to Congress in 1989 that the complex at [[Rabta]] would give [[Libya]] "the largest chemical warfare agent production plant in the third world." A Dallas pipeline consultant who worked for Barbouti's companies, [[Bruce Munden]], heard in January 1989 that American intelligence believed the plant made chemical weapons, and flew to London to ask him. Munden testified that "Dr. Barbouti stated that he had designed the plant at Rabta for Colonel Ghadafi," that "no one could prove that he had anything to do with chemical weapons," and that "if the U.S., the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Israel]] could have chemical weapons, there was no reason why Colonel Ghadafi could not have them either." After the plant became public, Munden said, Barbouti's son [[Haidar Barbouti|Haidar]] told the executives of [[IBI Inc.|IBI]] "to search their files and to purge them of any documents relating to Libya."[^1]
+
+### TK-7
+
+In 1987 Barbouti sought an interest in [[TK-7 Corporation]], a maker of fuel additives in [[Oklahoma City]] headed by [[Moshe Tal]]. At a meeting in [[Zurich]] that September he asked Tal to buy a "vessel load of certain chemicals in the [[United States]] and prepare them for shipment to Europe." Some were ingredients of the company's product and others were unfamiliar to Tal. Barbouti explained that he had been delayed in Libya, where he had a contract with the Ministry of Atomic Energy. In [[New York City|New York]] that November Tal asked whether the Libyan government had a financial interest in the venture. Barbouti said that it did and that it was "none of your business." The plaintiffs' chemist testified that the list "contained precursors for nerve gases and explosives." The trial court directed a verdict for Barbouti's estate on the ground that the company's seven million dollars in lost profits were speculative, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit|Tenth Circuit]] affirmed in 1993 without deciding whether there had been a conspiracy.[^1]
+
+### Houston
+
+The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[Houston Chronicle]] reported that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] was examining a letter dated October 27, 1990, from [[Iraq]]'s State Establishment for Textile to [[IBI Services]] in London, addressed to Haidar Barbouti and the lawyer [[Arie David]] and signed for [[Raja Hassan Ali]]: "We expect the assistance that you promised to the Enterprise For Pesticide Production. Additional supplies of the raw materials will insure future funding by the foreign minister. Abudul Senoussi knows our requirements." Raja Hassan Ali, director general of the economic department of Iraq's [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], was a defendant in the [[Atlanta]] indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro case]]. [[Abdullah al-Senussi|Abdullah al-Senoussi]], a brother-in-law of [[Muammar Gaddafi]], had been named by French investigators in the bombing of a UTA airliner in September 1989. The pesticide enterprise was reported to be a front for the chemical weapons complex at [[Samarra]]. The newspaper added that the family was the subject of a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] investigation into exports of dual-use technology to Libya and Iraq, and that Ihsan Barbouti "allegedly died on his 63rd birthday in July 1990, but some former business associates believe he feigned his death to avoid prosecution or even death by Israeli intelligence."[^2]
+
+On March 6, 1992, the paper reported that a Houston jury had found Haidar Barbouti and three family companies liable for more than 12 million dollars to Munden, whose pipe-coating technology, with "military and nuclear as well as industrial uses," had been taken and exported. Judge [[Scott Brister]] did not allow the jury to be told that the destinations were Libya and Iraq. Munden was described as a grand jury witness in a federal investigation of father and son. Haidar Barbouti, then 24, sued the newspaper for libel, swearing that he had promised no assistance to the pesticide enterprise. The Texas court of appeals, sitting en banc in 1996, held both articles substantially true.[^2]
+
+### Ben-Menashe
+
+The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in [[West Germany]] for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^3]

 ### Footnotes
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+
+[^1]: TK-7 Corp. v. Estate of Barbouti, 993 F.2d 722 (10th Cir. 1993).
+[^2]: Barbouti v. Hearst Corp., 927 S.W.2d 37 (Tex. App. 1996), reproducing Urban, Jerry. "Letter triggers new probe of Barbouti," *Houston Chronicle,* February 21, 1992, and "Barbouti's son found liable in technology theft scheme," *Houston Chronicle,* March 6, 1992.
+[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Karl
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Karl
@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - KarlBaarslag
+  - Anticommunism
+  - OfficeOfNavalIntelligence
+  - JosephMcCarthy
+  - AmericanLegion
+  - Wackenhut
+  - ChurchLeagueOfAmerica
+summary: "Naval intelligence officer and professional anticommunist researcher for Joseph McCarthy and the American Legion, whose name files passed to the Wackenhut Corporation and then to the Church League of America."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Karl Baarslag served in the [[Office of Naval Intelligence]] during the [[World War II|Second World War]] and afterward "worked as a professional anti-communist researcher for Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]], the [[American Legion]], and the [[Church League of America]]." He "closely monitored individuals and organizations for potential Communist ties, and ultimately transferred many of his research files to the like-minded [[Wackenhut Corporation]]," by gift or sale. The company had files on 2.5 million people by 1971. In 1975 it passed most of what it still held to the Church League.[^1]
+
+His papers form the third series of the Church League collection at the [[Tamiment Library]] of [[New York University]], and an alphabetical Baarslag name file closes the Wackenhut series. Its last folder, X to Z, includes [[Darryl Zanuck]], [[Mark Zborowski]], General [[Ralph Zwicker]], and Mayor [[Sam Yorty]] of [[Los Angeles]].[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Manuel
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Manuel
@ -0,0 +1,44 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ManuelContreras
+  - DINA
+  - Chile
+  - OperationCondor
+  - CIA
+  - PaidAsset
+  - Letelier
+alias:
+  - Juan Manuel Guillermo Contreras Sepulveda
+  - Manuel Contreras Sepulveda
+summary: "Chief of the Chilean secret police DINA, in contact with the CIA from 1974 to 1977 and paid by it once in 1975, who said he had Orlando Letelier killed on Pinochet's orders."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Manuel Contreras Sepulveda was the army officer who organized and commanded [[DINA]], the secret police of the Chilean junta, after the coup of September 11, 1973. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] reported to Congress in 2000 that it "maintained contact" with him "during a period between 1974 and 1977," that the relationship was approved by policy officials "in spite of concerns that this relationship might lay the CIA open to charges of aiding internal political repression," and that it made him one payment. His agents killed the exiled former minister [[Orlando Letelier]] in Washington on September 21, 1976.[^1]
+
+### The CIA Relationship
+
+The agency told Contreras at the outset that it would not support activities of his service "which might be construed as 'internal political repression,'" and urged him to follow a Chilean defense ministry circular of January 17, 1974, on the treatment of prisoners under the [[Geneva Conventions]]. "By April 1975," its report states, "intelligence reporting showed that Contreras was the principal obstacle to a reasonable human rights policy within the Junta, but an interagency committee directed the CIA to continue its relationship with Contreras." The American ambassador in [[Santiago]] urged the deputy director of central intelligence, General [[Vernon Walters]], to receive him in Washington "in the interest of maintaining good relations with Pinochet." The meeting took place in August 1975 with interagency approval.[^1]
+
+"In May and June 1975," the report continues, "elements within the CIA recommended establishing a paid relationship with Contreras to obtain intelligence based on his unique position and access to Pinochet. This proposal was overruled, citing the US Government policy on clandestine relations with the head of an intelligence service notorious for human rights abuses. However, given miscommunications in the timing of this exchange, a one-time payment was given to Contreras."[^1]
+
+### Condor
+
+Within a year of the coup the agency knew of cooperation among the security services of the region "to track the activities of and, in at least a few cases, kill political opponents." [[Operation Condor]], the formal arrangement among [[Chile]], [[Argentina]], [[Brazil]], [[Paraguay]], and [[Uruguay]], was established in 1975. "By October 1976 there was sufficient information that the CIA decided to approach Contreras on the matter. Contreras confirmed Condor's existence as an intelligence-sharing network but denied that it had a role in extra-judicial killings."[^1]
+
+### Letelier
+
+In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^2][^3]
+
+The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that [[Augusto Pinochet]] personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
+[^2]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
+[^3]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
+[^4]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Nicholas
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Nicholas
@ -6,9 +6,13 @@ tags:
  - IranContra
  - Arms
  - Media
+  - NicholasDavies
+  - RobertMaxwell
+  - AriBenMenashe
+  - Vanunu
 summary: "Nicholas Davies was the foreign editor of the Daily Mirror under Robert Maxwell, accused by Seymour Hersh in 1991 of operating as a Mossad intelligence asset, passing Mordechai Vanunu's location to the Mossad, and co-directing an arms-dealing firm with Ari Ben-Menashe."
 created: 2026-05-14
-updated: 2026-05-14
+updated: 2026-09-21
 born: 1937-03-14
 died: 2016-01-28
 location: "London, United Kingdom"
@ -23,6 +27,11 @@ Ben-Menashe stated that Davies and he became business partners in an internation

 The most specific allegation was that Davies passed [[Mordecai Vanunu|Mordechai Vanunu]]'s location to Mossad operatives, enabling the 1986 honey-trap operation in Rome that led to Vanunu's abduction and return to Israel for trial on nuclear secrets charges.[^3]

+### In Parliament
+Hersh's book went on sale in [[United Kingdom|Britain]] on October 20, 1991. Two members of the [[House of Commons]] raised it under privilege and put down motions. That of [[George Galloway]] stated that Davies "has been involved in substantial arms sales of Israeli equipment to [[Iran]] and other countries over the last 10 years, is a longstanding and highly-paid Israeli Intelligence asset and that he betrayed the whereabouts in a hotel in [[London]] of Mordechai Vanunu to Mossad," and called on Robert Maxwell to appoint an independent tribunal to establish "the extent of foreign intelligence penetration of Mirror Group newspapers." That of [[Rupert Allason]], who wrote on intelligence as [[Nigel West]], stated that the Daily Mirror and its proprietor "have maintained a close relationship with the Israeli Intelligence Service," that Davies in 1983 "entered into a business partnership with an Israeli citizen, Mr Ari Ben-Menashe, and based a company incorporated as [[Ora Limited]] at 41 Becmead Avenue, London S.E.15, and 1 Trafalgar Avenue, London S.W.16," that the company "negotiated the sale of 4,000 TOW anti-tank missiles to Iran," and that it "allegedly conspired in September 1986 to supply information regarding the whereabouts in London of Mr Mordechai Vanunu to the [[Embassy of Israel, London|Israeli Embassy]]." It asked the [[Department of Trade and Industry]] to investigate a breach of the arms embargo and the [[Foreign and Commonwealth Office|Foreign Office]] to suspend the access of Mirror Group staff to its confidential briefings.[^4]
+
+Davies, who was in [[Harare]] covering the Commonwealth conference, said: "The allegations are a complete and total lie. I reject them in every respect." Maxwell, in [[New York City|New York]], called them "ludicrous, a total invention," issued writs against [[Faber and Faber]], and sought an injunction against distribution of the book. The Mirror's front page said the two members had "as much honor as a pair of jackals scavenging in a rubbish heap." Asked in November 1986 whether information on Vanunu's presence in Britain had passed from government sources to [[Israel]], Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]] had answered: "No."[^5][^6]
+
 ### Libel Litigation and Resolution

