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2026-09-21 17:31:27 -04:00 · 2026-09-21 17:31:27 -04:00 · e83310b1b8
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--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agustin
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agustin
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+---
+category: "Authors & Journalists"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - AgustinEdwards
+  - ElMercurio
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - PepsiCo
+  - CovertAction
+  - Propaganda
+alias:
+  - Agustin Edwards Eastman
+  - Agustín Edwards
+summary: "Owner of the Santiago daily El Mercurio who met Richard Helms in Washington before Nixon ordered a coup in Chile, and whose paper received 1.665 million dollars in CIA subsidies."
+died: 2017-04-24
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Agustin Edwards Eastman (died April 24, 2017, aged 89) owned [[El Mercurio]], the principal newspaper of [[Chile]]. In September 1970, after [[Salvador Allende]] won the presidential vote, he went to Washington, where [[Donald Kendall]], the president of [[PepsiCo|Pepsi-Cola]], arranged for him to see [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]], [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[John Mitchell]], and the director of central intelligence, [[Richard Helms]]. The [[40 Committee]] later voted his newspaper 1,665,000 dollars. He spent the Allende years in the [[United States]] as a vice president of PepsiCo.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### September 1970
+
+Kissinger and Mitchell had breakfast with Kendall and Edwards on the morning of September 15, 1970, according to Mitchell's calendar. Helms testified in 1975: "Prior to this meeting with the President the editor of El Mercurio had come to Washington and I had been asked to go and talk to him at one of the hotels here, this having been arranged through Don Kendall, the head of the Pepsi Cola Company." He added: "I have this impression that the President called this meeting where I have my handwritten notes because of Edwards' presence in Washington and what he heard from Kendall about what Edwards was saying about conditions in Chile." At the meeting that afternoon President [[Richard Nixon]] instructed Helms to organize a military coup, the operation that became [[Project FUBELT]]. An ethics tribunal of the Chilean journalists' guild found in 2015 that Edwards had briefed Helms on the disposition of Chilean politicians and senior officers and on the equipment and logistical capacity of the navy, air force, and army.[^1][^3]
+
+Two days after the breakfast, the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] representatives [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]] recommended that American companies "pump some advertising into Mercurio" and help revive propagandists formerly supported by "the Matte and Edwards groups."[^4]
+
+### The Subsidies
+
+The 40 Committee authorized 700,000 dollars for El Mercurio on September 9, 1971, and 965,000 dollars more on April 11, 1972. A [[National Intelligence Estimate]] of August 1971 had concluded that the paper "had managed to retain its independence" under Allende. The [[Church Committee]] described the vote a month later as "at some variance" with that finding. From 1970 to 1975 Edwards lived in the United States as a vice president of PepsiCo and president of its [[Foods International]] division. He resumed the direction of El Mercurio in 1982 and held it until 2008.[^2][^3]
+
+### Expulsion
+
+On April 21, 2015, the ethics tribunal of the metropolitan council of the [[Colegio de Periodistas de Chile]] expelled Edwards on a petition filed by members in November 2014. It cited his receipt of CIA money "aimed at destabilizing Salvador Allende's government through communications operations," and his paper's part in April 1987, during the visit of Pope [[John Paul II]], in a staged operation with the security services that accused two young men of subversion and was used to justify their torture. He did not appeal. The researcher [[Peter Kornbluh]] called him "the most important collaborator according to the CIA in creating the conditions for a coup d'état."[^3][^5]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, 1975, quoting testimony of Richard Helms, July 15, 1975, pp. 4-5.
+[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 1975.
+[^3]: "El fin de un intocable: Colegio de Periodistas decide expulsar a Agustín Edwards," *El Mostrador,* April 21, 2015.
+[^4]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 1973.
+[^5]: "Colegio de Periodistas expulsa a Agustín Edwards por graves faltas éticas," *Le Monde Diplomatique* (Chilean edition), May 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher
@ -0,0 +1,55 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence Scandal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ChristopherDrogoul
+  - BNL
+  - Iraqgate
+  - Banking
+  - Atlanta
+  - KissingerAssociates
+alias:
+  - Christopher P. Drogoul
+summary: "Manager of the Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro who extended more than four billion dollars in unreported credit to Iraq and testified that his superiors in Rome and Kissinger Associates knew of the business."
+location: "Atlanta, Georgia"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Christopher P. Drogoul managed the [[Atlanta]] branch of the Italian state-owned [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], which between 1985 and 1989 extended more than four billion dollars in unreported loans and credits to [[Iraq]], a portion of them backed by the [[Commodity Credit Corporation]] of the [[United States Department of Agriculture|Department of Agriculture]]. The FBI and the [[Federal Reserve]] raided the branch on August 4, 1989. Drogoul was indicted on February 28, 1991, the day after President [[George H.W. Bush]] ordered the ceasefire in the [[Gulf War]]. He pleaded guilty, withdrew the plea, pleaded guilty again to three counts, and was sentenced in December 1993 to 37 months. The government's position throughout was that he acted without the knowledge of the bank's headquarters. The first judge assigned to the case concluded otherwise.[^1][^2][^3]
+
+### The Indictment
+
+The indictment, No. 1:91-CR-078 in the [[United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia|Northern District of Georgia]], charged Drogoul on 347 counts together with two branch officers, [[Therese Barden]] and [[Amedeo DeCarolis]]; the [[New York City|New York]] trading company [[Entrade International]] and its manager, [[Yavuz Tezeller]]; the Iraqi state [[Rafidain Bank]]; and four Iraqi officials, among them [[Safa al-Habobi]], who ran Iraq's front companies in [[London]]. The government's list of unindicted co-conspirators, filed by Assistant U.S. Attorney [[Gale McKenzie]] on September 12, 1991, named an employee of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and [[Amir al-Saadi]] of the [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]]. [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Richard Thornburgh]] said the defendants had been able "to silently pick the pockets of a major Italian bank of more than $4 billion in loans and credits, almost by the push of a button."[^1][^4]
+
+Tezeller left for [[Turkey]] after the raid and did not return. A [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] letter of January 9, 1990, said he could "provide information regarding after sales services (a fancy word for bribes, kickbacks), unearned consulting fees, and other payments to Iraqis as well as kickbacks paid by [[United States]] and multinational companies to obtain Iraqi contracts." Entrade was an affiliate of the Turkish conglomerate [[Enka]] and had handled 52 guaranteed transactions for Iraq. An Agriculture Department inquiry found no evidence that the commodities in those transactions reached Iraq. Representative [[Henry Gonzalez]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs|House Banking Committee]], said on the House floor that the [[State Department]] had kept the Atlanta investigators from traveling to Turkey to question Tezeller, and that the Justice Department had discouraged the indictment of the Central Bank of Iraq and of [[Wafai Dajani]], a Jordanian businessman close to King [[Hussein of Jordan|Hussein]], on grounds of foreign policy.[^5]
+
+[[Joseph D. Whitley]] became acting United States attorney in Atlanta on June 1, 1990, and recused himself from the case the same day because his former law firm had represented [[Matrix Churchill]], the Iraqi-owned machine tool company that the branch had financed.[^6]
+
+### Shoob
+
+Drogoul pleaded guilty to 60 counts in June 1992. At the sentencing hearing before Judge [[Marvin Shoob]] he testified that the branch had been "a tool of the U.S. and Italian governments" and that "one has to consider it a foreign policy matter and not a banking matter." On September 14, 1992, Gonzalez announced that the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had told his committee it had good evidence that officials of the bank in [[Rome]] knew of the Atlanta lending, which contradicted what the agency's general counsel had told the prosecutors. On October 1 Shoob allowed Drogoul to withdraw the plea and removed himself from the case, stating his conclusion "that officials at BNL-Rome were aware of and approved Mr. Drogoul's activities."[^1][^2][^7]
+
+Attorney General [[William Barr]] declined to seek an independent counsel and on October 16, 1992, appointed a retired federal judge, [[Frederick Lacey]], as special counsel. Lacey reported after 54 days. "I find Judge Shoob's specific charges against the USAO to be inaccurate," he wrote. Of the national security adviser and the deputy secretary of state, both formerly of [[Kissinger Associates]], he wrote: "It is clear that, while at Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft and Eagleburger came into contact with BNL management. I have seen nothing, however, to suggest that they knew of BNL-Atlanta's wrongful loans to Iraq or influenced the prosecution of this matter." The second part of his report was classified top secret. Gonzalez called it "the Lacey Job" and said: "At best Lacey's probe was a whitewash." In December 1992 prosecutors in [[Venice]] indicted 59 people, including executives of the bank, for financing arms sales to [[Iran]].[^6][^7]
+
+The staff of the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] reported in February 1993 that the intelligence agencies and the Justice Department had coordinated poorly and that the CIA's reasoning for withholding its reports from the prosecutors had "no legal support." It did not find that information had been concealed to protect senior officials.[^8]
+
+### The Italian Witnesses
+
+Drogoul's lawyer, [[Bobby Lee Cook]], named three officials in Rome, [[Giacomo Pedde]], [[Teodoro Monaco]], and [[Angelo Florio]], as the men who had authorized the loans. The government sought to depose thirteen Italian bank officers in Rome. Seven, including Pedde, Florio, and [[Nerio Nesi]], refused to testify in the United States. The defense told the court of appeals that "the testimony of these thirteen witnesses lies at the very core of the charges in the indictment, and its refutation the heart of the defense." The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit|Eleventh Circuit]] ordered the depositions on September 2, 1993, six days before the trial date. Drogoul then pleaded guilty to one count of wire fraud and two of making false statements to the Federal Reserve. A Justice Department review filed with the court on August 23 had found that six employees in Atlanta were responsible and that neither Rome nor Washington knew. "The evidence never gets on the books," Gonzalez said, "and the public will never know for certain what the Bush administration did for [[Saddam Hussein]] before the war."[^1][^2]
+
+### Testimony on Kissinger Associates
+
+Drogoul testified under oath to the House Banking Committee on November 9, 1993, with five other former employees of the bank. He said he learned at a business meeting in [[Italy]] in 1987 that [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] sat on the bank's international advisory board. "As we became involved in the medium-term lending," he said, "it became clear to us that the people at Kissinger and Associates were somehow assisting clients of Iraq in further developing business." He added: "By the time we moved into the 1988 period or early 1989 period, it was fairly clear to me that Kissinger and Associates' people were involved in some way in trying to enhance and develop a relationship between Iraq and the United States. I really shouldn't go farther than that, because the rest is probably speculation."[^9]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: "Drogoul gets 37 months in BNL bank scandal," *United Press International,* December 9, 1993; "Was Banker Just Fall Guy in Loans to Iraq?" *Deseret News,* December 5, 1993.
