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---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- CharlesHorman
- Chile
- ChileanCoup1973
- StateDepartment
- CIA
- Missing
alias:
- Charles Edmund Horman
- Charles Horman Lazar
summary: "American writer seized at his Santiago home by the Chilean army on September 17, 1973, and shot the next day, whose death the American embassy attributed to leftists while the State Department's inquiries concluded otherwise."
died: 1973-09-18
location: "Santiago, Chile"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Charles Horman was an American writer and filmmaker living in [[Santiago]] who was detained by the Chilean army six days after the coup of September 11, 1973, and executed. He and [[Frank Teruggi]], detained days later, were both shot at the [[Estadio Nacional (Chile)|National Stadium]]. His case was the subject of the 1982 film Missing by [[Costa-Gavras]], and of a Chilean prosecution that in 2011 indicted the former head of the [[United States]] military group in [[Chile]].[^1]
### Viña del Mar
On the day of the coup Horman was in [[Valparaíso]] and [[Viña del Mar]] with a friend from [[New York City|New York]], [[Terry Simon]]. Over that day and the next four they met officers and contractors of the [[United States Military Group]], all of whom were enthusiastic about the coup. A Navy contractor, [[Arthur Creter]], said more than once that "it had gone smoothly." An American officer gave them a ride back to Santiago. Simon kept notes of the conversations with names and addresses. After Horman's death she dictated them to the American academic [[Stephen Volk]], who typed them on onion skin and carried them out of the country in an empty Chapstick tube.[^1]
A month before his death, on a visit to New York, Horman had persuaded four friends to give him money to buy weapons for the cordones industriales, the belts of worker-run factories that supporters of [[Salvador Allende]] expected to resist a coup. A few days before September 11 he and his wife, [[Joyce Horman|Joyce]], moved to a house in the Vicuña Mackenna industrial district.[^1]
### September 17
An army unit took Horman from the house in the late afternoon of September 17. Neighbors saw the arrest, and two callers reported it to the United States consulate, where the calls were entered on the note cards kept on the case. Less than 24 hours later his body and those of six labor leaders from a nearby factory were delivered to the morgue. He had been shot at the stadium on September 18. A Chilean official stopped the morgue from completing a fingerprint comparison, even after the family supplied prints from [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] records. In mid October two Chilean military intelligence sergeants, Raúl Meneses and Jaime Ortiz, who had been assigned to find him, pressed the morgue to make the comparison, which identified body 2663. They told his father that the body had been "interred in the wall of the [[Cementerio General de Santiago|Santiago Cemetery]] on October 3."[^1]
### The Embassy
An embassy cable of September 25, number 4565, reported that the embassy had "no firm info on his detention." [[Edmund Horman]] arrived on October 5 and with his daughter-in-law saw Ambassador [[Nathaniel Davis]], who "said that the Embassy feeling was that Charles probably was in hiding." When the father mentioned the two telephone calls, the ambassador asked the consul, Purdy, whether he knew of them. "No sir," Purdy said. The vice consul handling the case, [[James Anderson (CIA)|James Anderson]], was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officer under diplomatic cover.[^1]
The junta told the embassy that Horman and Teruggi had been killed by leftists in stolen army uniforms. A foreign ministry official, Enrique Guzmán, told an embassy officer that "we may never know" how they died, that both had been deeply involved in "Communist Industrial areas," and that they "perhaps had been shot by their own comrades." The embassy gave this account to journalists for years. Three American diplomats later acknowledged that no real pressure was put on the junta, on instructions from [[Henry Kissinger]]. Edmund Horman wrote of the embassy's conduct: "Whether it was incompetence, indifference, or something worse, I find it shocking, outrageous and perhaps obscene."[^1]
### The Man Who Knew Too Much
In June 1976 [[Rafael González (Chilean intelligence)|Rafael González]], a Chilean civilian intelligence agent who had taken asylum with his family in the Italian embassy, told American reporters, among them [[Frank Manitzas]] of [[CBS]] and [[Lewis Diuguid]] of [[Washington Post|The Washington Post]], that he had seen Horman interrogated with an American in the room and had heard that he "had to disappear" because "he knew too much." Senator [[Edward Kennedy]] and others wrote to the [[State Department]].[^1]
Inside the department [[Rudy Fimbres]] wrote to Assistant Secretary [[Harry Shlaudeman]] that "we 'withheld' for almost two years any reference to a Chilean memorandum which accused Teruggi, and Horman, of leftist activities," that "we have done nothing about it," that the public claim to be pursuing every lead "is overdrawn," and that Anderson's employer would eventually come out. A memorandum by Fimbres, [[Robert Driscoll (CIA)|Robert Driscoll]], and William Robertson stated that "this case remains bothersome," that the junta "sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution," that it "might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG," and that the CIA's "lack of candor with us on other matters only heightens our suspicions." Fimbres said later that the language was meant to force an inquiry: "I was trying to smoke something out." [[Frederick Smith Jr.]] then spent five months in the files. He concluded that the Chilean military "deliberately killed" both men, that its denials were "difficult to credit," and that there was "no evidence" of an American role "apart from Gonzalez's statements," and recommended "high level inquiries" of the CIA as to whether it had done anything "that may have led the Junta to believe it could, without serious repercussions, kill Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi." Embassy officers interviewed González on tape in January 1977 and reported that he "is not reliable."[^1]