 Maxwell and Davies both sued Hersh and his publisher for libel following publication. Maxwell's suit terminated with his death in November 1991. Mirror Group Newspapers, after Maxwell's estate became embroiled in the pension fraud scandal, reversed course and settled with Hersh, issuing an apology and paying substantial damages. Davies did not pursue his own libel case to trial.[^1]
@ -34,3 +43,6 @@ Sources in Britain and Israel publicly disputed Ben-Menashe's reliability as a w
 [^1]: "Nicholas Davies (journalist)," Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas_Davies_(journalist)
 [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991.
 [^3]: UK Parliament Early Day Motion 2134, "Mirror Group Newspapers and Israeli Intelligence," 1992. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/2134/mirror-group-newspapers-and-israeli-intelligence
+[^4]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 2134, "Mirror Group Newspapers and Israeli Intelligence," and Early Day Motion 2136, "Arms Sales," October 1991. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/2136/arms-sales
+[^5]: United Press International, "Maxwell to seek injunction against book," London, October 23, 1991.
+[^6]: House of Commons, written answers, November 27, 1986, vol. 106, col. 299W, "Mr. Mordechai Vanunu."
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Norman
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Norman
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - NormanCasper
+  - Wackenhut
+  - CastleBank
+  - OperationTradewinds
+  - InternalRevenueService
+  - Bahamas
+  - Informants
+alias:
+  - TW-24
+  - The Friendly Ghost
+summary: "Former Wackenhut detective in Miami who became the paid informant TW-24 of the Internal Revenue Service's Operation Tradewinds and in 1972 approached the president of the Castle Bank in the Bahamas."
+location: "Miami, Florida"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Norman Casper was a private detective in [[Miami]], formerly an agent of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], who worked as a paid informant of the [[Internal Revenue Service]] under the designation TW-24 in [[Operation Tradewinds]], its inquiry into American money in the banks of the [[Bahamas]]. He was known as "the Friendly Ghost." The operation was run in coordination with [[Robert Peloquin]] of [[Intertel]] and [[Henry Petersen]] of the organized crime section of the [[Department of Justice]].[^1]
+
+Casper was used for his "good contacts in the Miami and [[Caribbean]] areas." In October 1972 he met [[Samuel Pierson]], president of the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]], at the Miami airport while posing as a federal narcotics agent. The Castle Bank had been organized by the Miami lawyer [[Paul Helliwell]].[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, p. 383 and the chapter on Intertel.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pedro
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pedro
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - PedroEspinoza
+  - DINA
+  - Chile
+  - OrlandoLetelier
+  - CarlosPrats
+  - CharlesHorman
+  - OperationCondor
+alias:
+  - Pedro Espinoza Bravo
+summary: "Chilean army officer, operations director of DINA, indicted in Washington for the Letelier murder in 1978, named by Michael Townley as the man who asked for the killing of General Prats, and convicted in the Horman case."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Pedro Espinoza Bravo was a [[Chile|Chilean]] army colonel and director of operations of [[DINA]], the secret police of General [[Augusto Pinochet]], under [[Manuel Contreras]].[^1]
+
+[[Michael Townley]] testified that Espinoza came to him several times in July and August 1974 about "doing something" about General [[Carlos Prats]], the former army commander living in [[Buenos Aires]], who Espinoza feared might lead a government in exile. Townley called it "a patriotic request." Prats and his wife were killed by Townley's bomb on September 30, 1974. The Chilean judge [[Alejandro Solís]] later indicted Contreras, Espinoza, and three other DINA officers for the killing.[^1]
+
+A federal grand jury in Washington indicted Contreras, Espinoza, and [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]] in 1978 for the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]]. Chile put the three under military detention and refused to extradite them, and a military court dismissed the domestic case. On an appeal by Letelier's sister the [[Supreme Court of Chile|Chilean Supreme Court]] ruled in January 1982 that the dismissal "was temporary and not definitive." Contreras was sentenced to seven years for the murder in 1995.[^2]
+
+A man who sought asylum in 1987 told American officials that [[Charles Horman]] had been put to death in the [[Estadio Nacional (Chile)|National Stadium]] in September 1973 on Espinoza's orders. A Chilean court sentenced Espinoza to seven years in the Horman and [[Frank Teruggi]] case in 2015, and the Supreme Court raised the term to fifteen years in 2016.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: National Security Archive, "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofia Cuthbert," October 1, 2024. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
+[^2]: "Letelier Case Reversal," *The Washington Post,* January 16, 1982, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680022-8; "Ex-Chile spy chief dies while serving 500-year sentence," Al Jazeera, August 8, 2015.
+[^3]: National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 33, document 2; "Sentencing in Chile begins to bring closure in 41-year-old murder cases of US citizens Frank Teruggi and Charles Horman," *The Tico Times,* January 30, 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Salvador
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Salvador
@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
+---
+category: "Political Figure"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - SalvadorAllende
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ChileanCoup1973
+  - ITT
+  - CovertAction
+alias:
+  - Salvador Allende Gossens
+  - Allende
+summary: "Socialist president of Chile from 1970 to 1973, the object of fourteen million dollars of CIA covert action over a decade, who died in the presidential palace during the military coup of September 11, 1973."
+died: 1973-09-11
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Salvador Allende Gossens, a physician and Socialist senator, was elected president of [[Chile]] in 1970 on his fourth attempt, at the head of the [[Popular Unity]] coalition of Socialists, Communists, and Radicals. He died in the [[La Moneda]] palace in [[Santiago]] on September 11, 1973, during the coup led by General [[Augusto Pinochet]].[^1]
+
+### The 1964 Election
+
+The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] spent three million dollars to influence the election of 1964, in which [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]] defeated Allende. Former ambassador [[Edward Korry]] said in 1976 that the administration of [[John F. Kennedy]] had begun the program, and that aid and earthquake relief funds had been passed to Jesuit-led Catholic groups for the purpose.[^1][^2]
+
+### 1970
+
+On September 4, 1970, Allende won 36.3 percent to 35.3 for [[Jorge Alessandri]], a margin of 39,000 votes in three million. CIA polls had predicted that Alessandri would win with 40 percent. Korry said that the fund-raisers of all three candidates approached the embassy, that Allende's asked for a million dollars, and that none was given. [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], whose chairman [[Harold Geneen]] offered the agency a fund for Alessandri in July, passed at least 350,000 dollars to his campaign. On September 15 President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the agency to prevent Allende's accession, and the attempts that followed, described at [[Project FUBELT]], ended in the killing of General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]]. Congress confirmed Allende on October 24.[^1][^3]
+
+Korry wrote to Senator [[Frank Church]] in 1975 that the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Cuba]] had given "very substantial sums for covert political action to the Communist party, to the [[Socialist Party of Chile|Socialist Party]] and to Allende himself."[^4]
+
+### In Office
+
+Korry said that in early 1971 the [[United States]] offered to guarantee Chilean bonds with "the full faith and credit of the American Treasury" if Allende would negotiate compensation for ITT, [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]], and [[Kennecott]], and that Allende told him that if he accepted "there would be no 'Chilean revolution.'" Allende told an ITT executive on May 26, 1971, "I wish to nationalize your company." An embassy cable of September 29, 1971, called the confrontation over copper "a deliberate political decision by Allende" and "a conscious challenge to the tradition of US defense of its major business interests in [[Latin America]]." The government took over ITT's telephone company that day. Compensation talks ended the day after [[Jack Anderson]] published the company's internal memoranda on its dealings with the CIA in March 1972. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] first proposed to deny ITT's insurance claim on the ground of those papers, and in 1975 paid 34.7 million dollars in cash and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations.[^3][^4][^5][^6]
+
+The CIA spent eight million dollars in Chile between 1970 and the coup, more than three million of it in fiscal 1972. Its spending from 1963 to 1973 came to eight million for elections and parties, 4.3 million for propaganda and mass media, including [[El Mercurio]], 900,000 for labor, student, peasant, women's, and private sector organizations, and 1.2 million under the heading "promoting military coup d'etat." The [[40 Committee]] "did not approve any funds to be given directly to the strikers" in the truck owners' stoppages of 1972 and 1973, though "all observers agree that the two lengthy strikes could not have been maintained on the basis of union funds."[^1]
+
+### Death
+
+Dr. [[Patricio Guijón]] of the presidential medical staff stated that he saw Allende shoot himself with a rifle during the assault on the palace. The Chilean truth commission reached the same conclusion in 1991. The CIA reported to Congress in 2000: "There is no information to indicate that the CIA was involved in Allende's death." His body was exhumed in 2011, and an international forensic panel confirmed suicide on July 19. His daughter, Senator [[Isabel Allende Bussi|Isabel Allende]], said he "made the decision to end his life before being humiliated." Dr. [[Luis Ravanal]], who had concluded in 2008 that the wounds came from two weapons, said the autopsy "did not reveal anything different."[^7][^8]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 94th Cong., 1st sess., 1975, including table I. https://archive.org/details/CovertActionInChile196373
+[^2]: Trento, Joseph. "JFK Began Chile Bribes, Envoy Says," *Sunday News Journal* (Wilmington, Del.), November 28, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030095-8.
+[^3]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, pp. 232-234, 394-395, and 457-458.
+[^4]: Korry, Edward M., letter to Senator Frank Church, October 23, 1975, in Senate Select Committee, *Hearings,* vol. 7, *Covert Action,* exhibit 4; Department of State cable, Santiago, "Copper Crunch (Part II)," September 29, 1971, exhibit 5.
+[^5]: Merino, Adolfo G. "Ex-U.S. Envoy Tells of '70 Offer to Chile," *The Washington Post,* September 1974, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020076-0.
+[^6]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322 and note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322
+[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress, September 18, 2000.
+[^8]: Barrionuevo, Alexei, and Pascale Bonnefoy. Report on the Allende autopsy findings, *The New York Times,* July 20, 2011. https://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/20/world/americas/20allende.html
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Thomas
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Thomas
@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
+---
+category: "New Right"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ThomasEllis
+  - JesseHelms
+  - PioneerFund
+  - NationalCongressionalClub
+  - FairnessInMedia
+  - NewRight
+alias:
+  - Tom Ellis
+  - Thomas Ellis
+summary: "Raleigh lawyer who ran Jesse Helms's political organization, sat on the Pioneer Fund board, took its money for his television foundation, organized a bid for CBS, and lost a Reagan nomination over his record on race."
+location: "Raleigh, North Carolina"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Thomas F. Ellis was a [[Raleigh, North Carolina|Raleigh]] lawyer and the chief organizer of the political operation of Senator [[Jesse Helms]]. He studied at the [[University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill|University of North Carolina]] and the [[University of Virginia School of Law|University of Virginia]] law school, served as a Navy lieutenant in the [[World War II|Second World War]], was an assistant [[United States]] attorney and special counsel to the [[North Carolina]] governor's advisory committee on education, and was a founder of the firm of [[Maupin, Taylor and Ellis]]. He was North Carolina chairman of [[Ronald Reagan]]'s campaign in 1976, national co-chairman of [[Jack Kemp]]'s in 1992, and an adviser to [[Steve Forbes]]'s in 1996.[^1]
+
+### The Helms Organization
+
+Ellis was chairman of the [[National Congressional Club]], the committee that raised 9.8 million dollars in 1982 and helped raise a record 13.99 million for Helms's reelection in 1984. His partner [[Carter Wrenn]] was its executive director and treasurer. Ellis was the principal stockholder of the tax-exempt [[Educational Support Foundation]], which owned the direct mail company [[Jefferson Marketing]], and chairman of the [[Coalition for Freedom]], "a tax-exempt foundation whose goal is to finance conservative-oriented television programs." The coalition produced "KGB: The Lie and the Truth," shown on August 28, 1982, on two and a half hours of air time donated by [[Ted Turner]], with Helms, Senator [[John East]], and Representative [[Philip Crane]]. The [[Federal Election Commission]] sued over Jefferson Marketing's services to campaigns in 1985. The [[Internal Revenue Service]] later revoked the coalition's exemption for political activity and private benefit to insiders. [[Thomas Farr]], who joined Ellis's firm in 1983, represented the Helms committees.[^2][^3]
+
+### The Pioneer Fund
+
+Ellis joined the board of the [[Pioneer Fund]] in 1973, with the Kinston lawyer [[Marion Parrott]], and left it in 1977. The fund's tax returns show 195,000 dollars to the Coalition for Freedom: 10,000 in 1983, 20,000 in 1984, 30,000 in 1985, 100,000 in 1987, and 35,000 in 1989. The fund's president, [[Harry Weyher]], was the lawyer for [[Fairness in Media]], which Ellis, Wrenn, and [[James Palmer Cain]] formed on November 13, 1984, to urge conservatives to buy stock in [[CBS]]. The network's suit against the group cited the officers' ties to "a controversial tax-exempt foundation, The Pioneer Fund."[^1][^2][^4]
+
+### The 1983 Nomination
+
+Reagan nominated Ellis on February 8, 1983, to the [[Board for International Broadcasting]], which supervised [[Radio Free Europe]] and [[Radio Liberty]]. Forbes was nominated to the same board. At the hearing of the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] on July 26, where his chief critics were Senators [[Paul Tsongas]] and [[Joe Biden|Joseph Biden]], he was challenged on his service on the board of "a group financing studies into theories that whites are genetically superior to blacks," his membership in an all-white country club, a letter circulated in 1976 claiming that President [[Gerald Ford|Ford]] was seeking a black running mate, and a visit to [[South Africa]] paid for by its government. He told the committee: "I do not believe in my heart that I'm a racist." A majority of the committee asked the president to withdraw the name. On July 28 Ellis asked to be withdrawn, in a letter on his firm's stationery distributed by a Helms aide, calling the criticism "an obvious partisan political effort to drive a wedge between you and the black community using me as the instrumentality." He hoped the board would continue to "broadcast the tenets of Christian belief" without "interference from some of those in public office who do not recognize the threat of communist world domination." Reagan replied that he had "acted in a manner consistent with the reputation for honor that you have always possessed." The nomination lapsed on August 4.[^5][^6]
+
+Asked by [[New York Times|The New York Times]] in 2001 whether one race was genetically superior to another, Ellis said: "I have no idea."[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Lynn, Richard. *The Science of Human Diversity: A History of the Pioneer Fund*. University Press of America, 2001, pp. 55-56.
+[^2]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
+[^3]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "From eugenics to voter ID laws: Thomas Farr's connections to the Pioneer Fund," *Hatewatch,* December 4, 2017.
+[^4]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990; Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996.
+[^5]: United Press International, dispatch on the withdrawal of Thomas Ellis, Washington, July 28, 1983.
+[^6]: United States Senate, nomination PN59-1, Thomas F. Ellis, Board for International Broadcasting, 98th Congress. https://www.congress.gov/nomination/98th-congress/59/1
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wafai
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wafai
@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WafaiDajani
+  - Jordan
+  - BNLScandal
+  - CommodityCreditCorporation
+  - Iraq
+  - KingHussein
+  - StateDepartment
+summary: "Jordanian grain trader close to King Hussein whom Atlanta prosecutors planned to indict in the BNL case in 1991 and who was named instead as an unindicted co-conspirator after the State Department noted his connections."
+location: "Amman, Jordan"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Wafai Dajani is a businessman of [[Amman]], owner of Amman Resources, Wafai Dajani and Sons, Arab Holdings, and Aqaba Packing. His brother was [[Jordan]]'s minister of the interior, his family had been the Jordanian agent of [[Mobil|Mobil Oil]] since 1921, he had formerly worked for [[Ghaith Pharaon]], and he had a joint venture with [[Comet Rice]] of [[Houston]]. Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] described him as central to the smooth running of the [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|Commodity Credit Corporation's guarantees]] for [[Iraq]], which the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] financed.[^1]
+
+The Atlanta prosecutors' draft of the indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|BNL case]] named him as a defendant. On February 28, 1991, the day the indictment was returned, a [[Department of State|State Department]] memorandum said the department had "no objections" to the indictment of anyone on the list and recorded "reservations about proceeding against him in light of his connections." He and [[Hussein Kamel]], the son-in-law of [[Saddam Hussein]], appeared in the indictment as unindicted co-conspirators. Gonzalez told the House on March 30, 1992, that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] had discouraged the indictment of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and of "a prominent Jordanian with close ties to the King of Jordan" on grounds of foreign policy. The branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], testified that a "Mr. Dejani" had told him of [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]: "Kissinger, of course, he said, is the architect of foreign policy in the [[United States]]. You know that."[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements on the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, *Congressional Record,* House, March 30 and August 10, 1992.
+[^2]: "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun,* April 28, 1992; House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, hearing, Serial No. 103-95, testimony of Christopher Drogoul.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wickliffe
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wickliffe
@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
+---
+category: "Philanthropists & Benefactors"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WickliffeDraper
+  - PioneerFund
+  - Eugenics
+  - Segregation
+  - MississippiSovereigntyCommission
+  - MorganGuaranty
+  - DarkMoney
+alias:
+  - Wickliffe Preston Draper
+  - Colonel Draper
+summary: "Massachusetts textile heir who founded the Pioneer Fund in 1937 and secretly sent nearly 215,000 dollars through Morgan Guaranty to the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission to fight the Civil Rights Act of 1964."
+born: 1891-08-09
+died: 1972-03-11
+location: "New York, New York"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Wickliffe Preston Draper (August 9, 1891 to March 11, 1972) was the heir to a textile machinery fortune in [[Hopedale, Massachusetts]]. He served as an officer in the British and American armies in the [[World War I|First World War]], held a colonel's commission in the cavalry reserve, and in 1924 inherited about half of an estate valued at nearly eleven million dollars. He gave it over four decades, almost always anonymously and through the same [[New York City|New York]] bank and the same lawyer, to eugenics research, to the repatriation of black Americans to Africa, to congressional committees, and to the defense of segregation in [[Mississippi]]. He founded the [[Pioneer Fund]] in 1937.[^1][^2]
+
+### Berlin and the Pioneer Fund
+
+Draper joined and financed a French expedition to the southern [[Sahara]] in 1927 and was elected a fellow of the [[Royal Geographical Society]]. From August 26 to September 1, 1935, he attended the International Congress for the Scientific Investigation of Population Problems in [[Berlin]], presided over by the Nazi interior minister, [[Wilhelm Frick]]. His traveling companion, [[Clarence Campbell]], closed his address with a toast "to that great leader, [[Adolf Hitler]]." In 1937 Draper paid for a special edition of [[Earnest Sevier Cox]]'s White America for free distribution to members of Congress and the state legislatures. Its publisher's note said it was "financed by a prominent citizen who wishes to promote the cause of 'Repatriation.'" A copy went to Frick. Senator [[Theodore Bilbo]] of Mississippi introduced a bill for a Greater Liberia in 1939.[^1][^3]
+
+The Pioneer Fund's certificate of incorporation was signed on February 27, 1937, by Draper, the eugenicist [[Harry Laughlin]], the [[Boston]] lawyer [[Malcolm Donald]], and [[Frederick Osborn]]. Donald had written to Laughlin on February 19 proposing a colorless name, because if the fund approached "members of the flying Corp and their wives" it might be said "that they were picked out for eugenics purposes so that some ridicule might interfere with the investigation." Laughlin replied that he hoped eventually to see "some such title as the [[Draper Eugenics Foundation]]." Laughlin had accepted an honorary degree from the [[University of Heidelberg]] the year before, and thanked its dean for the honor from the nation that had nurtured "the human seed-stock which later founded my own country." [[John Marshall Harlan II]], later a justice of the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]], sat as a director at the board meeting of October 28, 1937. The fund's first project was the American distribution of Erbkrank, a film made by the Nazi party's racial policy office. Its second, in 1940, paid [[United States Army Air Corps|Army Air Corps]] officers who already had three children 4,000 dollars each for a fourth. The annuities were held at [[Guaranty Trust Company|Guaranty Trust]], where Draper had banked since the 1930s. Twelve children were born. The parents were not told who was paying.[^1][^4][^5][^6]
+
+### The Committees
+
+On March 5, 1960, the [[The Capital Times|Capital Times]] of [[Madison, Wisconsin]], reported that Draper was distributing money for research on race through two private committees. [[Richard Arens]], the staff director of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]], was a paid consultant to them, and resigned his congressional post that year after the disclosure. Arens's other clients for such grants included [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Smith Richardson]]. Draper's lawyer, [[Harry Weyher]], let slip that there was a second committee by referring to Senator [[James Eastland]] of Mississippi as "being connected with 'the other one.'" The chairman of the Un-American Activities Committee, Representative [[Francis Walter]], was connected with the first. "Sen. Eastland said he could not remember having had any connection with Draper," the paper reported. Weyher told the reporter that his firm "handles a number of foundations in similar fashion." A geneticist, [[Bruce Wallace (geneticist)|Bruce Wallace]], said: "For $10 an hour, I tutored Draper every time I was in New York."[^7]
+
+Draper financed the [[International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics]], formed in 1959 under the psychologist [[Henry Garrett]] with [[Robert Gayre]] of Edinburgh, and its journal, [[Mankind Quarterly]]. Weyher became president of the Pioneer Fund in 1958 and held the office until he died in 2002. The historian [[William H. Tucker]] wrote that "all the segregationists' projects intersected on Harry Weyher's desk."[^1][^8]
+
+### Mississippi
+
+On July 22, 1963, a cashier's check for 10,000 dollars from [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]] reached [[John Satterfield]], the Mississippi lawyer who was organizing the campaign against the civil rights bill. On September 12 a Morgan vice president, [[Arthur W. Rossiter Jr.|Arthur Rossiter]], telegraphed the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] offering an anonymous gift of 100,000 dollars in stock on condition of confidentiality. Governor [[Ross Barnett]] accepted the same day. A second telegram four months later pledged 105,000 dollars more. The shares were in [[R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company|Reynolds Tobacco]], [[General Motors]], [[Standard Oil|Standard Oil of New Jersey]], and [[Addressograph-Multigraph]]. In all nearly 215,000 dollars of the campaign's 300,000 came from Draper. The money went to Satterfield's [[Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms]] in Washington, which mailed 1.4 million pamphlets and bought advertisements in 500 newspapers. An internal memorandum described the case to be made as concerning "the intelligence, criminality and immorality of the Negro."[^1]
+
+On June 2, 1964, Draper gave 50,000 dollars toward a permanent national organization on the same lines. After the murders of [[James Chaney]], [[Andrew Goodman]], and [[Michael Schwerner]] that summer the plan was dropped and the money was returned to an escrow account at Weyher's law firm. In later years Draper sent dozens of checks to the private academies opened in Mississippi when the public schools were integrated. The source of the 1963 money was not known until the commission's files were opened and the [[The Wall Street Journal|Wall Street Journal]] published the telegrams on June 11, 1999. A managing director of the bank said that anonymous giving was "a privilege of being rich in America."[^1]
+
+### The Estate
+
+Draper left about five million dollars, with Morgan Guaranty as executor: one million to relatives, 3.3 million to the Pioneer Fund, 50,000 to Garrett, and 1.7 million to the [[Puritan Foundation]], whose address was Satterfield's law office. In 1978 the Puritan Foundation merged into the [[Council School Foundation]], which financed Mississippi's segregated private academies and whose enrollment form stated that its curriculum was "designed solely for the educational responses of white children." The will directed the Pioneer Fund to keep its money with Morgan, which it did until the bank closed the account after the publication of [[The Bell Curve]] in 1994.[^1]
+
+Two of the fund's directors in the 1970s, [[Thomas F. Ellis]] and [[Marion Parrott]], were associates of Senator [[Jesse Helms]] of [[North Carolina]]. The fund gave Ellis's [[Coalition for Freedom]] 195,000 dollars between 1983 and 1989, and Weyher was the lawyer for Ellis's [[Fairness in Media]] when it tried to take over [[CBS]] in 1985. President [[Ronald Reagan]] nominated Ellis to the [[Board for International Broadcasting]] in 1983, and Ellis withdrew after senators asked about the fund. "I do not believe in my heart that I'm a racist," he told them. The fund's grants between 1971 and 1996 included 1,289,000 dollars to the [[Federation for American Immigration Reform]], beginning in 1982, and more than a million dollars to [[Roger Pearson]], who took over Mankind Quarterly in 1978, chaired the [[World Anti-Communist League]] that year, and received a letter of thanks from Reagan on [[White House]] stationery dated April 14, 1982.[^8][^9][^10][^11]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
+[^2]: Tucker, William H. *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund*. University of Illinois Press, 2002.
+[^3]: "Cox, Earnest Sevier (1880-1966)," *Encyclopedia Virginia.* https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/cox-earnest-sevier-1880-1966/
+[^4]: Pioneer Fund, Certificate of Incorporation, February 27, 1937; Malcolm Donald to Harry H. Laughlin, February 19, 1937; Laughlin to Donald, February 24, 1937; minutes of the board, October 28, 1937. Harry H. Laughlin Papers, reproduced by the Institute for the Study of Academic Racism. https://web.archive.org/web/20001001235059/http://www.ferris.edu/isar/Institut/pioneer/pfund.htm
+[^5]: Laughlin, Harry H., to Carl Schneider, May 28, 1936, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, *Experiencing History.* https://perspectives.ushmm.org/item/letter-from-dr-harry-h-laughlin-to-dr-carl-schneider
+[^6]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "A Breed Apart: A Long-Ago Effort to Better the Species Yields Ordinary Folks," *The Wall Street Journal,* August 17, 1999.
+[^7]: May, Ron. "Rich New Yorker Trying to Prove Negroes Inferior," *The Capital Times* (Madison, Wis.), March 5, 1960, p. 1.
+[^8]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "From eugenics to voter ID laws: Thomas Farr's connections to the Pioneer Fund," *Hatewatch.*
+[^9]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990.
+[^10]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
+[^11]: "It's 1985, and Ronald Reagan Is Paying His Respects to Nazis," *The Village Voice*; Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Charles
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Charles
@ -0,0 +1,54 @@
+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - CharlesHorman
+  - Chile
+  - ChileanCoup1973
+  - StateDepartment
+  - CIA
+  - Missing
+alias:
+  - Charles Edmund Horman
+  - Charles Horman Lazar
+summary: "American writer seized at his Santiago home by the Chilean army on September 17, 1973, and shot the next day, whose death the American embassy attributed to leftists while the State Department's inquiries concluded otherwise."
+died: 1973-09-18
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Charles Horman was an American writer and filmmaker living in [[Santiago]] who was detained by the Chilean army six days after the coup of September 11, 1973, and executed. He and [[Frank Teruggi]], detained days later, were both shot at the [[Estadio Nacional (Chile)|National Stadium]]. His case was the subject of the 1982 film Missing by [[Costa-Gavras]], and of a Chilean prosecution that in 2011 indicted the former head of the [[United States]] military group in [[Chile]].[^1]
+
+### Viña del Mar
+
+On the day of the coup Horman was in [[Valparaíso]] and [[Viña del Mar]] with a friend from [[New York City|New York]], [[Terry Simon]]. Over that day and the next four they met officers and contractors of the [[United States Military Group]], all of whom were enthusiastic about the coup. A Navy contractor, [[Arthur Creter]], said more than once that "it had gone smoothly." An American officer gave them a ride back to Santiago. Simon kept notes of the conversations with names and addresses. After Horman's death she dictated them to the American academic [[Stephen Volk]], who typed them on onion skin and carried them out of the country in an empty Chapstick tube.[^1]
+
+A month before his death, on a visit to New York, Horman had persuaded four friends to give him money to buy weapons for the cordones industriales, the belts of worker-run factories that supporters of [[Salvador Allende]] expected to resist a coup. A few days before September 11 he and his wife, [[Joyce Horman|Joyce]], moved to a house in the Vicuña Mackenna industrial district.[^1]
+
+### September 17
+
+An army unit took Horman from the house in the late afternoon of September 17. Neighbors saw the arrest, and two callers reported it to the United States consulate, where the calls were entered on the note cards kept on the case. Less than 24 hours later his body and those of six labor leaders from a nearby factory were delivered to the morgue. He had been shot at the stadium on September 18. A Chilean official stopped the morgue from completing a fingerprint comparison, even after the family supplied prints from [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] records. In mid October two Chilean military intelligence sergeants, Raúl Meneses and Jaime Ortiz, who had been assigned to find him, pressed the morgue to make the comparison, which identified body 2663. They told his father that the body had been "interred in the wall of the [[Cementerio General de Santiago|Santiago Cemetery]] on October 3."[^1]
+
+### The Embassy
+
+An embassy cable of September 25, number 4565, reported that the embassy had "no firm info on his detention." [[Edmund Horman]] arrived on October 5 and with his daughter-in-law saw Ambassador [[Nathaniel Davis]], who "said that the Embassy feeling was that Charles probably was in hiding." When the father mentioned the two telephone calls, the ambassador asked the consul, Purdy, whether he knew of them. "No sir," Purdy said. The vice consul handling the case, [[James Anderson (CIA)|James Anderson]], was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer under diplomatic cover.[^1]
+
+The junta told the embassy that Horman and Teruggi had been killed by leftists in stolen army uniforms. A foreign ministry official, Enrique Guzmán, told an embassy officer that "we may never know" how they died, that both had been deeply involved in "Communist Industrial areas," and that they "perhaps had been shot by their own comrades." The embassy gave this account to journalists for years. Three American diplomats later acknowledged that no real pressure was put on the junta, on instructions from [[Henry Kissinger]]. Edmund Horman wrote of the embassy's conduct: "Whether it was incompetence, indifference, or something worse, I find it shocking, outrageous and perhaps obscene."[^1]
+
+### The Man Who Knew Too Much
+
+In June 1976 [[Rafael González (Chilean intelligence)|Rafael González]], a Chilean civilian intelligence agent who had taken asylum with his family in the Italian embassy, told American reporters, among them [[Frank Manitzas]] of [[CBS]] and [[Lewis Diuguid]] of [[Washington Post|The Washington Post]], that he had seen Horman interrogated with an American in the room and had heard that he "had to disappear" because "he knew too much." Senator [[Edward Kennedy]] and others wrote to the [[State Department]].[^1]
+
+Inside the department [[Rudy Fimbres]] wrote to Assistant Secretary [[Harry Shlaudeman]] that "we 'withheld' for almost two years any reference to a Chilean memorandum which accused Teruggi, and Horman, of leftist activities," that "we have done nothing about it," that the public claim to be pursuing every lead "is overdrawn," and that Anderson's employer would eventually come out. A memorandum by Fimbres, [[Robert Driscoll (CIA)|Robert Driscoll]], and William Robertson stated that "this case remains bothersome," that the junta "sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution," that it "might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG," and that the CIA's "lack of candor with us on other matters only heightens our suspicions." Fimbres said later that the language was meant to force an inquiry: "I was trying to smoke something out." [[Frederick Smith Jr.]] then spent five months in the files. He concluded that the Chilean military "deliberately killed" both men, that its denials were "difficult to credit," and that there was "no evidence" of an American role "apart from Gonzalez's statements," and recommended "high level inquiries" of the CIA as to whether it had done anything "that may have led the Junta to believe it could, without serious repercussions, kill Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi." Embassy officers interviewed González on tape in January 1977 and reported that he "is not reliable."[^1]
+
+In March and April 1987 Meneses approached the embassy four times, offering what he knew in return for help leaving Chile. He said that "to his knowledge, no U.S. official played any role in the death of Charles Horman since he was dead before anyone in the Embassy would have known of his detention." The embassy suspected that he and [[Mariana Callejas]], who visited at the same period, were "plants," turned him away, and later reported that it could not find him.[^1]
+
+### The Chilean Case
+
+Judge [[Jorge Zepeda]] indicted Navy Captain [[Ray Davis]], the former head of the Military Group, on November 29, 2011, as an accomplice who had known of the detentions and not prevented the deaths "although he was in a position to do so." The documentary evidence he cited for foreknowledge was cable 4565, which he placed "at the very moment when the victim was still alive." The cable is dated a week after the body reached the morgue. Davis died in a Santiago nursing home in 2013. In 2015 Zepeda convicted [[Pedro Espinoza]], who had been in charge of interrogations at the stadium, and González as an accomplice. González had filed an affidavit in 2003 calling his 1976 statement "an absolute falsehood" made to get his family out of Chile, and saying that he took the phrase about knowing too much from an article by [[William Shawcross]] that Italian diplomats had shown him. The ruling did not address it. The journalist [[John Dinges]], who read the 6,976-page court record, named as responsible for the arrest Colonel [[Fernando Grant Pimentel]], Lieutenant [[Enzo Cadenasso]], and Lieutenant Colonel [[Roberto Soto Mackenney]], and found no evidence in it of American involvement in the killings. In 2025 the [[National Security Archive]] added a note to its 2000 publication of the State Department documents stating that the theory of an American role was now in doubt.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "Chile in Their Hearts," National Security Archive, May 7, 2025, with Embassy cable 4565 of September 25, 1973, the statement of Joyce Horman of November 10, 1973, and the State Department memoranda of 1976; summarizing Dinges, John. *Chile in Their Hearts: The Untold Story of Two Americans Who Went Missing After the Coup*. 2025. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2025-05-07/chile-their-hearts
+[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "New Information on the Murders of U.S. Citizens Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi by the Chilean Military," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 33, June 30, 2000, with editor's note of 2025. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB33/index.html
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Edward
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Edward
@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - EdwardKorry
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ChurchCommittee
+  - ITT
+  - StateDepartment
+alias:
+  - Edward M. Korry
+  - Ambassador Korry
+summary: "United States ambassador to Chile from 1967 to 1971 who planned the covert campaign against Salvador Allende, was kept ignorant of the CIA's coup plot, was blamed for it, and accused the Church Committee of a cover-up."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Edward M. Korry was the [[United States]] ambassador to [[Chile]] from 1967 to 1971. He directed the embassy's covert political program against [[Salvador Allende]] in 1970, known as Track I. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s separate effort to provoke a military coup, Track II or [[Project FUBELT]], was run without his knowledge on the instructions of President [[Richard Nixon]]. When the operations became public he was identified as a principal in the coup plot, and his diplomatic career ended.[^1][^2]
+
+### 1970
+
+Korry testified that before the election the embassy reported CIA polls showing that the conservative [[Jorge Alessandri]] would win with about 40 percent. After Allende's plurality on September 4 he cabled that General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]], the army commander who held the military to the constitution, "would have to be neutralized, by displacement if necessary." On October 16 the CIA's deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]], cabled the [[Santiago]] station that it was "firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup," and instructed it to disregard contrary orders from the ambassador, who had not been informed. [[David Atlee Phillips]] signed the cable as releasing officer. Schneider was shot on October 22 and died three days later.[^1][^3]
+
+Korry said in 1974 that fund-raisers for all three candidates had approached the embassy in 1970, that Allende's had asked for one million dollars, and that none was given. He said that in early 1971 he had offered Allende "the most incredibly generous package we have ever offered any government," under which the [[United States Treasury]] would underwrite Chilean bonds if Chile negotiated compensation for [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]], and [[Kennecott]], and that Allende told him that if he accepted there would be no Chilean revolution. He added that the United States had infiltrated the leadership of the Chilean Communist and Socialist parties. A cable of September 29, 1971, which he later gave to the Senate, called the confrontation over copper "a deliberate political decision by Allende" and "a conscious challenge to the tradition of US defense of its major business interests in [[Latin America]]."[^3][^4]
+
+### The Church Committee
+
+The [[Church Committee|Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Activities]] issued its reports on assassination plots and on covert action in Chile in November and December 1975. Both named Korry repeatedly. He said he had been barred from testifying despite six months of requests. When he did appear in public session he began: "I requested the CIA program in Chile. I planned much of the covert action in 1970. I drafted most of the policy that the United States pursued with the Allende government in 1971. I met with President Nixon in the [[Oval Office]] 2 weeks before General Schneider was murdered. I talked with Dr. [[Henry Kissinger|Kissinger]] before and after that grotesque and inexcusable episode. I even attended a [[40 Committee]] meeting. Yet this is the first time I appear before your committee." He called the suggestion that Track I had blurred into Track II "an outrageous falsehood." He said he had been "kept on for 1 more year with the certain knowledge of many in the Government that I did not know that the Allende government thought I was involved in those plots, and that the consequences for any exposure of that plot would fall upon me," and that he had received "a letter from the CIA warning me that public testimony was not in the national interest." His letter to Senator [[Frank Church]] of October 23, 1975, entered as an exhibit, stated that the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Cuba]] had given "very substantial sums for covert political action to the Communist party, to the [[Socialist Party of Chile|Socialist Party]] and to Allende himself."[^3]
+
+### The Trento Interviews
+
+In November 1976 Korry gave a series of interviews at his home in [[Briarcliff Manor, New York]], to [[Joseph Trento]] of the [[The News Journal (Wilmington)|Wilmington Sunday News Journal]], which reported that his charges were being examined by the [[Department of Justice]] for possible perjury by officials who had testified to the committee. Korry said that on the orders of [[Robert F. Kennedy]] tens of millions of dollars in CIA and [[United States Agency for International Development|Agency for International Development]] funds had gone to Jesuit-led Catholic groups in Chile; that under President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] relief money for the 1960 Chilean earthquake had been diverted to the same groups for political action; that Kennedy had recruited [[David Rockefeller]] to form the [[Business Group for Latin America]], which worked alongside the covert programs of three administrations; that the Allende government had accepted bribes from ITT, [[General Tire]], Cerro, and [[Anglo-Lautaro Nitrate]] to prevent expropriation; that ITT had defrauded the government of 89 million dollars by collecting on its federal investment insurance after paying them; and that Church and the committee's vice chairman, [[John Tower]], had made a deal limiting the inquiry into the multinational corporations and into the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. The answer the newspaper recorded was that the committee's report treated the intervention under all three presidents. The newspaper said the charges were confirmed in part by former diplomats and by [[State Department]] and CIA documents it had examined. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] had paid ITT 34.7 million dollars in cash and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations in 1975.[^5][^6]
+
+### The Correction
+
+Korry did not find a position until 1979, when [[Connecticut College]] made him a visiting professor of international relations. [[Seymour Hersh]], who had written many of the articles in [[New York Times|The New York Times]] connecting him with the plot, including one reporting that he was about to be cited for contempt of Congress, telephoned him in November 1980 for help with a book on Kissinger. "He mentioned that he now knew everything I had told him was true," Korry said. "I said, 'Put it in writing. Tell [[A.M. Rosenthal|Abe Rosenthal]].'" In February 1981 the Times printed on its front page a 2,300-word article by Hersh, "New Evidence Backs Ex-Envoy on His Role in Chile," which said of the CIA's coup plotting that "none of this, it is now evident, was known to Ambassador Korry." It did not say that its author had written the original stories or that Korry had become a source for his book. "I led the way in trashing him," Hersh told Time. Korry then gave Hersh the information he wanted. Of the correction he said: "It's a start."[^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report,* 94th Cong., 1st sess., November 20, 1975; Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970, National Security Archive document 23596.
+[^2]: "The 2,300-Word Times Correction," *Time,* February 23, 1981, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00552R000303370004-3.
+[^3]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Hearings,* vol. 7, *Covert Action,* 94th Cong., 1st sess., 1975, testimony of Edward M. Korry and exhibits 4 and 5; Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 394-395.
+[^4]: Merino, Adolfo G. "Ex-U.S. Envoy Tells of '70 Offer to Chile," *The Washington Post,* September 1974, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020076-0.
+[^5]: Trento, Joseph. "JFK Began Chile Bribes, Envoy Says," *Sunday News Journal* (Wilmington, Del.), November 28, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030095-8.
+[^6]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322, note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Eugene
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Eugene
@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+---
+category: "Crime & Abuse Networks"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - EugeneHorsch
+  - Philadelphia
+  - OlneyHouseInvestigation
+  - FalseCredentials
+  - Firearms
+alias:
+  - Eugene Albert Horsch
+  - Eugene Frederick Steiner
+  - Gizza
+summary: "Son of the pornographer R.C. Horsch and owner of the Olney house searched in 2026, held on federal firearm and forged-credential counts and charged with no offense against the seven missing women."
+born: 1981
+location: "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Eugene Albert Horsch (born 1981) is the son of the Philadelphia pornographic filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] and the owner since 2006 of the house at 417 West Chew Avenue in [[Olney, Philadelphia|Olney]] that is the subject of the [[Olney House Investigation]]. He has been in custody since June 19, 2026, and faces two federal counts, possession of a firearm by a felon and possession of a fraudulent federal identification document. He has not been charged with any offense against the women whose disappearances the police connect to the house.[^1][^2]
+
+### Timaru and Bucks County
+
+Horsch was born in [[Timaru]], [[New Zealand]], where his father, a fugitive from a [[Philadelphia]] methamphetamine charge, worked as a chemist under the stolen identity of Dr. Stanley Eugene Stokowski. His mother was [[Myroslawa Ferkuniak|Myroslawa "Anna" Ferkuniak]], whom his father had married in [[Nevada]] under the same name. His father was arrested by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in 1985 and imprisoned until 1987. His mother died of an overdose in 1989. He grew up in his father's house in [[New Britain Township, Pennsylvania]]. The [[Central Bucks School District]] has no record that he graduated.[^1][^3]
+
+### Convictions
+
+In 2003, while a student at [[Drexel University]], Horsch caused a drunk-driving crash that left the other driver in a vegetative state; the man died sixteen years later. Horsch pleaded guilty in 2004 to driving under the influence and aggravated assault and was sentenced to two to four years. He was released in 2006 and acquired the Chew Avenue house from his father the same year. In 2013 police found about 1.9 million dollars' worth of marijuana in the house, and he was sentenced to four to eight years. He was in prison from 2013 to 2017. His father's former wife [[Amy McHale]] was last seen at the house in 2016. After a fire at the house in May 2025 he was charged with possession of marijuana and amphetamine and received three years of probation.[^1][^3][^4]
+
+[[Krista Killen]], who lived in the house and appeared in his father's films, told friends that Horsch broke down her bedroom door and threatened to kill her. She died of drug intoxication some months after his father's death in May 2025.[^5]
+
+### Arrest and Federal Case
+
+On the morning of June 19, 2026, a federal park ranger approached Horsch's BMW at a fire hydrant beside [[Independence National Historical Park]]. His passenger said he was going to hurt her. She carried an identification card in the name of [[Blair Tonzelli]], missing since 2023. In the car were two handguns with obliterated serial numbers, a switchblade, a baton, a cattle prod, crack cocaine, and [[Drug Enforcement Administration]] credentials with his photograph in the name Eugene Frederick Steiner. The search of his house produced forged FBI credentials and the computer used to make them.[^2][^5]
+
+A federal grand jury indicted him on July 9, 2026. State prosecutors withdrew their five counts on August 6. [[United States]] v. Horsch, No. 2:26-cr-00296, is before Judge [[John Milton Younge]] in the [[United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania|Eastern District of Pennsylvania]]. A January trial date has been reported. He is represented by [[Jerome Brown]], Maureen McCartney, and Justin Ashenfelter. Brown said: "We categorically deny that Eugene Horsch is a serial killer," "there's zero evidence right now that anyone was killed at that location," and "I'd be shocked if they found any harm related to those missing persons at that location."[^2][^4][^6][^7]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "How a pornographer's violent fantasies blurred fact and fiction as cops searched Olney house for missing women," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 2, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/a/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-philadelphia-missing-women-history-20260802.html
+[^2]: Kramer, Jillian. "Eugene Horsch indicted in federal court on firearms, fake credentials charges," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* July 9, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/crime/eugene-horsch-olney-house-federal-indictment-20260709.html
+[^3]: "Bucks County connection with Philly 'house of horror' case," *Yahoo News* (syndicated), 2026. https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/bucks-county-connection-philly-house-091634860.html
+[^4]: "Who is Eugene Horsch? Man at Center of Philadelphia 'House of Horrors,'" *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/who-is-eugene-horsch-man-at-center-of-philadelphia-house-of-horrors-12459693
+[^5]: "Five takeaways from Philly missing women mystery connected to Raymond and Eugene Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 4, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-missing-women-20260804.html
+[^6]: United States v. Horsch, No. 2:26-cr-00296 (E.D. Pa. filed July 8, 2026), docket via CourtListener / RECAP.
+[^7]: "Eugene Horsch Denies He's a Serial Killer as Philadelphia Cops Hunt for Missing Women," *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/philadelphia-obviously-serial-killer-former-fbi-agent-12457175
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Frania
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Frania
@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - FraniaTyeLee
+  - HuntFamily
+  - HLHunt
+  - Bigamy
+  - EstateLitigation
+alias:
+  - Frania Tye
+  - Frania Tye Hunt
+  - Mrs. John W. Lee
+summary: "Bigamous second wife of H.L. Hunt, who signed a release in 1942, sued his estate in 1975, and settled for 7.5 million after the only record of the marriage was cut from a Florida ledger."
+died: 2002
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Frania Tye Lee was the mother of four children by [[H.L. Hunt]], who married her in November 1925, when she was living in [[Tampa, Florida]], under the name [[Franklin Hunt]] while he was married to [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. The children were Howard, Haroldina, Helen, and Hugh. She died in 2002.[^1]
+
+### The 1942 Release
+
+She testified in 1978 that in January 1942 Hunt met her at the [[Adolphus Hotel|Hotel Adolphus]] in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], closed the doors, checked the hall, and offered her a million dollars to sign a statement that they had never married. "That's when I became very angry and screamed that I would never sell my children for all the money he had," she said. On January 24, 1942, she signed a 62-page statement denying the marriage and a release of all future claims. Hunt gave her a check for 300,000 dollars, 25,000 for her lawyers, and 2,000 dollars a month for life. Twelve days later she married Colonel [[John W. Lee]], a former employee of [[Hunt Oil Company]], who adopted the children. Hunt's lawyer in the negotiation, a Dallas attorney named Shank, acknowledged that he had researched the [[Texas]] bigamy statutes beforehand. Members of the family held that the cause of the settlement was Hunt's new relationship with [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a 25-year-old legal secretary in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]], who bore him a son, [[Ray Hunt|Ray Lee Hunt]], in [[New York City|New York]] in April 1943 and lived under the name Wright.[^1]
+
+### Lee v. Hunt
+
+Hunt died in November 1974. In 1975 she sued the executor, Ray Hunt, in the federal court in Shreveport, claiming that she had been a putative wife with a community interest in the estate. The trial began on January 9, 1978. The only documentary evidence of the marriage was a voided entry in a marriage license ledger of [[Hillsborough County, Florida]], which her son had found a few months before trial after years of unsuccessful searches by others. A documents examiner testified without contradiction that it was in a hand different from every other entry in the book. The ink was never dated. Not long after the lawyers in the case made certified copies of the entry, that part of the book was cut out, the first such incident in the history of the county clerk's office.[^1]
+
+[[Margaret Hunt Hill]], a potential defense witness, stayed away from the courtroom, as did [[Hassie Hunt]], who had not appeared in public for more than 25 years. On January 16 the parties dictated a settlement to the court reporter in chambers and the jury was discharged. The estate agreed to pay 7.5 million dollars, half of the estimated community property as of 1942, drawn equally from the trusts of the first and second families, most of it to her children and grandchildren. She would be declared Hunt's putative wife. [[Hugh Lee Hunt|Hugh Lee]] would drop his separate suit to have the four declared legitimate heirs, and the family would sign another release. Hugh alone of the 19 parties then refused to sign the final agreement, pleading duress and mistake. The district court ordered him to execute it on December 27, 1979, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] decided his appeal on December 1, 1980.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. "Daddy's Money," *Texas Monthly,* April 1978. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/daddys-money/
+[^2]: Lee v. Hunt, 483 F. Supp. 826 (W.D. La. 1979); Lee v. Hunt, 631 F.2d 1171 (5th Cir. 1980).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/George
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/George
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - GeorgeLandau
+  - StateDepartment
+  - Paraguay
+  - Chile
+  - OrlandoLetelier
+  - VernonWalters
+  - DINA
+alias:
+  - George W. Landau
+  - George Walter Landau
+summary: "American ambassador to Paraguay who in July 1976 copied the photographs in the false passports of two Chilean agents bound for Washington and sent them to the CIA, weeks before the murder of Orlando Letelier."
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+George Walter Landau was the [[United States]] ambassador to [[Paraguay]] from 1972 to 1977, to [[Chile]] from 1977 to 1982, and afterward to [[Venezuela]].[^1]
+
+### The Passports
+
+Landau testified in February 1979 that the Paraguayan chief of protocol, [[Conrado Pappalardo|Conrado Papalardo]], told him in "a bizarre conversation" in July 1976 that Chile wanted to send two army officers to the United States on Paraguayan documents "to be less conspicuous." "Papelardo told me the Paraguayan government had decided to give them the passports and that he had told them to contact Walters in the U.S. He said that would give Walters full control over their visit." General [[Vernon Walters]], deputy director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], had been in Paraguay shortly before. Landau tried to telephone Walters, failed, let the visas issue, had the passport photographs copied, and sent the copies to CIA headquarters with a full report to Walters. On July 27 or 28 he was told that Walters had left the agency and that Director [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] had the report. On August 4 Walters told him "he knew nothing of the matter and did not want to get involved in it." Landau revoked the visas and demanded the passports. They came back with the photographs removed. The men were [[Michael Townley]] and [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]] of [[DINA]]. Two men using the same names entered the country in late August on Chilean passports, and [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed on September 21.[^2][^3]
+
+[[The New York Times]] reported that Landau had told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] that Papalardo said the request "had come directly from [[Augusto Pinochet|General Pinochet]]." By agreement of both sides, and at his own request, he was not asked about this in court and said only that the request came from a "high level" in Chile. He was by then ambassador in [[Santiago]], and he was called as a witness by the defense of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] members on trial, which hoped his exchange with Walters would tie Townley to the CIA.[^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," February 2014. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
+[^2]: O'Leary, Jeremiah. "U.S. Envoy's Testimony Puts CIA Twist in Letelier Case," *The Washington Star,* February 9, 1979, and Burnham, David, *The New York Times,* February 9, 1979, CIA Reading Room clipping.
+[^3]: Radio TV Reports, "Interview with Dinges and Landau," June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/H.L.
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/H.L.
@ -1,18 +1,123 @@
 ---
-category: "Organized Crime"
+category: "Other"
 tags:
  - Person
-  - OrganizedCrime
-summary: "Hunt and Clint Murchison, Sr."
+  - HLHunt
+  - Oil
+  - Dallas
+  - JFKAssassination
+  - FactsForum
+  - LifeLine
+  - McCarthyism
+  - FBI
+  - RadioRight
+alias:
+  - Haroldson Lafayette Hunt
+  - Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr.
+  - Franklin Hunt
+summary: "Dallas oil billionaire who financed the Facts Forum and Life Line broadcasts, kept three families, corresponded with J. Edgar Hoover for twenty years, and whose offices Jack Ruby visited the day before the Kennedy assassination."
 born: 1889-02-17
 died: 1974-11-29
-location: "Carson Township, Illinois"
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2025-08-05
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---
-[[H.L. Hunt]] was a prominent Texas oilman, described as being cut from the same political cloth as [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. He was a key organizer of the pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] forces in Texas. Hunt accompanied [[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] on a flight to Texas for a speaking tour after MacArthur was relieved of his Korean command by President [[Harry Truman]] in 1951.[^1]

-Hunt and [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] were the chief organizers of the pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] movement in Texas. Hunt went on to establish a MacArthur-for-president headquarters in Chicago, spending $150,000 of his own money on the general's reluctant 1952 presidential campaign. This campaign eventually faltered as MacArthur adopted the strident rhetoric of the right wing.[^1]
+Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr. (February 17, 1889 to November 29, 1974) was a [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer whom [[Fortune (magazine)|Fortune]] named the richest man in the [[United States]] in 1948. He owned [[Hunt Oil Company]] and founded [[Placid Oil Company]], and from 1951 he paid for two tax-exempt broadcasting operations, [[Facts Forum]] and [[Life Line]], that carried anticommunist commentary to several hundred radio stations. He fathered fifteen children in three concurrent households. He wrote to [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Director [[J. Edgar Hoover]] from 1951 until 1971, and hired former FBI agents as his commentators and as his chief of security. On November 21, 1963, [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman to the Hunt offices in the [[Mercantile Securities Building|Mercantile building]] for an appointment with Hunt's son [[Lamar Hunt]]. Hunt did not testify before the [[Warren Commission]].[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### Arkansas and the East Texas Field
+
+Hunt was born near [[Vandalia, Illinois]], the youngest of eight children, and was taught at home. He ran a cotton plantation in [[Arkansas]] until floods ended it in 1917, and in 1921 joined the oil boom at [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], as a lease broker. He claimed a fortune of 600,000 dollars by 1925, lost money in the Smackover field and the Florida land boom, and was reportedly broke again by 1930. An internal FBI memorandum of February 26, 1964, summarized the Bureau's file on these years: Hunt "was reportedly a professional gambler years ago, won an oil lease in a card game, and is also alleged to have operated prostitution activities in Arkansas several years ago." The same memorandum recorded an allegation that in 1943 he ran "a private horse race and gambling bookie establishment within his office in Dallas."[^1][^4]
+
+On November 26, 1930, Hunt bought the discovery well and surrounding leases of the 70-year-old wildcatter [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], whose [[Daisy Bradford No. 3]] had opened the [[East Texas Oil Field]] seven weeks earlier. Hunt had watched the drill-stem test at the well in September. He paid 50,000 dollars in cash, 45,000 dollars in notes, and a guarantee of 1.3 million dollars out of future production, and the first payment came from 30,000 dollars belonging to [[P.G. Lake]], an El Dorado clothier. The field proved to be 43 miles long and as much as nine miles wide, and Hunt's share of it eventually exceeded 100 million dollars. His [[Panola Pipe Line]] was carrying oil by December 1, 1930, and by 1932 [[Hunt Production Company]] operated 900 wells in East Texas. In 1935 H.L. Hunt, Inc., became Placid Oil, and its shares went into trusts for his six children by his first wife.[^1][^5]
+
+In late 1936 Hunt bought the [[Excelsior Refining Company]] in [[Rusk County, Texas|Rusk County]] and renamed it [[Parade Refining Company|Parade Refining]]. Residue gas from the Parade plant was piped into the [[New London School explosion|New London school]], which exploded on March 18, 1937. Most of the families involved worked for Hunt.[^1]
+
+### Three Families
+
+Hunt married [[Lyda Bunker Hunt|Lyda Bunker]] in Arkansas on November 26, 1914. Their children were [[Margaret Hunt Hill|Margaret]], [[Hassie Hunt|Haroldson Jr.]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline]], [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Nelson Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|William Herbert]], and Lamar. On November 11, 1925, under the name [[Franklin Hunt]], he married [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] in [[Florida]]. They lived in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] and then Dallas and had four children. Tye learned of the first marriage in May 1934, and Hunt sent her to [[New York City|New York]]. He created trusts for her children in 1941, she signed a release in 1942, and she later married a Hunt employee, John Lee, who gave the children his name. The FBI's 1964 summary of its file states that "in 1953 it was also alleged that Hunt made a settlement of several million dollars with a woman claiming to be his wife." The memorandum does not name her.[^1][^4][^6]
+
+Lyda Hunt died in 1955. In November 1957 Hunt married [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a former Hunt Oil secretary, and adopted her four children, who had been born between 1943 and 1950. The Reverend [[W.A. Criswell]] baptized Hunt and the third family into the [[First Baptist Church of Dallas]], then the largest Baptist congregation in the world. Criswell mailed Life Line material to his members, and Hunt mailed Criswell's sermons to other ministers.[^1][^7]
+
+### MacArthur and Facts Forum
+
+After President [[Harry Truman]] relieved General Douglas MacArthur of his Korean command in 1951, Hunt accompanied MacArthur on a flight to [[Texas]] for a speaking tour. Hunt and [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] were the chief organizers of the pro-MacArthur movement in Texas. Hunt established a MacArthur-for-president headquarters in [[Chicago]] and spent 150,000 dollars of his own money on the general's reluctant 1952 campaign, which faltered as MacArthur adopted the strident rhetoric of the right wing.[^8]
+
+Hunt founded Facts Forum in 1951 as a tax-exempt educational foundation. It produced radio and television panel programs, a magazine, and public-opinion polls, and spent about 3.5 million dollars before it closed in 1956. On August 9, 1951, about six weeks after its founding, Hunt wrote to Hoover enclosing Facts Forum poll cards and asking the director to supply "two or three of the fine questions" for its polling committee. The Dallas lawyer [[Robert H. Dedman]] was its president. Its board of advisers included General [[Robert E. Wood]], General [[Albert C. Wedemeyer]], [[John Wayne]], and [[Norman Vincent Peale]]. Its commentator was [[Dan Smoot]], who had been an FBI agent from 1941 to 1951. After Lyda Hunt died in 1955, [[Cartha DeLoach]] recorded information from the [[American Legion]]'s [[American Legion Americanism Commission|Americanism Commission]] that Hunt, "reportedly believing that his wife would outlive him, placed most of his investments in his wife's name," that he was "having great difficulty in financing many of his projects in view of the legal entanglements in which he finds his wife's estate," and that he had forced Smoot out of his 18,000 dollar post.[^1][^4][^7][^9][^10]
+
+[[Robert E. Lee (FCC)|Robert E. Lee]], a former FBI man who as an investigator for the [[House Appropriations Committee]] had helped compile the list of 205 names that Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]] took to [[Wheeling, West Virginia|Wheeling]], joined Hunt's staff and moderated the first three Facts Forum television programs. [[Jean Kerr]], McCarthy's assistant and later his wife, who had worked with Lee on the list and raised money to defeat Senator [[Millard Tydings]], joined the staff at about the same time. Facts Forum endorsed McCarthy in 1952. Lee was appointed to the [[Federal Communications Commission]] under McCarthy's sponsorship, and Hunt testified at his confirmation that Lee would grant him no favors. Lee was still a commissioner in 1964.[^1][^4][^7]
+
+On March 10, 1953, the FBI's New York office opened a memorandum captioned "H.L. Hunt, Facts Forum, Security Matter - C," which noted that Hunt had been the victim in a 1948 extortion case. In 1954 Representative [[Wayne Hays]] of [[Ohio]], a member of the [[Reece Committee|House committee investigating tax-exempt foundations]] under [[B. Carroll Reece]], demanded that the exemption be lifted. "Facts Forum is not only a propaganda machine," Hays said, "but it puts up money to defeat people for Congress like me." The [[Internal Revenue Service]] gave Facts Forum what the trade weekly Broadcasting-Telecasting called a clean bill of health. A Facts Forum spokesman, [[Hardy Burt]], wrote to Hays asking whether his antagonism was connected to the Daily Worker's endorsement of his 1948 candidacy. Hunt put 5,000 dollars on Hays's opponent in a later race and lost.[^7][^9]
+
+### Life Line
+
+Hunt revived the operation in 1958 as Life Line, a fifteen-minute daily program that reached more than 400 stations, financed through the tax-exempt [[Life Line Foundation]] and sponsored on the air by his food company, [[HLH Products]]. By February 1964 more than four million dollars had been spent on it. Its commentators included [[Gene Scudder|Milton Eugene Scudder]], a former FBI agent, and [[Wayne Poucher]], a [[Churches of Christ|Church of Christ]] minister from [[Tennessee]]. Poucher later broke with Hunt over the slanting of scripts and the foundation's exposure to the tax authorities. He said that Hunt wept when urged to be baptized and declined, saying he had been an evil person. "Everything I do, I do for profit," Hunt told a reporter.[^1][^7]
+
+In October 1957 Hunt's office asked Hoover for comments and suggestions on the content of the new program. Hoover replied on November 5 that he could offer none. Hunt's office afterward sent the director tapes of commentary attacking the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]]. Hunt's representative in Washington was [[Booth Mooney]], a former aide to [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], who lobbied the executive branch under four presidents and carried what he called a snowstorm of memoranda to the Johnson [[White House]] at a rate of four or five a week.[^4][^7]
+
+[[Richard Arens]], the staff director of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]], told a reporter in March 1960 that he advised Hunt on grants to patriotic causes, a service he also performed for the eugenics financier [[Wickliffe Draper]] and the drug manufacturer [[Smith Richardson]]. Arens left his congressional post that year.[^11]
+
+From June 28 to July 7, 1960, according to FBI headquarters serial 62-105010-18, Hunt's aide [[John Curington]] paid 23,000 dollars to have anti-Kennedy, anti-Catholic material mailed to the public. The same year Hunt published [[Alpaca (novel)|Alpaca]], a novel about a republic whose citizens receive additional votes according to the taxes they pay.[^1][^3]
+
+In 1961 the FBI's Dallas office opened a file on a loan from the [[Teamsters Central States Pension Fund|Teamsters pension fund]], arranged by [[Jimmy Hoffa]], to a company connected with Hunt. On May 4, 1961, an informant told the Bureau that a "Mr. Rieker" had met three Texas financiers to raise 25,000 dollars to kill [[Fidel Castro]] and that "Hunt gave a 'chunk' towards this cause." On December 21, 1961, another informant said Hunt was financing a group called the Third Party, which "plans to take over the government," and that arms were cached in a house in Dallas. The Dallas office closed the second matter on January 12, 1962, after it judged the informant emotionally unstable, failed to find the house, and interviewed Hunt's security chief, [[Paul Rothermel]], who said he knew nothing about it. Rothermel had been an FBI agent from December 1950 to December 1954.[^3][^12]
+
+In September 1964 a House subcommittee examining some 15,000 tax-exempt foundations, which had already found one that served as a conduit for CIA money, described the Life Line Foundation as more political than educational and asked whether it should keep its exemption.[^13]
+
+In October 1966 an FBI informant reported that the leader of a Dallas and [[Fort Worth, Texas|Fort Worth]] paramilitary group called WASP, which he said General [[Edwin Walker]] headed, claimed the group had invited Hunt to a meeting and asked him for a loan of one million dollars to train its members in [[Colorado]]. Hunt "listened to their program, but said he would not loan any money unless he thought he could realize a profit." The reporting agent described the group's spokesman as "a 'big talker'" and "apparently some kind of a 'crackpot.'"[^14]
+
+### Dallas, November 1963
+
+The full-page advertisement headed "Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas," bordered in black, ran in the [[Dallas Morning News]] on November 22, 1963, over the name of the [[American Fact-Finding Committee]], [[Bernard Weissman]], chairman. Weissman testified that the committee was "solely a name" and that the money, 1,462 dollars by his count, came from [[Joseph P. Grinnan]], a Dallas oil broker and [[John Birch Society]] coordinator, who "had to get $300 here and $400 there." The contributors included Nelson Bunker Hunt, [[H.R. "Bum" Bright|H.R. Bright]], and [[Edgar R. Crissey]]. Bunker Hunt was represented in the matter by [[Ivan Irwin Jr.]], a lawyer for Hunt Oil interests. [[Larrie Schmidt]], who organized the advertisement, wrote to Weissman that one of his recruits, [[Warren Carroll]], was a scriptwriter for H.L. Hunt "and a former CIA man (don't worry)." Carroll, later the founder of [[Christendom College]], worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] during the 1960s, according to the college's biography of him.[^15] A copy of the advertisement was found in Ruby's car after he shot [[Lee Harvey Oswald]].[^2][^16][^17]
+
+On the morning of November 21, Ruby drove [[Connie Trammell]], a young woman he knew, to the Mercantile building, where she had an appointment to ask Lamar Hunt for a job. The FBI report of the visit spells the name "Larmar Hunt." The same day [[Eugene Hale Brading]], a [[California]] parolee with a record for mail fraud who had told his parole officer he would be in Dallas from November 21 to 25, went to the Hunt offices to see Lamar Hunt about oil business. Brading, using the name Jim Braden, was detained in the [[Dal-Tex Building]] on [[Dealey Plaza]] minutes after the shooting and released. He was staying at the [[Cabana Motel]], which Ruby visited that night. Both men denied the visits to the Hunt offices. Lamar Hunt's name was in Ruby's notebook, and Lamar Hunt told the FBI he could think of no reason for it. The Life Line broadcast heard in Dallas on the morning of November 22 concerned the confiscation of firearms under communism.[^2][^7][^16]
+
+The FBI interviewed members of the family. Its headquarters file on the Hunts contains four records that the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] later classed as relevant to the assassination. On February 24, 1964, [[The Nation]] published [[Robert Sherrill]]'s "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," which quoted an editorial writer's remark that "the brooding Oswalds of the left or right wing" listened to Life Line. Two days later a memorandum to Assistant Director DeLoach reviewed the article, identified Lee, Smoot, and Scudder as former agents in Hunt's employ, and recommended "that the Director not see H.L. Hunt." It added: "Hunt features himself as a king maker."[^3][^4][^7]
+
+### The Letter to Mr. Hunt
+
+In 1975 assassination researchers received from [[Mexico City]] a photocopy of a handwritten note dated November 8, 1963, and signed Lee Harvey Oswald: "Dear Mr. Hunt, I would like information concerning my position. I am only asking for information. I am suggesting that we discuss the matter fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else." [[Penn Jones Jr.|Penn Jones]] published it in 1977. [[Earl Golz]] of the Dallas Morning News had three handwriting examiners compare it with Oswald's writing, and they agreed it matched. The newspaper asked whether the addressee might be H.L. Hunt. On March 4, 1977, Hunt Oil's spokesman, [[James C. Oberwetter]], issued a statement that Hunt never "knew, ever communicated with or ever received communication from Lee Harvey Oswald." On April 1, after the Dutch journalist [[Willem Oltmans]] repeated statements by [[George de Mohrenschildt]], a second release for the [[Estate of H.L. Hunt]] said Hunt never met de Mohrenschildt and noted the latter's "history of mental problems." In May 1977 Hunt's son [[Ray Hunt|Ray L. Hunt]] wrote to [[Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI Director]] [[Clarence Kelley]] about the coverage. Kelley replied that Bureau policy barred him from saying what the FBI did or did not know and suggested a request under the [[Freedom of Information Act]].[^3][^4][^16][^18]
+
+The handwriting panel of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] examined the letter in 1978. [[Joseph P. McNally]], a former commander of the New York police laboratory, testified that the copy was a photographic reproduction "so fuzzy that an accurate examination could not be made of it," that it was "much more precisely and much more carefully written" than the authenticated Oswald documents, and that the signature differed "significantly in the 'H'" of Harvey. All three panel members regarded it with suspicion, and none would certify it as genuine or forged. Committee counsel said it "stood out, quite frankly, like a sore thumb."[^19] The former KGB archivist [[Vasili Mitrokhin]] later reported that the letter was a forgery prepared by the [[KGB]] to implicate the CIA officer [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]]. Curington, who worked in the office adjoining Hunt's from 1960 to 1969, said in 2018 that the letter arrived in the Hunt company mail shortly after the assassination and that Hunt had him give it to the FBI. The original has not been produced. Curington told the [[National Enquirer]] in 1977 that Hunt sent him to check the security around Oswald at the Dallas jail and was elated to hear it was lax.[^16][^18][^20]
+
+### The Wiretaps
+
+In 1969 Hunt's nephew [[Tom Hunt]], a Hunt Oil executive, found that HLH Products was losing large sums. Hunt Oil had put about 45 million dollars into the food company, and investigators described six separate schemes against it, among them property bought at inflated prices from sellers who split the difference through post-office-box companies, and the purchase for 185,690 dollars of a century-old pecan plant whose machinery was fused with rust. Hunt refused to act. Rothermel resigned as his administrative assistant on November 15, 1969. [[Hunt brothers|Bunker and Herbert Hunt]] hired a [[Houston]] detective agency, which tapped the telephones of Rothermel and three other executives.[^12][^21]
+
+The FBI arrested one of the detectives, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], on January 16, 1970, after a suburban policeman who had stopped him for running a stop sign noticed recording equipment in his car. On February 3, 1970, DeLoach reported to [[Clyde Tolson]] that Senator [[James Eastland]] of [[Mississippi]] had been called by Hunt's sons, who told him they were trying to have their father declared incompetent on grounds of senility, that Hunt Oil had lost about 80 million dollars over several years, and that Rothermel, on a salary of 20,000 dollars, lived in a 65,000 dollar house with two Cadillacs. Kelly and [[Patrick McCann]] were convicted and sentenced to three years, and then named Bunker and Herbert Hunt as the men who ordered the taps. In April 1971 Rothermel wrote to Senator [[John Tower]], with a copy to Hoover, denying that he had said someone had bought off the FBI.[^4][^5][^12]
+
+In the autumn of 1972 H.L. and Bunker Hunt attended a barbecue for President [[Richard Nixon]] at [[John Connally]]'s ranch at [[Floresville, Texas|Floresville]]. People close to the Hunts said afterward that Bunker Hunt met [[Richard Kleindienst]] at Eastland's Mississippi plantation and was promised immunity in exchange for a list of [[Fatah|Al Fatah]] agents in the United States, and that the information helped stop a plot against [[Golda Meir]] in New York in March 1973. Kleindienst resigned in April 1973, the brothers were indicted, and both were acquitted in 1975.[^5]
+
+### Hoover
+
+Hunt's letters to Hoover ran to the end of the director's life. In 1970 he described spending 35 days in Washington in 1967 lobbying against Senator [[Birch Bayh]]'s amendment to abolish the [[Electoral College]]. On December 6, 1971, he proposed a mailing to governors and sheriffs' associations under the slogan "DISMISS KISSINGER," predicted that Governor [[George Wallace]] "may fully proceed along the DISMISS KISSINGER lines," and asked whether FBI agents might identify young orators for his youth speakers program. In an undated letter he wrote that "the majority of the anti-communists have quit" and urged Hoover to help "get them back in the saddle."[^4]
+
+### Death and Estate
+
+Hunt died in Dallas on November 29, 1974. Criswell preached the funeral and [[Sidney Latham]], Hunt's lawyer and a retired Hunt Oil vice-president, gave the eulogy. "He said he had traded the here for the hereafter," Latham said, "and he was pleased." The will left all of Hunt's stock in Hunt Oil to Ruth Hunt, named her son Ray sole executor, divided the rest among ten children, and disinherited any heir who contested it. [[William F. Buckley Jr.|William F. Buckley]] wrote that Hunt "left capitalism a bad name, not, goodness knows, by frenzies of extravagance, but by his eccentric understanding of public affairs, his yahoo bigotry and his appallingly bad manners."[^1][^5]
+
+On November 11, 1975, the fiftieth anniversary of the Florida wedding, Frania Tye Lee sued the estate in federal court in Shreveport. After her lawyers obtained certified copies of the 1925 entry in the [[Hillsborough County, Florida|Hillsborough County]] marriage ledger, the page was cut out of the book. Testimony at the trial put the family's worth at two to three billion dollars on liquidation and more than five billion with the trusts. The parties settled. Her son [[Hugh S. Hunt]] received 7.5 million dollars for giving up any claim as an heir, and in December 1983 sued Ray Hunt and the estate's lawyer over the classification of Tye's children as "natural but not legitimate" for [[Louisiana]] inheritance tax.[^1][^6][^22]