+[^2]: United States v. Drogoul, 1 F.3d 1546 (11th Cir. 1993).
+[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920428g.htm
+[^4]: "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993.
+[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal," *Congressional Record,* House, March 30, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920330g.htm
+[^6]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15. https://archive.org/details/testimonyofforme1994unit
+[^7]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Update on BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, January 21, 1993.
+[^8]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair,* staff report, S. Prt. 103-12, February 1993.
+[^9]: Testimony of Christopher P. Drogoul, House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Curt
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Curt
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "BCCI Scandal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - CurtBradbury
+  - StephensInc
+  - WorthenBank
+  - BCCI
+  - BillClinton
+  - CampaignFinance
+summary: "Stephens Inc. officer present at the November 1977 Little Rock meeting with BCCI, later chairman of Worthen Bank, which lent the 1992 Clinton campaign 3.5 million dollars."
+location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Curt Bradbury is a [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] banker who spent his career with the firms of [[Jackson Stephens]].
+
+On November 9, 1977, as an employee of [[Stephens Inc.]], he sat with Stephens and [[Bert Lance]] in Little Rock opposite [[Abdus Sami]] of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]. The subject was Lance's [[National Bank of Georgia]]. "Stephens and Bradbury allegedly recommended that BCCI purchase FGB stock or recommend the stock to its clients," two reporters wrote of [[Financial General Bankshares]], of which Stephens Inc. held 4.9 percent. Within two months four clients of the bank had bought into the company through an account at Stephens Inc.[^1]
+
+In April 1985 [[Worthen Bank]] lost 52 million dollars of [[Arkansas]] state money in the failure of [[Bevill, Bresler and Schulman]]. Stephens Inc. underwrote a 35 million dollar stock issue, and Bradbury took charge of the bank. As its chairman in March 1992 he arranged a line of credit of 3.5 million dollars for the presidential campaign of [[Bill Clinton]], of which about 3 million was drawn and repaid. The campaign kept its federal election funds on deposit at the bank. With [[Mack McLarty]] he organized Little Rock fundraisers that brought in 2 million dollars, and he gave 10,000 dollars to the [[Democratic Party]]. Another account names the campaign's finance officer, [[David Watkins]], as the man who arranged the loan, and puts it at 3.9 million dollars in eleven installments.[^2][^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992; Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981).
+[^2]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times,* January 31, 1993; "15 Years in Review," *Arkansas Business.*
+[^3]: Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America*. Henry Holt, 1996.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eugene
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eugene
@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+category: "Organized Crime"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - EugeneBrading
+  - JimBraden
+  - DealeyPlaza
+  - HuntFamily
+  - OrganizedCrime
+  - Dallas
+alias:
+  - Jim Braden
+  - Eugene Brading
+  - Eugene Hale Braden
+summary: "California parolee detained across from the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the assassination, who gave the name Jim Braden and had told his probation officer the day before that he planned to see Lamar Hunt."
+location: "Beverly Hills, California"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Eugene Hale Brading was a convicted felon from [[Los Angeles]] who was taken into custody in [[Dealey Plaza]] on November 22, 1963, under the name Jim Braden. He had changed the name on his [[California]] driver's license two months earlier. The sheriff's office released him without learning who he was, and he used the same name when the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] interviewed him again in January 1964.[^1][^2]
+
+### November 21
+
+Four years out of the penitentiary, Brading needed the permission of the federal probation office for travel between states. On November 21 he reported under his real name to the chief probation officer in [[Dallas]], [[Roger Carroll]], whose record of the visit states that he "advised that he planned to see [[Lamar Hunt]] and other oil speculators while here." He was staying in a third-floor suite at the [[Cabana Motor Hotel|Cabana Hotel]] taken by his traveling companion, [[Morgan H. Brown]]. A former [[Hunt Oil Company]] official recalled seeing Brading and others in the receptionist's office that day, waiting to see [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]. A friend of the family said Brown "knew the Hunts very well, knew Lamar and Bunker and all of them," and had played poker with them in Dallas years before. Brown later served time in a California prison. A spokesman for Lamar Hunt said the names "didn't mean a thing to him" and that no such visitors appeared on his calendar. Brading later told a Los Angeles police official that he had not gone to the Hunt offices because of his record. [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman, [[Connie Trammell]], to the same building that day for an appointment with Lamar Hunt.[^2][^3]
+
+### November 22
+
+In a statement sworn before the [[Dallas County Sheriff's Department]] that afternoon, "Jim Braden," of 621 South Barrington in Los Angeles, with an office at 215 [[La Cienega Boulevard|South La Cienega]] in [[Beverly Hills, California|Beverly Hills]], said: "I am here on business (oil business) and was walking down [[Elm Street (Dallas)|Elm Street]] trying to get a cab and there wasn't any. I heard people talking saying 'My God the President has been shot.'" He said he went to the building across from the one the police had surrounded, was told by a woman that there was a telephone on the third floor, rode up in the freight elevator, found the telephone out of order, and rode down. "The colored man who ran the elevator said you are a stranger in this building and I was not supposed to let you up and he ran outside to an officer." He showed the officer a credit card. The building was the [[Dal-Tex Building]]. A supplementary report by Deputy [[C.L. "Lummie" Lewis|C.L. Lewis]] lists him with the [[Cabana Hotel]], room 301, as his Dallas address. Chief Deputy [[Allan Sweatt]] took the statement.[^1]
+
+While he waited at the sheriff's office his companions checked out of the Cabana, at about two in the afternoon. The desk clerk had noted at registration that they planned to stay until November 24. In 1973 Lewis and Sweatt identified Brading in an enlargement of a photograph, taken about ten minutes after the shooting, of a group standing on the sidewalk between the depository and the triple underpass, which would place him west of both buildings before he returned to the Dal-Tex Building to telephone. The [[Warren Commission]] published his statement among the sheriff's papers and did not examine him.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Decker Exhibit No. 5323, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 19, voluntary statement of Jim Braden, November 22, 1963, and supplementary investigation report of Deputy C.L. Lewis.
+[^2]: Golz, Earl. "Eugene Hale Brading; Suspect," two installments, November 29 and December 6, 1973, the second in *The Midlothian Mirror,* in the Sylvia Meagher clippings, Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College.
+[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Connie Trammell, Commission Exhibit 2270, *Hearings,* vol. 25.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Harold
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Harold
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HaroldGeneen
+  - ITT
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - JohnMcCone
+  - CorporateIntelligence
+alias:
+  - Harold S. Geneen
+  - Hal Geneen
+summary: "Chairman of ITT who in 1970 offered the CIA a fund to keep Salvador Allende from the Chilean presidency, swore to the Senate that ITT had done nothing, and was not charged with perjury."