In March and April 1987 Meneses approached the embassy four times, offering what he knew in return for help leaving Chile. He said that "to his knowledge, no U.S. official played any role in the death of Charles Horman since he was dead before anyone in the Embassy would have known of his detention." The embassy suspected that he and [[Mariana Callejas]], who visited at the same period, were "plants," turned him away, and later reported that it could not find him.[^1]
### The Chilean Case
Judge [[Jorge Zepeda]] indicted Navy Captain [[Ray Davis]], the former head of the Military Group, on November 29, 2011, as an accomplice who had known of the detentions and not prevented the deaths "although he was in a position to do so." The documentary evidence he cited for foreknowledge was cable 4565, which he placed "at the very moment when the victim was still alive." The cable is dated a week after the body reached the morgue. Davis died in a Santiago nursing home in 2013. In 2015 Zepeda convicted [[Pedro Espinoza]], who had been in charge of interrogations at the stadium, and González as an accomplice. González had filed an affidavit in 2003 calling his 1976 statement "an absolute falsehood" made to get his family out of Chile, and saying that he took the phrase about knowing too much from an article by [[William Shawcross]] that Italian diplomats had shown him. The ruling did not address it. The journalist [[John Dinges]], who read the 6,976-page court record, named as responsible for the arrest Colonel [[Fernando Grant Pimentel]], Lieutenant [[Enzo Cadenasso]], and Lieutenant Colonel [[Roberto Soto Mackenney]], and found no evidence in it of American involvement in the killings. In 2025 the [[National Security Archive]] added a note to its 2000 publication of the State Department documents stating that the theory of an American role was now in doubt.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "Chile in Their Hearts," National Security Archive, May 7, 2025, with Embassy cable 4565 of September 25, 1973, the statement of Joyce Horman of November 10, 1973, and the State Department memoranda of 1976; summarizing Dinges, John. *Chile in Their Hearts: The Untold Story of Two Americans Who Went Missing After the Coup*. 2025. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2025-05-07/chile-their-hearts
[^2]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "New Information on the Murders of U.S. Citizens Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi by the Chilean Military," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 33, June 30, 2000, with editor's note of 2025. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB33/index.html

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- EdwardKorry
- Chile
- ProjectFUBELT
- ChurchCommittee
- ITT
- StateDepartment
alias:
- Edward M. Korry
- Ambassador Korry
summary: "United States ambassador to Chile from 1967 to 1971 who planned the covert campaign against Salvador Allende, was kept ignorant of the CIA's coup plot, was blamed for it, and accused the Church Committee of a cover-up."
location: "Santiago, Chile"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Edward M. Korry was the [[United States]] ambassador to [[Chile]] from 1967 to 1971. He directed the embassy's covert political program against [[Salvador Allende]] in 1970, known as Track I. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s separate effort to provoke a military coup, Track II or [[Project FUBELT]], was run without his knowledge on the instructions of President [[Richard Nixon]]. When the operations became public he was identified as a principal in the coup plot, and his diplomatic career ended.[^1][^2]
### 1970
Korry testified that before the election the embassy reported CIA polls showing that the conservative [[Jorge Alessandri]] would win with about 40 percent. After Allende's plurality on September 4 he cabled that General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]], the army commander who held the military to the constitution, "would have to be neutralized, by displacement if necessary." On October 16 the CIA's deputy director for plans, [[Thomas Karamessines]], cabled the [[Santiago]] station that it was "firm and continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup," and instructed it to disregard contrary orders from the ambassador, who had not been informed. [[David Atlee Phillips]] signed the cable as releasing officer. Schneider was shot on October 22 and died three days later.[^1][^3]
Korry said in 1974 that fund-raisers for all three candidates had approached the embassy in 1970, that Allende's had asked for one million dollars, and that none was given. He said that in early 1971 he had offered Allende "the most incredibly generous package we have ever offered any government," under which the [[United States Treasury]] would underwrite Chilean bonds if Chile negotiated compensation for [[ITT Corporation|ITT]], [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]], and [[Kennecott]], and that Allende told him that if he accepted there would be no Chilean revolution. He added that the United States had infiltrated the leadership of the Chilean Communist and Socialist parties. A cable of September 29, 1971, which he later gave to the Senate, called the confrontation over copper "a deliberate political decision by Allende" and "a conscious challenge to the tradition of US defense of its major business interests in [[Latin America]]."[^3][^4]