---
 ### Footnotes

-[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
+[^1]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association, 1995, revised 2023. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
+[^2]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Warren Report 368 and Warren Commission Hearings vol. 25, p. 381 (the Ruby visit), vol. 23, p. 690 (Irwin), and vol. 18, pp. 875 and 886 (Schmidt correspondence).
+[^3]: Fagnant, Marie (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures: H.L. Hunt, N.B. Hunt, R.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison Jr. and Clint Murchison Sr.," memorandum, July 31, 1997, File 4.16.4 (FBI-38), summarizing FBI serials 62-105010-18, 62-108867-6, 62-108867-22 to 24, 105-90385-10 and 11, 157-376-1, and Dallas file 62-3069.
+[^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, parts 1 and 2 (FOIA release), including Hunt to Hoover, August 9, 1951; SAC New York to Director, March 10, 1953; memorandum to DeLoach, February 26, 1964; DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970; Hunt to Hoover, December 6, 1971; and Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/H.L.Hunt and https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
+[^5]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
+[^6]: "Daddy's Money," *Texas Monthly,* 1978. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/daddys-money/
+[^7]: Sherrill, Robert G. "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," *The Nation,* February 24, 1964, reproduced in FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2.
+[^8]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. TrineDay, 2010.
+[^9]: Facts Forum, rebuttal pamphlet on the Reece Committee and Representative Wayne Hays, c. 1954, reproduced in FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1.
+[^10]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file 62-94811, Facts Forum (FOIA release), DeLoach memorandum relaying Rex Findley and Karl Baarslag, c. 1955.
+[^11]: May, Ron. "Rich New Yorker Trying to Prove Negroes Inferior," *The Capital Times* (Madison, Wis.), March 5, 1960, p. 1.
+[^12]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release). https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
+[^13]: "Politics or Education?" *Pasadena Independent,* September 24, 1964, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP75-00149R000600210010-5.
+[^14]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Dallas file on Edwin A. Walker, part 3 (FOIA release), informant report on WASP, file 100-11172, October 1966.
+[^15]: Christendom College, biography of founder Warren H. Carroll.
+[^16]: Marrs, Jim. *Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy*. Carroll & Graf, 1989.
+[^17]: Testimony of Bernard William Weissman, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 5; Weissman Exhibit No. 1, vol. 21, p. 722. https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh21/pdf/WH21_Weissman_Ex_1.pdf
+[^18]: Nagle, Paul, and Smatt, "The Enigma of Oswald's 'Missing Letter': From the Russia File," *Kennedys and King.* https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/the-enigma-of-oswald-s-missing-letter-from-the-russia-file
+[^19]: Testimony of Joseph P. McNally, *Hearings Before the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives,* vol. 4, pp. 356 ff., September 1978. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol4/pdf/HSCA_Vol4_0925_2_McNally.pdf
+[^20]: Curington, John, with Mitchel Whitington. *H.L. Hunt: Motive and Opportunity*. 23 House, 2018.
+[^21]: "Two Rich Men the U.S. Would Put in Jail," syndicated column, 1974, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300490023-4.
+[^22]: Lee v. Hunt, 431 F. Supp. 371 (W.D. La. 1977); Lee v. Hunt, 631 F.2d 1171 (5th Cir. 1979).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hal
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hal
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HalHendrix
+  - ITT
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - Journalism
+  - Watergate
+summary: "Latin America correspondent who joined ITT in 1967, co-wrote its 1970 memorandum urging action against Allende, and was named an unindicted co-conspirator when his superiors were charged with lying to the Senate."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Hal Hendrix was a newspaperman who became director of public relations for [[Latin America]] at [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph]]. By his own testimony he began as a reporter on the [[The Kansas City Star|Kansas City Star]], was Latin American editor of the [[The Miami News|Miami News]] and then Latin American correspondent for [[Scripps-Howard]], and joined ITT in September 1967. He worked from [[Buenos Aires]] until the middle of 1970, when he moved to [[New York City|New York]]. He reported to [[Keith Perkins]] and through him to the senior vice president [[Edward Gerrity]]. [[Robert Berrellez]], in Buenos Aires, reported to him.[^1]
+
+### The Memoranda of 1970
+
+On September 17, 1970, two weeks after [[Salvador Allende]] won a plurality in [[Chile]], Hendrix and Berrellez sent headquarters a memorandum recommending that ITT and other companies "pump some advertising into Mercurio," bring back onto the payroll some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly supported by "the Matte and Edwards groups," pay for a relocation center in [[Mendoza, Argentina|Mendoza]] or Buenos Aires for the families of "key persons involved in the fight," and press the [[United States Information Agency|U.S. Information Service]] to distribute the editorials of [[El Mercurio]] abroad. Gerrity informed the chairman, [[Harold Geneen]], that the strategy in the Hendrix memorandum was the best course. The columnist [[Jack Anderson]] published the company's internal papers in March 1972.[^1]
+
+### Watergate
+
+On July 26, 1973, the deputy [[Watergate]] special prosecutor, [[Henry Ruth]], wrote to the acting general counsel of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], [[John S. Warner|John Warner]], that "several questions have arisen in the course of our investigation of Watergate related matters concerning International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation and the persons who were employed by Gordon Liddy, E. Howard Hunt, and [[Bernard Barker]]." The first asked whether six men had "been employed by or associated with the CIA": [[Felipe de Diego]], [[Pablo Fernandez]], [[Angelo Ferrer]], [[Hiram Gonzalez]], [[Humberto Lopez]], and Hal Hendrix. The others asked whether the agency knew of undercover activities by ITT against the Chilean government in the [[United States]], of "any type of arrangements between ITT and the [[Robert R. Mullen Company|Mullen Company]]," of any working relationship with "the ITT Public Relations Office located at 495 Biltmore Way, [[Coral Gables, Florida]]," and of any intelligence or undercover work performed for ITT by [[Howard Hunt]] or [[G. Gordon Liddy]]. Warner sent the letter to [[William Colby]] with a note that the questions would go to [[William Nelson (CIA)|Bill Nelson]] and be cross-checked with the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]. The agency's Cover and Commercial Staff answered the third and fourth questions on August 7: it had never discussed ITT with the Mullen firm, whose brochures did not list ITT as a client, and had no relationship with or information on the Coral Gables office. No answer to the questions about Hendrix, about ITT and Chile, or about Hunt and Liddy has been released.[^2]
+
+### The Senate Testimony
+
+Hendrix testified to the Senate subcommittee on multinational corporations on March 21, 1973. Asked the source of his report to ITT that Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] had been given "the green light" to act in President [[Richard Nixon]]'s name against Allende, he said it was "a Chilean who was a professional acquaintance of mine," highly placed in the Christian [[Democratic Party]]. CIA cables later showed that the information came from the agency's station chief in [[Santiago]] and in part from the ambassador. A CIA officer, [[Jonathan Hanke]], recorded on March 22 after talking with an ITT official that Hendrix had been asked whether he worked in any way for the agency and "denied such a relationship three times."[^3]
+
+On November 30, 1976, in the federal court in [[Miami]], Hendrix pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor of withholding information from the subcommittee. He was fined 100 dollars and given a suspended sentence of one month in return for his cooperation. The [[Department of Justice]] lawyer [[Walter May]] told the court, on the basis of CIA files and interviews with agency officials, that Hendrix had "informed the CIA about his intention to withhold from the committee the fact that he had been in contact with the CIA." [[Washington Post|The Washington Post]] described him as a [[Pulitzer Prize]] winner, then 54, living in Miami.[^3]
+
+When the department charged Gerrity and Berrellez on March 20, 1978, with perjury and obstruction of that inquiry, one count against Gerrity was that he had encouraged Hendrix, named as an unindicted co-conspirator, to testify falsely. The government abandoned both prosecutions in early 1979 after the defense demanded classified material.[^1][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, testimony of Hal Hendrix, and part 2, appendix of ITT documents. https://archive.org/details/MultinationalCorporationsAndUSForeignPolicyUSSenateHearings
+[^2]: Ruth, Henry S., Jr., Watergate Special Prosecution Force, letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, with routing slip to William Colby, August 3, 1973. CIA Reading Room document C01482382. Chief, Cover and Commercial Staff, "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
+[^3]: Associated Press, "CIA Knew of False Testimony," CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030035-4; Robinson, Timothy S. "ITT Ex-Official Charged With Withholding Data," *The Washington Post,* November 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030036-3; Ignatius, David, report on the Berrellez trial, *The Wall Street Journal,* 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030007-5.
+[^4]: "2 ITT Men Charged with Senate Lies," wire report, March 21, 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030069-7.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hank
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hank
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HankMessick
+  - MiamiHerald
+  - OrganizedCrime
+  - Wackenhut
+  - FBI
+  - MeyerLansky
+  - Florida
+summary: "Miami Herald crime reporter fed leads by the FBI, who joined Wackenhut's Florida crime war in December 1966 and quit after six weeks calling it a cruel hoax upon the people of Florida."
+location: "Miami, Florida"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Hank Messick was a crime reporter under contract to the [[Miami Herald]] whose articles on gambling and corruption in [[Dade County, Florida|Dade]] and [[Broward County, Florida|Broward]] counties led grand juries to indict the sheriffs of both in 1966. An internal memorandum of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] records that the bureau had "made available lead information to Hank Messick, veteran crime reporter of the Miami Herald."[^1]
+
+He resigned from the newspaper on December 13, 1966, and joined the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], which Governor [[Claude Kirk]] engaged the following month to conduct a war on organized crime in [[Florida]]. On January 13, 1967, FBI headquarters ordered its Florida offices to give the company's men nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency."[^1]
+
+Messick left in February. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he told reporters. He said later: "As far as the war on crime is concerned, they've done absolutely nothing; they haven't even scraped the surface." His objection was that the company kept as a private client Sir [[Stafford Sands]], a former minister of the [[Bahamas]] with gambling interests, while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] answered: "I do not find it necessary to dignify Mr. Messick's remarks with a reply."[^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters and Tampa files on the Wackenhut Corporation. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation Airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and undated headquarters memorandum.
+[^2]: "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, in the FBI's Tampa file on the company.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hassie
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hassie
@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HassieHunt
+  - HLHunt
+  - HuntFamily
+  - HuntOil
+  - Lobotomy
+  - PlacidOil
+alias:
+  - H.L. Hunt Jr.
+  - Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr.
+  - Haroldson Lafayette Hunt III
+summary: "Eldest son of H.L. Hunt, an oil finder worth millions at twenty-four, who broke down in the army in 1943 and was lobotomized, and whose trusts were run by his brothers and sisters."
+born: 1917-11-23
+died: 2005
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr., called Hassie, was born at [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], on November 23, 1917, the second child and first son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. His father gave him his own name rather than styling him the third. He was sent to [[Culver Military Academy]], did not marry, and drilled for oil as the Hassie [[Hunt Production Company]] from an office at [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]]. "By the age of twenty-four, Hassie claimed ten thousand barrels a day in oil production," an income of about four million dollars a year. His father believed he found oil by mystical powers. Father and son competed for leases, and their arguments came to blows. On some days he came to the office barefoot with his shoes hung round his neck. Hunt assigned a man to look after him full time.[^1]
+
+### The Army
+
+Hunt would not seek a medical deferment for him. He had two employees move Hassie from [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] to [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] to [[Jackson, Mississippi]], "changing draft boards with each move," and then obtained him a second lieutenant's commission in the [[United States Army Corps of Engineers|Army Corps of Engineers]]. In Washington Hassie was to "advise" the Chinese Nationalist government on oil and gas, and lived at the [[Mayflower Hotel]]. In 1943 he was transferred to [[Camp Beauregard]] in [[Louisiana]]. "When he got down to Camp Beauregard, they put him out on the firing field," his caretaker Dick Kirkpatrick said. "He was so scared he just went beserk." He was put in the mental ward of an army hospital near [[Lake Pontchartrain]] and discharged.[^2]
+
+### Treatment
+
+Hunt sent him to a psychiatric institution near [[Andover, Massachusetts]], where he was given electric shock. Back in [[Texas]] he did not know his relations. "You see that woman at the head of the table?" he said of his mother at dinner. "She's married to that fellow Hunt that you hear about." He threw a piece of fruit at her and broke her glasses, and challenged his father to fights. Hunt's aides hired women as companions for him and paid off those he injured. Hunt telephoned [[Clare Boothe Luce]] about new procedures, consulted Dr. [[Alton Ochsner]] of [[New Orleans]], and contacted or sent his son to [[Duke University]], the [[Menninger Clinic]], and the [[Institute of Living]] in [[Hartford, Connecticut|Hartford]]. One doctor offered an operation. "He said the operation would either be a success or Hassie would never be the same," Kirkpatrick recalled. The prefrontal lobotomy "was performed by a doctor up East" in the late 1940s. The surgeon is not named. The violence stopped. Hassie "did not 'get well,'" needed supervision at all hours, and was placed in an institution in [[New York]] State. Hunt kept an empty office for him next to his own.[^3]
+
+### Return
+
+In early 1965, at the suggestion of Hunt's second wife, [[Ruth Ray Hunt]], Hassie was brought home to [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], the family house on [[White Rock Lake]], and lived with nurses in the pool house and later in a neighboring mansion bought by his trust. "The lobotomy had muted Hassie's violence, but it had also left him a middle-aged man with a childlike mentality." He and his father, who looked alike and dressed alike, walked together along the lake. He did not attend the 1978 trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s suit, "because of the mental illness that had prevented him from appearing in public for over thirty years."[^4]
+
+### The Trusts
+
+Two trusts and a production company went on drilling in his name throughout his illness, and by the time of his return had built up production worth more than 200 million dollars, more than any of his brothers had found apart from [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]'s Libyan field. By 1978 the Hassie entities were worth more than 500 million dollars, including 8 percent of [[Placid Oil Company]] and 12 percent of [[Hunt Petroleum]]. The trustees were [[Margaret Hunt Hill]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline Hunt Schoellkopf]], [[Al Hill Sr.]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], [[Lamar Hunt]], and the family's financial man John Goodson. "On occasion, such as in their takeover bid for [[Great Western United]], the first family had provided itself with loans from Hassie's trusts." In settling the Lee case the first family obtained from Ruth Hunt's children and from the Lees an undertaking not to challenge Hassie's will.[^5]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 47, 124-125, 134-135.
+[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, p. 135.
+[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 135-137.
+[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 259-261.
+[^5]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 260, 391.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Howard
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Howard
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
 ---
 created: 2026-05-15
-updated: 2026-05-15
+updated: 2026-09-21
 title: Howard Hunt
 aliases:
  - E. Howard Hunt
@ -14,6 +14,11 @@ tags:
  - 1950s
  - 1960s
  - 1970s
+  - HowardHunt
+  - DomesticOperationsDivision
+  - MullenCompany
+  - ITT
+  - Wackenhut
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 summary: "E. Howard Hunt was a CIA officer who ran psychological warfare for Operation PBSUCCESS (1954 Guatemala coup), served as political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, and was one of the Watergate burglars arrested in June 1972, serving 33 months in prison, and in his final years made statements implicating CIA figures in the Kennedy assassination."
 born: 1918-10-09
@ -31,23 +36,33 @@ During the early 1950s Hunt worked under [[Frank Wisner]] in the Office of Polic

 ### Operation PBSUCCESS

-Hunt was assigned to Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954 as chief of political action and propaganda. His primary responsibility was the "Voice of Liberation" - Radio Liberación - the CIA-operated radio station broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the exile Liberation Army's military successes in [[Guatemala]]. The radio campaign was central to the operation's psychological strategy: convincing the Guatemalan military officer corps that [[Jacobo Arbenz]]'s position was militarily hopeless, inducing the defections that ultimately forced Arbenz's resignation.
+Hunt was assigned to Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954 as chief of political action and propaganda. His primary responsibility was the "Voice of Liberation" - Radio Liberación - the CIA-operated radio station broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the exile Liberation Army's military successes in Guatemala. The radio campaign was central to the operation's psychological strategy: convincing the Guatemalan military officer corps that [[Jacobo Arbenz]]'s position was militarily hopeless, inducing the defections that ultimately forced Arbenz's resignation.

 Hunt also managed the political exile leadership, working to maintain cohesion among the Guatemalan exile groups that would form the successor government. The experience gave Hunt a model he would attempt to apply in Cuba seven years later.[^1]

 ### Bay of Pigs

-Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
+Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.

 The Bay of Pigs was a catastrophic failure, and Hunt's political operation collapsed along with the military operation. The exile political leadership was not told the operation was under way until it had already failed, and Hunt's management of their expectations was blamed by exile leaders for contributing to the political disorder. His role in the operation was not publicly acknowledged.[^1]

+### Domestic Operations Division
+A CIA security memorandum of 1972 gives Hunt's periods of overt employment as November 1949 to December 1950, November 1953 to January 1954, October 1956 to January 1957, and July 1960 to September 1966. His assistant [[Elizabeth McIntosh]] recorded in 1973 that when she returned from an overseas post "[[Tracy Barnes]] was setting up the [[Domestic Operations Division]] and Mr. Hunt was assigned Chief" of its covert action section, that she worked for him for three years, and that after his tour in [[Spain]] he came back as chief of covert action for the Europe division. [[Thomas Karamessines]] later distinguished for Senate investigators between the division's concept before and after his own appointment as deputy director for plans.[^2]
+
+The Philadelphia filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview published in 2026 that between 1961 and 1965 he tapped telephones and committed burglaries as a freelance for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], and that a regular client introduced as "Mr. Smith" was Hunt. The CIA had granted [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] a covert security approval on November 21, 1961.[^3]
+
+### The Mullen Company and ITT
+Hunt retired on April 30, 1970, and went to work for the [[Robert R. Mullen Company]], a Washington public relations firm that had given cover to agency officers abroad since 1963. The agency's retirement office arranged the introduction and Director [[Richard Helms]] wrote a recommendation. Mullen told him of the cover arrangement without authorization, and the [[Central Cover Staff]] had him cleared as witting in June 1970. He told the staff in July 1971 that he had been assigned to the [[White House]].[^4]
+
+In March 1972, at the direction of [[Charles Colson]], he flew to [[Denver]] in a wig and with alias documents supplied by the agency to question the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] lobbyist [[Dita Beard]] in her hospital room. The House subcommittee that examined the agency's part in Watergate listed the visit among the misuses of its assistance. On July 26, 1973, the Watergate special prosecutor's office asked the agency whether it knew of "any intelligence or undercover activities performed by Howard Hunt and/or [[G. Gordon Liddy|Gordon Liddy]] for ITT," of arrangements between ITT and the Mullen firm, or of any employment of the ITT publicist [[Hal Hendrix]]. The released reply addresses only the Mullen firm and an ITT office in [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]].[^5]
+
 ### Watergate

 By 1971, Hunt had been nominally retired from the CIA and was working as a consultant to the White House under Charles Colson, a senior aide to President [[Richard Nixon]]. Nixon's "plumbers" unit - tasked with plugging information leaks and conducting political intelligence operations - recruited Hunt for various activities, including the burglary of [[Daniel Ellsberg]]'s psychiatrist's office in September 1971.

 On the night of June 17, 1972, Hunt organized and directed the team that broke into the [[Democratic National Committee]] headquarters at the [[Watergate complex]] in Washington - the burglary that produced five arrests, triggered the Senate investigation and Special Prosecutor investigation, and ultimately led to Nixon's resignation in August 1974.

-Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^2]
+Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^6]

 ### Kennedy Assassination Statements

@ -60,4 +75,8 @@ Hunt died of pneumonia on January 23, 2007, in [[Miami, Florida|Miami]].[^1]
 ### Footnotes

 [^1]: Hunt, E. Howard. *American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond.* Wiley, 2007. Thomas, Evan. *The Very Best Men: Four Who Dared: The Early Years of the CIA.* Simon & Schuster, 1995.
-[^2]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
+[^2]: McIntosh, Elizabeth, memorandum for the record, May 25, 1973, CIA Reading Room document C00609301; Central Cover Staff, "CIA Utilization of the Robert R. Mullen Company," June 20, 1972, C00573275; "Select Committee Testimony of 5 February 1974," C01474422.
+[^3]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49; Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454.
+[^4]: "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00660613; Gahagen, Robert D., "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, C00297384; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms," July 20, 1973, C00609297.
+[^5]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; Ruth, Henry S., Jr., letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, C01482382; "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
+[^6]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hunt
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Hunt
@ -2,10 +2,29 @@
 category: "Other"
 tags:
  - Person
-summary: "The Hunt brothers were a wealthy family from Texas."
+  - HuntBrothers
+  - Oil
+  - SilverThursday
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Bunker and Herbert Hunt
+summary: "Nelson Bunker, William Herbert, and Lamar Hunt, the sons of H.L. Hunt's first family, who held Placid Oil and Penrod Drilling in trust and were found liable in 1988 for manipulating the silver market."
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2025-08-05
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---

-The [[Hunt brothers]] were a wealthy family from [[Texas]]. They were involved in a fraudulent scheme where they purchased the rights to a solar energy system from [[Yaacov Meridor]] and a Romanian expatriate for $2 million. The scheme was later exposed as a fraud, leading to [[Joe Peeples]] being jailed.[^1]
+The Hunt brothers were [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] (1926 to 2014), [[William Herbert Hunt]] (1929 to 2024), and [[Lamar Hunt]] (1932 to 2006), the three younger sons of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and his first wife, [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. Their father placed [[Placid Oil Company]] in trusts for the first family in 1935 and created personal trusts for each of them in 1936. When he died in 1974 his will left [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] to his third wife, and in 1975 the brothers took [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]] in a division negotiated with their half-brother [[Ray Hunt]].[^1][^2]
+
+Bunker and Herbert Hunt were indicted in 1973 for wiretapping their father's aides and in 1975 for obstruction of justice. In April 1976 the charge against Herbert was dropped, and Bunker pleaded nolo contendere to a lesser charge and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars.[^3] In 1979 they formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with Saudi partners and accumulated about 200 million ounces of silver. The market broke on March 27, 1980, and all three brothers guaranteed a 1.1 billion dollar bank loan to Placid. A federal jury in [[New York City|New York]] found the three liable to the Peruvian company [[Minpeco]] in August 1988 for more than 132 million dollars. Placid entered bankruptcy in 1986, and Bunker and Herbert personally in 1988. The 1936 trusts were not reached.[^2][^4][^5]
+
+The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that the Hunt brothers bought the rights to a solar energy system from [[Yaacov Meridor]] and a Romanian expatriate for two million dollars, that the system was a fraud, and that [[Joe Peeples]] went to jail over it.[^6]