+location: "New York, New York"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Harold S. Geneen was chairman and chief executive of [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph]]. His board included [[John McCone]], the former director of central intelligence, who testified that he had remained "a consultant to the Agency since I left the Agency in 1965."[^1]
+
+### The Offers
+
+McCone testified that the board concluded in May or June 1970 that [[Salvador Allende]] would win the Chilean election, and that he felt the government should be warned, "not only because of its effect on the business interests, but also because of its effect on the taxpayer," since there were "several hundred million dollars of OPIC guarantees, of which approximately $100 million were ITT's." On the instructions of Director [[Richard Helms]], [[William Broe]], chief of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[CIA Western Hemisphere Division|Western Hemisphere Division]], met Geneen in his room at the [[Sheraton-Carlton Hotel]] on July 16, 1970. Broe testified that Geneen "offered to assemble a substantial fund" to support [[Jorge Alessandri]], to be "controlled and channeled through the CIA," and that he refused it. After Allende's plurality in September, Geneen told McCone that he would put up as much as a million dollars for any government plan to stop Allende in the [[National Congress of Chile|Chilean Congress]]. McCone took the offer to [[Henry Kissinger]] and Helms. On September 29, again on Helms's instructions, Broe called on the senior vice president [[Edward Gerrity]] in [[New York City|New York]] with proposals for creating economic instability in [[Chile]], which both men testified Gerrity thought unworkable.[^1]
+
+### Testimony
+
+Appearing with two lawyers in 1973, Geneen swore that ITT had taken no steps to block the election and had contributed no money "to any person or to any agency of any government" to that end. He said the company's concern was its 70 percent interest in the Chilean telephone company, an investment of 153 million dollars, which was seized on September 29, 1971. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] paid ITT 34.7 million dollars in cash in 1975 and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations, its largest indemnity to that time.[^1][^2]
+
+The [[Department of Justice]] investigated Geneen, Gerrity, and [[Robert Berrellez]] for perjury in 1977. On March 20, 1978, it charged the two subordinates. The grand jury was discharged without indicting anyone, and the wire report of the day stated that "the department decided not to prosecute ITT Chairman Harold Geneen." The cases against Gerrity and Berrellez were dropped in early 1979 after the defense sought classified material.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, pp. 93-95, 394-395, and 457-458. https://archive.org/details/MultinationalCorporationsAndUSForeignPolicyUSSenateHearings
+[^2]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322, note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322
+[^3]: "2 ITT Men Charged with Senate Lies," wire report, March 21, 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030069-7.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Henry
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Henry
@ -0,0 +1,60 @@
+---
+category: "Political Figure"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - HenryGonzalez
+  - HouseBankingCommittee
+  - BNLScandal
+  - Iraqgate
+  - HSCA
+  - CongressionalOversight
+alias:
+  - Henry Gonzalez
+  - Henry B. González
+  - Henry Barbosa Gonzalez
+summary: "House Banking Committee chairman from San Antonio who read classified documents on American aid to Iraq into the Congressional Record in 1992 after the Justice Department asked him to stop his inquiry on national security grounds."
+born: 1916-05-03
+died: 2000-11-28
+location: "San Antonio, Texas"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Henry B. Gonzalez (May 3, 1916 to November 28, 2000) represented [[San Antonio]] in the [[United States House of Representatives]] from 1961 to 1999 and was chairman of the [[House Banking Committee|Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs]] from 1989 to 1995. In 1977 he was briefly chairman of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]. From 1990 to 1993 he investigated the loans of the [[Atlanta]] branch of [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] to [[Iraq]], and published much of what his committee obtained by reading it on the House floor.[^1][^2]
+
+### Early Career
+
+Gonzalez was born in San Antonio to Mexican immigrants, took a law degree at [[St. Mary's University]] in 1943, and worked during the [[World War II|Second World War]] as a civilian cable and radio censor for military and naval intelligence. He was elected to the city council in 1953 and to the [[Texas Senate]] in 1956, where in 1957 he and [[Abraham Kazen]] filibustered a package of segregation bills. He ran for governor in 1958 and for the [[United States Senate]] in 1961, was a national chairman of the [[Viva Kennedy Clubs|Viva Kennedy]] campaign of 1960, and won a special election to the House in November 1961. He sat on the banking committee for all of his 37 years in Congress.[^1]
+
+In 1963 he shoved Representative [[Ed Foreman]], who had called him a "pinko," and in 1986 he struck a man who called him a communist in a San Antonio restaurant. He pressed for years for an investigation of the 1979 murder of federal judge [[John H. Wood Jr.]] in San Antonio, which he held to be the work of organized crime. When indictments came in 1982, [[William Webster]] of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] credited him.[^1]
+
+### The Assassinations Committee
+
+Gonzalez became chairman of the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1977 and entered a public dispute with its chief counsel, [[Richard A. Sprague]], over Sprague's independence of the committee. The other members sided with Sprague, and Gonzalez resigned on March 2, 1977, within a month of taking the chair.[^1]
+
+### The Banking Committee
+
+He became chairman of the banking committee in January 1989, having warned of the condition of the savings and loan industry since 1979. His hearings on [[Charles Keating]] and [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] produced the evidence against the five senators who had intervened with regulators on Keating's behalf.[^1][^2]
+
+### Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
+
+The FBI raided the Atlanta branch of the Italian state bank in August 1989 and found that it had lent Iraq several billion dollars off its books, much of it guaranteed by the [[Commodity Credit Corporation]] of the [[Department of Agriculture]]. When Gonzalez proposed hearings, the [[John F. Kennedy Presidential Library|Kennedy Library]] later recorded, "he was asked by high-ranking government officials to desist on the grounds of national security." [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Richard Thornburgh]] wrote to him on September 26, 1990, that a hearing scheduled for October 9 and staff interviews of witnesses raised "the prospect that culpable parties will elude prosecution," and added: "As you should be aware, this is a sensitive case with national security concerns." On December 18 the [[State Department]] informed the [[Department of Justice]] that "with respect to the national security aspects of the investigation, we have determined that the State Department does not have any concerns it wishes to raise at this juncture." The committee issued subpoenas. Beginning in February 1992 he delivered about twenty hour-long special order speeches on the House floor, among them "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the [[BNL Scandal]]," "[[Kissinger Associates]], [[Brent Scowcroft|Scowcroft]], [[Lawrence Eagleburger|Eagleburger]], Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," "The Rostow Gang," "Scowcroft Improperly Intervened in CCC Program and Many More Lies to Congress," and "The BNL Case: Hear No Evil, Speak No Evil," and entered the documents in the [[Congressional Record]].[^2][^3]
+
+On May 18, 1992, he said: "When the BNL offices were raided in Atlanta in August 1989, investigators uncovered massive fraud, placing the entire [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|CCC Program for Iraq]] in jeopardy. So the [[White House]] and NSC, armed with National Security Directive 26, sprang into action in order to save the CCC Program for Iraq." He named Scowcroft, the president's counsel [[C. Boyden Gray]], Gray's deputy [[John Schmitz]], [[Richard Haass]] of the [[National Security Council]] staff, and [[Clayton Yeutter]] as parties to the discussions, and said that by April 1990 "it was apparent the BNL indictment was being delayed." On July 21 he quoted a July 1990 intelligence report, "Iraq's Growing Arsenal," which identified Iraq's State Establishment for Oil Refining and Gas Processing as "a dedicated front for procuring chemical weapons related components," against the text of [[National Security Directive 26]], which placed "particular emphasis on expanding [[United States]]-Iraq oil industry related trade."[^3][^4]
+
+On September 25 he described a brass factory worth 40 million dollars sold to Iraq by [[SerVaas Inc.]] of [[Indianapolis]] under a contract negotiated with [[Safa al-Habobi]] and financed by the Atlanta branch. Its owner had told the committee in April 1991 that the brass was "solely for commercial uses." Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing that the Iraqi purchaser meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses, and quoted the owner's remark to the [[Indianapolis Star]] in August 1992: "Probably the only thing they are doing is melting the brass down." President [[George H.W. Bush]]'s report to Congress of September 1991 had stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability."[^5]
+
+### The Ethics Resolution
+
+His statement of July 7, 1992, drew on a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] document titled "Iraq-[[Italy]], Repercussions of the BNL-Atlanta Scandal." Director [[Robert Gates]] wrote to him that it "included information from a TOP SECRET compartmented and particularly sensitive document" of September 4, 1989, and that "because of the sources and methods underlying that information, I will ask for a damage assessment to determine the impact of the disclosure." Admiral [[William Studeman]] wrote that the statements of July 21 and 27 were drawn from similar material. Attorney General [[William Barr]] told the committee that the executive branch would stop supplying classified documents without guarantees. On August 4 the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation, arguing that the proper course was a vote in secret session. "I believe that Mr. Gonzalez' conduct does not reflect creditably on the House," he said. He was not censured, and he continued the statements into 1993.[^6]
+
+The Kennedy Library gave him its Profile in Courage Award on September 11, 1994, for investigating, "regardless of the attempts to strip him of his committee chairmanship, the involvement of high-level officials in the Reagan and Bush Administrations in the sale of U.S. arms to Iraq." Of the war of 1991 he had said: "Not only did our own service men and women face military material that had been exported from the U.S., the U.S. military itself relied on these Iraqi front companies for some of the military goods they used." He lost the chairmanship to [[Jim Leach|James Leach]] in 1995 and did not run in 1998. His son Charles succeeded him.[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Kohout, Martin Donell. "González, Henry Barbosa," *Handbook of Texas,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/gonzalez-henry-barbosa
+[^2]: John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, "Henry González," Profile in Courage Award, 1994.