### The Church Committee
The [[Church Committee|Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Activities]] issued its reports on assassination plots and on covert action in Chile in November and December 1975. Both named Korry repeatedly. He said he had been barred from testifying despite six months of requests. When he did appear in public session he began: "I requested the CIA program in Chile. I planned much of the covert action in 1970. I drafted most of the policy that the United States pursued with the Allende government in 1971. I met with President Nixon in the [[Oval Office]] 2 weeks before General Schneider was murdered. I talked with Dr. [[Henry Kissinger|Kissinger]] before and after that grotesque and inexcusable episode. I even attended a [[40 Committee]] meeting. Yet this is the first time I appear before your committee." He called the suggestion that Track I had blurred into Track II "an outrageous falsehood." He said he had been "kept on for 1 more year with the certain knowledge of many in the Government that I did not know that the Allende government thought I was involved in those plots, and that the consequences for any exposure of that plot would fall upon me," and that he had received "a letter from the CIA warning me that public testimony was not in the national interest." His letter to Senator [[Frank Church]] of October 23, 1975, entered as an exhibit, stated that the [[Soviet Union]] and [[Cuba]] had given "very substantial sums for covert political action to the Communist party, to the [[Socialist Party of Chile|Socialist Party]] and to Allende himself."[^3]
### The Trento Interviews
In November 1976 Korry gave a series of interviews at his home in [[Briarcliff Manor, New York]], to [[Joseph Trento]] of the [[The News Journal (Wilmington)|Wilmington Sunday News Journal]], which reported that his charges were being examined by the [[Department of Justice]] for possible perjury by officials who had testified to the committee. Korry said that on the orders of [[Robert F. Kennedy]] tens of millions of dollars in CIA and [[United States Agency for International Development|Agency for International Development]] funds had gone to Jesuit-led Catholic groups in Chile; that under President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] relief money for the 1960 Chilean earthquake had been diverted to the same groups for political action; that Kennedy had recruited [[David Rockefeller]] to form the [[Business Group for Latin America]], which worked alongside the covert programs of three administrations; that the Allende government had accepted bribes from ITT, [[General Tire]], Cerro, and [[Anglo-Lautaro Nitrate]] to prevent expropriation; that ITT had defrauded the government of 89 million dollars by collecting on its federal investment insurance after paying them; and that Church and the committee's vice chairman, [[John Tower]], had made a deal limiting the inquiry into the multinational corporations and into the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. The answer the newspaper recorded was that the committee's report treated the intervention under all three presidents. The newspaper said the charges were confirmed in part by former diplomats and by [[State Department]] and CIA documents it had examined. The [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] had paid ITT 34.7 million dollars in cash and guaranteed 59.4 million in Chilean obligations in 1975.[^5][^6]
### The Correction
Korry did not find a position until 1979, when [[Connecticut College]] made him a visiting professor of international relations. [[Seymour Hersh]], who had written many of the articles in [[New York Times|The New York Times]] connecting him with the plot, including one reporting that he was about to be cited for contempt of Congress, telephoned him in November 1980 for help with a book on Kissinger. "He mentioned that he now knew everything I had told him was true," Korry said. "I said, 'Put it in writing. Tell [[A.M. Rosenthal|Abe Rosenthal]].'" In February 1981 the Times printed on its front page a 2,300-word article by Hersh, "New Evidence Backs Ex-Envoy on His Role in Chile," which said of the CIA's coup plotting that "none of this, it is now evident, was known to Ambassador Korry." It did not say that its author had written the original stories or that Korry had become a source for his book. "I led the way in trashing him," Hersh told Time. Korry then gave Hersh the information he wanted. Of the correction he said: "It's a start."[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders: An Interim Report,* 94th Cong., 1st sess., November 20, 1975; Central Intelligence Agency, cable to Santiago station, October 16, 1970, National Security Archive document 23596.
[^2]: "The 2,300-Word Times Correction," *Time,* February 23, 1981, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP90-00552R000303370004-3.
[^3]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Hearings,* vol. 7, *Covert Action,* 94th Cong., 1st sess., 1975, testimony of Edward M. Korry and exhibits 4 and 5; Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* part 1, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, pp. 394-395.
[^4]: Merino, Adolfo G. "Ex-U.S. Envoy Tells of '70 Offer to Chile," *The Washington Post,* September 1974, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020076-0.
[^5]: Trento, Joseph. "JFK Began Chile Bribes, Envoy Says," *Sunday News Journal* (Wilmington, Del.), November 28, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030095-8.
[^6]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXI, *Chile, 1969-1973,* document 322, note. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d322

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---
category: "Crime & Abuse Networks"
tags:
- Person
- EugeneHorsch
- Philadelphia
- OlneyHouseInvestigation
- FalseCredentials
- Firearms
alias:
- Eugene Albert Horsch
- Eugene Frederick Steiner
- Gizza
summary: "Son of the pornographer R.C. Horsch and owner of the Olney house searched in 2026, held on federal firearm and forged-credential counts and charged with no offense against the seven missing women."