 ### Footnotes
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+
+[^1]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
+[^2]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
+[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
+[^4]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
+[^5]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
+[^6]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/John
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/John
@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JohnHuang
+  - LippoGroup
+  - WorthenBank
+  - CommerceDepartment
+  - CampaignFinance
+  - DemocraticNationalCommittee
+  - CIA
+summary: "Lippo Group banker who worked under James Riady at Worthen Bank in Little Rock, received CIA briefings at the Commerce Department in 1994 and 1995, raised money for the Democratic National Committee, and pleaded guilty in 1999."
+location: "Los Angeles, California"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+John Huang was the chief representative in the [[United States]] of the [[Lippo Group]] of [[Indonesia]], an official of the [[United States Department of Commerce|Commerce Department]] in 1994 and 1995, and a fundraiser for the [[Democratic National Committee]] in 1996. He was born in [[Fujian]] province in [[China]], raised in [[Taiwan]], and naturalized as an American citizen in 1976.[^1]
+
+### Banking
+
+Huang worked for the [[First National Bank of Louisville]] from 1979 and for [[Union Planters National Bank]] of [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] from 1981, which sent him to its [[Hong Kong]] office in 1983. There he met [[James Riady]]. From February 1985 he was at once vice president and director of international banking at the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]] and vice president and [[Far East]] manager of [[Worthen Bank]] in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], which the [[Riady family]] then controlled jointly with the family of [[Jackson Stephens]]. He reported to Riady in both posts. In 1986 Riady made him president of the [[Bank of Trade (Los Angeles)|Bank of Trade]] in [[California]], renamed [[LippoBank]]. A colleague, [[Maeley Tom]], described him as "the political power that advises the Riady family." The Riady company [[Hip Hing Holdings]] paid him more than 750,000 dollars for 1993 and 1994.[^1][^2]
+
+### Contributions, 1992
+
+A Senate committee found that in 1992 and 1993 Huang sent money of foreign origin to the Democratic National Committee through three Riady companies. Hip Hing Holdings gave 50,000 dollars to the committee's [[DNC Victory Fund|Victory Fund]] on August 12, 1992, and was repaid from [[Jakarta]]. [[San Jose Holdings]] and [[Toy Center Holdings]] gave 15,000 dollars each. The government's later charges against Riady describe money wired to his account at LippoBank and handed to Huang in cash "shortly after Riady pledged $1 million in support of [[Arkansas]] Governor [[Bill Clinton]]'s campaign for the Presidency," between August and October 1992, and a "fictitious 'bonus'" paid to Huang by a foreign Lippo company between January 1993 and February 1994.[^1][^3]
+
+### The Commerce Department
+
+On June 23, 1994, Riady, Huang, and the Little Rock lawyer [[Mark Grobmyer]] met President Clinton at ten in the morning. Riady had breakfast before the meeting and lunch after it with [[Webster Hubbell]], who had resigned as associate attorney general in April, and 100,000 dollars from the Lippo company [[Hong Kong China Limited]] reached Hubbell's account by June 27. A House committee wrote: "The hiring occurred around the same time as John Huang finally was approved for a position at the Department of Commerce." Riady and Huang refused to cooperate with the committee, and Hubbell invoked the [[Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifth Amendment]].[^2]
+
+The Senate committee found that Huang was given a top secret clearance without a full background investigation abroad. The department's acting security director testified that "there was a rock that was not turned over." Huang's briefer from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], [[John Dickerson (CIA)|John Dickerson]], said in a deposition that he gave him more than thirty briefings, about one every ten days, on the economies and politics of Asia, and estimated that Huang saw between 370 and 550 raw intelligence reports. The committee's chairman, Senator [[Fred Thompson]], put the number of classified briefings on China at 37. Huang made more than 400 telephone calls to Lippo offices while at the department, 261 of them from his own desk, and 21 to [[Mark Middleton]], a former [[White House]] aide then working for Lippo. He used a spare office at the Washington branch of [[Stephens Inc.]], headed by [[Vernon Weaver]]. His superior, [[Jeffrey Garten]], had kept him away from China policy. Thompson told Garten that Huang "visited the [[Embassy of China, Washington, D.C.|Chinese Embassy]] at least six times and received a number of calls from Chinese Embassy officials." The [[Defense Industrial Security Clearance Office]] issued Huang a further top secret clearance as a consultant in December 1995, and it was not revoked until December 1996.[^1]
+
+### Plea
+
+On August 12, 1999, Huang pleaded guilty in the federal court in [[Los Angeles]] to a felony charge that he conspired with other Lippo employees "to make campaign contributions and reimburse employees with corporate funds or with funds from Indonesia." He was sentenced to a year's probation, 500 hours of community service, and a fine of 10,000 dollars, and was directed to go on cooperating. LippoBank pleaded guilty in 2001 to 86 misdemeanor counts for contributions its agents Riady and Huang had made from 1988 to 1994.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998, sections "John Huang's Years at Lippo" and "John Huang."
+[^2]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm
+[^3]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Jonathan
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Jonathan
@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JonathanMoyle
+  - CarlosCardoen
+  - ArmsToIraq
+  - Chile
+  - SuspiciousDeath
+  - MI5
+alias:
+  - Jonathan Moyle (journalist)
+summary: "Editor of Defence Helicopter World found hanged in a Santiago hotel in March 1990 while reporting on a helicopter Carlos Cardoen was converting for Iraq, and afterward described by British officials as a sexual deviant."
+died: 1990-03-31
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Jonathan Moyle, 28, of [[Devon]], edited the trade magazine [[Defence Helicopter World]]. He went to [[Santiago]] in March 1990 for the [[Chilean Air Force]]'s air and space fair, where he was interested in a [[Bell Helicopter|Bell]] helicopter that [[Industrias Cardoen]] was converting to multiple uses. He was to go on to [[Bolivia]] to report on military operations against the drug trade. On March 31 he was found dead in the cupboard of his room in the [[Hotel Carrera]], hanging by his shirt from a rail. The Chilean police called it suicide.[^1]
+
+### The Evidence
+
+A motion put down in the [[House of Commons]] in June 1990 stated that he had been "hanged by his own shirt from a bar 5ft 4 inches from the ground although he was 5ft 8 inches tall, with his shins bruised, traces of sedatives in his stomach and blood stains on his sheets," that he had been "investigating the Chilean arms industry," and that he "was in touch with the British defence attache in Santiago." He had no history of depression and was about to be married. Letters found with him spoke of his honeymoon plans, the trees he was planting, and a visit to his future in-laws in [[Germany]].[^1][^2]
+
+His father, [[Anthony Moyle]], said: "Before he died, he talked to Mr [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]] himself. The judge has detailed drawings of weapons which the Cardoen people were going to fit on to the helicopter and export to [[Iraq]]. My son would probably have printed that this would have made it potentially an attack helicopter."[^1]
+
+### The Smear
+
+As the Chilean investigating judge began to doubt the police account, British officials in [[Chile]] and, it was understood, members of [[MI5]] in [[London]] put it about that Moyle "was a sexual deviant who hanged himself while attempting to obtain pleasure." The Guardian reported on June 2, 1990, that "no evidence has been provided to support the claims." His father called them "just foul." The Commons motion deplored "the foul attempts to smear Mr Moyle being made by British security 'sources'" and the attitude of the embassy in Santiago toward the death and the family.[^1][^2]
+
+### Later Proceedings
+
+A second motion, in November 1992, described the death as "subsequently held to be murder," recorded the family's belief that he was killed "because of his investigations into the supply to Iraq of the Helios weapons guidance system and the Stonefish mine by Chilean arms dealers Cardoen Industries," noted "the links between Cardoen and [[Matrix Churchill]] and the Iraqi regime," and asked Lord Justice [[Richard Scott, Baron Scott of Foscote|Scott]] to take the case into his inquiry. Cardoen has denied any part in the death.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Coad, Malcolm, and David Pallister. "Dead journalist sex smear 'foul,'" *The Guardian,* June 2, 1990, p. 3.
+[^2]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 651, "Death in Chile of Jonathan Moyle," session 1989-90. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/651
+[^3]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 6983, "Murder of British Journalist, Jonathan Moyle," session 1992-93, November 1992.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lamar
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lamar
@ -0,0 +1,49 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - LamarHunt
+  - Dallas
+  - JFKAssassination
+  - JackRuby
+  - SilverThursday
+  - KansasCityChiefs
+alias:
+  - Lamar Hunt Sr.
+summary: "Youngest son of H.L. Hunt's first family and founder of the American Football League, whose Dallas office Jack Ruby drove a job applicant to on November 21, 1963, and whose name was in Ruby's notebook."
+born: 1932-08-02
+died: 2006-12-13
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Lamar Hunt (August 2, 1932 to December 13, 2006) was the youngest child of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. He founded the [[American Football League]] in 1959 and owned the [[Kansas City Chiefs]]. On November 21, 1963, [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman to an appointment at his office, and the FBI afterward asked him why his name was in Ruby's notebook. He guaranteed the bank loan that rescued his brothers after the silver collapse of 1980 and was found liable with them in 1988 for conspiring to manipulate the silver market.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### Football
+
+Hunt was born in [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], and took a degree in geology at [[Southern Methodist University]] in 1956. A beneficiary with his brothers [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]] and [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]] of the trusts that held [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]] and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], he was refused a [[National Football League]] franchise for Dallas and in August 1959 organized a rival league. His [[Dallas Texans]] moved to [[Kansas City, Missouri|Kansas City]] in 1963. After General [[Douglas MacArthur]]'s dismissal in 1951, he and Bunker financed the [[International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture]], the private intelligence network of MacArthur's former intelligence chief, General [[Charles Willoughby]].[^1][^4]
+
+### November 21, 1963
+
+[[Connie Trammell]], a young Dallas woman, told the FBI that about November 20 she telephoned him to say she had an appointment with "Lamar Hunt, a prominent oil man in Dallas," hoping Ruby knew him. She had obtained Hunt's home number and then called his office. Ruby picked her up the next morning at her apartment on Live Oak Street and "drove her down to the office of Lamar Hunt. She was with Ruby from about 11:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., and it was on the day before the President was assassinated." Ruby, interviewed in the county jail on December 21 with [[Melvin Belli]] present, said that he had an appointment of his own about taxes with his lawyers, who had offices "in the [[Mercantile Securities Building]], Dallas, the same building in which Lamar Hunt has his offices," that Trammell went up to see Hunt, and that he waited at the cigar stand in the lobby and left when she did not come down.[^2][^5]
+
+The same day [[Eugene Hale Brading]], a [[California]] parolee with convictions for mail fraud who had told his parole officer he would be in Dallas from November 21 to 25, went to the Hunt offices to see Lamar Hunt about oil business. Brading was detained the next afternoon in the [[Dal-Tex Building]] on [[Dealey Plaza]] under the name Jim Braden and released. He was staying at the [[Cabana Motel]], which Ruby visited on the night of the 21st.[^6]
+
+An FBI agent interviewed Hunt on December 6, 1963. Hunt "advised that he could not think of any reason why his name would appear in Jack Ruby's personal address" book. The [[Warren Commission]]'s chronology of Ruby's movements records the drive to Hunt's office and adds: "Hunt says he didn't see Ruby." Bunker Hunt had helped pay for the black-bordered advertisement attacking [[John F. Kennedy|President Kennedy]] in the [[Dallas Morning News]] of November 22, a copy of which was found in Ruby's car.[^3][^6][^7]
+
+### Silver
+
+Hunt held a smaller silver position than his brothers in 1979 and 1980. With them he personally guaranteed the 1.1 billion dollar loan that a group of banks made to Placid Oil after the market broke on March 27, 1980.[^8] In August 1988 a federal jury in [[New York City|New York]] found Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt liable to the Peruvian minerals company [[Minpeco]] under the commodities and antitrust laws and for fraud, and found all but Lamar liable for racketeering. Judgment exceeded 132 million dollars. His brothers filed for bankruptcy, and he settled.[^9]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
+[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Connie Trammell, December 19, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Exhibit 2270.
+[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Lamar Hunt, December 6, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Exhibit 2400.
+[^4]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Cumings, Bruce. *The Origins of the Korean War,* vol. 2. Princeton University Press, 1990, p. 105.
+[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Jack L. Ruby, December 21, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Hall (C. Ray) Exhibit No. 3.
+[^6]: Marrs, Jim. *Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy*. Carroll & Graf, 1989.
+[^7]: Warren Commission Exhibit 2344, chronology of Jack Ruby's movements, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 25.
+[^8]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
+[^9]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lyda
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Lyda
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - LydaBunkerHunt
+  - HLHunt
+  - HuntFamily
+  - LakeVillage
+  - PlacidOil
+alias:
+  - Lyda Bunker
+  - Lyda Hunt
+summary: "Arkansas schoolteacher who married H.L. Hunt in 1914, bore the six children whose trusts came to hold most of the Hunt fortune, and died in 1955 while he kept two other families."
+born: 1889
+died: 1955-05-06
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Lyda Bunker was the daughter of Nelson W. "Pop" Bunker of [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], a carpenter from the North who had come after the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] and become a storekeeper, cotton ginner, landlord, postmaster, and lender of money. The family traced its descent to the whaling captains of [[Nantucket]]. She studied at Maddox Seminary in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] and Potter College in [[Bowling Green, Kentucky]], where she took voice, and taught school at [[Jonesboro, Arkansas]].[^1]
+
+In the summer of 1914 [[H.L. Hunt]], then a cotton planter and professional gambler at Lake Village, was courting her younger sister Mattie. Lyda, who was close to engagement to a man from Dermott, broke with him that fall and married Hunt. Their first child, [[Margaret Hunt Hill|Margaret]], was born on October 19, 1915, and [[Hassie Hunt|Haroldson Jr.]] on November 23, 1917. She went back to teaching to give the household a steady income while her husband gambled and speculated in land. The later children were [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline]], [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]], and [[Lamar Hunt|Lamar]].[^1]
+
+Hunt married [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] in [[Florida]] in 1925 and had four children by her, and from 1943 had four more by [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] secretary whom he kept in a house two minutes' drive from the family home, [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]]. Lyda "had suffered the revelation of Hunt's relationship with Frania and had heard rumors of his relationship with Ruth." A friend from [[Tyler, Texas|Tyler]] said: "She always seemed very lonely." Her son Hassie, in his illness, threw a piece of fruit at her and broke her glasses. The shares of [[Placid Oil Company]] and the Loyal Trusts were settled on her six children, who by about 1970 held over a billion dollars, against about three million in the trusts of Ruth's children.[^2]
+
+She suffered a stroke in 1955. Hunt, who did not trust the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] doctors, chartered an airplane to the [[Mayo Clinic]] in [[Rochester, Minnesota]], where she died on Friday, May 6, at sixty-six. Her estate was valued at less than five million dollars. Herbert was executor. Her children were still in mourning when Ruth Wright and her children began to appear at Mount Vernon. When Margaret later gave a copy of the family genealogy to the [[New York Public Library]] she struck out "Prepared for Mrs. H. L. Hunt" on the title page and wrote "Lyda Bunker Hunt."[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 45-48.
+[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 18, 133, 136, 151, 168, 274.
+[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 175, 177, 220.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Margaret
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Margaret
@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - MargaretHuntHill
+  - HLHunt
+  - HuntFamily
+  - PlacidOil
+  - HuntPetroleum
+  - SilverThursday
+alias:
+  - Margaret Hunt
+  - Margaret Hill
+summary: "Eldest child of H.L. Hunt, his business aide, trustee of her lobotomized brother's fortune, who after the 1980 silver collapse made Bunker and Herbert Hunt pledge more property to protect Placid Oil."
+born: 1915-10-19
+died: 2007
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Margaret Hunt was born at [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], on October 19, 1915, the first child of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. On October 15, 1938, she married Albert Galatyn Hill, an accountant at [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]], who stayed with the company. She "worked for her father as a business aide and confidante, acquiring training available to few other men or women." When Hunt's bigamous wife [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] came to a [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] hotel room to settle with him she found the twenty-five-year-old Margaret there with her father. Her daughter, [[Lyda Hill|Lyda Hunt Hill]], born in the fall of 1942, was Hunt's first grandchild.[^1]
+
+The Hills owned the [[Garden of the Gods Club]]. Margaret took no part in the daily running of the family companies, "but she was always on hand when something big was in the works." Employees at Hunt Oil called her "the big boss." She sat on the board of [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]] with her brothers and on the boards of the two trusts of her brother [[Hassie Hunt|Hassie]], from which the first family on occasion lent itself money. At family meetings on [[Placid Oil Company]], an insider said, "even Bunker and Herbert were quiet." The ordinary course was described by another: "Bunker says, 'I know how it is; it's like this.' Margaret says, 'No, it's like this.' Herbert says, 'No, it's like Bunker says; I took notes.'" She waited in a motel rather than outside the courtroom during the Lee trial in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] in 1978. On the copy of the family genealogy that she gave to the [[New York Public Library]] she struck out "Prepared for Mrs. H. L. Hunt" and wrote in her mother's name.[^2]
+
+After the silver market broke in March 1980 she insisted that [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]] and [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]] put up more of their own property to secure Placid's interest in the silver partnership. "Margaret never liked the way Bunker and Herbert were wheeling and dealing," a source said. "After the silver collapse, she put her foot down." She asked Bunker in the family's discussions what he had been trying to do.[^3]
+
+Her trust and Hassie's owned [[Hunt Petroleum]]. In November 2007 her grandson [[Al Hill III]] sued his father, his sisters, his aunts, and the trustee [[Tom Hunt]] over the management of the two trusts.[^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 47, 125, 128, 134.
+[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 220, 331, 372, 391.
+[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, p. 415.
+[^4]: "Hunt vs. Hunt: The Fight Inside Dallas' Wealthiest Family," *D Magazine,* March 2008.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Nelson
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Nelson
@ -0,0 +1,96 @@
+---
+category: "Iran-Contra"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - NelsonBunkerHunt
+  - Oil
+  - Libya
+  - SilverThursday
+  - IranContra
+  - CouncilForNationalPolicy
+  - JohnBirchSociety
+  - Wiretapping
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Bunker Hunt
+  - N.B. Hunt
+summary: "Dallas oilman who lost the Sarir field to Libya, was indicted for wiretapping his father's aides, was found liable for conspiring to corner silver in 1980, and gave 475,000 dollars to Oliver North's Contra fundraisers."
+born: 1926-02-22
+died: 2014-10-21
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Nelson Bunker Hunt (February 22, 1926 to October 21, 2014) was the second son of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and his first wife, [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. He held the Libyan concession that contained the [[Sarir field]] and was for a time described as the richest man in the world, with a fortune put at 16 billion dollars. With his brother [[William Herbert Hunt]] he was indicted for wiretapping and for obstruction of justice in the 1970s, accumulated some 200 million ounces of silver by 1980, and was found by a federal jury in 1988 to have conspired to manipulate the silver market. He sat on the national council of the [[John Birch Society]], was president of the [[Council for National Policy]] in 1983 and 1984, and in 1985 gave 475,000 dollars to the tax-exempt foundation through which [[Oliver North]] raised money for the Nicaraguan [[Contras]]. He went through personal bankruptcy in 1988 and remained rich.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### Libya
+
+In December 1957 the Libyan government granted Hunt Concession 65 in [[Cyrenaica]], and in 1960 he conveyed a half interest to [[BP|British Petroleum]], which supplied the capital and the drilling. The partners struck oil at Sarir in 1961. On December 7, 1971, [[Muammar Gaddafi]]'s government nationalized BP's half in retaliation for [[United Kingdom|Britain]]'s failure to prevent [[Iran]]'s seizure of three islands in the [[Persian Gulf]]. The decree left Hunt's half alone. A [[State Department]] memorandum to Secretary [[William P. Rogers]] eleven days later recorded that "Bunker Hunt is trying to cooperate with the Libyans to the extent of keeping production going but has refused a Libyan request that it market the ex-BP share of the oil as well as its own." The department decided against any public statement in support of Britain.[^4][^5]
+
+Hunt was a party to the [[Libyan Producers Agreement|Libyan oil sharing agreement]], under which the companies operating in [[Libya]] pooled production so that none could be picked off singly. The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s [[United States Department of Justice Antitrust Division|Antitrust Division]] exempted the arrangement by business review letter, and it was administered by the companies' lawyer, [[John J. McCloy]]. Oil executives told State Department officials on March 16, 1973, that the agreement had "allowed Bunker [[Hunt Oil Company]] to 'stand firm' against Libyan demands." The department kept the agreement classified against requests under the [[Freedom of Information Act]] from the [[New York Times]] and [[Ralph Nader]]. A department officer, Warren Clark, wrote on March 23 that the Senate subcommittee then examining [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] and [[Chile]] "would fry the State Department if it was revealed that we classified these documents in order to protect the 'cartel.'" Libya had demanded a 50 percent share of Hunt's operation in December 1972, and he refused. On June 11, 1973, it nationalized the whole of his interest. On September 5 McCloy told Under [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[William J. Casey]] that the compensation Libya was offering the other companies was "less than the Bunker Hunt proposal."[^6][^7]
+
+Hunt settled with Libya on May 19, 1975. He sued [[Mobil]] and the other major companies, alleging that they had manipulated the negotiations to have him eliminated from Libyan production, and the suit was dismissed in 1977 under the act of state doctrine. BP sued him in [[London]] for the value of its work on the field.[^8]
+
+### The Dallas Advertisement and Willoughby
+
+Hunt contributed to the 1,462 dollars that paid for the black-bordered advertisement "Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas" in the [[Dallas Morning News]] of November 22, 1963. The money was collected by [[Joseph P. Grinnan]], a Dallas oil broker and John Birch Society coordinator, and the other contributors included [[H.R. "Bum" Bright|H.R. Bright]] and [[Edgar R. Crissey]]. The FBI questioned Hunt about it. He was represented by [[Ivan Irwin Jr.]], a lawyer for Hunt Oil interests. After [[Douglas MacArthur]]'s relief in 1951, Bunker and [[Lamar Hunt]] had financed the [[International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture]], the private intelligence network of MacArthur's former intelligence chief, General [[Charles Willoughby]], which published the [[Foreign Intelligence Digest]]. [[Larrie Schmidt]], who organized the Dallas advertisement, met Willoughby more than once before the assassination.[^9][^10]
+
+### The Wiretaps
+
+In the autumn of 1969 [[Hunt brothers|Bunker and Herbert Hunt]] approached a man named Everett, the president of a [[Houston]] private investigation agency, about electronic surveillance of houses in Dallas. They told him they had been the victims of extensive embezzlement. Their father's food company, [[HLH Products]], had absorbed tens of millions of dollars from Hunt Oil, and they suspected his security chief, the former FBI agent [[Paul Rothermel]], and other aides. Everett's electronics man, [[Patrick McCann]], built telephone transmitters, a man named Watson installed them on the poles, and an Everett employee, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], sat in rented cars outside the houses changing tapes, which were edited and delivered to the Hunts. The Hunts paid Everett's itemized bill. A neighbor in [[Richardson, Texas|Richardson]] noticed the cars. On January 16, 1970, a Richardson policeman stopped Kelly, found a recorder under newspapers on the seat, and played the tape at the station.[^11][^12]
+
+On February 3, 1970, FBI Assistant Director [[Cartha DeLoach]] reported to [[Clyde Tolson]] that Senator [[James Eastland]] had been called by the sons of H.L. Hunt, who told him they were trying to have their father declared incompetent. Kelly and McCann were convicted and sentenced to three years, and afterward named the brothers as the men who had ordered and paid for the taps. Three federal grand juries indicted nine men, among them both Hunts, in 1973. A fourth grand jury in Dallas spent nearly a year examining why three years had passed between the arrest and the indictments.[^12][^13]
+
+Bunker Hunt and his father attended the barbecue that [[John Connally]] gave for President [[Richard Nixon]] at [[Floresville, Texas|Floresville]] in the autumn of 1972. People close to the Hunts said afterward that Bunker then met the new attorney general, [[Richard Kleindienst]], at Eastland's plantation in [[Mississippi]]; that the administration promised the brothers immunity in return for a list of [[Fatah|Al Fatah]] agents in the [[United States]], which Bunker kept because he believed his Libyan position made him a target; and that the list helped the FBI stop a plot against [[Golda Meir]] in [[New York City|New York]] in March 1973. Kleindienst resigned in April 1973. Libya took the Sarir concession in June. The trial judge suppressed the tapes, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] reversed him on December 23, 1974, holding that men who hire others to tap telephones have no privacy interest in the equipment. The brothers were defended by [[Philip Hirschkop]] of Virginia and Travis Shelton of [[Lubbock, Texas|Lubbock]].[^11][^12]
+
+On July 21, 1975, a Dallas grand jury indicted the brothers, the Houston criminal lawyer [[Percy Foreman]], the Dallas lawyers [[Ralph Shank]], [[Charles Tessmer]], and [[B.H. Timmins Jr.]], and [[Edward J. Hudson]], a retired Houston industrialist, for conspiring between January 16, 1970, and February 28, 1973, to obstruct the grand jury "for the purpose of preventing the indictment" of the two Hunts. The means alleged were payments to the lawyers of prospective witnesses, warnings of harm, monthly payments to witnesses "if they went to prison and did not testify," promises that they would not be indicted "as a result of contacts with high government officials," and a secret payment of 100,000 dollars to Foreman "to guarantee the silence of prospective witnesses." Among the overt acts, Shank told a witness on March 6, 1970, to "hang tight" because the case was "being worked on at a higher level," and Bunker Hunt said that summer that he "would take care of the wiretapping case." The brothers called the prosecution "oppression of us because of our conservative views." They said that more than 50 million dollars had been embezzled from Hunt Oil by employees who "were secret Government agents," and that the trouble had begun after they refused a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] request to place its officers in [[Hunt International Petroleum]]. The United States attorney, [[Frank McCown]], acknowledged that "the CIA contacted the Hunts in the mid-1960s" and said he did not recall the nature of the contact. Shank said: "In more than 40 years of practice I have neither attempted to nor engaged in any obstruction of justice."[^14] The brothers were acquitted of the wiretapping charges at Lubbock that fall. In April 1976 the government dropped the obstruction charge against Herbert Hunt, and Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere to a charge that he "did knowingly misbehave" by offering monthly payments to prospective witnesses, and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars. Tessmer and Timmins entered the same plea and paid the same fine. The charges against Foreman, Shank, and Hudson were dropped. Shank had been H.L. Hunt's lawyer since at least January 1942, when he negotiated the settlement with [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] at the [[Adolphus Hotel]].[^15]
+
+### Soybeans and Sugar
+
+[[Hunt International Resources Corporation|Hunt International Resources]] bought the [[Great Western United|Great Western]] sugar company of [[Denver]] in 1975. On April 28, 1977, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission sued Bunker and Herbert Hunt, five of their children, and a family corporation in [[Chicago]] for holding soybean futures far in excess of the three-million-bushel speculative limit by trading through the accounts of family members. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit|Seventh Circuit]] upheld the commission in 1979.[^16][^17]
+
+### Silver
+
+The brothers began buying silver in the early 1970s. On July 15, 1979, they formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with two Saudi partners, Ali bin Mussalem and Mohammed Aboud al-Amoudi. Together with the accounts of [[Mahmoud Fustok]], a Lebanese-born brother-in-law of Crown Prince [[Abdullah of Saudi Arabia|Abdullah]], and the Brazilian trader [[Naji Nahas]], the group held about 200 million ounces by the end of the year, more than half the deliverable supply. The price rose from six dollars an ounce to fifty in January 1980. In early January the [[Commodity Futures Trading Commission]] met the exchanges in closed session, and Hunt, who arrived uninvited, was reportedly refused entrance. On January 21 the board of the [[COMEX|Commodity Exchange]] barred new positions and restricted silver trading to liquidation. Confidential figures that the Commodity Futures Trading Commission supplied to Senator [[William Proxmire]]'s banking committee, and that he made public, showed that nine dealers and traders represented on the exchange's board of 23 held net short positions of some 75 million ounces while the price was rising. Proxmire called it "an appearance of very substantial self-interest by the very people who were making the decisions as to margins and position limits." [[Henry Jarecki]] of [[Mocatta Metals]], chairman of the exchange's margin committee, was accused within the exchange of a decisive part in the rule. His lawyer said: "The self part of self-regulation means there are going to be conflicts." The chairman of the [[Chicago Board of Trade]], [[Ralph Peters]], had disqualified himself from the corresponding vote there. The exchange refused a demand from Nahas's lawyer for the record of its meetings and the positions of the participants.[^18] Henry Jarecki, president of the bullion dealer Mocatta Metals, sat on that board. A commissioner said afterward that Jarecki had been "very vocal to the commission" and that the dealer "just had everything on the line with their banks." The brothers failed to meet their margin calls on March 27, 1980, and the market broke.[^1][^3][^19]
+
+A consortium of thirteen banks then lent [[Placid Oil Company]] 1.1 billion dollars against the family's oil properties, with the personal guarantees of Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt. [[Federal Reserve]] Chairman [[Paul Volcker]] defended the loan before Congress.[^20]
+
+[[Minpeco]], the Peruvian state minerals company, which had been short silver, sued in New York. After a six-month trial a jury found in August 1988 that Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt, Fustok, and the Bermuda company had violated the [[Commodity Exchange Act]] and the antitrust laws and committed fraud, and that all but Lamar had engaged in racketeering. Judge [[Morris Lasker]] entered judgment for more than 132 million dollars and noted that the accounts of Bunker Hunt's children were among those the conspirators controlled. The brothers settled with the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in 1989, each paying ten million dollars and accepting a lifetime ban from the commodity markets.[^3][^19]
+
+### The New Right
+
+The Texas oilman [[T. Cullen Davis]] carried [[Paul Weyrich]]'s plan for a council of conservative donors to Hunt, and the two recruited the membership of the Council for National Policy, which reached 400 by 1984. Hunt succeeded [[Thomas F. Ellis]], the political manager of Senator [[Jesse Helms]], as president for 1983 and 1984. He was a principal backer of the [[Western Goals Foundation]] of Representative [[Larry McDonald]]. [[Russ Bellant]] wrote in 1991 that "the oil billionaire Hunt brothers and Senator Jesse Helms" were members of the American branch of a Scottish eugenics society headed by [[Robert Gayre]], the publisher of [[Mankind Quarterly]], and organized in the United States by Lord [[Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton]].[^2][^21]
+
+In September 1985 the fundraiser [[Carl Channell|Carl "Spitz" Channell]] flew Oliver North to Dallas by private plane to dine with Hunt at the [[Petroleum Club of Dallas|Petroleum Club]]. North described the needs of the Contras, put at five to six million dollars, and left the request to Channell, because, Channell testified, "he couldn't ask for money himself." Hunt gave Channell's [[National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty]] 475,000 dollars. He told congressional investigators he did not recall any conversation with North at the dinner. Channell pleaded guilty in 1987 to conspiring to defraud the United States by using a tax-exempt foundation to buy weapons, and named North as a co-conspirator.[^22]
+
+### Bankruptcy
+
+Placid Oil filed for bankruptcy in [[New Orleans]] on August 29, 1986, against 23 banks owed 1.5 billion dollars, and the Hunts sued the banks for 15 billion. Bunker Hunt and his wife, Caroline, filed for personal bankruptcy in September 1988 before Judge [[Harold C. Abramson]] in Dallas, where the [[United States Department of Justice Tax Division|Tax Division]] of the Justice Department appeared against them. That year he sold 580 thoroughbreds for 46,912,000 dollars. The trustees sued a hundred defendants, most of them members of the family, and the legal bills reached 20 million dollars. In 1994 the brothers paid about 160 million dollars, most of it to the [[Internal Revenue Service]]. The trusts their father had created for them in 1936 were outside the reach of the creditors. Bunker Hunt's was worth 175 million dollars in 1995, and it owned [[Hunt Exploration and Mining]], with interests in [[Pakistan]], [[Australia]], the [[Philippines]], and [[Nicaragua]]. He began buying racehorses again in 1999.[^1][^23][^24]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
+[^2]: Bellant, Russ. *The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism*. South End Press, 1991.
+[^3]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
+[^4]: Department of State, Information Memorandum to Secretary Rogers, December 18, 1971, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-5, part 2, doc. 82.
+[^5]: BP Exploration Co. (Libya) Ltd. v. Hunt (No. 2), Queen's Bench Division, 1978, as summarized in Hunt v. Mobil Oil Corp., 550 F.2d 68 (2d Cir. 1977), and related proceedings.
+[^6]: Editorial note on the Libyan Oil Sharing Agreement, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXXVI, doc. 173.
+[^7]: Knubel, John, memorandum to Henry Kissinger, September 5, 1973, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXXVI, doc. 201.
+[^8]: Hunt v. Mobil Oil Corp., 550 F.2d 68 (2d Cir. 1977).
+[^9]: Testimony of Bernard William Weissman, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 5; Weissman Exhibit No. 1, vol. 21, p. 722.
+[^10]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Warren Commission Hearings vol. 23, p. 690, and Cumings, Bruce. *The Origins of the Korean War,* vol. 2. Princeton University Press, 1990, p. 105.
+[^11]: United States v. Hunt, 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974).
+[^12]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
+[^13]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
+[^14]: United States v. Nelson Bunker Hunt et al., indictment, U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas, Dallas Division, July 1975, count 1, copy in the Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College; "Hunt Brothers Claim 'Oppression' by U.S. in Denying Charges of Wiretap Coverup," *The Wall Street Journal,* July 23, 1975, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120022-5; "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents to Embezzle Funds," *The New York Times,* July 23, 1975, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120024-3.
+[^15]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 129, 298, 356-359.
+[^16]: Commodity Futures Trading Commission v. Hunt, 591 F.2d 1211 (7th Cir. 1979).
+[^17]: "The rise and fall of the Great Western Sugar Co.," *United Press International,* March 31, 1985.
+[^18]: "Who Guards Whom at the Commodity Exchange?" *Fortune,* July 28, 1980. https://fortune.com/2011/05/08/who-guards-whom-at-the-commodity-exchange-fortune-classics-1980
+[^19]: "Money: The Silver Trading Caper," *Reason,* June 1980. https://reason.com/1980/06/01/the-silver-trading-caper/
+[^20]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
+[^21]: Bellant, Russ. *Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party*. South End Press, 1991.
+[^22]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters,* vol. 1, chap. 13, "Private Fundraising: The Guilty Pleas of Channell and Miller," 1993. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_13.htm
+[^23]: United Press International, wire report on the Placid Oil Chapter 11 filing, August 29, 1986.
+[^24]: In re Hunt, 95 B.R. 442 (Bankr. N.D. Tex. 1989).
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Orlando
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Orlando
@ -0,0 +1,62 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - OrlandoLetelier
+  - Chile
+  - DINA
+  - OperationCondor
+  - Assassination
+  - CIA
+  - GeorgeHWBush
+alias:
+  - Marcos Orlando Letelier del Solar
+summary: "Former Chilean foreign minister killed with his colleague Ronni Moffitt by a car bomb in Washington on September 21, 1976, on orders the CIA later concluded came personally from Augusto Pinochet."
+died: 1976-09-21
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Orlando Letelier was ambassador to the [[United States]] and then foreign and defense minister in the government of [[Salvador Allende]]. After a year in the prison camps of the junta he settled in Washington at the [[Institute for Policy Studies]]. On September 21, 1976, a bomb fixed under his car exploded at [[Sheridan Circle]] and killed him and his American colleague [[Ronni Moffitt]]. The bomb was placed by [[Michael Townley]], an American working for the Chilean secret police, [[DINA]], with men from the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]. Six weeks earlier the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had received photographs of the passports with which DINA first tried to send its agents to Washington.[^1][^2]
+
+### The Paraguayan Passports
+
+In the summer of 1976 [[Conrado Pappalardo]], secretary to the president of [[Paraguay]], asked the American ambassador in [[Asuncion]], [[George W. Landau]], for visas for two Chilean officers traveling on Paraguayan passports under false names. Landau said later: "I decided to give them visas, which was obviously in violation of regulations." He added: "I made photostats of the applications and photostats of the pictures and sent them to Washington." The men told him the trip was approved by the CIA. The journalist [[John Dinges]] reported in 1980 that the agency took a week to answer, and that the reply came from Deputy Director [[Vernon Walters]], who denied any connection. "We've been able to establish," Dinges said, "that [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] personally handled the information from Paraguay in this intervening week, and discussed it with Vernon Walters, and together made the decision, first of all, to say, 'No, we have nothing to do with this mission,' and secondly, apparently, not to do anything to deter the mission." Landau had the visas revoked and the ports of entry alerted. In late August two men using the same names entered the United States on Chilean passports. "If it were not for the fact that I photographed the two people," Landau said, "the case could never have been broken."[^2][^3]
+
+The agency had been in contact with the chief of DINA, [[Manuel Contreras]], since 1974. In April 1975 its reporting identified Contreras as the principal obstacle to a reasonable human rights policy in the junta; an interagency committee directed it to continue the relationship, and Walters received Contreras in Washington that August. A proposal in May and June 1975 to put Contreras on the payroll was overruled, but, the agency reported in 2000, "given miscommunications in the timing of this exchange, a one-time payment was given to Contreras." By October 1976 the agency had enough information about [[Operation Condor]], the joint program of the [[Southern Cone]] services for tracking and killing exiles, that it raised the matter with Contreras, who said Condor was only an exchange of intelligence.[^4]
+
+Landau testified at the trial of the Cuban defendants in February 1979, as a witness for the defense. He said that Walters had been in Paraguay shortly before the request, that Pappalardo described the arrangement in a "bizarre conversation" in July 1976, and that "he had told them to contact Walters in the U.S. He said that would give Walters full control over their visit." He learned on July 27 or 28 that Walters had left the agency and that Bush had received the embassy's report, and heard from Walters on August 4 that "he knew nothing of the matter and did not want to get involved in it." When the passports came back the photographs had been removed. By agreement of both sides he was not asked in court about what he had told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], which was that Pappalardo said the request had come directly from Pinochet.[^5]
+
+### The Cancelled Warning
+
+On August 23, 1976, the [[State Department]] drafted an instruction to the ambassadors in [[Buenos Aires]], [[Montevideo]], [[Santiago]], [[La Paz]], [[Brasilia]], and Asuncion to tell the governments that "government planned and directed assassinations within and outside the territory of Condor members has most serious implications which [we] must face squarely and rapidly." It was not delivered. On September 16 a cable from [[Henry Kissinger]]'s party in [[Lusaka]] stated: "Secretary declined to approve message to Montevideo and has instructed that no further action be taken on this matter." On September 20 Assistant Secretary [[Harry Shlaudeman]] cabled his bureau from [[San José, Costa Rica|San José]]: "You can simply instruct the ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme." The bomb went off the next morning. On September 29 Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] of the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] wrote to Bush asking what the agency knew of a reported high-level meeting in the Chilean government at which Letelier was discussed.[^6]
+
+### The Investigation
+
+Assistant U.S. Attorney [[Eugene Propper]] met Letelier's widow, [[Isabel Letelier]], and his colleagues at the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] on October 21, 1976. They asked [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Edward Levi]] to subpoena the CIA's records, and Levi declined, saying the agency was cooperating. The [[Washington Post|Washington Post]] reported on November 1 that the agency believed Chilean operatives had not carried out the bombing, and that "[[Director of Central Intelligence|CIA Director]] Bush expressed this view in a conversation late last week with [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] Kissinger." The agency's first report naming Contreras as a suspect is dated October 6, 1976. It met him about six times in 1977, three of them to ask about the murder, and broke contact on November 3, 1977, when he was moved out of intelligence work.[^4][^7]
+
+Townley was expelled from [[Chile]] in 1978, pleaded guilty, and testified for the government. Chile refused to extradite Contreras and his deputy, [[Pedro Espinoza]]. [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Alvin Ross Díaz]] were convicted of the murders and [[Ignacio Novo]] of lying to the grand jury. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|D.C. Circuit]] reversed all three convictions on December 9, 1980. The case against Guillermo Novo and Ross had rested on cellmates who were working for the government, testimony the Supreme Court had ruled inadmissible six months earlier, and Ignacio Novo should have been tried separately. [[Armando Fernandez Larios]], the DINA officer who had conducted the surveillance and met Townley at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] on September 9, 1976, pleaded guilty in 1987 to being an accessory after the fact and was paroled after five months. A federal court held Chile liable to the families in 1980.[^8][^9][^10]
+
+### Compensation
+
+The families sued Chile in 1978. Chile defaulted, and Judge [[Joyce Hens Green]] entered judgment in 1980 for more than five million dollars. They then tried to collect from the [[New York City|New York]] assets of the state airline, [[LAN Chile]], which the district court found had carried Townley, his explosives, and his money. Judge [[Morris Lasker]] called Chile's use of the airline a "gross abuse of the corporate form." The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit|Second Circuit]] reversed him on November 20, 1984, finding only that "Michael Townley was able to enlist the cooperation of certain LAN pilots and officials with whom he had a pre-existing social relationship," and added that "hard cases make bad law." After Pinochet left office the two governments agreed on June 11, 1990, that Chile, "without admitting liability," would make an ex gratia payment to be fixed by a commission under a treaty of 1914. The commission awarded 2,611,892 dollars on January 11, 1992: 1.2 million to Isabel Letelier and her four sons for lost support, with 160,000 to her and 80,000 to each of them in moral damages, 483,000 to [[Michael Moffitt]], and 300,000 to Ronni Moffitt's parents. It excluded Letelier's income from lectures and publications and "took into account the significant steps undertaken by the Chilean Government and Congress to remedy human rights problems." The payment extinguished all other claims.[^11]
+
+### The 1987 Assessment
+
+In 1987 Secretary of State [[George Shultz]] asked the CIA to assess responsibility. Its report of May 1, 1987, "Pinochet's Role in the Letelier Assassination and Subsequent Coverup," concluded that [[Augusto Pinochet]] "personally ordered" the killing and had afterward considered eliminating Contreras. Shultz wrote to President [[Ronald Reagan]] on October 6 that the agency had "convincing evidence" and called the murder "a blatant example of a chief of state's direct involvement in an act of state terrorism." A State Department cable of January 22, 1987, quoted Contreras as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The documents were withheld until 2015 and 2016, when they were given to President [[Michelle Bachelet]]. Most of the underlying intelligence remains classified.[^12]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: United States v. Sampol, 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
+[^2]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-05535911
+[^3]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
+[^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
+[^5]: O'Leary, Jeremiah. "U.S. Envoy's Testimony Puts CIA Twist in Letelier Case," *The Washington Star,* February 9, 1979, and Burnham, David, report of the same date in *The New York Times,* CIA Reading Room clipping.
+[^6]: Department of State, cable State 209192, "Operation Condor," August 23, 1976; cable SECTO 27128, "Actions Taken," September 16, 1976; cable San José 4526, "Operation Condor," September 20, 1976, in Osorio, Carlos, ed. "Kissinger Blocked Demarche on International Assassinations to Condor States," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 312, 2010. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB312/ ; Inouye, Daniel K., letter to George Bush, September 29, 1976, CIA Reading Room document 03303946.