+[^3]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, May 18, 1992; index of statements, 102nd Congress, second session, February 24 to September 28, 1992.
+[^4]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "United States Policy to Arm Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, July 21, 1992.
+[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502.
+[^6]: "Resolution Calling for an Ethics Probe of Chairman Gonzalez," *Congressional Record,* House, August 4, 1992, p. H7366. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1992_cr/h920804-gonzales.htm
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ihsan
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ihsan
@ -1,17 +1,45 @@
 ---
-category: "World War II & Nazi Era"
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
 tags:
  - Person
-  - WW2
-  - Nazi
-summary: "Barbouti procured artillery cups for Cardoen's Santiago-produced chemical weapons from West Germany."
+  - IhsanBarbouti
+  - ChemicalWeapons
+  - Rabta
+  - Libya
+  - Iraq
+  - BNLScandal
+  - CarlosCardoen
+alias:
+  - Dr. Ihsan Barbouti
+  - IBI
+summary: "Iraqi-born London architect who designed Libya's chemical weapons plant at Rabta, sought nerve gas precursors through an Oklahoma company, held real estate in Texas, and was reported dead on his 63rd birthday in July 1990."
+died: 1990-07
+location: "London, England"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
 ---

-[[Ihsan Barbouti]] was an Egyptian national living in the [[United States|U.S.]]. He was involved in the procurement of materials for chemical weapons and had connections to various intelligence operations.

-Barbouti procured artillery cups for [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen's]] [[Santiago]]-produced chemical weapons from [[West Germany]]. He had previously provided equipment for chemical weapons to [[Libya]] and was known for arranging for former [[Nazi Germany|Nazi]] scientists to work on missile technology in [[Egypt]] in the 1950s. He faked his death to escape [[Mossad]] and resurfaced in the [[United States|U.S.]] in the early 1980s. According to [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence, he later cut a deal with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and began working on its behalf with [[Arab countries]], basing himself in [[Texas]] and [[Florida]].[^1]
+### Rabta

-He had an interest in [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen's]] "agricultural project" (chemical plant) in [[Paraguay]], which was a joint venture, sourcing materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]. Barbouti was also involved in nuclear missile projects in [[Iraq]] through the [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]] network. He was named as an enemy of the state by an [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence committee and was placed on an execution list, though [[Yitzhak Shamir]] intervened to put the executions on hold.[^1]
+Ihsan Barbouti was an Iraqi-born architect living in [[London]]. In discovery in a federal suit in [[Oklahoma]] his opponents obtained an agency contract between him and the Libyan Secretary of Atomic Energy. A co-investor in his American real estate, [[Mike Peress]] of [[Metropolitan Life]], testified that he "heard Dr. Barbouti admit to being the architect and procurer of material for a plant in Libya that Dr. Barbouti classified as a pharmaceutical plant," and that Barbouti said a shipper, [[Joseph Gedopt]] of a company called Crosslink, could "redirect, camouflage, or change manifests on any shipment Dr. Barbouti saw fit." [[William Webster]], the director of central intelligence, reported to Congress in 1989 that the complex at [[Rabta]] would give [[Libya]] "the largest chemical warfare agent production plant in the third world." A Dallas pipeline consultant who worked for Barbouti's companies, [[Bruce Munden]], heard in January 1989 that American intelligence believed the plant made chemical weapons, and flew to London to ask him. Munden testified that "Dr. Barbouti stated that he had designed the plant at Rabta for Colonel Ghadafi," that "no one could prove that he had anything to do with chemical weapons," and that "if the U.S., the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Israel]] could have chemical weapons, there was no reason why Colonel Ghadafi could not have them either." After the plant became public, Munden said, Barbouti's son [[Haidar Barbouti|Haidar]] told the executives of [[IBI Inc.|IBI]] "to search their files and to purge them of any documents relating to Libya."[^1]
+
+### TK-7
+
+In 1987 Barbouti sought an interest in [[TK-7 Corporation]], a maker of fuel additives in [[Oklahoma City]] headed by [[Moshe Tal]]. At a meeting in [[Zurich]] that September he asked Tal to buy a "vessel load of certain chemicals in the [[United States]] and prepare them for shipment to Europe." Some were ingredients of the company's product and others were unfamiliar to Tal. Barbouti explained that he had been delayed in Libya, where he had a contract with the Ministry of Atomic Energy. In [[New York City|New York]] that November Tal asked whether the Libyan government had a financial interest in the venture. Barbouti said that it did and that it was "none of your business." The plaintiffs' chemist testified that the list "contained precursors for nerve gases and explosives." The trial court directed a verdict for Barbouti's estate on the ground that the company's seven million dollars in lost profits were speculative, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit|Tenth Circuit]] affirmed in 1993 without deciding whether there had been a conspiracy.[^1]
+
+### Houston
+
+The family owned two retail centers in [[Houston]]. On February 21, 1992, the [[Houston Chronicle]] reported that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] was examining a letter dated October 27, 1990, from [[Iraq]]'s State Establishment for Textile to [[IBI Services]] in London, addressed to Haidar Barbouti and the lawyer [[Arie David]] and signed for [[Raja Hassan Ali]]: "We expect the assistance that you promised to the Enterprise For Pesticide Production. Additional supplies of the raw materials will insure future funding by the foreign minister. Abudul Senoussi knows our requirements." Raja Hassan Ali, director general of the economic department of Iraq's [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]], was a defendant in the [[Atlanta]] indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro case]]. [[Abdullah al-Senussi|Abdullah al-Senoussi]], a brother-in-law of [[Muammar Gaddafi]], had been named by French investigators in the bombing of a UTA airliner in September 1989. The pesticide enterprise was reported to be a front for the chemical weapons complex at [[Samarra]]. The newspaper added that the family was the subject of a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] investigation into exports of dual-use technology to Libya and Iraq, and that Ihsan Barbouti "allegedly died on his 63rd birthday in July 1990, but some former business associates believe he feigned his death to avoid prosecution or even death by Israeli intelligence."[^2]
+
+On March 6, 1992, the paper reported that a Houston jury had found Haidar Barbouti and three family companies liable for more than 12 million dollars to Munden, whose pipe-coating technology, with "military and nuclear as well as industrial uses," had been taken and exported. Judge [[Scott Brister]] did not allow the jury to be told that the destinations were Libya and Iraq. Munden was described as a grand jury witness in a federal investigation of father and son. Haidar Barbouti, then 24, sued the newspaper for libel, swearing that he had promised no assistance to the pesticide enterprise. The Texas court of appeals, sitting en banc in 1996, held both articles substantially true.[^2]
+
+### Ben-Menashe
+
+The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is the only source for the following. He wrote that Barbouti obtained artillery casings in [[West Germany]] for chemical munitions made in [[Santiago]] by [[Carlos Cardoen]]; that he had an interest in Cardoen's chemical plant in [[Paraguay]], which drew materials from [[Florida]] and [[Texas]]; that in the 1950s he had arranged for former Nazi scientists to work on missiles in [[Egypt]]; that he staged his death to escape [[Mossad]], reappeared in the United States, and made an arrangement with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]; and that an Israeli intelligence committee put him on a list for execution, which [[Yitzhak Shamir]] suspended.[^3]

 ### Footnotes
-[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
+
+[^1]: TK-7 Corp. v. Estate of Barbouti, 993 F.2d 722 (10th Cir. 1993).
+[^2]: Barbouti v. Hearst Corp., 927 S.W.2d 37 (Tex. App. 1996), reproducing Urban, Jerry. "Letter triggers new probe of Barbouti," *Houston Chronicle,* February 21, 1992, and "Barbouti's son found liable in technology theft scheme," *Houston Chronicle,* March 6, 1992.
+[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Karl
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Karl
@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - KarlBaarslag
+  - Anticommunism
+  - OfficeOfNavalIntelligence
+  - JosephMcCarthy
+  - AmericanLegion
+  - Wackenhut
+  - ChurchLeagueOfAmerica
+summary: "Naval intelligence officer and professional anticommunist researcher for Joseph McCarthy and the American Legion, whose name files passed to the Wackenhut Corporation and then to the Church League of America."