born: 1981
location: "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Eugene Albert Horsch (born 1981) is the son of the Philadelphia pornographic filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] and the owner since 2006 of the house at 417 West Chew Avenue in [[Olney, Philadelphia|Olney]] that is the subject of the [[Olney House Investigation]]. He has been in custody since June 19, 2026, and faces two federal counts, possession of a firearm by a felon and possession of a fraudulent federal identification document. He has not been charged with any offense against the women whose disappearances the police connect to the house.[^1][^2]
### Timaru and Bucks County
Horsch was born in [[Timaru]], [[New Zealand]], where his father, a fugitive from a [[Philadelphia]] methamphetamine charge, worked as a chemist under the stolen identity of Dr. Stanley Eugene Stokowski. His mother was [[Myroslawa Ferkuniak|Myroslawa "Anna" Ferkuniak]], whom his father had married in [[Nevada]] under the same name. His father was arrested by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in 1985 and imprisoned until 1987. His mother died of an overdose in 1989. He grew up in his father's house in [[New Britain Township, Pennsylvania]]. The [[Central Bucks School District]] has no record that he graduated.[^1][^3]
### Convictions
In 2003, while a student at [[Drexel University]], Horsch caused a drunk-driving crash that left the other driver in a vegetative state; the man died sixteen years later. Horsch pleaded guilty in 2004 to driving under the influence and aggravated assault and was sentenced to two to four years. He was released in 2006 and acquired the Chew Avenue house from his father the same year. In 2013 police found about 1.9 million dollars' worth of marijuana in the house, and he was sentenced to four to eight years. He was in prison from 2013 to 2017. His father's former wife [[Amy McHale]] was last seen at the house in 2016. After a fire at the house in May 2025 he was charged with possession of marijuana and amphetamine and received three years of probation.[^1][^3][^4]
[[Krista Killen]], who lived in the house and appeared in his father's films, told friends that Horsch broke down her bedroom door and threatened to kill her. She died of drug intoxication some months after his father's death in May 2025.[^5]
### Arrest and Federal Case
On the morning of June 19, 2026, a federal park ranger approached Horsch's BMW at a fire hydrant beside [[Independence National Historical Park]]. His passenger said he was going to hurt her. She carried an identification card in the name of [[Blair Tonzelli]], missing since 2023. In the car were two handguns with obliterated serial numbers, a switchblade, a baton, a cattle prod, crack cocaine, and [[Drug Enforcement Administration]] credentials with his photograph in the name Eugene Frederick Steiner. The search of his house produced forged FBI credentials and the computer used to make them.[^2][^5]
A federal grand jury indicted him on July 9, 2026. State prosecutors withdrew their five counts on August 6. [[United States]] v. Horsch, No. 2:26-cr-00296, is before Judge [[John Milton Younge]] in the [[United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania|Eastern District of Pennsylvania]]. A January trial date has been reported. He is represented by [[Jerome Brown]], Maureen McCartney, and Justin Ashenfelter. Brown said: "We categorically deny that Eugene Horsch is a serial killer," "there's zero evidence right now that anyone was killed at that location," and "I'd be shocked if they found any harm related to those missing persons at that location."[^2][^4][^6][^7]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "How a pornographer's violent fantasies blurred fact and fiction as cops searched Olney house for missing women," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 2, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/a/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-philadelphia-missing-women-history-20260802.html
[^2]: Kramer, Jillian. "Eugene Horsch indicted in federal court on firearms, fake credentials charges," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* July 9, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/crime/eugene-horsch-olney-house-federal-indictment-20260709.html
[^3]: "Bucks County connection with Philly 'house of horror' case," *Yahoo News* (syndicated), 2026. https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/bucks-county-connection-philly-house-091634860.html
[^4]: "Who is Eugene Horsch? Man at Center of Philadelphia 'House of Horrors,'" *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/who-is-eugene-horsch-man-at-center-of-philadelphia-house-of-horrors-12459693
[^5]: "Five takeaways from Philly missing women mystery connected to Raymond and Eugene Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 4, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-missing-women-20260804.html
[^6]: United States v. Horsch, No. 2:26-cr-00296 (E.D. Pa. filed July 8, 2026), docket via CourtListener / RECAP.
[^7]: "Eugene Horsch Denies He's a Serial Killer as Philadelphia Cops Hunt for Missing Women," *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/philadelphia-obviously-serial-killer-former-fbi-agent-12457175

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---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- FraniaTyeLee
- HuntFamily
- HLHunt
- Bigamy
- EstateLitigation
alias:
- Frania Tye
- Frania Tye Hunt
- Mrs. John W. Lee
summary: "Bigamous second wife of H.L. Hunt, who signed a release in 1942, sued his estate in 1975, and settled for 7.5 million after the only record of the marriage was cut from a Florida ledger."