+[^7]: "No New Leads Uncovered by Letelier Probe," *The Washington Post,* November 1, 1976, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100020097-6.
+[^8]: De Letelier v. Republic of Chile, 488 F. Supp. 665 (D.D.C. 1980).
+[^9]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "'Worst of the Worst': ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios," National Security Archive, July 10, 2026. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2026-07-10/worst-worst-ice-and-case-chilean-intelligence-operative-armando
+[^10]: United States v. Henry, 447 U.S. 264 (1980).
+[^11]: De Letelier v. Republic of Chile, 748 F.2d 790 (2d Cir. 1984); "Dispute Concerning Responsibility for the Deaths of Letelier and Moffitt (United States, Chile)," decision of January 11, 1992, *Reports of International Arbitral Awards,* vol. XXV, pp. 1-19. https://legal.un.org/riaa/cases/vol_XXV/1-19.pdf
+[^12]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2016-09-23/cia-pinochet-personally-ordered-letelier-bombing ; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/R.C.
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/R.C.
@ -0,0 +1,113 @@
+---
+category: "Crime & Abuse Networks"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RCHorsch
+  - Philadelphia
+  - Pornography
+  - MissingWomen
+  - Wackenhut
+  - Counterfeiting
+  - IdentityFraud
+  - OrganizedCrime
+alias:
+  - Raymond Horsch
+  - Raymond Charles Hoersch
+  - Ray Hoersch
+  - Ray Horsch
+  - R. C. Hörsch
+  - Stanley Eugene Stokowski
+  - Ich Bin Niemand
+summary: "Philadelphia pornographic filmmaker and convicted counterfeiter who said he wiretapped and burgled for Wackenhut in the early 1960s and whose Olney house is the center of a 2026 investigation into seven missing women."
+born: 1943
+died: 2025
+location: "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Raymond Charles "R.C." Horsch (born Hoersch, 1943, died May 2025) was a [[Philadelphia]] filmmaker, photographer, and self-published author who directed the 1973 pornographic feature [[The Erotic Memoirs of a Male Chauvinist Pig]] and was convicted over four decades of check forgery, counterfeiting, drug manufacturing, passport fraud, and marijuana cultivation. In recorded interviews he said that he had worked in the early 1960s as a freelance wiretapper and burglar for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. He died of a lung condition in May 2025. Thirteen months later a traffic stop involving his son, [[Eugene Horsch]], led the [[Philadelphia Police Department]] and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] to the family house at 417 West Chew Avenue in the [[Olney, Philadelphia|Olney]] neighborhood, where investigators recovered more than one million image and video files. Police have said the material shows five women who appear to be dead, and that two other women connected to the house are missing. No body has been recovered and no homicide charge has been filed against anyone.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### Bucks County and the Philadelphia Studios
+
+Horsch was born in the [[Pocono Mountains|Poconos]] near [[Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania]], and grew up on a farm before his family moved to [[Chalfont, Pennsylvania|Chalfont]] in [[Bucks County, Pennsylvania|Bucks County]]. His father, of the same name, flew cargo gliders for the [[United States Army Air Forces|Army Air Forces]] in the [[World War II|Second World War]]. Horsch graduated from [[Central Bucks High School]] in 1961 as a National Merit Scholar and editor of the school magazine. A psychologist who examined him in 1985 measured his IQ at 140 and recorded that he had been expelled from two colleges.[^1][^4][^5]
+
+He said that at about 14 he began running errands at a film studio on [[Sansom Street]] in [[Center City, Philadelphia|Center City]] during the production of [[The Burglar]] with [[Jayne Mansfield]]. By the late 1960s he ran the animation camera department at a Philadelphia studio, directed small children in television commercials, and worked as a sideline cameraman for [[NFL Films]], which he said dismissed him for filming cheerleaders. He operated the Underground Cinema 16, later the Roxy, on Sansom Street. He said he then commuted to [[New York City]] to make short live-action films for the [[Children's Television Workshop]], the producer of [[Sesame Street]].[^1][^6][^7]
+
+### Wackenhut
+
+Asked in a recorded interview what he did after high school, Horsch said he went to work for "an outfit called Wackenhut, which was a brand new company at the time, a security firm staffed by FBI agents." He described himself as a freelancer who was called in for individual jobs, briefed, and introduced to a client. "I bugged telephones and committed burglaries for them," he said. "The burglaries were mostly to install electronics or bug telephones or just things like burglarizing a potential client to demonstrate that their security was not up to par."[^5]
+
+He said a frequent client was introduced to him as "Mr. Smith." The man "was, in fact, [[H.L. Hunt]] [sic; [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]]], who was at the time with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]." Hunt was later convicted in the [[Watergate]] burglary. Asked whether he had dealt with him directly, Horsch said: "I met him all the time. He was the customer." He added: "At the time, he was introduced as this private customer. When it later turned out, he was a very active CIA agent, which means that at the time, I must have been working for the CIA, although I didn't realize it." He called Wackenhut "a CIA front organization" that used him "to do things that they didn't want to get caught doing, that they could deny."[^5]
+
+Horsch described three jobs. At the [[Fairchild Hiller]] aircraft plant in [[Hagerstown, Maryland]], he said, he "backed a truck up and stole 30 cabinets of top-secret documents" and towed the company aircraft across the airfield to hide it in another hangar. In [[Trenton, New Jersey]], he said, a man he described as the head of the [[American Nazi Party]], whose name he could not recall, hired the firm to tap his own telephones because he suspected his employees of theft, and Horsch's employers had him install a second tap on the same line to listen to the client. In Philadelphia he said he was installing an infinity transmitter in the kitchen telephone of a girlfriend of "a Philadelphia politician named Crumlish" when she came home; he told her he was from the telephone company, and she made him coffee while he finished. He said he quit around 1965, "when they passed a law making wiretapping a federal crime."[^5]
+
+[[George R. Wackenhut]], the company's founder, was a former FBI agent. A CIA memorandum for the record dated July 28, 1975, states that the agency opened files on Wackenhut and his company in May 1960 "for the purpose of obtaining cover support for Western Hemisphere Agency employees assigned to [[Florida]]," that a Covert Security Approval for his use was granted on November 21, 1961, and that "subsequently, his company provided cover backstopping to Western Hemisphere employees stationed in the [[Miami]], Florida, area." The approval was rescinded in April 1967 "due to the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida." The memorandum adds that in November 1974 the company was found to be guarding [[Global Marine Development]] of [[Los Angeles]], "a firm that the Agency office of DDS&T was dealing with," and that the agency "made no attempt to persuade GMDI to terminate their contract." The passages describing the cover relationship were withheld until March 2025.[^8]
+
+### Desertion
+
+Horsch received a draft notice at 18 and obtained a series of occupational deferments, then a marriage deferment when he married his high school girlfriend in 1964. He joined the [[Pennsylvania National Guard]] on a six-year commitment, failed to report when ordered to active duty, and continued to live and work in Philadelphia. He said a [[New Jersey State Police|New Jersey state trooper]] who found him asleep at a turnpike rest stop ran his name and delivered him to the provost marshal at [[Fort Dix]]. In December 1972, giving his address as 523 North Main Street, Chalfont, he sued Secretary of the Army [[Robert F. Froehlke]] in federal court, seeking a declaration that his involuntary call to active duty was invalid. Judge Hannum ruled against him on October 11, 1974. Horsch said he held two dishonorable discharges and was later pardoned under President [[Jimmy Carter]]'s amnesty.[^3][^5]
+
+He said that in the early 1970s he taught himself to fly in a Cessna bought for 5,700 dollars and flew marijuana from [[Mexico]] through the mountain passes south of [[El Paso, Texas|El Paso]], dropping loads to trucks waiting in the desert of [[Texas]], [[New Mexico]], and [[Arizona]] without landing. He said he knew the smuggler [[George Jung]] before Jung moved into cocaine, that federal agents dismantled two of his aircraft without finding anything, and that he stopped when a man with an M16 rifle motioned him down from a pursuing helicopter.[^5]
+
+### Times Square and the 1973 Film
+
+Horsch said he and a girlfriend, a medical student at the [[University of Pennsylvania]], performed on weekends in a live sex show above [[Times Square]], in an act built around simulated rape. He began appearing in pornographic loops in 1969 for 100 dollars a job.[^6]
+
+In February 1973 he and John Butterworth, a news cameraman for [[KYW-TV]], shot The Erotic Memoirs of a Male Chauvinist Pig in Philadelphia with the New York performers [[Georgina Spelvin]], [[Tina Russell]], [[Darby Lloyd Rains]], and [[Helen Madigan]]. The film depicts rape, bondage, urination, and sex with a character presented as a schoolgirl. Horsch said 60 to 70 percent of the roughly 20,000 dollar budget came from [[Salvatore La Russa|Salvatore "Sam the Barber" La Russa]], who ran the Bag of Nails bar at 13th and Locust Streets, from "money that he had laying around in a shoebox behind the bar. We're talking about organized crime." A hospital scene was shot in the emergency room of the [[Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania]] under permission obtained for a student film. Horsch said his girlfriend at the time was the wife of a Philadelphia assistant district attorney, that the film was shot in her house, and that staff of the [[Philadelphia District Attorney's Office]] attended the premiere at the 1812 Theater on Chestnut Street, which had a searchlight outside. Horsch said theater chains were controlled by "certain political groups," that La Russa arranged distribution through Philadelphia organized crime, and that the film was sold to the distributor [[Sam Lake]] for 50,000 dollars. [[Al Goldstein]] wrote in [[Screw (magazine)|Screw]] that the sex in it was disgusting. La Russa died of a heart attack in 1996.[^6][^7][^9]
+
+### Counterfeiting, Methamphetamine, and New Zealand
+
+Horsch was convicted of forging checks in [[North Carolina]] in 1972. In December 1974 a card shop in [[Hatboro, Pennsylvania|Hatboro]] reported a suspicious ten-dollar bill, and the [[United States Secret Service]] raided his Chalfont home, arrested Charles Griffith of [[Wallingford, Pennsylvania|Wallingford]] as an accomplice, and seized counterfeit ten-dollar notes along with false driver's licenses and vehicle registrations. Accounts of the face value seized range from 180,000 dollars to more than one million dollars. He served two years.[^1][^10]
+
+In 1977 he was arrested for operating a methamphetamine laboratory in Philadelphia, posted bail, and disappeared. In 1980 he married [[Myroslawa Ferkuniak|Myroslawa "Anna" Ferkuniak]] in [[Nevada]] under the name Dr. Stanley Eugene Stokowski, the name of a real [[California]] chemist. With a forged [[Stanford University]] transcript he obtained work as a chemist at a plant producing ethanol from whey in [[Timaru]], [[New Zealand]], where his son Eugene was born in 1981. He was caught re-entering New Zealand with five false passports in 1984, fled, and was arrested by the FBI in [[Orlando, Florida]], in 1985.[^1]
+
+Before his sentencing on the drug-manufacturing charge, the psychologist [[Don Seraydarian]] examined him for four hours at the request of his lawyers and wrote that he was "grandiose, mistrustful, suspicious, and excessively controlling," was "consumed by anger," and had "great concern about 'losing control' over himself." Horsch told him: "I go from job to job because once I learn something, I want to go to something else." He listed his occupations as chemist, computer analyst, and photographer. He was sentenced to four years, was released in 1987, and became the information technology director of a company in [[Northeast Philadelphia]].[^1][^4]
+
+### New Britain Township
+
+Ferkuniak died of an overdose in 1989 at 39. The following month Horsch bought a house on Airey Avenue in [[New Britain Township, Pennsylvania|New Britain Township]] for 137,500 dollars. He filed for bankruptcy in 1993, listing a barbecue restaurant, Butterworth's Hickory Pit, as a trade name. In 1997 township police charged him with cashing 187.19 dollars in paychecks made out to his dead nephew. Around 1999 he was briefly engaged to a teenage housekeeper. In the 1990s and 2000s he produced a series of pornographic videos with amateur couples and then films of staged violence against women, many of whom he recruited with cash and drugs on the streets of [[Kensington, Philadelphia|Kensington]]. He married [[Amy McHale]] in 2004, and they divorced in 2008.[^1][^10][^11]
+
+In 2009 a woman at the house called township police to report noises. Officers under Chief [[Robert Scafidi]] found 455 marijuana plants in the basement, firearms including an M1 carbine, 25 pounds of gunpowder, bondage devices, pornography showing women who appeared to be bleeding, and identification cards belonging to several different women. Horsch ran into the surrounding fields and was caught. Scafidi said the district attorney's office took the identification cards for follow-up. "I really don't know what happened after that," he said. In 2010 Horsch was charged with attempting to lure a nine-year-old girl into his car, and city prosecutors dismissed the charge. He pleaded guilty to federal drug and weapons counts in January 2011, was sentenced to 53 months, and was released in June 2013. The bank repossessed the [[New Britain, Pennsylvania|New Britain]] house the same year.[^7][^10][^12]
+
+### The Olney House
+
+Eugene Horsch, then a [[Drexel University]] student, caused a drunk-driving crash in 2003 that left the other driver in a vegetative state until his death sixteen years later. He pleaded guilty to aggravated assault, was released in 2006, and acquired the house at 417 West Chew Avenue from his father the same year. In 2013 police found about 1.9 million dollars' worth of marijuana in the house, and Eugene was sentenced to four to eight years.[^1][^13]
+
+From about 2017 to 2021 Horsch's website, rchorsch.com, advertised an escort service whose client reviews describe visits to the Olney house. Its motto was "I fear what I love." In 2014 he self-published Empathy: The Memoir of an Empathetic Serial Killer, in which the narrator strangles a woman named Krista and dissolves her body with sodium hydroxide in a basement bathtub; the publisher's description calls the book fiction. In 2016 he released Deleted Scenes: A Serial Killer's Video Journal, filmed over twelve years under the name Ich Bin Niemand, about a man who selects victims among addicts, prostitutes, and runaways. A woman named [[Krista Killen]] lived in the house for years and appeared in his films. His online biography described him as an "artist, filmmaker, composer, writer, porn performer, drug smuggler, some-time political activist, art forger, counterfeiter, pot grower, air show pilot, army deserter, fugitive, sociopath, ex-convict and all-out villain." [[Amazon (company)|Amazon]] sold his books until the third week of September 2026.[^1][^9][^11][^14]
+
+### The Kensington Crematorium
+
+At a 2014 exhibition in a Kensington gallery, Horsch showed what appeared to be autopsy photographs of an unidentified woman, ending with video of her body being loaded into an incinerator. He said the footage was shot at "a Kensington warehouse where the city morgue would send unidentified remains." His release for the show read: "The Medical Examiner totally botched the autopsy and didn't even bother to sew her up properly. My horrible photograph is all that is left of her, the only trace of her short, sad existence. She has nothing else, not even a name." He later posted a series that intercut women acting out their own deaths with images of people dead of overdoses, which he described as made in "unknowing collaboration with the Philadelphia Medical Examiner" and city paramedics.[^15]
+
+A law enforcement official and people who knew Horsch in the period have said he paid an employee in drugs and cash for access to the crematorium attached to the [[Garzone Funeral Home]] in Kensington. The brothers [[Louis Garzone|Louis]] and [[Gerald Garzone]], who operated it as [[Liberty Cremations]], pleaded guilty in 2008 to selling more than 240 corpses to a New York tissue-recovery company whose cutters removed bone, tendon, and organs for resale to hospitals. Some of the tissue was diseased and was implanted in patients who were not told of its origin. The business closed in 2007. A woman who worked on Horsch's films from 2003 said he told her his contact was an employee named George. Four people identified the man as [[George Newsome]], who lived on Ruth Street a block from the crematorium, was arrested for heroin possession in 2011 and cocaine possession in 2013, and died in 2014. Gerald Garzone said he had never heard of Horsch. He acknowledged knowing a man named George from the neighborhood and declined to say whether he had employed him. The [[Philadelphia Medical Examiner's Office]] declined to say whether the city sent unclaimed bodies to the Garzones. Horsch was not named in the 2007 case.[^15]
+
+### The 2026 Investigation
+
+In May 2025 a fire at the Chew Avenue house brought narcotics officers, who found marijuana plants, firearms, and containers of chemicals. Horsch died the same month and was cremated. Killen died of drug intoxication some months later.[^9][^14]
+
+On June 19, 2026, a federal park ranger stopped Eugene Horsch's car beside [[Independence National Historical Park]]. His passenger carried an identification card in the name of [[Blair Tonzelli]], who was reported missing in February 2023. A photograph of Tonzelli, nude, with an apparent black eye and blood near her mouth, had been in rotation as the lead image on Horsch's website from about 2020 until at least September 2023, seven months after the missing-person report. The search of the Olney house that followed, and its results, are set out under [[Olney House Investigation]].[^11][^13]
+
+On September 16, 2026, Deputy Police Commissioner [[Frank Vanore]] said that investigators had reviewed about 30 percent of more than 600,000 images and 70,000 videos from the house, had identified 58 people in them, and believed five of the women shown to be dead. He described a video in which Horsch gives a woman drugs and money, handcuffs her to a bed, and tightens a zip tie around her neck with pliers until she stops moving. Her family identified her as [[Nicole Fusaro]], 27, last seen in Kensington on July 19, 2018. Amy McHale, last seen at the house in 2016, and Tonzelli remain missing. "We did never recover a body here," Vanore said.[^2][^14][^15][^16]
+
+[[J.J. Klaver]], a retired FBI agent with no role in the case, said of Horsch on television, "Obviously, this guy's a serial killer." [[Michael Yoder]], a retired FBI profiler who reviewed the 1985 evaluation, said it described "a potential serial killer." The police department has not used the term. Horsch was never charged with a homicide.[^4][^17]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "How a pornographer's violent fantasies blurred fact and fiction as cops searched Olney house for missing women," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 2, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/a/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-philadelphia-missing-women-history-20260802.html
+[^2]: "At least 5 women dead, more missing in connection to Olney home, Philly police say," *WHYY,* September 2026. https://whyy.org/articles/olney-home-investigation-abuse/
+[^3]: Hoersch v. Froehlke, 382 F. Supp. 1235 (E.D. Pa. 1974).
+[^4]: Marin, Max, Ryan W. Briggs, and Ellie Rushing. "'Consumed by anger': Inside the 1985 psych profile of Raymond Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 3, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-horsch-olney-missing-women-psych-exam-20260903.html
+[^5]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 08:30 to 31:00 (Wackenhut passage at 18:34 to 22:49; the name spoken at 19:17 is "H.L. Hunt"). https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/13/ray-horsch-2/
+[^6]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 2: Performance," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 172, September 20, 2026, audio. https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/20/ray-horsch-3/
+[^7]: West, Ashley. "Ray Horsch: Sociopathic Villain," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 27, December 15, 2013 (the accompanying text states that the 1973 film was "shot in the house of people working in the local District Attorney office" and that Horsch had "been working for Sesame Street"; the 101-minute audio is no longer hosted). Archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20260520094947/https://www.therialtoreport.com/2013/12/15/ray-horsch/
+[^8]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454, released in full March 18, 2025. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2025/0318/104-10130-10454.pdf
+[^9]: "Five takeaways from Philly missing women mystery connected to Raymond and Eugene Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 4, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-missing-women-20260804.html
+[^10]: "Bucks County connection with Philly 'house of horror' case," *Yahoo News* (syndicated), 2026. https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/bucks-county-connection-philly-house-091634860.html
+[^11]: "A troubling photo of a missing woman appeared on Raymond Horsch's erotic website, years before police investigated," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 21, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-missing-women-olney-blair-tonzelli-20260821.html
+[^12]: "Former police chief recalls 2009 arrest of R.C. Horsch, man linked to investigation in Philadelphia's Olney section," *6abc Action News,* 2026. https://6abc.com/post/former-police-chief-recalls-2009-arrest-rc-horsch/19841495/
+[^13]: "Who is Eugene Horsch? Man at Center of Philadelphia 'House of Horrors,'" *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/who-is-eugene-horsch-man-at-center-of-philadelphia-house-of-horrors-12459693
+[^14]: Cuffe, Davis. "Philadelphia's 'house of horrors' investigation: All that we know," *Billy Penn,* September 18, 2026. https://billypenn.com/2026/09/18/philadelphia-house-of-horrors-police-investigation-olney-update/
+[^15]: Briggs, Ryan W., Max Marin, Barbara Laker, and Ellie Rushing. "Raymond Horsch had access to a Kensington crematorium linked to illegal body parts sales, years before missing persons investigation," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 21, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-horsch-missing-women-kensington-bodies-crematorium-20260921.html
+[^16]: "Philadelphia police identify 58 people in images from investigation into Olney house," *CBS News Philadelphia,* September 2026. https://www.cbsnews.com/philadelphia/news/horsch-investigation-chew-avenue-olney-philadelphia/
+[^17]: "Eugene Horsch Denies He's a Serial Killer as Philadelphia Cops Hunt for Missing Women," *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/philadelphia-obviously-serial-killer-former-fbi-agent-12457175
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ray
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ray
@ -0,0 +1,68 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RayHunt
+  - HuntOil
+  - PFIAB
+  - Halliburton
+  - Kurdistan
+  - Yemen
+  - Dallas
+  - BushAdministration
+alias:
+  - Ray L. Hunt
+  - Ray Lee Hunt
+  - R.L. Hunt
+summary: "Chairman of Hunt Oil and executor of H.L. Hunt's estate who sat on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board from 2001 to 2009 while his company signed an oil contract with the Kurdistan Regional Government."
+born: 1943
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Ray Lee Hunt (born April 1943) is the chairman of [[Hunt Oil Company]] and [[Hunt Consolidated]] of [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]]. He is the son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], was born in [[New York City|New York]] while his father's first wife was living, and was adopted by his father after his parents married in 1957. His father's will gave all of his Hunt Oil stock to Ruth Hunt and made Ray sole executor. He was finance chairman of the [[Republican National Committee]] in 2000, a director of [[Halliburton]] from 1998, chairman of the [[Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas]] from 2002 to 2006, and a member of the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]] under [[George W. Bush]] from 2001 to 2009.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### The Estate
+
+Hunt joined Hunt Oil as a summer field hand in 1958 and graduated from [[Southern Methodist University]]. When his father died on November 29, 1974, the family's holdings ran through some 200 trusts and companies. In 1975 he negotiated a division with the sons of the first family: [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]], and [[Lamar Hunt]] took [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]], [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]], and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], and he kept Hunt Oil. [[Frania Tye Lee]], whom his father had married bigamously in 1925, sued the estate that November. In May 1977, after Dallas newspapers reported that a letter signed by [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] had been addressed to a "Mr. Hunt," he wrote to [[Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI Director]] [[Clarence Kelley]] to protest, and Kelley referred him to the [[Freedom of Information Act]]. The company's spokesman in that episode, [[James C. Oberwetter]], had been press secretary to Congressman [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1][^4][^5]
+
+### Reunion
+
+In 1972 Hunt began buying floodplain land beside Dallas's [[Union Station (Dallas)|Union Station]] at 2.92 dollars a square foot, formed [[Woodbine Development]], and hired [[John Scovell]], a 26-year-old accountant and former [[Texas Tech University|Texas Tech]] quarterback, to run it. The [[Hyatt Regency Dallas]] and [[Reunion Tower]] opened on the site on April 15, 1978. He financed the launch of [[D Magazine]].[^1][^6]
+
+### Yemen
+
+Hunt Oil found the Alif field near [[Marib]] in 1984, the first oil discovered in [[North Yemen]]. On April 12, 1986, Vice President George H.W. Bush, on a tour of Arab capitals, flew to Marib in a C-130 and dedicated the field's refinery with President [[Ali Abdullah Saleh]]. "A happy day for the [[Yemen Arab Republic]] and for the entire industrial world," Bush said. [[Yemen]] took back the block on November 15, 2005, and Hunt Oil and [[ExxonMobil]] filed for arbitration in [[Paris]]. Hunt remained a partner with [[TotalEnergies|Total]] in [[Yemen LNG]], which began operating in 2009.[^7][^8]
+
+### Halliburton and the Intelligence Board
+
+Hunt joined the Halliburton board in 1998, when [[Dick Cheney]] was chief executive, and went at once onto its compensation committee, which that year gave Cheney a bonus of 1.1 million dollars and restricted stock worth 1.5 million on a salary of 1.18 million. He joined the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas the same year. He was a [[Bush Pioneers|Pioneer]] fundraiser for George W. Bush, who made him finance chairman of the Republican National Committee in May 2000. His son [[Hunter Hunt|Hunter L. Hunt]] took leave from the company to work on the campaign's energy policy group.[^2][^9]
+
+On October 5, 2001, the [[White House]] announced Hunt's appointment to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board under General [[Brent Scowcroft]]. The other members included [[Jim Barksdale]], [[Robert Addison Day]], [[Stephen Friedman]], [[Alfred Lerner]], [[Rita Hauser]], Admiral [[David Jeremiah]], [[Arnold Kanter]], [[James C. Langdon Jr.]], [[Pete Wilson]], and [[Philip Zelikow]]. Scowcroft was removed after criticizing the [[Iraq]] war. On October 27, 2005, the White House reappointed Hunt for a term beginning December 20 under Friedman, with [[Donald Evans]], [[Arthur B. Culvahouse]], [[William O. DeWitt Jr.]], and [[Lee Hamilton]]. In the same years two Hunt Oil executives became ambassadors. [[Jeanne L. Phillips]], a senior vice president and a fundraiser for the Bush campaign and inaugural, was ambassador to the [[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development|OECD]] from August 2001 to June 2003 and returned to the company. Oberwetter was sworn in as ambassador to [[Saudi Arabia]] on January 8, 2004.[^2][^3][^10]
+
+### Kurdistan
+
+On September 8, 2007, Hunt Oil and the [[Kurdistan Regional Government]] announced a production-sharing contract for a block in the Dohuk area, signed under a regional oil law that the Kurdish parliament had passed a month earlier and that the government in [[Baghdad]] did not recognize. The Bush administration's policy was that no contracts should be signed before a national oil law. Three days before the signing, Hunt Oil's regional manager, [[David McDonald (Hunt Oil)|David McDonald]], told the head of the [[State Department]]'s reconstruction team in [[Erbil]] that the company was interested in the Shekhan and Akra districts of northern [[Nineveh Governorate|Nineveh]], territory disputed between Erbil and Baghdad. "This is a significant opportunity that outweighs the legal ambiguity," he said, and of the geology: "It's like shooting fish in a barrel." The embassy's cable reporting the contract went to Washington on September 12. Ray Hunt said he was pleased to be "actively participating in the establishment of the petroleum industry in the [[Kurdistan Region|Kurdistan Region of Iraq]]." President Bush said: "I know nothing about the deal."[^11][^12]
+
+On July 2, 2008, Representative [[Henry Waxman]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform]], released company and government documents and wrote to [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[Condoleezza Rice]] that "contrary to the denials of Administration officials, advisors to the President and officials in the State and Commerce Departments knew about Hunt Oil's interest in the Kurdish region months before the contract was executed." Hunt Oil officials had met the State Department team in Erbil on June 12, 2007. Hunt had written to the intelligence board on July 12 and August 30, 2007, describing his contacts with the Kurds. An internal Hunt Oil message quoted in the letter read: "This is really good for us ... I find it a huge compliment that he is tipping us off about this ... This is a lucky break."[^12]
+
+### Sharyland
+
+Hunter Hunt founded [[Sharyland Utilities]] in 1999, the first new regulated electric utility in the [[United States]] in three decades. Under the Competitive Renewable Energy Zone program that the [[Texas Legislature]] created in 2005, Sharyland was awarded about 300 miles of transmission lines in the Panhandle. In 2010 the family placed the lines in a real estate investment trust, [[InfraREIT]], which leased them back to the utility. In 2016 Sharyland's average residential delivery charge was 90.39 dollars a month against 38.59 dollars at [[Oncor]]. Oncor and [[Sempra Energy]] bought the assets in 2019 in transactions worth about 1.3 billion dollars.[^13]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
+[^2]: "Top-secret cronies," *Salon,* November 17, 2005. https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/
+[^3]: The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Nominations and Appointments," October 5, 2001. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/10/20011005-8.html ; "Personnel Announcement," October 27, 2005. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2005/10/20051027-7.html
+[^4]: Fagnant, Marie (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures," memorandum, July 31, 1997, summarizing FBI serials 62-108867-22 to 24.
+[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
+[^6]: "Dallas developer Woodbine got its start building the landmark Reunion Tower and hotel," *The Dallas Morning News,* February 9, 2023. https://www.dallasnews.com/business/real-estate/2023/02/09/dallas-developer-woodbine-got-its-start-building-the-landmark-reunion-tower-and-hotel/
+[^7]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," *United Press International,* April 12, 1986. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/
+[^8]: "Hunt Oil & ExxonMobil File for Arbitration on Yemen Field," *Rigzone,* 2005.
+[^9]: Halliburton Company, Schedule 14A proxy statement, 2004, Securities and Exchange Commission.
+[^10]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "Jeanne L. Phillips," Department History.; "Ambassador focuses on U.S.-Saudi cooperation," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna8293255
+[^11]: U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Hunt Oil Signs Agreement with KRG under KRG Oil Law," cable 07BAGHDAD3071, September 12, 2007. https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BAGHDAD3071_a.html
+[^12]: Waxman, Henry A., letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, July 2, 2008, as reported in "Bush Officials Condoned Regional Iraqi Oil Deal," *The Washington Post,* July 3, 2008, and "U.S. officials condoned Kurdish oil deal," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna25506968
+[^13]: *The Texas Tribune,* 2016 reporting on Sharyland Utilities delivery rates; "Texas regulators seal Oncor's nearly $1.3 billion power line deal with Hunt family," *The Dallas Morning News,* May 9, 2019.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ruth
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/Ruth
@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RuthRayHunt
+  - HLHunt
+  - HuntFamily
+  - RayHunt
+  - HuntOil
+  - FirstBaptistDallas
+alias:
+  - Ruth Ray
+  - Ruth Eileen Ray
+  - Ruth Wright
+  - Mrs. Ruth E. Wright
+summary: "Hunt Oil secretary from Idabel, Oklahoma, who bore H.L. Hunt four children from 1943 under the name Wright in a house near his family home, and married him in 1957 after his first wife's death."
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Ruth Eileen Ray was the youngest of six children of Walter "Sing" Ray, a real estate and insurance agent and the first city clerk of [[Idabel, Oklahoma]], who died in 1919 when she was two. She left [[Oklahoma State University|Oklahoma A&M]] in 1940, followed a sister to [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]], and became a legal secretary at Blanchard, Goldstein, Walker and O'Quinn. When Claude O'Quinn left the firm for its main client, the [[Hunt Oil Company]], he took her with him. [[H.L. Hunt]] told an interviewer that he first noticed her waiting for a bus outside the Shreveport office and offered her a ride.[^1]
+
+### Mrs. Wright
+
+In the fall of 1942 she stopped coming to work. Hunt moved her to an apartment in [[New York City]], and former colleagues received announcements of her marriage to one "Raymond Wright," said to be with army intelligence and studying nutrition at [[Columbia University]]. Her son was born in New York on April 6, 1943, and named Ray Lee Wright. "He's gonna be president of the [[United States]]," she told the Hunt Oil secretaries in Shreveport. Hunt bought her a bungalow at 7029 Meadow Lake Avenue in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], "less than a two-minute drive" from [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], where his wife [[Lyda Bunker Hunt|Lyda]] and their children lived. Three daughters followed by 1950, [[June Hunt|Ruth June]], [[Helen LaKelly Hunt|Helen]], and [[Swanee Hunt|Swanee]]. The children attended the Greenhill School as Wrights, and neighbors supposed that their father was an agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]. Hunt set up the Secure Trusts for them and named as trustees his gambling partner [[Ray Ryan]], an [[Indiana]] oilman who kept company with reputed Mafiosi, and Ryan's wife.[^2]
+
+### Marriage
+
+Lyda Hunt died in May 1955, and Ruth and her children began to keep house at Mount Vernon. In the fall of 1957, by Hunt's account, the fourteen-year-old [[Ray Hunt|Ray]] came to his office and said: "You will marry my mother." They were married on a Sunday that November at the home of her pastor. The Dallas Times Herald described her as "Mrs. Ruth Ray Wright," mother of four. Her own mother told the [[Associated Press]] she had known nothing of it. Hunt gave the children his name. Soon afterward he gave up gambling, as a federal grand jury opened an inquiry into a syndicate at [[Terre Haute, Indiana|Terre Haute]], and on the first Sunday of 1960 he was baptized with her and the children at the [[First Baptist Church of Dallas]] by the Reverend [[W.A. Criswell]]. She later let it be known that the children were his.[^3]
+
+On November 22, 1963, she was visiting Ray at his fraternity house at [[Southern Methodist University]] when Hunt telephoned and told her to keep the children away from home. The couple went to the [[Mayflower Hotel]] in Washington on the FBI's advice and came back for Christmas. In early 1965 she persuaded Hunt to bring his lobotomized son [[Hassie Hunt|Hassie]] home from an institution in the East. She did not go to Shreveport for the trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s claim in 1978, because the lawyers feared she would be questioned about the birth of her children "out of wedlock and before the death of H.L.'s first wife." Hunt's will made Ray sole independent executor of the estate.[^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 131-133.
+[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 133-134, 142, 151, 171.
+[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 177-179, 188, 216.
+[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 16-17, 232-233, 259.
--- a/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
+++ b/PEOPLE/(H-M)/William
@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WilliamHerbertHunt
+  - Oil
+  - SilverThursday
+  - Wiretapping
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Herbert Hunt
+  - W. Herbert Hunt
+  - W.H. Hunt
+summary: "Son of H.L. Hunt who was indicted with his brother Bunker for wiretapping their father's aides, was found liable in the 1980 silver manipulation, and kept Petro-Hunt in a trust beyond his creditors' reach."
+born: 1929-03-06
+died: 2024-04-09
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+William Herbert Hunt (March 6, 1929 to April 9, 2024) was the third son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]] and the business partner of his older brother [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]. He was born in [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], and ran [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]] and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], the companies held in the trusts their father created for the first family.[^1][^2]
+
+### The Wiretaps
+
+In the autumn of 1969 Herbert and Bunker Hunt engaged a [[Houston]] private investigation agency to place electronic surveillance on houses in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], telling its president that they had been the victims of extensive embezzlement. The targets were four [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] executives, among them their father's security chief, the former FBI agent [[Paul Rothermel]]. The agency's men recorded the telephones from rented cars, edited the tapes, and delivered them to the brothers, who paid an itemized bill. A policeman in [[Richardson, Texas|Richardson]] stopped one of the men, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], on January 16, 1970, and found a recorder in his car. Within three weeks the brothers had told Senator [[James Eastland]] that they were trying to have their father declared incompetent. Kelly and [[Patrick McCann]] were convicted, and named the brothers afterward. Both were indicted in 1973. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] reinstated the suppressed tape evidence against them on December 23, 1974. In July 1975 they were indicted again, with the lawyer [[Percy Foreman]], for obstructing justice by paying for the detectives' silence, and were acquitted.[^3][^4][^5][^6]
+
+### Soybeans and Silver
+
+On April 28, 1977, the [[Commodity Futures Trading Commission]] sued Herbert and Bunker Hunt, five of their children, and a family corporation for exceeding the three-million-bushel limit on soybean futures through accounts in relatives' names, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit|Seventh Circuit]] ruled for the commission in 1979. That July the brothers formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with two Saudi partners. The group held about 200 million ounces of silver when the [[COMEX|Commodity Exchange]] restricted trading to liquidation on January 21, 1980. On March 27 the brothers could not meet their margin calls. A federal jury found in August 1988 that Herbert, Bunker, and [[Lamar Hunt]], the Saudi diplomat [[Mahmoud Fustok]], and the Bermuda company had manipulated the market, and that all but Lamar had engaged in racketeering. Judgment for the Peruvian company [[Minpeco]] exceeded 132 million dollars.[^1][^7][^8]
+
+### Bankruptcy
+
+Placid Oil filed for bankruptcy in 1986 and Herbert Hunt personally in 1988. The brothers paid about 160 million dollars in 1994, most of it to the [[Internal Revenue Service]]. The 1936 trust in his name was beyond the reach of the creditors and held [[Petro-Hunt]], which he ran with his three sons. "After the January 1, 1990, settlement, I walked away with an IRS overhang for ten years," he said in 2001. Of his brother he said: "Bunker and I split up. It seemed like every time one of us got sued, the other got sued too, and we had to hire twice as many lawyers."[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
+[^2]: "Iconic Wildcatter Herbert Hunt Passes Away," *AAPG Explorer,* 2024; obituary, *The Dallas Morning News,* April 14, 2024.
+[^3]: United States v. Hunt, 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974).
+[^4]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
+[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
+[^6]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
+[^7]: Commodity Futures Trading Commission v. Hunt, 591 F.2d 1211 (7th Cir. 1979).
+[^8]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989); "Money: The Silver Trading Caper," *Reason,* June 1980. https://reason.com/1980/06/01/the-silver-trading-caper/
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Carlos
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Carlos
@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+---
+category: "Military"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - CarlosPrats
+  - Chile
+  - DINA
+  - OperationCondor
+  - Assassination
+  - BuenosAires
+alias:
+  - Carlos Prats González
+  - General Prats
+summary: "Commander of the Chilean army under Salvador Allende, who recommended Augusto Pinochet as his successor and was killed with his wife by a secret police car bomb in Buenos Aires on September 30, 1974."
+died: 1974-09-30
+location: "Buenos Aires, Argentina"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+General Carlos Prats González became commander in chief of the Chilean army in October 1970, after the shooting of his predecessor, General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]], in a kidnapping attempt supported by the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. He entered the cabinet of [[Salvador Allende]] in 1972 and served for a time as vice president. In June 1973 he put down the Tanquetazo, a coup attempt by junior officers and [[Patria y Libertad]]. Protests against his support for the government forced his resignation in late August 1973. He recommended General [[Augusto Pinochet]] to replace him, believing that Pinochet would defend the constitution.[^1]
+
+### Exile
+
+Four days after the coup of September 11, 1973, Prats and his wife, [[Sofía Cuthbert]], left for [[Buenos Aires]]. He "was living quietly," the CIA reported; "he was not permitted to make any public appearances or statements and had faithfully carried out the restrictive instructions pertaining to his exile." Six weeks after the coup Pinochet sent General [[Sergio Arellano Stark]] to Buenos Aires on a mission whose first purpose, a CIA source reported, was to "discuss with the Argentine military any information they have regarding the activities of General (retired) Carlos Prats" and to arrange for the Argentines to "maintain scrutiny over Prats and regularly inform the Chileans of his activities."[^1]
+
+In June 1974 Pinochet met Colonel [[Manuel Contreras]], director of [[DINA]], and ordered him to eliminate Prats. A DINA captain, [[Juan Morales]], filed a surveillance report from Buenos Aires giving the couple's home and work addresses and the models of their cars, noting that Prats had no guards, and enclosing a drawing of the entrance to his garage. Four days before the killing the Chilean foreign ministry told its consul in Buenos Aires, Álvaro Droguett, that it would be "inconvenient" to issue the couple the passports they had requested to travel to [[Brazil]]. Droguett later gave the family a copy of the refusal with a handwritten note saying that he had learned of it only on September 30.[^1]
+
+### September 30, 1974
+
+The DINA station chief in [[Argentina]], [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]], had been told to have Argentine paramilitaries do the killing. When that did not advance, Contreras's deputy, Colonel [[Pedro Espinoza]], gave the job to [[Michael Townley]], an American recently recruited by the service, who arrived with his wife, [[Mariana Callejas]], on September 10. Townley fixed two cartridges of C4 under the general's Fiat 125 in the garage of his building on September 29 and detonated them by remote control from a car across the street when the couple came home just after midnight. The CIA's weekly terrorism summary repeated a police report that a bomb had been thrown at the car. Ambassador [[David Popper]] cabled from [[Santiago]] that a [[Radio Moscow]] report that DINA had killed Prats because the junta feared he would draw the loyalty of disaffected officers "makes no sense to us. Nor do we see significant interest in killing Prats of any other Chilean group with capacity of doing so."[^1]
+
+Weeks later a friend told the Prats daughters that the regime planned to "celebrate the coup" each September by eliminating a person it considered a threat. [[Bernardo Leighton]] was shot in [[Rome]] the following year and [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed in Washington on September 21, 1976.[^1]
+
+### Prosecution
+
+In 1983 Sofía and Angélica Prats went to Washington with Argentine lawyers to seek the extradition of Townley, who was by then in the [[Witness Protection Program|witness protection program]] after a short sentence for the Letelier bombing. A federal judge ruled that his plea agreement prevented it. A Chilean judge refused to extradite Callejas. The Argentine judge [[María Servini de Cubría|María Servini]] deposed Townley in the [[United States]] in 1999, and his testimony was sealed for some years. Arancibia Clavel was imprisoned in Argentina for almost two decades. In June 2010 Chilean courts convicted Contreras, Espinoza, and other DINA officers of the murders. Pinochet was never charged. At the viewing of his open coffin in December 2006 a grandson of the general, [[Francisco Cuadrado Prats]], waited in line and spat on the glass.[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofía Cuthbert," National Security Archive, October 1, 2024, with CIA and DINA documents and the 1999 deposition of Michael Townley. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Dan
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Dan
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - DanSmoot
+  - FBI
+  - FactsForum
+  - HLHunt
+  - JohnBirchSociety
+  - RadioRight
+alias:
+  - Howard D. Smoot
+summary: "FBI agent from 1942 to 1951 who became the voice of H.L. Hunt's Facts Forum and then an independent broadcaster, and whose resignation, described to the public as voluntary, followed censure, probation, and transfer."
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Dan Smoot was the broadcasting name of Howard D. Smoot, a special agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] from March 23, 1942, to June 15, 1951, and afterward the commentator of [[Facts Forum]], the radio and television foundation of [[H.L. Hunt]], and the publisher of The [[The Dan Smoot Report|Dan Smoot Report]].[^1]
+
+### Facts Forum
+
+The masthead of [[Facts Forum News]] for June 1955 lists Smoot as commentator and [[Medford Evans]] as editor. On July 11, 1955, the former bureau officials [[Stanley Tracy]] and [[D. Milton Ladd|D.M. Ladd]] passed word to headquarters that Hunt "is withdrawing his support of Facts Forum," that he "was despondent over the recent death of his wife and that there was considerable dissension among the office staff," and that "former Special Agent Daniel Smoot is planning to leave the Facts Forum set up as of August 1, 1955." Smoot started his own newsletter and broadcast. A bureau memorandum of February 26, 1964, listed him with [[Robert E. Lee (FCC)|Robert E. Lee]] of the [[Federal Communications Commission]] and [[Gene Scudder|Milton Eugene Scudder]] as "former Agents associated with H.L. Hunt's right-wing groups."[^2][^3]
+
+### The Bureau's Two Accounts
+
+Through the 1960s members of the public wrote to the FBI about Smoot, most of them after hearing his commentary on the [[John Birch Society]]. The form reply stated that he had "voluntarily submitted his resignation" for personal reasons, that he had had no access to bureau files since, and that his views "do not represent this Bureau in any manner." An internal note in the same file reads: "Howard D. Smoot, former SA, resigned following censure, probation and transfer due to several unfounded charges made by him against his SAC."[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on Howard D. (Dan) Smoot, released under the Freedom of Information Act. https://archive.org/details/foia_Dan_Smoot_Report-HQ-3
+[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file 62-94811, "Facts Forum," memorandum of July 11, 1955, and enclosed *Facts Forum News,* vol. IV, no. 6, June 1955. https://archive.org/details/FactsForumHQ6294811
+[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2, memorandum to C.D. DeLoach, February 26, 1964.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/David
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/David
@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
---
+---
 created: 2026-05-15
-updated: 2026-05-16
+updated: 2026-09-21
 title: David Atlee Phillips
 aliases:
  - David Phillips
@ -14,6 +14,12 @@ tags:
  - Guatemala
  - 1950s
  - 1960s
+  - DavidAtleePhillips
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - OrlandoLetelier
+  - AFIO
+  - Libel
 category: "Intelligence & Government"
 summary: "David Atlee Phillips was a CIA propaganda officer who ran La Voz de la Liberacion for the 1954 Guatemala coup, served as Chief of Cuban Operations at the CIA's Mexico City station during Lee Harvey Oswald's disputed September-October 1963 visit, and was identified in 2013 by Alpha 66 founder Antonio Veciana as the CIA officer 'Maurice Bishop' whom Veciana had seen with Oswald in Dallas two months before the Kennedy assassination - a claim Phillips denied under HSCA oath but that CIA officer Ron Crozier confirmed was a Phillips alias."
 born: 1922-10-31
@ -25,9 +31,9 @@ David Atlee Phillips (October 31, 1922 - July 7, 1988) was a [[Central Intellige