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Karl Baarslag served in the [[Office of Naval Intelligence]] during the [[World War II|Second World War]] and afterward "worked as a professional anti-communist researcher for Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]], the [[American Legion]], and the [[Church League of America]]." He "closely monitored individuals and organizations for potential Communist ties, and ultimately transferred many of his research files to the like-minded [[Wackenhut Corporation]]," by gift or sale. The company had files on 2.5 million people by 1971. In 1975 it passed most of what it still held to the Church League.[^1]
+
+His papers form the third series of the Church League collection at the [[Tamiment Library]] of [[New York University]], and an alphabetical Baarslag name file closes the Wackenhut series. Its last folder, X to Z, includes [[Darryl Zanuck]], [[Mark Zborowski]], General [[Ralph Zwicker]], and Mayor [[Sam Yorty]] of [[Los Angeles]].[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Manuel
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Manuel
@ -0,0 +1,44 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ManuelContreras
+  - DINA
+  - Chile
+  - OperationCondor
+  - CIA
+  - PaidAsset
+  - Letelier
+alias:
+  - Juan Manuel Guillermo Contreras Sepulveda
+  - Manuel Contreras Sepulveda
+summary: "Chief of the Chilean secret police DINA, in contact with the CIA from 1974 to 1977 and paid by it once in 1975, who said he had Orlando Letelier killed on Pinochet's orders."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Manuel Contreras Sepulveda was the army officer who organized and commanded [[DINA]], the secret police of the Chilean junta, after the coup of September 11, 1973. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] reported to Congress in 2000 that it "maintained contact" with him "during a period between 1974 and 1977," that the relationship was approved by policy officials "in spite of concerns that this relationship might lay the CIA open to charges of aiding internal political repression," and that it made him one payment. His agents killed the exiled former minister [[Orlando Letelier]] in Washington on September 21, 1976.[^1]
+
+### The CIA Relationship
+
+The agency told Contreras at the outset that it would not support activities of his service "which might be construed as 'internal political repression,'" and urged him to follow a Chilean defense ministry circular of January 17, 1974, on the treatment of prisoners under the [[Geneva Conventions]]. "By April 1975," its report states, "intelligence reporting showed that Contreras was the principal obstacle to a reasonable human rights policy within the Junta, but an interagency committee directed the CIA to continue its relationship with Contreras." The American ambassador in [[Santiago]] urged the deputy director of central intelligence, General [[Vernon Walters]], to receive him in Washington "in the interest of maintaining good relations with Pinochet." The meeting took place in August 1975 with interagency approval.[^1]
+
+"In May and June 1975," the report continues, "elements within the CIA recommended establishing a paid relationship with Contreras to obtain intelligence based on his unique position and access to Pinochet. This proposal was overruled, citing the US Government policy on clandestine relations with the head of an intelligence service notorious for human rights abuses. However, given miscommunications in the timing of this exchange, a one-time payment was given to Contreras."[^1]
+
+### Condor
+
+Within a year of the coup the agency knew of cooperation among the security services of the region "to track the activities of and, in at least a few cases, kill political opponents." [[Operation Condor]], the formal arrangement among [[Chile]], [[Argentina]], [[Brazil]], [[Paraguay]], and [[Uruguay]], was established in 1975. "By October 1976 there was sufficient information that the CIA decided to approach Contreras on the matter. Contreras confirmed Condor's existence as an intelligence-sharing network but denied that it had a role in extra-judicial killings."[^1]
+
+### Letelier
+
+In the summer of 1976 two DINA officers obtained American visas in [[Asuncion]] on Paraguayan passports, telling Ambassador [[George W. Landau]] that their trip was known to the CIA. Landau sent photographs of the passports to Washington. Walters replied that the agency had no connection with the men. The bomb that killed Letelier and [[Ronni Moffitt]] was placed by the DINA agent [[Michael Townley]], an American.[^2][^3]
+
+The agency's first report naming Contreras in connection with the murder is dated October 6, 1976. "During 1977, CIA met with Contreras about half a dozen times; three of those contacts were to request information on the Letelier assassination. On 3 November 1977, Contreras was transferred to a function unrelated to intelligence so CIA severed all contact with him." Chile refused to extradite him. A [[State Department]] cable of January 22, 1987, quotes him as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The CIA's assessment of May 1, 1987, concluded that [[Augusto Pinochet]] personally ordered the killing and afterward considered having Contreras eliminated to keep him silent.[^1][^4]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
+[^2]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
+[^3]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.
+[^4]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Nicholas
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Nicholas
@ -6,9 +6,13 @@ tags:
  - IranContra
  - Arms
  - Media
+  - NicholasDavies
+  - RobertMaxwell
+  - AriBenMenashe
+  - Vanunu
 summary: "Nicholas Davies was the foreign editor of the Daily Mirror under Robert Maxwell, accused by Seymour Hersh in 1991 of operating as a Mossad intelligence asset, passing Mordechai Vanunu's location to the Mossad, and co-directing an arms-dealing firm with Ari Ben-Menashe."
 created: 2026-05-14
-updated: 2026-05-14
+updated: 2026-09-21
 born: 1937-03-14
 died: 2016-01-28
 location: "London, United Kingdom"
@ -23,6 +27,11 @@ Ben-Menashe stated that Davies and he became business partners in an internation

 The most specific allegation was that Davies passed [[Mordecai Vanunu|Mordechai Vanunu]]'s location to Mossad operatives, enabling the 1986 honey-trap operation in Rome that led to Vanunu's abduction and return to Israel for trial on nuclear secrets charges.[^3]

+### In Parliament
+Hersh's book went on sale in [[United Kingdom|Britain]] on October 20, 1991. Two members of the [[House of Commons]] raised it under privilege and put down motions. That of [[George Galloway]] stated that Davies "has been involved in substantial arms sales of Israeli equipment to [[Iran]] and other countries over the last 10 years, is a longstanding and highly-paid Israeli Intelligence asset and that he betrayed the whereabouts in a hotel in [[London]] of Mordechai Vanunu to Mossad," and called on Robert Maxwell to appoint an independent tribunal to establish "the extent of foreign intelligence penetration of Mirror Group newspapers." That of [[Rupert Allason]], who wrote on intelligence as [[Nigel West]], stated that the Daily Mirror and its proprietor "have maintained a close relationship with the Israeli Intelligence Service," that Davies in 1983 "entered into a business partnership with an Israeli citizen, Mr Ari Ben-Menashe, and based a company incorporated as [[Ora Limited]] at 41 Becmead Avenue, London S.E.15, and 1 Trafalgar Avenue, London S.W.16," that the company "negotiated the sale of 4,000 TOW anti-tank missiles to Iran," and that it "allegedly conspired in September 1986 to supply information regarding the whereabouts in London of Mr Mordechai Vanunu to the [[Embassy of Israel, London|Israeli Embassy]]." It asked the [[Department of Trade and Industry]] to investigate a breach of the arms embargo and the [[Foreign and Commonwealth Office|Foreign Office]] to suspend the access of Mirror Group staff to its confidential briefings.[^4]
+
+Davies, who was in [[Harare]] covering the Commonwealth conference, said: "The allegations are a complete and total lie. I reject them in every respect." Maxwell, in [[New York City|New York]], called them "ludicrous, a total invention," issued writs against [[Faber and Faber]], and sought an injunction against distribution of the book. The Mirror's front page said the two members had "as much honor as a pair of jackals scavenging in a rubbish heap." Asked in November 1986 whether information on Vanunu's presence in Britain had passed from government sources to [[Israel]], Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]] had answered: "No."[^5][^6]
+
 ### Libel Litigation and Resolution

 Maxwell and Davies both sued Hersh and his publisher for libel following publication. Maxwell's suit terminated with his death in November 1991. Mirror Group Newspapers, after Maxwell's estate became embroiled in the pension fraud scandal, reversed course and settled with Hersh, issuing an apology and paying substantial damages. Davies did not pursue his own libel case to trial.[^1]
@ -34,3 +43,6 @@ Sources in Britain and Israel publicly disputed Ben-Menashe's reliability as a w
 [^1]: "Nicholas Davies (journalist)," Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicholas_Davies_(journalist)
 [^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy.* Random House, 1991.
 [^3]: UK Parliament Early Day Motion 2134, "Mirror Group Newspapers and Israeli Intelligence," 1992. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/2134/mirror-group-newspapers-and-israeli-intelligence
+[^4]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 2134, "Mirror Group Newspapers and Israeli Intelligence," and Early Day Motion 2136, "Arms Sales," October 1991. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/2136/arms-sales
+[^5]: United Press International, "Maxwell to seek injunction against book," London, October 23, 1991.