died: 2002
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Frania Tye Lee was the mother of four children by [[H.L. Hunt]], who married her in November 1925, when she was living in [[Tampa, Florida]], under the name [[Franklin Hunt]] while he was married to [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. The children were Howard, Haroldina, Helen, and Hugh. She died in 2002.[^1]
### The 1942 Release
She testified in 1978 that in January 1942 Hunt met her at the [[Adolphus Hotel|Hotel Adolphus]] in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], closed the doors, checked the hall, and offered her a million dollars to sign a statement that they had never married. "That's when I became very angry and screamed that I would never sell my children for all the money he had," she said. On January 24, 1942, she signed a 62-page statement denying the marriage and a release of all future claims. Hunt gave her a check for 300,000 dollars, 25,000 for her lawyers, and 2,000 dollars a month for life. Twelve days later she married Colonel [[John W. Lee]], a former employee of [[Hunt Oil Company]], who adopted the children. Hunt's lawyer in the negotiation, a Dallas attorney named Shank, acknowledged that he had researched the [[Texas]] bigamy statutes beforehand. Members of the family held that the cause of the settlement was Hunt's new relationship with [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a 25-year-old legal secretary in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]], who bore him a son, [[Ray Hunt|Ray Lee Hunt]], in [[New York City|New York]] in April 1943 and lived under the name Wright.[^1]
### Lee v. Hunt
Hunt died in November 1974. In 1975 she sued the executor, Ray Hunt, in the federal court in Shreveport, claiming that she had been a putative wife with a community interest in the estate. The trial began on January 9, 1978. The only documentary evidence of the marriage was a voided entry in a marriage license ledger of [[Hillsborough County, Florida]], which her son had found a few months before trial after years of unsuccessful searches by others. A documents examiner testified without contradiction that it was in a hand different from every other entry in the book. The ink was never dated. Not long after the lawyers in the case made certified copies of the entry, that part of the book was cut out, the first such incident in the history of the county clerk's office.[^1]
[[Margaret Hunt Hill]], a potential defense witness, stayed away from the courtroom, as did [[Hassie Hunt]], who had not appeared in public for more than 25 years. On January 16 the parties dictated a settlement to the court reporter in chambers and the jury was discharged. The estate agreed to pay 7.5 million dollars, half of the estimated community property as of 1942, drawn equally from the trusts of the first and second families, most of it to her children and grandchildren. She would be declared Hunt's putative wife. [[Hugh Lee Hunt|Hugh Lee]] would drop his separate suit to have the four declared legitimate heirs, and the family would sign another release. Hugh alone of the 19 parties then refused to sign the final agreement, pleading duress and mistake. The district court ordered him to execute it on December 27, 1979, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] decided his appeal on December 1, 1980.[^1][^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. "Daddy's Money," *Texas Monthly,* April 1978. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/daddys-money/
[^2]: Lee v. Hunt, 483 F. Supp. 826 (W.D. La. 1979); Lee v. Hunt, 631 F.2d 1171 (5th Cir. 1980).

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- GeorgeLandau
- StateDepartment
- Paraguay
- Chile
- OrlandoLetelier
- VernonWalters
- DINA
alias:
- George W. Landau
- George Walter Landau
summary: "American ambassador to Paraguay who in July 1976 copied the photographs in the false passports of two Chilean agents bound for Washington and sent them to the CIA, weeks before the murder of Orlando Letelier."
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
George Walter Landau was the [[United States]] ambassador to [[Paraguay]] from 1972 to 1977, to [[Chile]] from 1977 to 1982, and afterward to [[Venezuela]].[^1]
### The Passports
Landau testified in February 1979 that the Paraguayan chief of protocol, [[Conrado Pappalardo|Conrado Papalardo]], told him in "a bizarre conversation" in July 1976 that Chile wanted to send two army officers to the United States on Paraguayan documents "to be less conspicuous." "Papelardo told me the Paraguayan government had decided to give them the passports and that he had told them to contact Walters in the U.S. He said that would give Walters full control over their visit." General [[Vernon Walters]], deputy director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], had been in Paraguay shortly before. Landau tried to telephone Walters, failed, let the visas issue, had the passport photographs copied, and sent the copies to CIA headquarters with a full report to Walters. On July 27 or 28 he was told that Walters had left the agency and that Director [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] had the report. On August 4 Walters told him "he knew nothing of the matter and did not want to get involved in it." Landau revoked the visas and demanded the passports. They came back with the photographs removed. The men were [[Michael Townley]] and [[Armando Fernandez Larios|Armando Fernández Larios]] of [[DINA]]. Two men using the same names entered the country in late August on Chilean passports, and [[Orlando Letelier]] was killed on September 21.[^2][^3]
[[The New York Times]] reported that Landau had told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] that Papalardo said the request "had come directly from [[Augusto Pinochet|General Pinochet]]." By agreement of both sides, and at his own request, he was not asked about this in court and said only that the request came from a "high level" in Chile. He was by then ambassador in [[Santiago]], and he was called as a witness by the defense of the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]] members on trial, which hoped his exchange with Walters would tie Townley to the CIA.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," February 2014. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
[^2]: O'Leary, Jeremiah. "U.S. Envoy's Testimony Puts CIA Twist in Letelier Case," *The Washington Star,* February 9, 1979, and Burnham, David, *The New York Times,* February 9, 1979, CIA Reading Room clipping.
[^3]: Radio TV Reports, "Interview with Dinges and Landau," June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911.