 ### Early Career and PBSUCCESS

-Phillips served as an Air Force nose gunner during [[World War II]] and joined the CIA in 1950. Early assignments included Mexico City and undercover work in [[Cuba]] beginning in 1959, where he monitored the emerging revolutionary government. He published one novel under his own name, *The Carlos Contract* (1978), and also wrote the memoir *The Night Watch* (Atheneum, 1977) covering his CIA career.
+Phillips served as an Air Force nose gunner during [[World War II]] and joined the CIA in 1950. Early assignments included Mexico City and undercover work in Cuba beginning in 1959, where he monitored the emerging revolutionary government. He published one novel under his own name, *The Carlos Contract* (1978), and also wrote the memoir *The Night Watch* (Atheneum, 1977) covering his CIA career.

-For Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]-organized coup against Guatemalan President [[Jacobo Arbenz]], Phillips ran the psychological warfare component alongside [[Tracy Barnes]] (the Washington coordinator) and [[Howard Hunt]] (chief of political action). Under the pseudonym "Paul D. Langevin," Phillips directed La Voz de la Liberacion (Voice of Liberation), the CIA's clandestine black radio network broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the Liberation Army's military progress and falsely attributed atrocities to the Arbenz regime. He distributed approximately 100,000 pamphlets titled "Chronology of Communism in Guatemala" and produced three films for cinema distribution.
+For Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954, the CIA-organized coup against Guatemalan President [[Jacobo Arbenz]], Phillips ran the psychological warfare component alongside [[Tracy Barnes]] (the Washington coordinator) and [[Howard Hunt]] (chief of political action). Under the pseudonym "Paul D. Langevin," Phillips directed La Voz de la Liberacion (Voice of Liberation), the CIA's clandestine black radio network broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the Liberation Army's military progress and falsely attributed atrocities to the Arbenz regime. He distributed approximately 100,000 pamphlets titled "Chronology of Communism in Guatemala" and produced three films for cinema distribution.

 The PBSUCCESS radio campaign - combined with the cultivation of Guatemalan military officers to induce their defection from Arbenz - was the primary mechanism that induced Arbenz's resignation on June 27, 1954, despite the Liberation Army's modest actual military performance on the ground. Phillips later cited PBSUCCESS as a defining formative experience, and its propaganda model informed his subsequent Cuba work.[^1]

@ -35,7 +41,16 @@ The PBSUCCESS radio campaign - combined with the cultivation of Guatemalan milit

 After undercover work in Havana in 1959-1960 and involvement in Bay of Pigs planning, Phillips worked at JM/WAVE, the CIA's large Miami station, on anti-Castro propaganda operations and directing exile organizations, including Alpha 66, during [[Operation Mongoose]].

-In September 1963, Phillips was appointed Chief of Cuban Operations at the CIA's [[Mexico City]] station, working under station chief [[Win Scott]]. This appointment placed Phillips in charge of CIA operations targeting the [[Cuba|Cuban]] consulate and Soviet Embassy in Mexico City at precisely the time Oswald (or someone representing himself as Oswald) visited both installations in late September and early October 1963, seeking Cuban and Soviet visas. The HSCA's 350-page Lopez Report, which investigated CIA operations in Mexico City in this period, documented that information "was not reported to CIA Headquarters in an accurate and expeditious manner prior to the assassination" and that "all information in the possession of the CIA Mexico City Station was not reported to CIA Headquarters in an accurate and expeditious manner." The Lopez Report was completed in 1979 and remained classified until a 1996 partial release; a more complete version was released in 2003 and is available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/.[^2]
+In September 1963, Phillips was appointed Chief of Cuban Operations at the CIA's [[Mexico City]] station, working under station chief [[Win Scott]]. This appointment placed Phillips in charge of CIA operations targeting the Cuban consulate and Soviet Embassy in Mexico City at precisely the time Oswald (or someone representing himself as Oswald) visited both installations in late September and early October 1963, seeking Cuban and Soviet visas. The HSCA's 350-page Lopez Report, which investigated CIA operations in Mexico City in this period, documented that information "was not reported to CIA Headquarters in an accurate and expeditious manner prior to the assassination" and that "all information in the possession of the CIA Mexico City Station was not reported to CIA Headquarters in an accurate and expeditious manner." The Lopez Report was completed in 1979 and remained classified until a 1996 partial release; a more complete version was released in 2003 and is available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/.[^2]
+
+### Chile, 1970
+After President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the CIA on September 15, 1970, to prevent [[Salvador Allende]] from taking office in [[Chile]], the agency formed a task force under its deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]]. Phillips ran it from day to day with [[William Broe]], chief of the [[CIA Western Hemisphere Division|Western Hemisphere Division]]. The operation had the cryptonym [[Project FUBELT]].[^3]
+
+On October 16 headquarters cabled the [[Santiago]] station: "It is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup." The work was to be done "clandestinely and securely so that the USG and American hand be well hidden." The cable added: "There is great and continuing interest in the activities of Tirado, Canales, [[Camilo Valenzuela|Valenzuela]], et al, and we wish them optimum good fortune." The releasing officer named at its foot is David A. Phillips.[^4]
+
+On October 18 the station asked for "three .45 calibre machine guns (grease guns) with 500 rounds of ammo each" within 48 hours. Broe and Phillips approved the request, and in the same exchange raised and dropped the idea of "bomb drops in areas not likely to cause casualties." They instructed the station chief, [[Henry Hecksher]], to tell neither the army attaché nor Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] of the "impending coup," and if it came to "appear surprised and stonewall any and all queries." General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]], the army commander, was shot on October 22 and died on October 25. The Senate committee's 1975 report on the episode quotes the task force's officers without naming Phillips or Hecksher, and their names were attached to the cables only when the documents were declassified.[^3][^5]
+
+Phillips was chief of the Western Hemisphere Division when Allende was overthrown on September 11, 1973.

 ### The Maurice Bishop Controversy

@ -57,6 +72,11 @@ HSCA chief counsel Robert Blakey stated the committee was "less than satisfied w

 Phillips retired from the CIA in 1975 as head of the Western Hemisphere Division at GS-18 rank, the highest CIA position not requiring executive appointment. That year he founded the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), which became a platform for publicly defending the CIA against the reform pressures generated by the [[Church Committee]] investigations.

+### The Libel Suits
+The writers [[Donald Freed]] and [[Fred Landis]], authors of *Death in Washington*, on the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]], held a press conference in Washington in 1980 with the journalist [[John Cummings]]. They alleged that Phillips and the [[Association of Former Intelligence Officers]] had been involved in the killing, and that Phillips had been Lee Harvey Oswald's case officer under the name Maurice Bishop. Phillips sued them, the publisher [[Lawrence Hill]], and [[William Pepper]] in the federal court in Washington (Civil Actions 81-1407 and 81-2578), asking more than 90 million dollars. The litigation was paid for in part by [[Challenge, Inc.]], "An Intelligence Officers' Legal Action Fund," which also supported the libel suit brought by three former embassy officials in Santiago against the makers of the film [[Missing (film)|Missing]], on the death of [[Charles Horman]].[^6]
+
+After almost five years four of the five defendants settled in February 1986 for an undisclosed sum. Pepper could not be found. The retraction filed with the court said the authors and publisher "had no intention of charging or suggesting that Mr. Phillips played any role in the assassination of Orlando Letelier, that he was an accessory before or after the fact of that murder, or that he had any connection with Lee Harvey Oswald." Phillips said: "I certainly am satisfied because I believe it is a vindication." Of his former employer he said: "I have a feeling that the reaction of the CIA to former agents who file lawsuits is that they consider them something, perhaps, a cut above a gun smuggler or a narcotics smuggler." At the same press conference he said he had examined photocopies of papers from Letelier's briefcase showing that Letelier "had been cooperating with the [[Dirección General de Inteligencia|Cuban DGI]] intelligence service." "They existed," he said, though the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] "has claimed none exist."[^6]
+
 ### Later Statements and Death

 Phillips died of cancer on July 7, 1988. HSCA investigator Kevin Walsh reported that Phillips told him before his death: "My final take on the assassination is there was a conspiracy, likely including American intelligence officers." Reports attributed to Phillips' nephew Shawn Phillips indicated that Phillips' brother James reported a deathbed exchange in which David answered "Yes" when asked "Were you in Dallas that day?" An undated manuscript passage attributed to Phillips states he "handled" Oswald with a mission involving Castro - though the provenance of this text has been treated with varying skepticism by researchers and cannot be verified as authentically from Phillips.[^1]
@ -70,4 +90,8 @@ In his 2017 memoir *Trained to Kill* (co-written with journalist Carlos Harrison
 ### Footnotes