+[^6]: House of Commons, written answers, November 27, 1986, vol. 106, col. 299W, "Mr. Mordechai Vanunu."
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Norman
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Norman
@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+---
+category: "Law Enforcement & Legal"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - NormanCasper
+  - Wackenhut
+  - CastleBank
+  - OperationTradewinds
+  - InternalRevenueService
+  - Bahamas
+  - Informants
+alias:
+  - TW-24
+  - The Friendly Ghost
+summary: "Former Wackenhut detective in Miami who became the paid informant TW-24 of the Internal Revenue Service's Operation Tradewinds and in 1972 approached the president of the Castle Bank in the Bahamas."
+location: "Miami, Florida"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Norman Casper was a private detective in [[Miami]], formerly an agent of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], who worked as a paid informant of the [[Internal Revenue Service]] under the designation TW-24 in [[Operation Tradewinds]], its inquiry into American money in the banks of the [[Bahamas]]. He was known as "the Friendly Ghost." The operation was run in coordination with [[Robert Peloquin]] of [[Intertel]] and [[Henry Petersen]] of the organized crime section of the [[Department of Justice]].[^1]
+
+Casper was used for his "good contacts in the Miami and [[Caribbean]] areas." In October 1972 he met [[Samuel Pierson]], president of the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]], at the Miami airport while posing as a federal narcotics agent. The Castle Bank had been organized by the Miami lawyer [[Paul Helliwell]].[^1]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, p. 383 and the chapter on Intertel.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pedro
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Pedro
@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
+---
+category: "Intelligence & Government"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - PedroEspinoza
+  - DINA
+  - Chile
+  - OrlandoLetelier
+  - CarlosPrats
+  - CharlesHorman
+  - OperationCondor
+alias:
+  - Pedro Espinoza Bravo
+summary: "Chilean army officer, operations director of DINA, indicted in Washington for the Letelier murder in 1978, named by Michael Townley as the man who asked for the killing of General Prats, and convicted in the Horman case."
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Pedro Espinoza Bravo was a [[Chile|Chilean]] army colonel and director of operations of [[DINA]], the secret police of General [[Augusto Pinochet]], under [[Manuel Contreras]].[^1]
+
+[[Michael Townley]] testified that Espinoza came to him several times in July and August 1974 about "doing something" about General [[Carlos Prats]], the former army commander living in [[Buenos Aires]], who Espinoza feared might lead a government in exile. Townley called it "a patriotic request." Prats and his wife were killed by Townley's bomb on September 30, 1974. The Chilean judge [[Alejandro Solís]] later indicted Contreras, Espinoza, and three other DINA officers for the killing.[^1]
+
+A federal grand jury in Washington indicted Contreras, Espinoza, and [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]] in 1978 for the murder of [[Orlando Letelier]] and [[Ronni Moffitt]]. Chile put the three under military detention and refused to extradite them, and a military court dismissed the domestic case. On an appeal by Letelier's sister the [[Supreme Court of Chile|Chilean Supreme Court]] ruled in January 1982 that the dismissal "was temporary and not definitive." Contreras was sentenced to seven years for the murder in 1995.[^2]
+
+A man who sought asylum in 1987 told American officials that [[Charles Horman]] had been put to death in the [[Estadio Nacional (Chile)|National Stadium]] in September 1973 on Espinoza's orders. A Chilean court sentenced Espinoza to seven years in the Horman and [[Frank Teruggi]] case in 2015, and the Supreme Court raised the term to fifteen years in 2016.[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: National Security Archive, "The Pinochet Regime at 50: The Assassination of General Carlos Prats and Sofia Cuthbert," October 1, 2024. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-10-01/pinochet-regime-50-assassination-general-carlos-prats-and-sofia
+[^2]: "Letelier Case Reversal," *The Washington Post,* January 16, 1982, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00552R000403680022-8; "Ex-Chile spy chief dies while serving 500-year sentence," Al Jazeera, August 8, 2015.
+[^3]: National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 33, document 2; "Sentencing in Chile begins to bring closure in 41-year-old murder cases of US citizens Frank Teruggi and Charles Horman," *The Tico Times,* January 30, 2015.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Salvador
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Salvador
@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
+---
+category: "Political Figure"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - SalvadorAllende
+  - Chile
+  - CIA
+  - ProjectFUBELT
+  - ChileanCoup1973
+  - ITT
+  - CovertAction
+alias:
+  - Salvador Allende Gossens
+  - Allende
+summary: "Socialist president of Chile from 1970 to 1973, the object of fourteen million dollars of CIA covert action over a decade, who died in the presidential palace during the military coup of September 11, 1973."
+died: 1973-09-11
+location: "Santiago, Chile"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Salvador Allende Gossens, a physician and Socialist senator, was elected president of [[Chile]] in 1970 on his fourth attempt, at the head of the [[Popular Unity]] coalition of Socialists, Communists, and Radicals. He died in the [[La Moneda]] palace in [[Santiago]] on September 11, 1973, during the coup led by General [[Augusto Pinochet]].[^1]
+
+### The 1964 Election
+
+The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] spent three million dollars to influence the election of 1964, in which [[Eduardo Frei Montalva]] defeated Allende. Former ambassador [[Edward Korry]] said in 1976 that the administration of [[John F. Kennedy]] had begun the program, and that aid and earthquake relief funds had been passed to Jesuit-led Catholic groups for the purpose.[^1][^2]
+
+### 1970
+
+On September 4, 1970, Allende won 36.3 percent to 35.3 for [[Jorge Alessandri]], a margin of 39,000 votes in three million. CIA polls had predicted that Alessandri would win with 40 percent. Korry said that the fund-raisers of all three candidates approached the embassy, that Allende's asked for a million dollars, and that none was given. [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], whose chairman [[Harold Geneen]] offered the agency a fund for Alessandri in July, passed at least 350,000 dollars to his campaign. On September 15 President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the agency to prevent Allende's accession, and the attempts that followed, described at [[Project FUBELT]], ended in the killing of General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]]. Congress confirmed Allende on October 24.[^1][^3]
+
+Korry wrote to Senator [[Frank Church]] in 1975 that the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Cuba]] had given "very substantial sums for covert political action to the Communist party, to the [[Socialist Party of Chile|Socialist Party]] and to Allende himself."[^4]
+
+### In Office
+
+Korry said that in early 1971 the [[United States]] offered to guarantee Chilean bonds with "the full faith and credit of the American Treasury" if Allende would negotiate compensation for ITT, [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]], and [[Kennecott]], and that Allende told him that if he accepted "there would be no 'Chilean revolution.'" Allende told an ITT executive on May 26, 1971, "I wish to nationalize your company." An embassy cable of September 29, 1971, called the confrontation over copper "a deliberate political decision by Allende" and "a conscious challenge to the tradition of US defense of its major business interests in [[Latin America]]." The government took over ITT's telephone company that day. Compensation talks ended the day after [[Jack Anderson]] published the company's internal memoranda on its dealings with the CIA in March 1972. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] first proposed to deny ITT's insurance claim on the ground of those papers, and in 1975 paid 34.7 million dollars in cash and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations.[^3][^4][^5][^6]
+
+The CIA spent eight million dollars in Chile between 1970 and the coup, more than three million of it in fiscal 1972. Its spending from 1963 to 1973 came to eight million for elections and parties, 4.3 million for propaganda and mass media, including [[El Mercurio]], 900,000 for labor, student, peasant, women's, and private sector organizations, and 1.2 million under the heading "promoting military coup d'etat." The [[40 Committee]] "did not approve any funds to be given directly to the strikers" in the truck owners' stoppages of 1972 and 1973, though "all observers agree that the two lengthy strikes could not have been maintained on the basis of union funds."[^1]
+
+### Death
+
+Dr. [[Patricio Guijón]] of the presidential medical staff stated that he saw Allende shoot himself with a rifle during the assault on the palace. The Chilean truth commission reached the same conclusion in 1991. The CIA reported to Congress in 2000: "There is no information to indicate that the CIA was involved in Allende's death." His body was exhumed in 2011, and an international forensic panel confirmed suicide on July 19. His daughter, Senator [[Isabel Allende Bussi|Isabel Allende]], said he "made the decision to end his life before being humiliated." Dr. [[Luis Ravanal]], who had concluded in 2008 that the wounds came from two weapons, said the autopsy "did not reveal anything different."[^7][^8]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 94th Cong., 1st sess., 1975, including table I. https://archive.org/details/CovertActionInChile196373
+[^2]: Trento, Joseph. "JFK Began Chile Bribes, Envoy Says," *Sunday News Journal* (Wilmington, Del.), November 28, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030095-8.
+[^3]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, pp. 232-234, 394-395, and 457-458.