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---
category: "Organized Crime"
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- OrganizedCrime
summary: "Hunt and Clint Murchison, Sr."
- HLHunt
- Oil
- Dallas
- JFKAssassination
- FactsForum
- LifeLine
- McCarthyism
- FBI
- RadioRight
alias:
- Haroldson Lafayette Hunt
- Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr.
- Franklin Hunt
summary: "Dallas oil billionaire who financed the Facts Forum and Life Line broadcasts, kept three families, corresponded with J. Edgar Hoover for twenty years, and whose offices Jack Ruby visited the day before the Kennedy assassination."
born: 1889-02-17
died: 1974-11-29
location: "Carson Township, Illinois"
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2025-08-05
updated: 2026-09-21
---
[[H.L. Hunt]] was a prominent Texas oilman, described as being cut from the same political cloth as [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. He was a key organizer of the pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] forces in Texas. Hunt accompanied [[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] on a flight to Texas for a speaking tour after MacArthur was relieved of his Korean command by President [[Harry Truman]] in 1951.[^1]
Hunt and [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] were the chief organizers of the pro-[[Douglas MacArthur|MacArthur]] movement in Texas. Hunt went on to establish a MacArthur-for-president headquarters in Chicago, spending $150,000 of his own money on the general's reluctant 1952 presidential campaign. This campaign eventually faltered as MacArthur adopted the strident rhetoric of the right wing.[^1]
Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr. (February 17, 1889 to November 29, 1974) was a [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer whom [[Fortune (magazine)|Fortune]] named the richest man in the [[United States]] in 1948. He owned [[Hunt Oil Company]] and founded [[Placid Oil Company]], and from 1951 he paid for two tax-exempt broadcasting operations, [[Facts Forum]] and [[Life Line]], that carried anticommunist commentary to several hundred radio stations. He fathered fifteen children in three concurrent households. He wrote to [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Director [[J. Edgar Hoover]] from 1951 until 1971, and hired former FBI agents as his commentators and as his chief of security. On November 21, 1963, [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman to the Hunt offices in the [[Mercantile Securities Building|Mercantile building]] for an appointment with Hunt's son [[Lamar Hunt]]. Hunt did not testify before the [[Warren Commission]].[^1][^2][^3]
### Arkansas and the East Texas Field
Hunt was born near [[Vandalia, Illinois]], the youngest of eight children, and was taught at home. He ran a cotton plantation in [[Arkansas]] until floods ended it in 1917, and in 1921 joined the oil boom at [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], as a lease broker. He claimed a fortune of 600,000 dollars by 1925, lost money in the Smackover field and the Florida land boom, and was reportedly broke again by 1930. An internal FBI memorandum of February 26, 1964, summarized the Bureau's file on these years: Hunt "was reportedly a professional gambler years ago, won an oil lease in a card game, and is also alleged to have operated prostitution activities in Arkansas several years ago." The same memorandum recorded an allegation that in 1943 he ran "a private horse race and gambling bookie establishment within his office in Dallas."[^1][^4]
On November 26, 1930, Hunt bought the discovery well and surrounding leases of the 70-year-old wildcatter [[Columbus Marion Joiner|Columbus Marion "Dad" Joiner]], whose [[Daisy Bradford No. 3]] had opened the [[East Texas Oil Field]] seven weeks earlier. Hunt had watched the drill-stem test at the well in September. He paid 50,000 dollars in cash, 45,000 dollars in notes, and a guarantee of 1.3 million dollars out of future production, and the first payment came from 30,000 dollars belonging to [[P.G. Lake]], an El Dorado clothier. The field proved to be 43 miles long and as much as nine miles wide, and Hunt's share of it eventually exceeded 100 million dollars. His [[Panola Pipe Line]] was carrying oil by December 1, 1930, and by 1932 [[Hunt Production Company]] operated 900 wells in East Texas. In 1935 H.L. Hunt, Inc., became Placid Oil, and its shares went into trusts for his six children by his first wife.[^1][^5]
In late 1936 Hunt bought the [[Excelsior Refining Company]] in [[Rusk County, Texas|Rusk County]] and renamed it [[Parade Refining Company|Parade Refining]]. Residue gas from the Parade plant was piped into the [[New London School explosion|New London school]], which exploded on March 18, 1937. Most of the families involved worked for Hunt.[^1]
### Three Families
Hunt married [[Lyda Bunker Hunt|Lyda Bunker]] in Arkansas on November 26, 1914. Their children were [[Margaret Hunt Hill|Margaret]], [[Hassie Hunt|Haroldson Jr.]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline]], [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Nelson Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|William Herbert]], and Lamar. On November 11, 1925, under the name [[Franklin Hunt]], he married [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] in [[Florida]]. They lived in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] and then Dallas and had four children. Tye learned of the first marriage in May 1934, and Hunt sent her to [[New York City|New York]]. He created trusts for her children in 1941, she signed a release in 1942, and she later married a Hunt employee, John Lee, who gave the children his name. The FBI's 1964 summary of its file states that "in 1953 it was also alleged that Hunt made a settlement of several million dollars with a woman claiming to be his wife." The memorandum does not name her.[^1][^4][^6]