 [^1]: Veciana, Antonio, with Carlos Harrison. *Trained to Kill: The Inside Story of CIA Plots Against Castro, Kennedy, and Che.* Skyhorse Publishing, 2017. Fonzi, Gaeton. *The Last Investigation.* Thunder's Mouth Press, 1993. Phillips, David Atlee. *The Night Watch.* Atheneum, 1977.
-[^2]: House Select Committee on Assassinations. Veciana executive session testimony, April 25-26, 1978. Available at latinamericanstudies.org/belligerence/veciana.htm. Lopez, Edwin, and Dan Hardway. "Oswald, the CIA, and Mexico City" (Lopez Report). HSCA Staff Report, 1979. Available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/. Kinzer, Stephen, and Stephen Schlesinger. *Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala.* Harvard University Press, 1983.
+[^2]: House Select Committee on Assassinations. Veciana executive session testimony, April 25-26, 1978. Available at latinamericanstudies.org/belligerence/veciana.htm. Lopez, Edwin, and Dan Hardway. "Oswald, the CIA, and Mexico City" (Lopez Report). HSCA Staff Report, 1979. Available at history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/lopezrpt/. Kinzer, Stephen, and Stephen Schlesinger. *Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala.* Harvard University Press, 1983.
+[^3]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
+[^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970, Secret, Eyes Only. National Security Archive document 23596. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/media/23596/ocr
+[^5]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, and staff report, *Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973,* 1975.
+[^6]: Challenge, Inc., press release, February 14, 1986, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00806R000100200056-7; Bruske, Ed. "Libel Suit Settled," *The Washington Post,* February 17, 1986, CIA-RDP91-00587R000200890014-0; "CIA agent winner in Letelier case," *The Washington Times,* February 1986, CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680003-9.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jackson
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Jackson
@ -0,0 +1,66 @@
+---
+category: "BCCI Scandal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JacksonStephens
+  - StephensInc
+  - BCCI
+  - Systematics
+  - WorthenBank
+  - LippoGroup
+  - Arkansas
+  - CampaignFinance
+alias:
+  - Jackson T. Stephens
+  - Jack Stephens
+summary: "Little Rock investment banker whose firm held the nominee account through which BCCI's clients bought into Financial General Bankshares in 1977, and whose Worthen Bank, owned with the Riady family, financed Bill Clinton's 1992 campaign."
+born: 1923
+died: 2005
+location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Jackson T. Stephens (1923 to 2005) ran the investment bank [[Stephens Inc.]] of [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] from 1957. He was a classmate of [[Jimmy Carter]] at the [[United States Naval Academy]], class of 1947, underwrote the first public offering of [[Walmart]], and was chairman of [[Augusta National Golf Club]] from 1991 to 1998. In 1977 he introduced the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] to the American bank it would secretly acquire. He and his firm gave to [[Ronald Reagan]], [[George H.W. Bush]], and [[Bill Clinton]].[^1][^2]
+
+### Financial General
+
+In 1977 Stephens Inc. held 268,400 shares, 4.9 percent, of [[Financial General Bankshares]] of Washington as part of a dissident group of investors. Stephens was alleged to want the bank's data processing for his subsidiary [[Systematics Inc.]], which he denied. He was also helping his friend [[Bert Lance]], who had resigned as Carter's budget director, to sell the [[National Bank of Georgia]]. On November 9, 1977, Lance, Stephens, and a Stephens officer, [[Curt Bradbury]], met [[Abdus Sami]] of the Bank of Credit and Commerce in Little Rock. The buyer of the Georgia bank was [[Ghaith Pharaon]], acting for the Pakistani bank. A federal court found that its founder, [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], became interested in Financial General "through his contact with Stephens on another matter," and that in November 1977 Stephens recommended the Washington lawyer [[Eugene Metzger]] to a foreign bank interested in the stock.[^2][^3]
+
+Abedi retained Metzger at a Hilton hotel in Washington on November 30. The purchases for the bank's clients were run from day to day by [[George H. Davis]], "an officer of Stephens, Inc.," who was authorized to buy up to 10,000 shares a day so as not to move the price. The stock was placed in an account at Stephens Inc. opened under the name "Eugene J. Metzger, Agent," in the court's words "to shield the identity of the BCCI principals." On January 6, 1978, Stephens Inc. sold 70,000 of its own shares into the accumulation, which by the end of the month held nearly 20 percent of the votes. When the bank's officers were first asked, they "flatly denied making any purchases."[^2][^3]
+
+Financial General sued on February 17, 1978, naming Lance, the bank, Abedi, Metzger, Stephens, Stephens Inc., and Systematics. The investors added in March were [[Kamal Adham]], described by the court as a minister of the Saudi government, [[Faisal Saud al-Fulaij|Faisal Saud]] al-Fulaij of [[Kuwait]], the crown prince of [[Abu Dhabi]], his younger brother, and the financial adviser to their family. Systematics was dismissed on March 22. [[Hillary Clinton|Hillary Rodham]] of the [[Rose Law Firm]] did legal work for it in the case. On March 18 Stephens and the other defendants consented to permanent injunctions in a separate suit by the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]], No. 78-0469. The court granted Stephens summary judgment on July 20, 1978. The remaining defendants settled in 1980, and the tender offer went through. "The [[Middle East|Middle Eastern]] investors are in control of Financial General Bankshares," the court of appeals noted in 1982. The company was renamed [[First American Bankshares]].[^2][^3]
+
+### Worthen and Lippo
+
+Stephens and the [[Riady family]] of [[Indonesia]], owners of the [[Lippo Group]], controlled [[Worthen Bank]] of Little Rock together in the 1980s. At the end of 1991 Lippo was the expected buyer of the Bank of Credit and Commerce's failed [[Hong Kong]] subsidiary, a plan dropped in February 1992. Worthen, under Bradbury, extended the Clinton presidential campaign a line of credit of about 3.5 million dollars at the start of 1992, the first million drawn on March 4. Stephens's wife, Mary Anne, had run Bush's 1988 campaign in [[Arkansas]], Stephens was a member of the Republican Team 100 of 100,000 dollar donors, and his firm gave 100,000 dollars to a Bush dinner in May 1991. A federal inquiry in 1992 examined Clinton's association with Stephens, according to unnamed government officials, in part to learn whether Clinton was connected with the Pakistani bank.[^3][^4]
+
+[[James Riady]] pleaded guilty on January 11, 2001, to conspiring to defraud the [[United States]] by reimbursing campaign donors with foreign money, and paid 8.6 million dollars, the largest fine in a campaign finance case. The charge described funds wired to his account at [[LippoBank]] and handed to the Lippo executive [[John Huang]] in cash "shortly after Riady pledged $1 million in support of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton's campaign." Huang had pleaded guilty in 1999. A Senate committee recorded that as a [[United States Department of Commerce|Commerce Department]] official in 1994 and 1995 Huang received 37 intelligence briefings from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], made more than 400 calls to Lippo, and used an office at Stephens Inc. in Washington. On June 23, 1994, James Riady had breakfast with [[Webster Hubbell]], the former Rose partner who had resigned as associate attorney general in April, at the [[Hay-Adams Hotel]], went with Huang and the Little Rock lawyer [[Mark Grobmyer]] to see the president at ten, and had lunch with Hubbell at the same hotel. By June 27 a Lippo company, [[Hong Kong China Limited]], had wired 100,000 dollars to Hubbell's account. Huang's appointment at the Commerce Department was approved at about the same time. Lippo also paid for a trip to [[Jakarta]] and [[Bali]] for Hubbell and his wife. "Both Riady and Hubbell refuse to describe what services, if any, Hubbell performed," House investigators wrote. Hubbell invoked the [[Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifth Amendment]]. An associate gave Riady's explanation: "Mr. Hubbell was our very close friend, when he left, we felt we should help him out." Hubbell received more than 700,000 dollars from friends of the president after leaving the department.[^5][^6]
+
+### Harken
+
+Stephens Inc. was the investment banker to [[Harken Energy]], of which [[George W. Bush]] was a director. In 1987 it arranged the company's refinancing through [[Union Bank of Switzerland]], the Pakistani bank's partner in its Swiss affiliate. When the Swiss bank withdrew, its shares went to the Saudi investor [[Abdullah Taha Bakhsh]], whose banker was [[Khalid bin Mahfouz]] and whose representative on Harken's board, [[Talat Othman]], attended three [[White House]] meetings on the Middle East. Two former Stephens bankers, David and Mike Edwards, introduced Harken to [[Bahrain]], which awarded it an offshore drilling concession on January 30, 1990, two weeks after the Bank of Credit and Commerce pleaded guilty in [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]].[^3][^7]
+
+### Systematics
+
+[[Walter Smiley]] founded Systematics in 1968 with Stephens holding 80 percent. It ran the data processing of banks and was sold to [[ALLTEL|Alltel]] in 1990 for 528 million dollars.[^8] In 1995 a Forbes editor, [[James Norman]], wrote in an article his magazine declined to print that Systematics had been a conduit for the [[National Security Agency]]'s surveillance of bank transfers using [[PROMIS]] software and that [[Vince Foster]] had overseen the relationship for the Rose firm. Systematics and Alltel denied it. Representative [[Jim Leach]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs|House Banking Committee]], asked the CIA. The agency's briefing paper stated: "We have found no record of any CIA contact or contracts with Systematics, Inc. of Arkansas." Its inspector general's staff and the inspector general of the [[NSA|National Security Agency]] briefed Leach in person on July 21, 1995. The search terms recorded in the memorandum were Systematics, [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]], and [[Hadron]]. Director [[John Deutch]] ordered an inspector general's investigation on March 13, 1996, a report was completed that November, and Leach was still sending questions in 1998. Neither the House Judiciary Committee's 1992 report on the [[INSLAW]] affair nor INSLAW's own 1994 addendum on the distribution of PROMIS mentions Systematics, Stephens, or Arkansas.[^9][^10][^11]
+
+### Arkansas
+
+Stephens was born on August 9, 1923, on a farm near [[Prattsville, Arkansas|Prattsville]], the youngest of six children, worked as a boy at the Barlow Hotel in [[Hope, Arkansas|Hope]], and joined Augusta National in 1962. He gave 48 million dollars to the [[University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences]], 20.4 million to the [[University of Arkansas]] at Little Rock, 20 million to [[Episcopal Collegiate School]], and 10 million to the Naval Academy. He died on July 23, 2005.[^11]
+
+Stephens's brother, [[Witt Stephens]], controlled [[Arkla|Arkansas Louisiana Gas]]. By the late 1960s seventeen of the thirty-five state senators were on the gas company's payroll or retainer. Told that a state supreme court ruling threatened his position, he said, "Well, hell, we'll just change the law." Witt Stephens bought the utility in 1954 and in 1957, after the state supreme court rejected its rate formula, had a replacement passed by both houses and signed in four days. His successor at the utility, [[Sheffield Nelson]], sold gas leases to [[Jerry Jones]] that the company bought back in 1986, under [[Mack McLarty]], for far more than it had received, and the transaction was the chief issue when Nelson ran against Clinton for governor in 1990. McLarty became Clinton's chief of staff. The brothers considered buying the [[Arkansas Gazette]] in 1991. The family's [[Stephens Media]] bought the [[Donrey Media Group]] newspapers, including the [[Las Vegas Review-Journal]], and sold them in 2015. It opened a bureau in Little Rock in 1996 to compete with the [[Arkansas Democrat-Gazette]], whose publisher, [[Walter Hussman]], said: "The Stephens people think of themselves as businessmen first and then journalists." In 1995 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] blocked its purchase of the [[Northwest Arkansas Times]]. His son [[Warren Stephens]] became ambassador to the [[United Kingdom]] in 2025.[^4][^11]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Jackson Thomas Stephens (1923-2005)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.*
+[^2]: Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981); 680 F.2d 768 (D.C. Cir. 1982).
+[^3]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992, pp. 41, 428.
+[^4]: Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America*. Henry Holt, 1996.
+[^5]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.
+[^6]: Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998.
+[^7]: Petzinger, Thomas, Peter Truell, and Jill Abramson. "How Oil Firm Linked to a Son of Bush Won Big Drilling Pact," *The Wall Street Journal,* December 6, 1991.
+[^8]: *American Banker,* reporting on Systematics and its sale to Alltel, 1990.
+[^9]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Briefing for Chairman Leach, House Banking Committee," and memorandum for the record, July 21, 1995, CIA Reading Room documents 0001289820 and 0001289686.
+[^10]: Deutch, John, memorandum to the Inspector General, March 13, 1996; Hitz, Frederick P., to Rep. James A. Leach, 1998, CIA Reading Room.
+[^11]: Ross, Mike. Tribute to Jackson T. Stephens, *Congressional Record,* vol. 151, July 27, 2005, p. E1655; "Witt Stephens (1907-1991)" and "Sheffield Nelson," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas*; "Following the Money," *Arkansas Times,* September 7, 2001; House Committee on the Judiciary, *The INSLAW Affair,* H. Rept. 102-857, 1992; INSLAW, Inc., "Addendum to INSLAW's Analysis and Rebuttal of the Bua Report," February 14, 1994.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/James
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/James
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JamesRiady
+  - LippoGroup
+  - WorthenBank
+  - JacksonStephens
+  - CampaignFinance
+  - BillClinton
+alias:
+  - James Tjahaja Riady
+summary: "Indonesian banker, son of Lippo Group founder Mochtar Riady, who interned at Stephens Inc., ran Worthen Bank's international division in Little Rock, and in 2001 paid the largest campaign finance fine in American history."
+location: "Jakarta, Indonesia"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+James Tjahaja Riady is an [[Indonesia|Indonesian]] banker and the son of [[Mochtar Riady]], founder of the [[Lippo Group]]. His father met [[Jackson Stephens]] and [[Witt Stephens]] in 1976 while looking for a stake in an American bank, and the two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978. James Riady served an internship at [[Stephens Inc.]] in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]].[^1]
+
+### Little Rock
+
+The Stephens and Riady families both invested in the [[Worthen Bank|Worthen Banking Corporation]] in 1983, and James Riady moved to Little Rock to run its international division, with [[John Huang]] as his [[Far East]] manager from February 1985. That April the [[New Jersey]] securities dealer [[Bevill, Bresler and Schulman]] failed while holding 52 million dollars of [[Arkansas]] state funds that Worthen had placed with it. About 1987 the Riadys traded their Worthen shares for the Stephens interest in the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]]. Riady was chief executive of [[LippoBank]] in [[Los Angeles]] from 1986 to 1988. A memorandum in the family's files credited a five-minute car ride with Governor [[Bill Clinton]] as the start of its political giving to him. Through the end of 1991 the Lippo Group was expected to take over the Hong Kong subsidiary of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]], paying depositors as much as forty cents on the dollar. The plan ended in February 1992 when investigators found 145 million dollars in unrecorded claims against the bank.[^1][^2]
+
+### Hubbell
+
+On June 23, 1994, Riady had breakfast at the [[Hay-Adams Hotel]] with [[Webster Hubbell]], who had resigned from the [[Department of Justice]] in April, met President Clinton at ten with Huang and [[Mark Grobmyer]], and had lunch with Hubbell. On June 27 Hubbell wrote to a director of [[Hong Kong China Limited]], a Lippo company, offering his services for 100,000 dollars a year, and the money was in his account by that day. "Both Riady and Hubbell refuse to describe what services, if any, Hubbell performed," a House committee reported. Lippo also paid for a trip to [[Jakarta]] and [[Bali]] for Hubbell and his wife. An associate of Riady told a reporter: "Mr. Hubbell was our very close friend, when he left, we felt we should help him out. We didn't like to see him without a source of income." Hubbell wrote in his memoir: "it wasn't hush money." The former managing partner of the [[Rose Law Firm]], [[C. Joseph Giroir]], incorporated the [[Arkansas International Development Corporation]] with Lippo capital in April 1993 and gave close to 200,000 dollars in 1996 in connection with fundraisers organized by Huang.[^1]
+
+### Plea
+
+On January 11, 2001, Riady agreed to plead guilty in the federal court in Los Angeles to a felony charge of conspiring to defraud the [[United States]] by reimbursing campaign donors with foreign corporate funds, and to pay 8.61 million dollars, which the Justice Department called the largest fine in the history of campaign finance law. LippoBank pleaded guilty to 86 misdemeanor counts covering 1988 to 1994. Indonesia has no extradition treaty with the United States, and Riady surrendered voluntarily after about six sessions with prosecutors. He agreed to 400 hours of community service and to stay out of the country for two years. The benefits the charge said he sought included "[[Community Reinvestment Act]] exemptions for LippoBank," "a repeal of the [[Glass-Steagall Act]]," and "Most Favored Nation status for [[China]]."[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm ; Hubbell, Webster. *Friends in High Places*. William Morrow, 1997.
+[^2]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992.
+[^3]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/John
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/John
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JohnSatterfield
+  - Segregation
+  - AmericanBarAssociation
+  - MississippiStateSovereigntyCommission
+  - WickliffeDraper
+  - CivilRightsAct
+alias:
+  - John Creighton Satterfield
+  - John Satterfield
+summary: "Yazoo City lawyer and president of the American Bar Association in 1961 who ran the Washington lobby against the Civil Rights Act on anonymous money from Wickliffe Draper passed through the Mississippi treasury."
+born: 1904-07-25
+died: 1981-05-05
+location: "Yazoo City, Mississippi"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+John Creighton Satterfield (July 25, 1904 to May 5, 1981) was born in [[Port Gibson, Mississippi]], graduated from [[Millsaps College]] in 1926 and the law school of the [[University of Mississippi]] in 1929, and practiced in [[Jackson, Mississippi|Jackson]] and [[Yazoo City, Mississippi|Yazoo City]]. He sat in the [[Mississippi House of Representatives]] from 1928 to 1932, was president of the state bar in 1955 and 1956, and was president of the [[American Bar Association]] in 1961 and 1962, the only Mississippian to hold the office. Time called him "the most prominent segregationist lawyer in the country."[^1]
+
+### Segregation
+
+Satterfield belonged to the [[Citizens' Councils|Citizens' Council]], served on the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]], and was personal attorney to Governor [[Ross Barnett]] during the crisis over the admission of [[James Meredith]] to the University of [[Mississippi]] in 1962. In July 1963, after a month of talks with Senator [[James Eastland]], the commission's director [[Erle Johnston]], and [[Hugh V. White Jr.]] of the [[Virginia Commission on Constitutional Government]], he organized the [[Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms]] and became its secretary and treasurer. He deposited its first contributions in a special account in the Mississippi state treasury. The commission paid him 2,000 dollars a month for the committee's first four months. More than 200,000 dollars of the committee's money came anonymously from [[Wickliffe Draper]] of [[New York City|New York]] through [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]]. An internal memorandum of his described the case against the civil rights bill as resting on "heredity" and on "the intelligence, criminality and immorality of the Negro."[^1][^2][^3]
+
+After the bill became law he urged a new national organization to demonstrate that black southerners were inherently inferior, and Draper advanced 50,000 dollars for it on June 2, 1964. The murders in [[Neshoba County, Mississippi|Neshoba County]] that month cost the project its support, Governor [[Paul B. Johnson Jr.]] ignored it, and the money went back to an escrow account at the firm of Draper's lawyer, [[Harry Weyher]]. When Draper died in 1972 his estate left 1.7 million dollars to the [[Puritan Foundation]], whose address was that of Satterfield's law firm. It merged in 1978 into the [[Council School Foundation]], which financed the segregated private academies of the Citizens' Councils.[^1][^3]
+
+In 1969 Satterfield volunteered to defend the school board of [[Holmes County, Mississippi|Holmes County]] in the case that became Alexander v. Holmes County Board of Education, in which the Supreme Court ordered the immediate end of dual school systems. Ill with Parkinson's disease, he killed himself on May 5, 1981.[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hustwit, William P. "John C. Satterfield," *Mississippi Encyclopedia,* Center for the Study of Southern Culture, 2017.
+[^2]: Lewis, George. "Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms," *Mississippi Encyclopedia,* Center for the Study of Southern Culture, 2017.
+[^3]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Joseph
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Joseph
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - JosephOster
+  - PrivateInvestigators
+  - NewOrleans
+  - GuyBanister
+  - SouthernResearchCompany
+  - DavidFerrie
+  - ARRB
+alias:
+  - Joseph A. Oster Jr.
+  - Joe Oster
+summary: "New Orleans private detective who left Guy Banister's agency to manage the local office of Southern Research, investigated David Ferrie for Eastern Air Lines, and went to Ferrie's apartment with the district attorney's men on November 22, 1963."
+born: 1928-11-18
+location: "New Orleans, Louisiana"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Joseph A. Oster Jr. was born in [[New Orleans]] on November 18, 1928, attended [[Nichols High School]], served in the armed forces after the [[World War II|Second World War]], and spent six years as a detective in the [[New Orleans Police Department]] before going to the [[Pendleton Detective Agency]]. A credit report of July 25, 1960, copied into a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] security file, lists him as an associate of "[[Guy Banister Associates|Guy B------ Associates]], Inc." and as vice president for the past year and a half of "Southern Research, Inc., whose home office is in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]]," a firm of ten or twelve employees. The [[Metropolitan Crime Commission]] held a report on him dated April 5, 1960.[^1]
+
+### Interview of 1996
+
+[[Philip Golrick]], a lawyer for the [[Assassination Records Review Board]], telephoned Oster on January 18, 1996, in search of the files of [[Guy Banister]], of the [[David Ferrie]] investigation, and of the [[Clay Shaw]] defense. Oster had none of Banister's papers. "If you got hold of those, you'd really have something," he said, and added that it would have taken a moving van to carry them. He named as possible holders Banister's employee [[Delphine Roberts]], the investigator [[Joe Marlborough]], [[William Gurvich]], the city police, and the local office of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]. He called Banister "the Chief" and described him as polished and articulate and not a heavy drinker. He said he had left him for the [[Southern Research Company]] "because Banister was getting more involved in controversial political causes, to the detriment of attracting paying clients."[^2]
+
+Oster said he had investigated Ferrie for [[Eastern Air Lines]] in 1962 and 1963, and that on the night of the assassination he went with the district attorney's investigators [[Raymond Comstock]], [[Louis Ivon]], and [[Lynn Loisel]] to Ferrie's home, where they found [[Layton Martens]] and another young man. Ferrie had gone to [[Houston]]. He said he once saw [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] handing out his [[Cuba]] leaflets in the summer of 1963, and that the police sergeant who arrested Oswald and [[Carlos Bringuier]] that August was a good friend. He left Southern Research in the middle 1960s. He "stated that neither he nor Southern Research had worked for the Clay Shaw defense team," which the records of Shaw's lawyer contradict. He had given the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] "everything they wanted" from his files, on both the Kennedy and the [[Martin Luther King Jr.|King]] cases, and the committee had returned the papers.[^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, report of investigation, September 13, 1960, JFK record 104-10109-10379, p. 14; Assassination Records Review Board, memorandum on records of the Metropolitan Crime Commission of New Orleans. Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
+[^2]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files (OSTER.WPD). Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Paul
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Paul
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - PaulRothermel
+  - FBI
+  - HLHunt
+  - HuntOil
+  - Wiretapping
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Paul M. Rothermel Jr.
+  - Paul Rothermel Jr.
+summary: "FBI agent who resigned in 1954 to become H.L. Hunt's assistant and security chief, kept up a correspondence with Hoover, and in 1969 was wiretapped by Hunt's sons, who accused him of embezzling millions."
+born: 1926-03-24
+location: "Dallas, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Paul M. Rothermel Jr. was born on March 24, 1926, in [[Burton, Texas]], attended [[Blinn College]], and took a law degree at the [[University of Texas School of Law|University of Texas]] in January 1951. He entered the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] as a special agent on December 11, 1950, and resigned on December 31, 1954, his services rated satisfactory.[^1]
+
+### Hunt Oil
+
+On February 22, 1955, he wrote to [[J. Edgar Hoover]] on the letterhead of [[Hunt Oil Company]]: "I have become permanently located in [[Texas]] and am now associated with the Hunt Oil Company at [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]]." He described [[H.L. Hunt]] as one "who, like yourself, has long been a tireless foe of Communism," and thanked the director for an autographed gift. The bureau's later summaries give his title as administrative assistant to Hunt. The press called him chief of security. When an informant told the bureau in December 1961 that Hunt was financing a group called "The Third Party" that "plans to take over the government," and that guns were cached in a house in Dallas, agents interviewed Rothermel, who "knew nothing about it." The Dallas office closed the matter on January 12, 1962, describing the informant as "emotionally unstable."[^1][^2]
+
+### The Wiretaps
+
+Rothermel resigned on November 15, 1969, and became a business consultant. That November and December and the following January, private detectives placed taps on his telephone and those of other Hunt Oil executives. One of them, [[Jon Joseph Kelly|Jon Kelly]], was arrested by the bureau's Dallas office on January 16, 1970. The bureau recorded: "Rothermel claimed wiretapping was done at the instigation of two sons and a nephew of H.L. Hunt in an effort to obtain information for use in declaring H.L. Hunt incompetent. However, during our investigation, Dallas learned from a private detective firm employed by the Hunts that Rothermel and two other former Hunt employees may have defrauded [[HLH Products|H.L.H. Products Company]], a Hunt enterprise, out of between $8 and $10 million. We conducted no investigation concerning that alleged fraud as there is no Federal investigative interest in that allegation."[^1]
+
+On February 3, 1970, [[Cartha DeLoach]] reported to [[Clyde Tolson]] a call from Senator [[James Eastland]], whom the sons of H.L. Hunt had telephoned. They told the senator that they were trying to have their father declared incompetent, that the company had lost about 80 million dollars in several years, and that Rothermel, paid 20,000 dollars a year, lived in a 65,000 dollar house and kept two Cadillacs. In 1971 an intermediary told Senator [[John Tower]] that Rothermel believed "some influential individual" had the bureau "bought off" in the case. Rothermel wrote to Tower on April 22 denying that he had said so and praising the investigation, with a copy to Hoover. Kelly and [[Patrick McCann]] were convicted and then named [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] and [[William Herbert Hunt]] as their employers.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr., released under the Freedom of Information Act. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
+[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2, memoranda of February 3, 1970, and April 22, 1971; Fagnant, Marie. "Summary of Dallas Figures," memorandum, Assassination Records Review Board, July 31, 1997, summarizing file 105-90385.
+[^3]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975; United States v. McCann, 465 F.2d 147 (5th Cir. 1972).
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Rene
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Rene
@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
+---
+category: "Military"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ReneSchneider
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - CIA
+  - Assassination
+  - HenryKissinger
+alias:
+  - René Schneider
+  - René Schneider Chereau
+  - General Schneider
+summary: "Commander of the Chilean army who held that the military must respect the 1970 election and was shot on October 22, 1970, by officers whom the CIA had paid, armed, and encouraged to kidnap him."
+died: 1970-10-25
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+General René Schneider was commander in chief of the Chilean army from 1969. In an interview with [[El Mercurio]] on May 8, 1970, he stated that the army would respect the constitutional process and the outcome of that year's presidential election, a position that became known as the [[Schneider Doctrine]]. He was shot in [[Santiago]] on the morning of October 22, 1970, two days before the [[National Congress of Chile|Chilean Congress]] was to confirm [[Salvador Allende]], and died on October 25.[^1]
+
+### The Obstacle
+
+After Allende's plurality on September 4, Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] cabled that Schneider "would have to be neutralized, by displacement if necessary." On September 15 President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] to organize a coup, in the operation later known as [[Project FUBELT]]. On October 13 headquarters asked the Santiago station: "What is to keep Schneider from making statement in early hours which will freeze those military leaders who might otherwise join Viaux?" The station answered that the retired General [[Roberto Viaux]] meant to kidnap Schneider within 48 hours.[^1]
+
+[[Henry Kissinger]], [[Alexander Haig]], and the deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]], met at the [[White House]] on October 15. The memorandum of the meeting records the judgment that Viaux "did not have more than one chance in twenty" and a decision to send him a message warning him against acting alone. It refers to "the use of false flag officers." The cable that went to Santiago the next day, released by [[David Atlee Phillips]], stated that "it is firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup," and added: "There is great and continuing interest in the activities of Tirado, Canales, Valenzuela, et al, and we wish them optimum good fortune."[^2]
+
+### The Guns
+
+On October 18 the station asked headquarters for "three 45 calibre machine guns (grease guns)" with "500 rounds ammo" for the group of General [[Camilo Valenzuela]] and raised the concern that the weapons might be "identified by serial numbers." They came by diplomatic pouch. The army attache, [[Paul Wimert]], delivered them at two in the morning on October 22, with authority to pay Valenzuela 50,000 dollars. Valenzuela's group had tried and failed to seize Schneider on October 19 and 20.[^1][^2]
+
+Six hours after the delivery Schneider's car was blocked on his way to work. He drew his pistol and was shot with handguns. A Chilean military court found that two groups of officers, active and retired, had conspired to kidnap him and bring about a coup, and "that the two Generals had been in contact throughout the coup plotting." Viaux was sentenced to twenty years as "intellectual author" of the attempt. Valenzuela was sentenced to three years in exile. Martial law was declared on the day of the shooting and Valenzuela was given command of Santiago province. The CIA's task force log recorded: "The attack on General Schneider has produced developments which closely follow Valenzuela's plan." Director [[Richard Helms]] concluded the next day that "a maximum effort has been achieved." The agency later paid 35,000 dollars to members of the group that had attacked Schneider. Wimert retrieved the machine guns and threw them into the Pacific. General [[Carlos Prats]] succeeded to the command.[^1][^3]
+
+### Schneider v. Kissinger
+
+René and Raúl Schneider and other members of the family sued Kissinger and the [[United States]] in the federal court in Washington on November 12, 2002. The complaint alleged that on September 15, 1970, Nixon ordered that the CIA "play a direct role in organizing a military coup d'etat in [[Chile]]," said he was "not concerned" about the risks, authorized ten million dollars, and required a plan within 48 hours. The district court dismissed the case in 2004, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] affirmed in 2005, holding that the decision to support a coup in a foreign country was a political question that courts could not review.[^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975, part III.F.
+[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020, documents 23595 (memorandum of conversation, October 15, 1970), 23596 (cable, October 16, 1970), and 23598 (cable, October 18, 1970). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
+[^3]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 1975.
+[^4]: Schneider v. Kissinger, 310 F. Supp. 2d 251 (D.D.C. 2004), affirmed, 412 F.3d 190 (D.C. Cir. 2005); complaint, November 12, 2002, National Security Archive document 23606.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Roger
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Roger
@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
+---
+category: "Extremism & Violent Networks"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RogerPearson
+  - NorthernLeague
+  - WorldAntiCommunistLeague
+  - PioneerFund
+  - MankindQuarterly
+  - HeritageFoundation
+  - NewRight
+alias:
+  - Dr. Roger Pearson
+summary: "British anthropologist who founded the Northern League, brought European fascist parties into the World Anti-Communist League as its chairman, published Mankind Quarterly on Pioneer Fund money, and received a letter of thanks from President Reagan."
+location: "Washington, D.C."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Roger Pearson is a British-born anthropologist and publisher who settled in the [[United States]] in 1965. He took a degree in anthropology at the [[University of London]] in 1951 and a master's in economics in 1954, and wrote [[Eugenics and Race and Race and Civilization]], the second of which names the Nazi racial theorist [[Hans F.K. Günther]] as its inspiration. From Washington after 1975 he ran the [[Council on American Affairs]], the [[Institute for the Study of Man]], and the journals [[Mankind Quarterly]], the [[Journal of Indo-European Studies]], and the Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies, in which members of Congress and staff of the [[Heritage Foundation]] appeared. He received more than half a million dollars from the [[Pioneer Fund]].[^1][^2]
+
+### The Northern League
+
+In 1957 Pearson helped found the [[Northern League]] for Pan-Nordic Friendship, which made contacts in [[Sweden]], [[Denmark]], and [[West Germany]] and opened a branch in [[Sausalito, California]]. Its first conference, at [[Detmold]], was attended by the British Nazi [[Colin Jordan]] and by [[Wilhelm Landig]], a former SS officer. German authorities described the program as "national socialism revived." In 1965 [[Willis Carto]] of the [[Liberty Lobby]] brought Pearson to the United States to edit [[Western Destiny]]. After what both called an amicable parting he taught anthropology at [[Queens College, Charlotte|Queens College]] in [[North Carolina]] and at the [[University of Southern Mississippi]] and was dean of academic affairs at the [[Montana College of Mineral Science and Technology]].[^1]
+
+### Washington
+
+Pearson founded the Council on American Affairs in Washington in 1975. Senators [[Jake Garn]] of [[Utah]] and [[Carl Curtis]] of [[Nebraska]] wrote for its monographs, and Senator [[Jesse Helms]] and Representatives [[Jack Kemp]] and [[Philip Crane]] contributed to its journal. He shared a house with [[John Carbaugh]], Helms's legislative aide and a liaison between the American right and [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]] of [[El Salvador]]. His lawyer, [[Sam Crutchfield]], also represented the [[International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics]] and several of Helms's organizations, and later incorporated the Institute for Democracy, Education and Assistance for [[Oliver North]] and his courier [[Robert Owen]]. The Pioneer Fund's tax return for 1976 lists 4,000 dollars to the Institute for the Study of Man for a "study of American Anglo-Saxon school children." A ledger compiled from the fund's returns records 568,000 dollars to Pearson between 1981 and 1991. He took over Mankind Quarterly from [[Robert Gayre]] in 1978. [[Anthony Bouscaren]] of [[Le Moyne College]], a director of the American league chapter who wrote for Pearson's journals, sat on the committee that distributed [[Wickliffe Draper]]'s grants.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### The World Anti-Communist League
+
+When the [[American Council for World Freedom]] withdrew as the United States chapter of the [[World Anti-Communist League]] in 1976, the league turned to Pearson's council. Over three years he brought in the remnants of the Northern League and the followers of the Swedish fascist [[Per Engdahl]]. The ousted head of the Dutch chapter wrote in March 1979 that Pearson had sponsored "an organization of 300 to 400 former Dutch SS-traitors." At a meeting in [[Vienna]] in November 1978 he introduced seventeen new European groups, seconded by [[Donald Martin (British publisher)|Donald Martin]] of the Liberty Lobby. He was chairman of the league and host of its conference in Washington that year, which [[Washington Post|The Washington Post]] reported under the headline "The Fascist Specter." The 1979 conference in [[Asuncion]] drew [[Blas Piñar]] of the Spanish [[Fuerza Nueva]], [[Giorgio Almirante]] of the [[Italian Social Movement]], and [[Elio Massagrande]] of [[Ordine Nuovo]], wanted for the 1974 bombing of the Italicus express and living in [[Paraguay]] under the protection of General [[Alfredo Stroessner]].[^1][^2]
+
+Pearson was asked to resign at an executive board meeting in 1980. He told interviewers he had left because the league was becoming anti-Semitic. Asked about reports that he had helped [[Josef Mengele]] escape, he said he had never heard the name, and added that during his visit to Paraguay "a couple of people had been nosing around for him and their bodies had been fished out of the river." General [[John Singlaub]], who took over the American chapter's successor, said Pearson was "not at all welcome in any activity." His immediate successor as head of the American chapter was [[Elmore Greaves]], an organizer of the [[Citizens' Councils|Citizens' Council]] of [[Mississippi]].[^1][^4]
+
+### The Reagan Letter
+
+Pearson sat on the editorial board of the Heritage Foundation's [[Policy Review]] when he organized the 1978 conference, and his name left the masthead after the Post article. [[Stuart Butler]], Heritage's director of domestic issues, and [[Ernest van den Haag]] of [[National Review]] later joined the board of Pearson's own journal. On April 14, 1982, President [[Ronald Reagan]] wrote to him on [[White House]] stationery: "You are performing a valuable service in bringing to a wide audience the work of leading scholars who are supportive of a free enterprise economy, a firm and consistent foreign policy and a strong national defense. Your substantial contributions to promoting and upholding those ideals and principles that we value at home and abroad are greatly appreciated." Pearson used the letter in his fundraising. When [[The Wall Street Journal]] asked about it in 1984, the assistant press secretary, [[Anson Franklin]], said the president opposed racial discrimination and added: "But that's a general statement; I'm not addressing Dr. Pearson specifically." The [[Anti-Defamation League]]'s [[Justin Finger]] said the White House "ought to repudiate this bird."[^2][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Anderson, Scott, and Jon Lee Anderson. *Inside the League: The Shocking Exposé of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist League*. Dodd, Mead, 1986, pp. 93-104.
+[^2]: Bellant, Russ. *Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party*. South End Press, 1991, pp. 60-64.
+[^3]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990, as cited in Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996.
+[^4]: "It's 1985, and Ronald Reagan Is Paying His Respects to Nazis," *The Village Voice.*
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Sheffield
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Sheffield
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - SheffieldNelson
+  - Arkla
+  - WittStephens
+  - Arkansas
+  - BillClinton
+  - JerryJones
+  - PublicUtilities
+alias:
+  - Edward Sheffield Nelson
+summary: "Protégé of Witt Stephens who became president of Arkla at thirty-two, broke with the Stephens family in 1975, sold gas leases to Jerry Jones that the utility bought back at a large markup, and lost to Bill Clinton in 1990."
+born: 1941
+location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Sheffield Nelson was hired by [[Witt Stephens]] as his executive assistant at [[Arkla|Arkansas Louisiana Gas]], rose as a salesman and executive while attending law school at night, and in 1973, on Stephens's retirement and at his choice, became president of the utility at thirty-two.[^1]
+
+"A major split occurred between Nelson and his predecessor when, in 1975, Nelson refused to renegotiate old gas contracts with [[Stephens Production|Stephens Production Company]]." He also lobbied against a bill that would have made Arkla carry gas from Stephens wells for a rival utility. "Witt Stephens never got over his resentment."[^1]
+
+In the early 1980s Arkla sold a half interest in its leases in the [[Arkoma Basin]] to [[Jerry Jones]], whose Arkoma Production Company was to supply the utility's industrial customers. The property "was bought back by Arkla for far more than it was sold to Jones." [[Arkansas Business]] put the sale to Jones at 15 million dollars and the repurchase in 1986 at 175 million, under a contract that obliged Arkla to take three quarters of Arkoma's gas. It reported that the old contracts on the Stephens family's own Cecil and Aetna fields, at 16 and 55 cents per thousand cubic feet, were broken on April 28, 1983, and that Arkoma and Stephens then shared in gas sold to Arkla at three dollars. Nelson retired on December 31, 1984, and named [[Mack McLarty]] as his successor.[^1][^2]
+
+Nelson joined the Republican Party in 1989 and ran for governor of [[Arkansas]] in 1990. He won the primary with 54 percent against Representative [[Tommy Robinson]], whom the Stephens family supported. "Arkoma continued to dominate the fall campaign, and [[Bill Clinton|Clinton]] won his fifth term with fifty-seven percent of the vote." McLarty became Clinton's first [[White House Chief of Staff|White House chief of staff]].[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Sheffield Nelson (1941-)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/edward-sheffield-nelson-2479/
+[^2]: "Oily Deals: Pattern Emerging in Questionable Arkoma Gas Transactions," *Arkansas Business,* April 9, 1990.
--- a/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Witt
+++ b/PEOPLE/(N-S)/Witt
@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WittStephens
+  - StephensInc
+  - Arkla
+  - Arkansas
+  - PublicUtilities
+  - PoliticalPatronage
+alias:
+  - W.R. Stephens
+  - Mr. Witt
+summary: "Arkansas bond dealer who founded the Stephens investment house in 1933, controlled Arkansas Louisiana Gas from 1954, had the legislature undo a state supreme court ruling in four days, and was the state's kingmaker."
+born: 1907-09-14
+died: 1991-12-02
+location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Witt Stephens (September 14, 1907 to December 2, 1991) was the founder of the firm that became [[Stephens Inc.]] and the elder brother of [[Jackson Stephens]]. He was born at [[Prattsville, Arkansas|Prattsville]] in [[Grant County, Arkansas|Grant County]], the second of six children, and left school after [[Sheridan High School (Arkansas)|Sheridan High School]]. He sold jewelry on the road from 1927, began trading municipal bonds in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] in 1932, and in 1933 founded the W.R. Stephens Investment Company, which bought defaulted [[Arkansas]] bonds "for as little as ten cents on the dollar."[^1]
+
+### Gas
+
+Stephens paid 1.2 million dollars for the [[Fort Smith Gas Company]] in 1945 and 6.5 million for the Oklahoma Producing Company in 1953, renamed [[Stephens Production]], which has paid the family an estimated billion dollars in dividends. In 1954 he bought [[Arkla|Arkansas Louisiana Gas]] from [[Cities Service]]. Its earnings rose from 1.8 million dollars in 1954 to 7.2 million in 1956, when he became president and chairman. In 1957 the [[Arkansas Supreme Court]] rejected the formula by which the utility passed its gas costs to customers. A replacement bill went through both houses of the legislature and was signed in four days. "Well, hell, we'll just change the law," he is reported to have said. He was elected to the [[Arkansas House of Representatives]] in 1961 and served two terms while running the utility it regulated. By the late 1960s seventeen of the thirty-five state senators drew salaries or retainers from the company.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+He retired from Arkla in 1973 in favor of his executive assistant, [[Sheffield Nelson]], then thirty-two. In 1975 Nelson refused to renegotiate the old contracts under which Stephens Production sold gas to the utility, and lobbied against a bill that would have made Arkla carry gas from Stephens wells for a rival. "Witt Stephens never got over his resentment." In the early 1980s Nelson sold a half interest in Arkla leases in the [[Arkoma Basin|Arkoma basin]] to [[Jerry Jones]], who joined the utility's board, with a commitment that Arkla would buy the gas at the highest lawful price. Nelson retired on December 31, 1984, naming [[Mack McLarty]] to succeed him, and under McLarty Arkla bought the properties back in 1986 "for far more than it was sold to Jones." The final cost was put at 174.8 million dollars. A ratepayers' class action filed in January 1990 called it an insiders' arrangement that had overcharged Arkansas gas customers 80 million dollars. Nelson called it the "best deal" the utility ever made. His opponent in the Republican primary, Representative [[Tommy Robinson]], by then a protégé of the Stephens family, said Nelson had tried to "stuff his pockets so full of money his pants fell down." Nelson became a Republican in 1989 and ran for governor in 1990 against [[Bill Clinton]]. The Arkoma transaction was the main issue of the campaign, and Clinton won a fifth term with 57 percent. McLarty became his [[White House]] chief of staff.[^4][^5]
+
+### Politics
+
+For thirty years after the [[World War II|Second World War]] Stephens was called the kingmaker of Arkansas. He backed [[Sid McMath]] for governor in 1948 and took part in the campaigns of [[Orval Faubus]], Senator [[J. William Fulbright]], and Senator [[John L. McClellan]]. In the 1966 primary for governor he backed [[J. Frank Holt]], for whom the young Bill Clinton worked. He and his brother met [[Mochtar Riady]] of [[Indonesia]] in 1976 and considered buying the [[Arkansas Gazette]] in 1991. He died of complications of a stroke and is buried at Prattsville.[^1][^3][^6]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Witt Stephens (1907-1991)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/witt-stephens-1773/
+[^2]: "Stephens Inc.," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/stephens-inc-6985/
+[^3]: Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America*. Henry Holt, 1996.
+[^4]: "Sheffield Nelson," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/edward-sheffield-nelson-2479/
+[^5]: "Oily Deals: Pattern Emerging in Questionable Arkoma Gas Transactions," *Arkansas Business,* April 9, 1990, republished March 31, 2014 (opening section; remainder behind a subscription wall).
+[^6]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2; "Following the Money," *Arkansas Times,* September 7, 2001.
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Camilo
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Camilo
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "Military"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - CamiloValenzuela
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ReneSchneider
+  - CIA
+  - CoupPlotting
+summary: "Chilean brigadier general to whose group the CIA delivered three submachine guns and pledged 50,000 dollars for the kidnapping of General René Schneider in October 1970."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Camilo Valenzuela was a brigadier general on active duty in the [[Chile|Chilean]] army in October 1970 and the leader of the second group of officers, with that of General [[Roberto Viaux]], plotting to remove the army commander, General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]], and prevent the inauguration of [[Salvador Allende]].[^1]
+
+The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] dealt with him through the American army attaché, [[Paul Wimert]]. On October 18 the [[Santiago]] station asked headquarters for "three .45 calibre machine guns (grease guns) with 500 rounds of ammo each." Headquarters, shipping them by diplomatic pouch, cabled: "Will continue make effort provide them but find our credulity stretched by Navy officer leading his troops with sterile guns. What is special purpose for these guns? We will try send them whether you can provide explanation or not." Tear gas grenades first meant for Viaux were given to the officers instead, because it was "important that the attache credibility with Armed Forces officers be strengthened." A cable of October 19 set out the plan to abduct Schneider and fly him to [[Argentina]] and recorded 50,000 dollars pledged to the group. The station reported: "Military will not admit involvement in Schneider's abduction which is to be blamed on leftists." Headquarters had written three days earlier of "great and continuing interest in the activities of Tirado, Canales, Valenzuela, et al, and we wish them optimum good fortune."[^1][^2][^3]
+
+Schneider was shot on October 22 by Viaux's men with their own handguns. Wimert recovered the guns and the money and dropped the guns in the sea at [[Viña del Mar]]. A Chilean military court found that Valenzuela and Viaux "had been in contact throughout the coup plotting" and sentenced Valenzuela to three years in exile "for taking part in the conspiracy."[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975.
+[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
+[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970. National Security Archive document 23596. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/media/23596/ocr
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Frank
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Frank
@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - FrankTeruggi
+  - Chile
+  - ChileanCoup1973
+  - FBI
+  - ArmyIntelligence
+  - StateDepartment
+alias:
+  - Frank Teruggi Jr.
+summary: "American student in Santiago, the subject of an FBI subversive file that recorded his Chilean address, who was taken from his house after the 1973 coup and shot at the National Stadium."
+died: 1973-09
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Frank Teruggi was an American student living in [[Santiago]] who was detained by the Chilean military in the days after the coup of September 11, 1973, held at the [[Estadio Nacional (Chile)|National Stadium]], and executed. His case was joined in Chilean and American inquiries with that of [[Charles Horman]].[^1]
+
+### The FBI File
+
+In 1972 the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] opened a "Security Matter Subversive" file on Teruggi after the interception of his correspondence with activists in [[West Germany]] who were assisting [[Resisters Inside the Armed Forces]] and other groups the bureau called "deserter organizations," which supported American soldiers absent without leave from European bases in protest against the war in [[Vietnam]]. [[United States Army Intelligence]] was monitoring those groups with the help of German intelligence. The intercepted letters gave Teruggi's address on Hernán Cortés street in Santiago, and the bureau's summary recorded it. Whether any American agency gave the address to Chilean authorities, before or after the coup, has not been established.[^1]
+
+After four months in [[Chile]] he wrote to his sister Janice: "Being down here is the best thing that could have happened to me as far as my political formation. I'm with revolutionaries from all over the continent and learning theory and practice in a way that is probably not available anywhere in the States."[^1]
+
+### Detention
+
+Teruggi was taken from his house, which was known in the neighborhood for its connection to the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Chile)|Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria]]. Four others who lived there were active in the party's clandestine work, one of them in its military wing. His housemate [[David Hathaway]] was detained with him, held with him at the stadium, and saw him taken away for interrogation. The junta later told the [[United States]] embassy that both Teruggi and Horman had been killed by leftists wearing stolen army uniforms.[^1]
+
+### The Father
+
+[[Frank Teruggi Sr.]] went to Santiago in February 1974. He told consular officers, among them Vice Consul [[James Anderson (CIA)|James Anderson]], a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer under diplomatic cover, that "he was not happy with Embassy action to protect his son," and asked to see "all the files that you have on the case." The interior minister, General [[Oscar Bonilla]], had given him the military's account the day before. Teruggi handed him Hathaway's letter. Bonilla said he had not known the details, promised to reopen the inquiry, and said: "Mr. Teruggi, if your son died in the hands of the Chilean military, I am terribly sorry."[^1]
+
+A [[State Department]] officer, [[Rudy Fimbres]], wrote in 1976 that the department had "'withheld' for almost two years any reference to a Chilean memorandum which accused Teruggi, and Horman, of leftist activities," and had "failed to pursue the basis" for the accusation. The department's internal review that year concluded that the Chilean military had "deliberately killed" both men.[^1]
+
+Judge [[Jorge Zepeda]] found in his 2011 indictment of Navy Captain [[Ray Davis]], former head of the [[United States Military Group]], that Davis had known of the detentions and had not prevented the deaths. Davis died in a Santiago nursing home in 2013. In 2015 Zepeda convicted [[Pedro Espinoza]], who had been in charge of interrogations at the stadium. A review of the 6,976-page court record by the journalist [[John Dinges]] found no evidence that American officials took part in either killing.[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "Chile in Their Hearts," National Security Archive, May 7, 2025, with the FBI summary on Teruggi, his letters to Janice Teruggi, and the embassy memorandum of conversation with Frank Teruggi Sr., February 1974; summarizing Dinges, John. *Chile in Their Hearts: The Untold Story of Two Americans Who Went Missing After the Coup*. 2025. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2025-05-07/chile-their-hearts
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/George
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/George
@ -0,0 +1,49 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - GeorgeWackenhut
+  - Wackenhut
+  - FBI
+  - CIA
+  - PrivateIntelligence
+  - DossierFiles
+  - Florida
+alias:
+  - George Wackenhut
+summary: "FBI agent from 1951 to 1954 who founded the Wackenhut Corporation, kept files on 2.5 million people, held a CIA covert security approval, and ran Florida's privately financed war on crime in 1967."
+born: 1919-09-03
+died: 2004-12-31
+location: "Coral Gables, Florida"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+George R. Wackenhut (September 3, 1919 to December 31, 2004) founded the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. He was born in [[Philadelphia]], attended the [[University of Pennsylvania]] and [[West Chester University|West Chester State Teachers College]], was drafted in 1941, and was an enlisted man in a combat engineer regiment in [[Hawaii]] during the attack on [[Pearl Harbor]]. He took a degree at the [[University of Hawaii]] and a commission in 1943. After the war he taught at the [[The Haverford School|Haverford School]], played professional soccer briefly, and from 1946 directed physical education and coached at [[Johns Hopkins University]], where he took a master's degree in 1949. He was a special agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in [[Atlanta]] and [[Indianapolis]] from 1951 to 1954, working counterfeiting and bad check cases.[^1][^2]
+
+### The Company
+
+He went to [[Miami]] in 1954 as director of personnel, security, and safety for [[Giffen Industries]], and after six months formed [[Special Agent Investigators]], Inc., with three other former agents. By one account he ended a disagreement over the company's direction by knocking a partner, [[Ed Dubois]], unconscious. He bought the partners out in 1958 and gave the company his name. The law firm of Senator [[George Smathers]] set up a subsidiary supplying only guards, which put it outside the federal statute of 1893 barring detective agencies from government work, and contracts followed at [[Cape Canaveral]] and the [[Nevada Test Site]]. Revenues were 10.8 million dollars in 1964, 23.7 million in 1966, and 48.4 million in 1969. The company opened nineteen offices in 1967 and twenty-one in 1968. In 1971 six executives of Wackenhut, [[Pinkerton]], and [[Burns International|Burns]] were convicted of bribing [[New York City]] policemen for confidential records on airline job applicants.[^1][^3][^4]
+
+### The Files
+
+By 1971 the company held files on 2.5 million individuals. Part of them came from [[Karl Baarslag]], a wartime [[Office of Naval Intelligence]] officer who had been a researcher for Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]], the [[American Legion]], and the [[Church League of America]]. The company published a monthly [[Wackenhut Security Review]]. Its library took its subscriptions to the publications it monitored under the names [[Carol Ascher]] and William Jones. The first twenty-seven folders of its surviving research files, headed "Subversive Activities," contain correspondence with federal intelligence agencies and material on protests against the war in [[Vietnam]]. Others cover the [[NAACP]], the [[Highlander Folk School]], the [[Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy]], the [[John Birch Society]], and the [[Minutemen (anti-Communist organization)|Minutemen]]. After the [[Fair Credit Reporting Act]] the company reduced its holdings to between 225,000 and 250,000 files, and in 1975 it gave many of them to the Church League, which, the archive's note observes, "was not bound by the legislation." The Church League, of [[Wheaton, Illinois]], had been directed since the 1950s by the former [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] intelligence officer [[Edgar Bundy]]. It dissolved in 1984. The files went to [[Liberty University]], which gave them in 1992 to the [[Tamiment Library]] of [[New York University]].[^5]
+
+### The CIA and Florida
+
+The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] opened a file on Wackenhut in May 1960, granted him a covert security approval on November 21, 1961, and used the company to backstop the cover of its officers in Miami. In January 1967 the new governor of [[Florida]], [[Claude Kirk]], hired the company to conduct a "war on crime" that he promised would cost the taxpayers nothing. There were "anguished cries of 'Nazism!' and 'Dictatorship!'" At the end of the year the state owed the firm more than 300,000 dollars, and the legislature created a state law enforcement bureau to replace it. The agency rescinded the approval in April 1967, citing "the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida." Its science directorate recorded contract actions with the company from 1970 to 1975.[^6][^7]
+
+### Later Years
+
+The company's directors came to include [[Clarence M. Kelley]], former director of the FBI, for whom a division was named; [[James J. Rowley]], former director of the [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]]; General [[Paul X. Kelley]], former commandant of the [[United States Marine Corps|Marine Corps]]; General [[Julius W. Becton Jr.]]; General [[Thomas P. Stafford]]; and, from 1993, [[Jorge Mas Canosa]], chairman of the [[Cuban American National Foundation]]. Wackenhut told an interviewer in 1988 that the company guarded American embassies and had taken its first site behind the [[Iron Curtain]], in [[Hungary]]. It moved from [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]] to [[Palm Beach Gardens, Florida|Palm Beach Gardens]]. He sold it in 2002 to [[Group 4 Falck]] of [[Denmark]] for 570 million dollars. His son [[Richard Wackenhut]] remained chief executive. He died of heart failure on December 31, 2004.[^1][^2][^8]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: The Wackenhut Corporation, biographical sketch of George R. Wackenhut and annual and quarterly reports, 1969 to 1988, scanned company files on archive.org.
+[^2]: "Security industry pioneer George Wackenhut dies at 85," *SecurityInfoWatch,* January 2005.
+[^3]: Connolly, John. "Inside the Shadow CIA," *Spy,* September 1992, pp. 46-54.
+[^4]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978.
+[^5]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148, series II, boxes 30 to 40. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
+[^6]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454; McDonald, James H., Director of Logistics, memorandum, 1978, record 104-10135-10200.
+[^7]: "Florida: I, Claudius," *Time,* December 15, 1967.
+[^8]: The Wackenhut Corporation, Forms 10-K405 and proxy statements, 1994 to 2001, Securities and Exchange Commission, CIK 104030.
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Harry
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Harry
@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HarryWeyher
+  - PioneerFund
+  - WickliffeDraper
+  - Eugenics
+  - Segregation
+  - FairnessInMedia
+alias:
+  - Harry F. Weyher
+  - Harry Frederick Weyher Jr.
+summary: "New York tax lawyer who was Wickliffe Draper's personal attorney from 1955, executor of his will, and president of the Pioneer Fund from 1958 until his death in 2002."
+born: 1921
+died: 2002
+location: "New York, New York"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Harry F. Weyher (1921 to 2002) was a [[New York City|New York]] corporate tax lawyer who for forty-four years directed the [[Pioneer Fund]] and carried out the private commissions of its founder, [[Wickliffe Draper]]. The historian [[William H. Tucker]] wrote that "all the segregationists' projects intersected on Harry Weyher's desk."[^1][^2]
+
+### Career
+
+Weyher was born in [[North Carolina]], graduated from the [[University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill]], served in Europe in the [[World War II|Second World War]], and graduated from [[Harvard Law School]], where he was note editor of the law review. He joined [[Cravath, Swaine and Moore]]. In 1951 he was senior assistant counsel to the [[New York State Crime Commission]] under [[John Marshall Harlan II]], who had been a director of the Pioneer Fund since 1937. In 1954 he was a founder of the firm of Olwine, Connelly, Chase, O'Donnell and Weyher, where he practiced corporate tax and acquisitions. The next year he became Draper's personal lawyer. In 1958, on the resignation of [[Frederick Osborn]], he joined the fund's board and was elected its president the same day.[^1]
+
+### Draper's Commissions
+
+In March 1960 a reporter for the [[The Capital Times|Capital Times]] of [[Madison, Wisconsin]], asked Weyher about the committee through which Draper was distributing grants for research on race with the help of [[Richard Arens]] of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]]. Weyher disclosed that there were two committees by referring to Senator [[James Eastland]] as "being connected with 'the other one,'" and said his firm "handles a number of foundations in similar fashion." In 1963 and 1964 Draper's anonymous gifts of stock to the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] went through [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]], and when the plan for a permanent national segregationist organization was abandoned in the summer of 1964 the 50,000 dollars Draper had advanced was returned to an escrow account at Weyher's firm. He was an executor of Draper's will in 1972. He personally paid for research by the anatomist [[Wesley Critz George]].[^2][^3][^4]
+
+### Helms and CBS
+
+Two directors who joined the board in 1973, [[Thomas F. Ellis]] and [[Marion Parrott]], were North Carolina lawyers and allies of Senator [[Jesse Helms]]. Parrott, a relative of Weyher's and a paratroop officer captured in Normandy who escaped from a camp in [[Poland]] in 1945, had served two terms in the state legislature. Ellis had run [[Ronald Reagan]]'s 1976 campaign in the state. The fund gave Ellis's [[Coalition for Freedom]] 195,000 dollars between 1983 and 1989. When Ellis's [[Fairness in Media]] tried in 1985 to have conservatives buy control of [[CBS]], Weyher was its lawyer, and the network's countersuit named the Pioneer Fund. Correspondence among Helms, Weyher, and Parrott in the 1990s refers to white Southerners who voted for black candidates as "scalawags."[^1][^2][^5]
+
+### Defense of the Fund
+
+On March 16, 1994, [[Dan Stein]] of the [[Federation for American Immigration Reform]], which had taken 1,289,000 dollars from the fund, sent Weyher a draft public statement in the fund's defense written in Weyher's voice. Weyher refused to appear on the [[ABC News]] report on the fund broadcast on November 22, 1994, which he called "a grotesque distortion." The chairman of the [[University of Delaware]]'s trustees had written to him on July 2, 1990, that whatever the fund's orientation, racism "is perceived as the orientation of the Fund by at least a material number of our faculty, staff and students." He published two articles in its defense, in [[Psychological Reports]] in 1998 and in Intelligence in 1999, the second titled "The Pioneer Fund, the Behavioral Sciences, and the Media's False Stories." He retired from his firm in 1991. [[J. Philippe Rushton]] succeeded him as president.[^1][^6]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Lynn, Richard. *The Science of Human Diversity: A History of the Pioneer Fund*. University Press of America, 2001, preface by Harry F. Weyher and pp. 54-56.
+[^2]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "From eugenics to voter ID laws: Thomas Farr's connections to the Pioneer Fund," *Hatewatch.*
+[^3]: May, Ron. "Rich New Yorker Trying to Prove Negroes Inferior," *The Capital Times* (Madison, Wis.), March 5, 1960, p. 1.
+[^4]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
+[^5]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
+[^6]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "The FAIR Files," *Intelligence Report.*
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Michael
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Michael
@ -0,0 +1,60 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - MichaelTownley
+  - DINA
+  - OperationCondor
+  - LetelierAssassination
+  - CubanNationalistMovement
+  - Sarin
+  - WitnessProtection
+alias:
+  - Michael Vernon Townley
+  - Juan Andres Wilson
+  - Kenneth Enyart
+  - Hans Petersen Silva
+summary: "American-born assassin for the Chilean secret police who killed Carlos Prats in Buenos Aires and Orlando Letelier in Washington with car bombs, made sarin in his basement, served five years, and lives under witness protection."
+location: "United States"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Michael Vernon Townley is an American electronics specialist who worked from 1974 to 1978 for the [[DINA|Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional]], the secret police of General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. He built and detonated the bombs that killed General [[Carlos Prats]] and his wife in [[Buenos Aires]] in 1974 and [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]] in Washington in 1976. [[Chile]] expelled him to the [[United States]] on April 8, 1978. He pleaded guilty to conspiracy in the Letelier case, was sentenced to ten years, was released after about five, and has since lived in the United States under another name in the federal [[Witness Protection Program|witness protection program]].[^1]
+
+### Recruitment
+
+Townley had collaborated with the paramilitary [[Patria y Libertad]] in operations against the government of [[Salvador Allende]]. By his own written account he was recruited by senior DINA officers in 1974, given a mansion in the [[Lo Curro]] district of [[Santiago]], told to build a chemical laboratory in its basement, and put in charge of the [[Agrupación Avispa]], the Wasp Group, a unit of DINA's [[Mulchén Brigade]] "dedicated to elimination." He used the names Juan Andres Wilson, Hans Petersen Silva, Kenneth William Enyart, and Pablo Andres Simpon Valle. His wife, [[Mariana Callejas]], was also a DINA agent.[^1][^2]
+
+### Prats
+
+In June 1974 Pinochet ordered the DINA director, Colonel [[Manuel Contreras]], to eliminate Prats, his predecessor as army commander, who was living in exile in Buenos Aires under restrictions the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] reported he had "faithfully carried out." The DINA station chief in [[Argentina]], [[Enrique Arancibia Clavel]], failed to arrange it through Argentine paramilitaries, and Contreras's deputy, Colonel [[Pedro Espinoza]], turned to Townley. "It was a patriotic request," Townley told an Argentine judge in 1999. "So, I did it." He and Callejas arrived on September 10, 1974. He followed Prats into a park and decided against shooting him because "there were too many people around." On September 29 he entered the garage of the general's building and fixed two cartridges of C4 to the chassis of his Fiat 125. Four days before the killing the Chilean foreign ministry told its consul that it would be "inconvenient" to issue the couple passports to leave for [[Brazil]]. Prats and [[Sofía Cuthbert]] returned from visiting friends just after midnight on September 30. Callejas pressed the detonator, "but it did not function," Townley said. "I took it from her, pressed it, and it worked."[^2]
+
+The American ambassador, [[David Popper]], cabled that a [[Radio Moscow]] report blaming DINA "makes no sense to us."[^2]
+
+### Rome, Mexico, Paris
+
+DINA gave Townley 30,000 dollars for missions in [[Mexico]] and Europe, with which he bought weapons, explosives, and remote-control devices in [[Miami]] for use against exile leaders meeting in [[Mexico City]]. In Europe he recruited Italian fascists led by [[Stefano delle Chiaie]], who in 1975 shot the [[Christian Democratic Party (Chile)|Christian Democratic]] leader [[Bernardo Leighton]] and his wife on a street in [[Rome]]. Both survived. A friend of the Prats daughters had warned them weeks after their parents' deaths that the regime meant to "celebrate the coup" each September. In December 1976 Townley went to [[Paris]] on an [[Operation Condor]] mission to kill two leaders of the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Chile)|Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria]], which failed, he wrote, because Argentine agents had leaked it.[^1][^2]
+
+### The Laboratory
+
+Under a project codenamed ANDREA Townley manufactured [[sarin]] in his basement and planned to make soman and tabun. He recorded that it was used to kill a DINA employee who had been arrested for car theft and had talked to the police, and who was taken from custody to the [[Clínica Londres]], a DINA medical facility, where he died "almost instantaneously," and to kill [[René León Zenteno]], a property registrar who had refused to transfer titles illegally to DINA. Townley suggested that the body be exhumed and tested. The Spanish [[United Nations]] official [[Carmelo Soria]] was beaten to death by Mulchén Brigade agents in Townley's front yard.[^1]
+
+### Letelier
+
+Townley wrote that Espinoza's orders were explicit: "Find Letelier's home and workplace and contact the Cuban group to eliminate him, or use SARIN gas, or orchestrate an accident, or in the end by whatever method, but the government of Chile wanted Letelier dead." He first went to [[Paraguay]] for false documents and American visas, which the United States canceled. He entered the United States on September 9, 1976, and met the leaders of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] in a hotel room in [[New Jersey]] the next day: [[Guillermo Novo]], [[Alvin Ross Díaz|Alvin Ross]], [[Virgilio Paz]], and [[José Dionisio Suárez]]. Novo told him the group would cooperate but insisted that Townley take part in person. Townley, Paz, and Suárez assembled the device in Washington, and at midnight on September 18 Townley taped it to the cross member under the driver's seat of Letelier's car. It was detonated by remote control at [[Sheridan Circle]] on September 21.[^1][^3]
+
+### The Insurance File
+
+In March 1978, after the American and Chilean press had named him, Townley wrote a letter to "Don Manuel" under the name J. Andres Wilson. "Once the visas were canceled by the United States the operation should have been totally canceled," he wrote, "with the understanding that the CIA had knowledge of the persons involved." He doubted that Contreras had "let his Excellency know the truth about this case" and recommended a decree controlling the press. On March 14 he wrote three reports, "Confession and Accusation," "History of Activities in DINA," and an account of the Letelier killing, put an inked thumbprint on each, and gave them to Callejas. "If there has been sufficient reason to open this envelope," the first begins, "I accuse the government of Chile of my death." After his expulsion Contreras told the Chilean press that Townley was a CIA agent planted in DINA, a claim the confession anticipates and denies. Callejas gave the papers to American authorities between 1982 and 1990. The [[Department of Justice]] sent them to Chile with its request for the extradition of Contreras and Espinoza. The [[National Security Archive]] published them in 2023.[^1]
+
+### Trials
+
+Novo and Ross were convicted of murder in 1979 and Novo's brother Ignacio of lying to the grand jury. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|court of appeals]] reversed all three convictions in 1980, because the government had used the testimony of jailhouse informants, one of whom said Ross had told him he was involved in the murder "together with generals in DINA." At the retrial in May 1981 Townley, "now serving 3½ to 10 years," admitted on the stand that he had lied to a Chilean military investigator and given a false statement of innocence to [[El Mercurio]]. In 1983 the Prats daughters came to Washington to support an Argentine request for his extradition. A federal judge ruled that his plea agreement barred it. The Argentine judge [[María Servini de Cubría|María Servini]] deposed him in the United States in 1999. Chilean courts convicted Contreras and Espinoza of the Letelier murder in 1993 and of the Prats murders in June 2010. Arancibia Clavel was imprisoned in Argentina for almost two decades.[^1][^2][^3][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Dictatorship Declassified: Confessions of a DINA Hit Man," National Security Archive, November 22, 2023. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2023-11-22/pinochet-dictatorship-declassified-confessions-dina-hit-man
+[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofía Cuthbert," National Security Archive, October 1, 2024. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
+[^3]: United States v. Novo Sampol, 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
+[^4]: Kiernan, Laura A. "Townley Admits Lying to Chilean Questioners," *The Washington Post,* May 17, 1981, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00552R000606730006-5.
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Mordecai
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Mordecai
@ -4,51 +4,83 @@ tags:
  - Person
  - Nuclear
  - Israel
+  - MordechaiVanunu
+  - Dimona
+  - Mossad
+  - RobertMaxwell
+  - SundayMirror
+  - SundayTimes
+  - MargaretThatcher
 summary: "Vanunu began working as a technician at Dimona in August 1977 and spent much of the next eight years assigned to various tasks inside the reprocessing plant, formally known as Machon 2 and informally as the Tunnel."
 born: 1954-10-14
 location: "Marrakech, Morocco"
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---