+[^4]: Korry, Edward M., letter to Senator Frank Church, October 23, 1975, in Senate Select Committee, *Hearings,* vol. 7, *Covert Action,* exhibit 4; Department of State cable, Santiago, "Copper Crunch (Part II)," September 29, 1971, exhibit 5.
+[^5]: Merino, Adolfo G. "Ex-U.S. Envoy Tells of '70 Offer to Chile," *The Washington Post,* September 1974, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020076-0.
+[^6]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322 and note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322
+[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress, September 18, 2000.
+[^8]: Barrionuevo, Alexei, and Pascale Bonnefoy. Report on the Allende autopsy findings, *The New York Times,* July 20, 2011. https://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/20/world/americas/20allende.html
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Thomas
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Thomas
@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
+---
+category: "New Right"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - ThomasEllis
+  - JesseHelms
+  - PioneerFund
+  - NationalCongressionalClub
+  - FairnessInMedia
+  - NewRight
+alias:
+  - Tom Ellis
+  - Thomas Ellis
+summary: "Raleigh lawyer who ran Jesse Helms's political organization, sat on the Pioneer Fund board, took its money for his television foundation, organized a bid for CBS, and lost a Reagan nomination over his record on race."
+location: "Raleigh, North Carolina"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Thomas F. Ellis was a [[Raleigh, North Carolina|Raleigh]] lawyer and the chief organizer of the political operation of Senator [[Jesse Helms]]. He studied at the [[University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill|University of North Carolina]] and the [[University of Virginia School of Law|University of Virginia]] law school, served as a Navy lieutenant in the [[World War II|Second World War]], was an assistant [[United States]] attorney and special counsel to the [[North Carolina]] governor's advisory committee on education, and was a founder of the firm of [[Maupin, Taylor and Ellis]]. He was North Carolina chairman of [[Ronald Reagan]]'s campaign in 1976, national co-chairman of [[Jack Kemp]]'s in 1992, and an adviser to [[Steve Forbes]]'s in 1996.[^1]
+
+### The Helms Organization
+
+Ellis was chairman of the [[National Congressional Club]], the committee that raised 9.8 million dollars in 1982 and helped raise a record 13.99 million for Helms's reelection in 1984. His partner [[Carter Wrenn]] was its executive director and treasurer. Ellis was the principal stockholder of the tax-exempt [[Educational Support Foundation]], which owned the direct mail company [[Jefferson Marketing]], and chairman of the [[Coalition for Freedom]], "a tax-exempt foundation whose goal is to finance conservative-oriented television programs." The coalition produced "KGB: The Lie and the Truth," shown on August 28, 1982, on two and a half hours of air time donated by [[Ted Turner]], with Helms, Senator [[John East]], and Representative [[Philip Crane]]. The [[Federal Election Commission]] sued over Jefferson Marketing's services to campaigns in 1985. The [[Internal Revenue Service]] later revoked the coalition's exemption for political activity and private benefit to insiders. [[Thomas Farr]], who joined Ellis's firm in 1983, represented the Helms committees.[^2][^3]
+
+### The Pioneer Fund
+
+Ellis joined the board of the [[Pioneer Fund]] in 1973, with the Kinston lawyer [[Marion Parrott]], and left it in 1977. The fund's tax returns show 195,000 dollars to the Coalition for Freedom: 10,000 in 1983, 20,000 in 1984, 30,000 in 1985, 100,000 in 1987, and 35,000 in 1989. The fund's president, [[Harry Weyher]], was the lawyer for [[Fairness in Media]], which Ellis, Wrenn, and [[James Palmer Cain]] formed on November 13, 1984, to urge conservatives to buy stock in [[CBS]]. The network's suit against the group cited the officers' ties to "a controversial tax-exempt foundation, The Pioneer Fund."[^1][^2][^4]
+
+### The 1983 Nomination
+
+Reagan nominated Ellis on February 8, 1983, to the [[Board for International Broadcasting]], which supervised [[Radio Free Europe]] and [[Radio Liberty]]. Forbes was nominated to the same board. At the hearing of the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] on July 26, where his chief critics were Senators [[Paul Tsongas]] and [[Joe Biden|Joseph Biden]], he was challenged on his service on the board of "a group financing studies into theories that whites are genetically superior to blacks," his membership in an all-white country club, a letter circulated in 1976 claiming that President [[Gerald Ford|Ford]] was seeking a black running mate, and a visit to [[South Africa]] paid for by its government. He told the committee: "I do not believe in my heart that I'm a racist." A majority of the committee asked the president to withdraw the name. On July 28 Ellis asked to be withdrawn, in a letter on his firm's stationery distributed by a Helms aide, calling the criticism "an obvious partisan political effort to drive a wedge between you and the black community using me as the instrumentality." He hoped the board would continue to "broadcast the tenets of Christian belief" without "interference from some of those in public office who do not recognize the threat of communist world domination." Reagan replied that he had "acted in a manner consistent with the reputation for honor that you have always possessed." The nomination lapsed on August 4.[^5][^6]
+
+Asked by [[New York Times|The New York Times]] in 2001 whether one race was genetically superior to another, Ellis said: "I have no idea."[^3]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Lynn, Richard. *The Science of Human Diversity: A History of the Pioneer Fund*. University Press of America, 2001, pp. 55-56.
+[^2]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
+[^3]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "From eugenics to voter ID laws: Thomas Farr's connections to the Pioneer Fund," *Hatewatch,* December 4, 2017.
+[^4]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990; Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996.
+[^5]: United Press International, dispatch on the withdrawal of Thomas Ellis, Washington, July 28, 1983.
+[^6]: United States Senate, nomination PN59-1, Thomas F. Ellis, Board for International Broadcasting, 98th Congress. https://www.congress.gov/nomination/98th-congress/59/1
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wafai
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wafai
@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+---
+category: "Other"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WafaiDajani
+  - Jordan
+  - BNLScandal
+  - CommodityCreditCorporation
+  - Iraq
+  - KingHussein
+  - StateDepartment
+summary: "Jordanian grain trader close to King Hussein whom Atlanta prosecutors planned to indict in the BNL case in 1991 and who was named instead as an unindicted co-conspirator after the State Department noted his connections."
+location: "Amman, Jordan"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Wafai Dajani is a businessman of [[Amman]], owner of Amman Resources, Wafai Dajani and Sons, Arab Holdings, and Aqaba Packing. His brother was [[Jordan]]'s minister of the interior, his family had been the Jordanian agent of [[Mobil|Mobil Oil]] since 1921, he had formerly worked for [[Ghaith Pharaon]], and he had a joint venture with [[Comet Rice]] of [[Houston]]. Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] described him as central to the smooth running of the [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program|Commodity Credit Corporation's guarantees]] for [[Iraq]], which the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] financed.[^1]
+
+The Atlanta prosecutors' draft of the indictment in the [[BNL Scandal|BNL case]] named him as a defendant. On February 28, 1991, the day the indictment was returned, a [[Department of State|State Department]] memorandum said the department had "no objections" to the indictment of anyone on the list and recorded "reservations about proceeding against him in light of his connections." He and [[Hussein Kamel]], the son-in-law of [[Saddam Hussein]], appeared in the indictment as unindicted co-conspirators. Gonzalez told the House on March 30, 1992, that the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] had discouraged the indictment of the [[Central Bank of Iraq]] and of "a prominent Jordanian with close ties to the King of Jordan" on grounds of foreign policy. The branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], testified that a "Mr. Dejani" had told him of [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]]: "Kissinger, of course, he said, is the architect of foreign policy in the [[United States]]. You know that."[^1][^2]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. Floor statements on the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, *Congressional Record,* House, March 30 and August 10, 1992.
+[^2]: "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun,* April 28, 1992; House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, hearing, Serial No. 103-95, testimony of Christopher Drogoul.
--- a/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wickliffe
+++ b/PEOPLE/(A-G)/Wickliffe
@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
+---
+category: "Philanthropists & Benefactors"
+tags:
+  - Person
+  - WickliffeDraper
+  - PioneerFund
+  - Eugenics
+  - Segregation
+  - MississippiSovereigntyCommission
+  - MorganGuaranty
+  - DarkMoney
+alias:
+  - Wickliffe Preston Draper
+  - Colonel Draper
+summary: "Massachusetts textile heir who founded the Pioneer Fund in 1937 and secretly sent nearly 215,000 dollars through Morgan Guaranty to the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission to fight the Civil Rights Act of 1964."