Lyda Hunt died in 1955. In November 1957 Hunt married [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a former Hunt Oil secretary, and adopted her four children, who had been born between 1943 and 1950. The Reverend [[W.A. Criswell]] baptized Hunt and the third family into the [[First Baptist Church of Dallas]], then the largest Baptist congregation in the world. Criswell mailed Life Line material to his members, and Hunt mailed Criswell's sermons to other ministers.[^1][^7]
### MacArthur and Facts Forum
After President [[Harry Truman]] relieved General Douglas MacArthur of his Korean command in 1951, Hunt accompanied MacArthur on a flight to [[Texas]] for a speaking tour. Hunt and [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]] were the chief organizers of the pro-MacArthur movement in Texas. Hunt established a MacArthur-for-president headquarters in [[Chicago]] and spent 150,000 dollars of his own money on the general's reluctant 1952 campaign, which faltered as MacArthur adopted the strident rhetoric of the right wing.[^8]
Hunt founded Facts Forum in 1951 as a tax-exempt educational foundation. It produced radio and television panel programs, a magazine, and public-opinion polls, and spent about 3.5 million dollars before it closed in 1956. On August 9, 1951, about six weeks after its founding, Hunt wrote to Hoover enclosing Facts Forum poll cards and asking the director to supply "two or three of the fine questions" for its polling committee. The Dallas lawyer [[Robert H. Dedman]] was its president. Its board of advisers included General [[Robert E. Wood]], General [[Albert C. Wedemeyer]], [[John Wayne]], and [[Norman Vincent Peale]]. Its commentator was [[Dan Smoot]], who had been an FBI agent from 1941 to 1951. After Lyda Hunt died in 1955, [[Cartha DeLoach]] recorded information from the [[American Legion]]'s [[American Legion Americanism Commission|Americanism Commission]] that Hunt, "reportedly believing that his wife would outlive him, placed most of his investments in his wife's name," that he was "having great difficulty in financing many of his projects in view of the legal entanglements in which he finds his wife's estate," and that he had forced Smoot out of his 18,000 dollar post.[^1][^4][^7][^9][^10]
[[Robert E. Lee (FCC)|Robert E. Lee]], a former FBI man who as an investigator for the [[House Appropriations Committee]] had helped compile the list of 205 names that Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]] took to [[Wheeling, West Virginia|Wheeling]], joined Hunt's staff and moderated the first three Facts Forum television programs. [[Jean Kerr]], McCarthy's assistant and later his wife, who had worked with Lee on the list and raised money to defeat Senator [[Millard Tydings]], joined the staff at about the same time. Facts Forum endorsed McCarthy in 1952. Lee was appointed to the [[Federal Communications Commission]] under McCarthy's sponsorship, and Hunt testified at his confirmation that Lee would grant him no favors. Lee was still a commissioner in 1964.[^1][^4][^7]
On March 10, 1953, the FBI's New York office opened a memorandum captioned "H.L. Hunt, Facts Forum, Security Matter - C," which noted that Hunt had been the victim in a 1948 extortion case. In 1954 Representative [[Wayne Hays]] of [[Ohio]], a member of the [[Reece Committee|House committee investigating tax-exempt foundations]] under [[B. Carroll Reece]], demanded that the exemption be lifted. "Facts Forum is not only a propaganda machine," Hays said, "but it puts up money to defeat people for Congress like me." The [[Internal Revenue Service]] gave Facts Forum what the trade weekly Broadcasting-Telecasting called a clean bill of health. A Facts Forum spokesman, [[Hardy Burt]], wrote to Hays asking whether his antagonism was connected to the Daily Worker's endorsement of his 1948 candidacy. Hunt put 5,000 dollars on Hays's opponent in a later race and lost.[^7][^9]
### Life Line
Hunt revived the operation in 1958 as Life Line, a fifteen-minute daily program that reached more than 400 stations, financed through the tax-exempt [[Life Line Foundation]] and sponsored on the air by his food company, [[HLH Products]]. By February 1964 more than four million dollars had been spent on it. Its commentators included [[Gene Scudder|Milton Eugene Scudder]], a former FBI agent, and [[Wayne Poucher]], a [[Churches of Christ|Church of Christ]] minister from [[Tennessee]]. Poucher later broke with Hunt over the slanting of scripts and the foundation's exposure to the tax authorities. He said that Hunt wept when urged to be baptized and declined, saying he had been an evil person. "Everything I do, I do for profit," Hunt told a reporter.[^1][^7]
In October 1957 Hunt's office asked Hoover for comments and suggestions on the content of the new program. Hoover replied on November 5 that he could offer none. Hunt's office afterward sent the director tapes of commentary attacking the [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]]. Hunt's representative in Washington was [[Booth Mooney]], a former aide to [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], who lobbied the executive branch under four presidents and carried what he called a snowstorm of memoranda to the Johnson [[White House]] at a rate of four or five a week.[^4][^7]