-[[Mordecai Vanunu]] was a former technician at a nuclear facility near [[Dimona]], [[Israel]], who became a whistleblower, exposing details of [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear program to the _London Sunday Times_ in 1986.[^1][^2]
+[[Mordecai Vanunu]] was a former technician at a nuclear facility near [[Dimona]], [[Israel]], who became a whistleblower, exposing details of Israel's nuclear program to the _London Sunday Times_ in 1986.[^1][^2]

 ### Background and Early Career

-[[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu]] was born in [[Morocco]] to a right-wing Jewish family that migrated to [[Israel]] in the early 1960s. He grew up in [[Beersheba]] and was drafted into the military, where he was trained as a technician at the [[Dimona]]. After his military service, he continued to work there as a civilian. He began sympathizing with the Palestinian cause and was horrified by [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear capabilities.[^1]
+Vanunu was born in [[Morocco]] to a right-wing Jewish family that migrated to Israel in the early 1960s. He grew up in [[Beersheba]] and was drafted into the military, where he was trained as a technician at the Dimona. After his military service, he continued to work there as a civilian. He began sympathizing with the Palestinian cause and was horrified by Israel's nuclear capabilities.[^1]

 ### Work at Dimona and Security Breach

-Vanunu began working as a technician at [[Dimona]] in August 1977 and spent much of the next eight years assigned to various tasks inside the reprocessing plant, formally known as Machon 2 and informally as the Tunnel. This plant, handling highly radioactive materials, was the most sensitive area at [[Dimona]], with only 150 of Dimona's 2,700 employees working there. A special pass was required for entry, and all movement was theoretically closely monitored. However, Vanunu found that the stringent security existed only in theory.[^2]
+Vanunu began working as a technician at Dimona in August 1977 and spent much of the next eight years assigned to various tasks inside the reprocessing plant, formally known as Machon 2 and informally as the Tunnel. This plant, handling highly radioactive materials, was the most sensitive area at Dimona, with only 150 of Dimona's 2,700 employees working there. A special pass was required for entry, and all movement was theoretically closely monitored. However, Vanunu found that the stringent security existed only in theory.[^2]

 Constantly in trouble for his public pro-Arab views, Vanunu was laid off in mid-1985 as part of a government-wide cutback. He appealed through his union and won back his job. It was at this point that he smuggled a camera into the reprocessing plant during an overnight shift and wandered around undetected for some forty minutes, taking fifty-seven color photographs. A few weeks later, he was fired after calling for the formation of a Palestinian state during an Arab rally. Even then, with union help, Vanunu negotiated a settlement from Dimona's management, receiving severance pay and a letter attesting to his good record.[^2]

 ### Exile and Attempts to Share Information

-A combination of factors - disenchantment with his life, distress at the treatment of Arabs in [[Israel]], and what he had learned inside [[Dimona]] - drove him to exile in [[Australia]] and eventually to the _London Sunday Times_. [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu]] first traveled to [[Thailand]] and [[Nepal]], where he converted to [[Buddhism]]. He carried with him photographs and undeveloped film of the inside of the [[Israel|Israeli]] nuclear facility. In [[Nepal]], he contacted the [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] Embassy in [[Kathmandu]] and offered them the photographs, but received little in return.[^1][^2]
+A combination of factors - disenchantment with his life, distress at the treatment of Arabs in Israel, and what he had learned inside Dimona - drove him to exile in [[Australia]] and eventually to the _London Sunday Times_. Vanunu first traveled to [[Thailand]] and [[Nepal]], where he converted to [[Buddhism]]. He carried with him photographs and undeveloped film of the inside of the Israeli nuclear facility. In Nepal, he contacted the [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] Embassy in [[Kathmandu]] and offered them the photographs, but received little in return.[^1][^2]

-[[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu]] later traveled to [[Australia]], where he preached about the evils of nuclear power and shared his top-secret photos with a church prayer group. He converted to [[Christianity]] and worked as a part-time taxi driver. [[Oscar Guerrero]], a freelance journalist, saw the photographs and proposed publishing them for a fee.[^1]
+Vanunu later traveled to Australia, where he preached about the evils of nuclear power and shared his top-secret photos with a church prayer group. He converted to [[Christianity]] and worked as a part-time taxi driver. [[Oscar Guerrero]], a freelance journalist, saw the photographs and proposed publishing them for a fee.[^1]

 ### Mossad Operation and Capture

-[[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence learned of [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu's]] activities and sought to stop him. Copies of some of Vanunu's sensational photographs were made available in [[London]] - before publication of the _Sunday Times_ story - to an Israeli intelligence agent masquerading as an American newspaper reporter. The photographs were sent by courier to the office of Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], who ordered [[Mossad]] to get Vanunu out of [[London]] and into Israeli custody. [[Cindy Hanin Bentov]], a [[Mossad]] agent, enticed Vanunu to leave for [[Rome]] a few days before publication. Once in [[Rome]], Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial. He was sentenced in March 1988 to eighteen years in a maximum-security prison for espionage and treason.[^1][^2]
+Israeli intelligence learned of Vanunu's activities and sought to stop him. Copies of some of Vanunu's sensational photographs were made available in [[London]] - before publication of the _Sunday Times_ story - to an Israeli intelligence agent masquerading as an American newspaper reporter. The photographs were sent by courier to the office of Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]], who ordered [[Mossad]] to get Vanunu out of London and into Israeli custody. [[Cindy Hanin Bentov]], a Mossad agent, enticed Vanunu to leave for [[Rome]] a few days before publication. Once in Rome, Vanunu was drugged and returned to Israel by ship to stand trial. He was sentenced in March 1988 to eighteen years in a maximum-security prison for espionage and treason.[^1][^2]

 ### Impact on American Intelligence

-Vanunu's _Times_ interview and his photographs of many of the production units in the Tunnel, or Machon 2, provided the American intelligence community with the first extensive evidence of Israeli capability to manufacture fusion, or thermonuclear, weapons. American intelligence also obtained copies of many of the _Sunday Times_'s interview notes with Vanunu, which provided more specific detail of the inner workings of [[Dimona]]. Senior American officials and nuclear experts uniformly agreed that the unpublished Vanunu notes are highly credible, with one official describing the scope of the operation as "much more extensive than we thought."[^2]
+Vanunu's _Times_ interview and his photographs of many of the production units in the Tunnel, or Machon 2, provided the American intelligence community with the first extensive evidence of Israeli capability to manufacture fusion, or thermonuclear, weapons. American intelligence also obtained copies of many of the _Sunday Times_'s interview notes with Vanunu, which provided more specific detail of the inner workings of Dimona. Senior American officials and nuclear experts uniformly agreed that the unpublished Vanunu notes are highly credible, with one official describing the scope of the operation as "much more extensive than we thought."[^2]

-The most exhaustive analysis of the Vanunu statements and photographs was conducted by the Z Division, a special intelligence unit at the [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory|Livermore Laboratories]]. While Z Division's only debate was over the numbers, as Vanunu claimed [[Israel]]'s nuclear stockpile totaled over two hundred warheads (a number significantly higher than [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] estimates), American nonproliferation experts independently learned of a boost in [[Dimona]]'s cooling capacity, further evidence of Vanunu's credibility.[^2]
+The most exhaustive analysis of the Vanunu statements and photographs was conducted by the Z Division, a special intelligence unit at the [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory|Livermore Laboratories]]. While Z Division's only debate was over the numbers, as Vanunu claimed Israel's nuclear stockpile totaled over two hundred warheads (a number significantly higher than [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] estimates), American nonproliferation experts independently learned of a boost in Dimona's cooling capacity, further evidence of Vanunu's credibility.[^2]

 ### Nuclear Program Timeline and Capabilities

-Vanunu's revelations helped American intelligence experts date the progress of the Israeli nuclear arsenal. He revealed that Unit 92 in the Tunnel had been painstakingly removing tritium from heavy water since the 1960s, indicating that physicists at [[Dimona]] had been attempting to manufacture "boosted" fission weapons from the earliest days of production. In 1980, he was assigned to work at a new production plant for lithium 6, another essential element of the hydrogen bomb. In 1984, a new facility (Unit 93) for large-scale production of tritium was opened, suggesting that full-scale production of neutron weapons began then.[^2]
+Vanunu's revelations helped American intelligence experts date the progress of the Israeli nuclear arsenal. He revealed that Unit 92 in the Tunnel had been painstakingly removing tritium from heavy water since the 1960s, indicating that physicists at Dimona had been attempting to manufacture "boosted" fission weapons from the earliest days of production. In 1980, he was assigned to work at a new production plant for lithium 6, another essential element of the hydrogen bomb. In 1984, a new facility (Unit 93) for large-scale production of tritium was opened, suggesting that full-scale production of neutron weapons began then.[^2]

 ### Dimona Facility Structure

-As described by Vanunu, [[Dimona]] includes the reactor (Machon 1) and at least eight other buildings, or Machons, with Machon 2 (the chemical reprocessing plant) being the most essential. Machon 1 is the large silver-domed reactor, sixty feet in diameter, where uranium fuel rods remain for three months and are cooled by heavy water. The steam created is vented into the atmosphere, creating a radioactive cloud. Machon 3 converts lithium 6 into a solid for insertion into a nuclear warhead and processes natural uranium for the reactor. Machon 4 contains a waste treatment plant for radioactive residue from Machon 2. Machon 5 coats uranium rods with aluminum for consumption in the reactor. Machon 6 provides basic services and power. Machon 8 contains a laboratory for testing samples and experimenting on new manufacturing processes, and is also the site of Special Unit 840, where Israeli scientists developed a gas centrifuge method of enriching uranium. Machon 9 houses a laser-isotope-reprocessing facility for uranium enrichment. Depleted uranium is chemically isolated in Machon 10 for shipment to the Israeli Defense Force or sale to arms manufacturers.[^2]
+As described by Vanunu, Dimona includes the reactor (Machon 1) and at least eight other buildings, or Machons, with Machon 2 (the chemical reprocessing plant) being the most essential. Machon 1 is the large silver-domed reactor, sixty feet in diameter, where uranium fuel rods remain for three months and are cooled by heavy water. The steam created is vented into the atmosphere, creating a radioactive cloud. Machon 3 converts lithium 6 into a solid for insertion into a nuclear warhead and processes natural uranium for the reactor. Machon 4 contains a waste treatment plant for radioactive residue from Machon 2. Machon 5 coats uranium rods with aluminum for consumption in the reactor. Machon 6 provides basic services and power. Machon 8 contains a laboratory for testing samples and experimenting on new manufacturing processes, and is also the site of Special Unit 840, where Israeli scientists developed a gas centrifuge method of enriching uranium. Machon 9 houses a laser-isotope-reprocessing facility for uranium enrichment. Depleted uranium is chemically isolated in Machon 10 for shipment to the Israeli Defense Force or sale to arms manufacturers.[^2]

 ### Production Capacity

 The Tunnel (Machon 2) remained in operation around the clock for thirty-four weeks a year, producing a weekly average of 1.2 kilograms of pure plutonium, enough for four to a dozen or more bombs annually, depending on warhead design. This production rate suggests the reactor operates at about 120 to 150 megawatts, more than five times its officially stated output, consuming nearly one hundred tons of uranium ore a year. The precision involved in machining plutonium hemispheres and placing them around gases for boosted nuclear weapons was achieved through advancements in robotics, a field in which [[Aharon Katzir]] was world-renowned for his research at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]].[^2]

+### The Sunday Mirror
+Oscar Guerrero, a Colombian who had attached himself to Vanunu in [[Sydney]], offered the story to the [[The Sunday Mirror|Sunday Mirror]] while [[The Sunday Times]] was still checking it. Two Mirror reporters, [[Tony Frost]] and [[Mark Souster]], argued that the photographs looked genuine and should lead the paper. The editor, [[Michael Malloy]], overruled them and wanted none of the photographs printed. On the Thursday before publication he ordered Frost and Souster to take the photographs and data to the Israeli embassy in London. His deputy, [[John Parker (journalist)|John Parker]], understood that [[Robert Maxwell]] had given the order. Malloy said later: "I told Bob about it because of his involvement with Israel. He does have powerful friends there and close links." Of the embassy visit he said: "I think he probably said, 'Oh, let the Israelis have a look at it,' and that's how it came about. It wasn't as if we were handing them to a foreign enemy."[^2]
+
+The paper ran two pages on September 28, 1986, headed "The Strange Case of Israel and the Nuclear Con Man," which quoted the Israeli press attache as saying that Vanunu had been a junior technician. Parker said: "The Sunday Mirror had the biggest story in the world at that time and it collapsed because of the line they took. It was a classic exercise by the Israelis in disinformation." The news editor, [[Peter Miller (journalist)|Peter Miller]], said the line "cost the Sunday Mirror a world-beating exclusive." Frost said: "I was hoping one day that the full story would come out on this." Maxwell dismissed Miller in November 1990. The [[Daily Mirror]] dismissed its foreign editor, [[Nicholas Davies]], on October 29, 1991, for denying that he had been in [[Ohio]] in 1985 at the home of an arms dealer, after a rival paper printed a photograph of him there. Maxwell died a week later.[^2][^3]
+
+[[Peter Hounam]] of the Sunday Times met [[Seymour Hersh]] and [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] three times in one day when Hersh's book was offered for serialization. He found that Ben-Menashe's statement that the Mirror's photograph of Vanunu had been flown in from Israel was false, since Hounam had taken it himself in Australia and given Guerrero a copy. The Sunday Times did not serialize the book.[^4]
+
+### Peres and Thatcher
+On September 21, 1986, after a meeting with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] and [[Yitzhak Rabin]], Prime Minister Shimon Peres reportedly telephoned [[Margaret Thatcher]] about what Vanunu was telling the press. Cheryl Bentov had arrived in London the day before. Vanunu flew with her to Rome on September 30 on [[British Airways]] flight 504. Israel confirmed on November 9 that he was in custody, denied that he had been kidnapped on English soil, and said there was "no basis for the report that Mr. Peres contacted Mrs. Thatcher in order to tell her something that did not happen." Israeli officials then told British correspondents privately about the call.[^4]
+
+In the Commons the Conservative members [[Dennis Walters]] and [[Anthony Beaumont-Dark]] called for an inquiry. Asked by [[Dale Campbell-Savours]] whether she had discussed Vanunu with Peres or any Israeli official before his departure, Thatcher answered: "No." Asked whether any Israeli official had communicated with her office to procure his return, she answered: "No, he was not returned to Israel from [[United Kingdom|Britain]]; he was returned from another country." Before the full debate Peres telephoned her again, and said afterward: "It was a very friendly conversation and I think that our misunderstanding has been cleared up." The British ambassador to Israel, [[Clifford Squire]], was told by Peres's aide [[Yossi Beilin]] that Israel had nothing to add. No British inquiry was held.[^4]
+
+### Rome
+The Roman magistrate [[Domenico Sica]] traced a van hired by the Israeli embassy on the day of the abduction whose mileage matched a journey to [[La Spezia]], and an Israeli cargo ship that had declared a false itinerary. Vanunu's brother [[Meir Vanunu|Meir]], who had learned the details by speaking Moroccan Arabic to him in prison, testified twice. An Israeli court issued a warrant for Meir's arrest, and the [[Home Office|British Home Office]] refused him asylum on the ground that he "faced prosecution, not persecution." An official of the Israeli foreign ministry said: "If Dr. Sica comes it would be very, very embarrassing for our government." Sica closed the inquiry in June 1988 with the finding that Vanunu had been working with the Mossad and that "the whole affair had been a disinformation exercise." He reasoned that no one could be found who had seen Vanunu arrive in Rome, that professionals would not have used a flat in a crowded district, that the message Vanunu wrote on his palm was in better English than he commanded, and that the photographs showed no staff. Meir Vanunu replied: "If this is a disinformation exercise, release my brother."[^4]
+
+### Bentov
+[[Cheryl Hanin]] was born in [[Orlando, Florida]], in 1960, went to Israel in the late 1970s, served in a [[Nahal]] unit, and in March 1985 married [[Ofer Bentov]], a major in military intelligence and a general's son. Hounam and [[David Connett]], who had seen her with Vanunu in London, found her at an address in [[Netanya]] in July 1987. She asked, "Are you going to publish this?" and then said: "I deny this, I deny everything." A family friend recalled her telling her mother that "there were other things that I did for the Israeli government which were even more pertinent and involved than this." The CIA and the FBI examined her records at [[Edgewater High School]] in Orlando, and the CIA's London station asked the British services whether Israel had given warning of the operation. The Sunday Times photographed her in [[Florida]] in January 1998.[^4]
+
+### The 1988 Expulsions
+In April 1987 British police found an arms cache kept by [[Ismail Sowan]], a Palestinian working for Israeli intelligence inside the [[Palestine Liberation Organization]] in Britain. The Mossad had known of it for a month and had not told the British. Thatcher wrote personally to Shamir. After Sowan was sentenced to eleven years in June 1988, the government expelled [[Arie Regev]], the Mossad's liaison with [[MI5]] and [[MI6]], and other Israeli officers, on the initiative of the [[Foreign and Commonwealth Office|Foreign Office]] and MI5 and over the objection of MI6. [[Abba Eban]] came secretly to London to see Thatcher for forty-five minutes. Intelligence sharing resumed by December.[^4]
+
 ### Footnotes

-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992. [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
+[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. _Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network_. TrineDay, 1992.
+[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Faber and Faber, 1991, pp. 313-314.
+[^3]: United Press International, report on the dismissal of Nicholas Davies, October 29, 1991.
+[^4]: Cohen, Yoel. *The Whistleblower of Dimona: Israel, Vanunu, and the Bomb*. 2003. https://archive.org/details/the-whistleblower-of-dimona-israel-vanunu-and-the-bomb
--- a/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Roberto
+++ b/PEOPLE/(T-Z)/Roberto
@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+---
+category: "Military"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - RobertoViaux
+  - Chile
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ReneSchneider
+  - CIA
+  - CoupPlotting
+alias:
+  - Roberto Viaux Marambio
+summary: "Retired Chilean general whom the CIA paid and encouraged in October 1970 through officers posing as third country nationals, and whose men shot General René Schneider."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Roberto Viaux Marambio was a retired [[Chile|Chilean]] army general who in October 1970 headed one of the two groups of officers plotting to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from the presidency. A briefing book of declassified cables calls him "a general without an army."[^1]
+
+### Contact
+
+The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] station in [[Santiago]] told the American army attaché on October 5, 1970, not to deal with Viaux himself "because of the high risk involved." On October 6 a foreign attaché relayed Viaux's request for "several hundred paralyzing gas grenades" for a coup on October 9. Headquarters refused, calling a "mini-coup at this juncture" counterproductive, and told the station to encourage him "in a suitable manner to maintain his posture so that he may join larger movement later." Agency officers "who posed as third country nationals" then took over the contact. "We wish to encourage Viaux to expand and refine his coup planning," headquarters cabled on October 10. "Gain some influence over his actions." On October 13 it authorized 20,000 dollars in cash and a promise of 250,000 dollars in life insurance "as a demonstration of U.S. support," and asked: "What is to keep Schneider from making statement in early hours which will freeze those military leaders who might otherwise join Viaux?" The station answered the same day that "Viaux intends to kidnap Generals Schneider and Prats within the next 48 hours in order to precipitate a coup."[^2]
+
+On October 15 [[Thomas Karamessines]] described Viaux's plans to [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] and [[Alexander Haig]]. They put his chances at no more than "one chance in twenty" and decided to send him a warning against acting alone. Kissinger later testified that he had turned the plotting off at this meeting. The cable that went to Santiago the next day said it was "firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup." A CIA officer identified in the Senate's report as "[[Sarno (CIA)|Mr. Sarno]]" testified that Viaux's people told him of the first kidnapping attempt in advance: "They indicated it was going to be at some sort of a banquet which the General (Schneider) would be attending." After that attempt failed on October 19 the station reported: "General Viaux knowledgeable of above operation but not directly involved."[^1][^2]
+
+### The Shooting
+
+General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] was shot on the morning of October 22 by Viaux's men, who used handguns. The submachine guns the agency had sent by diplomatic pouch had gone to the group of General [[Camilo Valenzuela]]. A Chilean military court found that the two generals "had been in contact throughout the coup plotting." It sentenced Viaux to twenty years as "intellectual author" of the kidnapping and Valenzuela to three years of exile. The agency later paid Viaux's representatives 35,000 dollars, in the words of its report to the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence|House Intelligence Committee]], "in an effort to keep previous contact secret, maintain the good will of the group and for humanitarian reasons." They had asked for 250,000.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
+[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975.