+born: 1891-08-09
+died: 1972-03-11
+location: "New York, New York"
+created: 2026-09-21
+updated: 2026-09-21
+---
+
+Wickliffe Preston Draper (August 9, 1891 to March 11, 1972) was the heir to a textile machinery fortune in [[Hopedale, Massachusetts]]. He served as an officer in the British and American armies in the [[World War I|First World War]], held a colonel's commission in the cavalry reserve, and in 1924 inherited about half of an estate valued at nearly eleven million dollars. He gave it over four decades, almost always anonymously and through the same [[New York City|New York]] bank and the same lawyer, to eugenics research, to the repatriation of black Americans to Africa, to congressional committees, and to the defense of segregation in [[Mississippi]]. He founded the [[Pioneer Fund]] in 1937.[^1][^2]
+
+### Berlin and the Pioneer Fund
+
+Draper joined and financed a French expedition to the southern [[Sahara]] in 1927 and was elected a fellow of the [[Royal Geographical Society]]. From August 26 to September 1, 1935, he attended the International Congress for the Scientific Investigation of Population Problems in [[Berlin]], presided over by the Nazi interior minister, [[Wilhelm Frick]]. His traveling companion, [[Clarence Campbell]], closed his address with a toast "to that great leader, [[Adolf Hitler]]." In 1937 Draper paid for a special edition of [[Earnest Sevier Cox]]'s White America for free distribution to members of Congress and the state legislatures. Its publisher's note said it was "financed by a prominent citizen who wishes to promote the cause of 'Repatriation.'" A copy went to Frick. Senator [[Theodore Bilbo]] of Mississippi introduced a bill for a Greater Liberia in 1939.[^1][^3]
+
+The Pioneer Fund's certificate of incorporation was signed on February 27, 1937, by Draper, the eugenicist [[Harry Laughlin]], the [[Boston]] lawyer [[Malcolm Donald]], and [[Frederick Osborn]]. Donald had written to Laughlin on February 19 proposing a colorless name, because if the fund approached "members of the flying Corp and their wives" it might be said "that they were picked out for eugenics purposes so that some ridicule might interfere with the investigation." Laughlin replied that he hoped eventually to see "some such title as the [[Draper Eugenics Foundation]]." Laughlin had accepted an honorary degree from the [[University of Heidelberg]] the year before, and thanked its dean for the honor from the nation that had nurtured "the human seed-stock which later founded my own country." [[John Marshall Harlan II]], later a justice of the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]], sat as a director at the board meeting of October 28, 1937. The fund's first project was the American distribution of Erbkrank, a film made by the Nazi party's racial policy office. Its second, in 1940, paid [[United States Army Air Corps|Army Air Corps]] officers who already had three children 4,000 dollars each for a fourth. The annuities were held at [[Guaranty Trust Company|Guaranty Trust]], where Draper had banked since the 1930s. Twelve children were born. The parents were not told who was paying.[^1][^4][^5][^6]
+
+### The Committees
+
+On March 5, 1960, the [[The Capital Times|Capital Times]] of [[Madison, Wisconsin]], reported that Draper was distributing money for research on race through two private committees. [[Richard Arens]], the staff director of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]], was a paid consultant to them, and resigned his congressional post that year after the disclosure. Arens's other clients for such grants included [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Smith Richardson]]. Draper's lawyer, [[Harry Weyher]], let slip that there was a second committee by referring to Senator [[James Eastland]] of Mississippi as "being connected with 'the other one.'" The chairman of the Un-American Activities Committee, Representative [[Francis Walter]], was connected with the first. "Sen. Eastland said he could not remember having had any connection with Draper," the paper reported. Weyher told the reporter that his firm "handles a number of foundations in similar fashion." A geneticist, [[Bruce Wallace (geneticist)|Bruce Wallace]], said: "For $10 an hour, I tutored Draper every time I was in New York."[^7]
+
+Draper financed the [[International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics]], formed in 1959 under the psychologist [[Henry Garrett]] with [[Robert Gayre]] of Edinburgh, and its journal, [[Mankind Quarterly]]. Weyher became president of the Pioneer Fund in 1958 and held the office until he died in 2002. The historian [[William H. Tucker]] wrote that "all the segregationists' projects intersected on Harry Weyher's desk."[^1][^8]
+
+### Mississippi
+
+On July 22, 1963, a cashier's check for 10,000 dollars from [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]] reached [[John Satterfield]], the Mississippi lawyer who was organizing the campaign against the civil rights bill. On September 12 a Morgan vice president, [[Arthur W. Rossiter Jr.|Arthur Rossiter]], telegraphed the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] offering an anonymous gift of 100,000 dollars in stock on condition of confidentiality. Governor [[Ross Barnett]] accepted the same day. A second telegram four months later pledged 105,000 dollars more. The shares were in [[R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company|Reynolds Tobacco]], [[General Motors]], [[Standard Oil|Standard Oil of New Jersey]], and [[Addressograph-Multigraph]]. In all nearly 215,000 dollars of the campaign's 300,000 came from Draper. The money went to Satterfield's [[Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms]] in Washington, which mailed 1.4 million pamphlets and bought advertisements in 500 newspapers. An internal memorandum described the case to be made as concerning "the intelligence, criminality and immorality of the Negro."[^1]
+
+On June 2, 1964, Draper gave 50,000 dollars toward a permanent national organization on the same lines. After the murders of [[James Chaney]], [[Andrew Goodman]], and [[Michael Schwerner]] that summer the plan was dropped and the money was returned to an escrow account at Weyher's law firm. In later years Draper sent dozens of checks to the private academies opened in Mississippi when the public schools were integrated. The source of the 1963 money was not known until the commission's files were opened and the [[The Wall Street Journal|Wall Street Journal]] published the telegrams on June 11, 1999. A managing director of the bank said that anonymous giving was "a privilege of being rich in America."[^1]
+
+### The Estate
+
+Draper left about five million dollars, with Morgan Guaranty as executor: one million to relatives, 3.3 million to the Pioneer Fund, 50,000 to Garrett, and 1.7 million to the [[Puritan Foundation]], whose address was Satterfield's law office. In 1978 the Puritan Foundation merged into the [[Council School Foundation]], which financed Mississippi's segregated private academies and whose enrollment form stated that its curriculum was "designed solely for the educational responses of white children." The will directed the Pioneer Fund to keep its money with Morgan, which it did until the bank closed the account after the publication of [[The Bell Curve]] in 1994.[^1]
+
+Two of the fund's directors in the 1970s, [[Thomas F. Ellis]] and [[Marion Parrott]], were associates of Senator [[Jesse Helms]] of [[North Carolina]]. The fund gave Ellis's [[Coalition for Freedom]] 195,000 dollars between 1983 and 1989, and Weyher was the lawyer for Ellis's [[Fairness in Media]] when it tried to take over [[CBS]] in 1985. President [[Ronald Reagan]] nominated Ellis to the [[Board for International Broadcasting]] in 1983, and Ellis withdrew after senators asked about the fund. "I do not believe in my heart that I'm a racist," he told them. The fund's grants between 1971 and 1996 included 1,289,000 dollars to the [[Federation for American Immigration Reform]], beginning in 1982, and more than a million dollars to [[Roger Pearson]], who took over Mankind Quarterly in 1978, chaired the [[World Anti-Communist League]] that year, and received a letter of thanks from Reagan on [[White House]] stationery dated April 14, 1982.[^8][^9][^10][^11]
+
+### Footnotes
+
+[^1]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
+[^2]: Tucker, William H. *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund*. University of Illinois Press, 2002.
+[^3]: "Cox, Earnest Sevier (1880-1966)," *Encyclopedia Virginia.* https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/cox-earnest-sevier-1880-1966/
+[^4]: Pioneer Fund, Certificate of Incorporation, February 27, 1937; Malcolm Donald to Harry H. Laughlin, February 19, 1937; Laughlin to Donald, February 24, 1937; minutes of the board, October 28, 1937. Harry H. Laughlin Papers, reproduced by the Institute for the Study of Academic Racism. https://web.archive.org/web/20001001235059/http://www.ferris.edu/isar/Institut/pioneer/pfund.htm
+[^5]: Laughlin, Harry H., to Carl Schneider, May 28, 1936, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, *Experiencing History.* https://perspectives.ushmm.org/item/letter-from-dr-harry-h-laughlin-to-dr-carl-schneider
+[^6]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "A Breed Apart: A Long-Ago Effort to Better the Species Yields Ordinary Folks," *The Wall Street Journal,* August 17, 1999.
+[^7]: May, Ron. "Rich New Yorker Trying to Prove Negroes Inferior," *The Capital Times* (Madison, Wis.), March 5, 1960, p. 1.
+[^8]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "From eugenics to voter ID laws: Thomas Farr's connections to the Pioneer Fund," *Hatewatch.*
+[^9]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990.
+[^10]: Edsall, Thomas B., and David A. Vise. "CBS Fight a Litmus Test for Conservatives," *The Washington Post,* March 31, 1985, p. 1.
+[^11]: "It's 1985, and Ronald Reagan Is Paying His Respects to Nazis," *The Village Voice*; Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996.