[[Richard Arens]], the staff director of the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]], told a reporter in March 1960 that he advised Hunt on grants to patriotic causes, a service he also performed for the eugenics financier [[Wickliffe Draper]] and the drug manufacturer [[Smith Richardson]]. Arens left his congressional post that year.[^11]
From June 28 to July 7, 1960, according to FBI headquarters serial 62-105010-18, Hunt's aide [[John Curington]] paid 23,000 dollars to have anti-Kennedy, anti-Catholic material mailed to the public. The same year Hunt published [[Alpaca (novel)|Alpaca]], a novel about a republic whose citizens receive additional votes according to the taxes they pay.[^1][^3]
In 1961 the FBI's Dallas office opened a file on a loan from the [[Teamsters Central States Pension Fund|Teamsters pension fund]], arranged by [[Jimmy Hoffa]], to a company connected with Hunt. On May 4, 1961, an informant told the Bureau that a "Mr. Rieker" had met three Texas financiers to raise 25,000 dollars to kill [[Fidel Castro]] and that "Hunt gave a 'chunk' towards this cause." On December 21, 1961, another informant said Hunt was financing a group called the Third Party, which "plans to take over the government," and that arms were cached in a house in Dallas. The Dallas office closed the second matter on January 12, 1962, after it judged the informant emotionally unstable, failed to find the house, and interviewed Hunt's security chief, [[Paul Rothermel]], who said he knew nothing about it. Rothermel had been an FBI agent from December 1950 to December 1954.[^3][^12]
In September 1964 a House subcommittee examining some 15,000 tax-exempt foundations, which had already found one that served as a conduit for CIA money, described the Life Line Foundation as more political than educational and asked whether it should keep its exemption.[^13]
In October 1966 an FBI informant reported that the leader of a Dallas and [[Fort Worth, Texas|Fort Worth]] paramilitary group called WASP, which he said General [[Edwin Walker]] headed, claimed the group had invited Hunt to a meeting and asked him for a loan of one million dollars to train its members in [[Colorado]]. Hunt "listened to their program, but said he would not loan any money unless he thought he could realize a profit." The reporting agent described the group's spokesman as "a 'big talker'" and "apparently some kind of a 'crackpot.'"[^14]
### Dallas, November 1963
The full-page advertisement headed "Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas," bordered in black, ran in the [[Dallas Morning News]] on November 22, 1963, over the name of the [[American Fact-Finding Committee]], [[Bernard Weissman]], chairman. Weissman testified that the committee was "solely a name" and that the money, 1,462 dollars by his count, came from [[Joseph P. Grinnan]], a Dallas oil broker and [[John Birch Society]] coordinator, who "had to get $300 here and $400 there." The contributors included Nelson Bunker Hunt, [[H.R. "Bum" Bright|H.R. Bright]], and [[Edgar R. Crissey]]. Bunker Hunt was represented in the matter by [[Ivan Irwin Jr.]], a lawyer for Hunt Oil interests. [[Larrie Schmidt]], who organized the advertisement, wrote to Weissman that one of his recruits, [[Warren Carroll]], was a scriptwriter for H.L. Hunt "and a former CIA man (don't worry)." Carroll, later the founder of [[Christendom College]], worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] during the 1960s, according to the college's biography of him.[^15] A copy of the advertisement was found in Ruby's car after he shot [[Lee Harvey Oswald]].[^2][^16][^17]
On the morning of November 21, Ruby drove [[Connie Trammell]], a young woman he knew, to the Mercantile building, where she had an appointment to ask Lamar Hunt for a job. The FBI report of the visit spells the name "Larmar Hunt." The same day [[Eugene Hale Brading]], a [[California]] parolee with a record for mail fraud who had told his parole officer he would be in Dallas from November 21 to 25, went to the Hunt offices to see Lamar Hunt about oil business. Brading, using the name Jim Braden, was detained in the [[Dal-Tex Building]] on [[Dealey Plaza]] minutes after the shooting and released. He was staying at the [[Cabana Motel]], which Ruby visited that night. Both men denied the visits to the Hunt offices. Lamar Hunt's name was in Ruby's notebook, and Lamar Hunt told the FBI he could think of no reason for it. The Life Line broadcast heard in Dallas on the morning of November 22 concerned the confiscation of firearms under communism.[^2][^7][^16]
The FBI interviewed members of the family. Its headquarters file on the Hunts contains four records that the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] later classed as relevant to the assassination. On February 24, 1964, [[The Nation]] published [[Robert Sherrill]]'s "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," which quoted an editorial writer's remark that "the brooding Oswalds of the left or right wing" listened to Life Line. Two days later a memorandum to Assistant Director DeLoach reviewed the article, identified Lee, Smoot, and Scudder as former agents in Hunt's employ, and recommended "that the Director not see H.L. Hunt." It added: "Hunt features himself as a king maker."[^3][^4][^7]
### The Letter to Mr. Hunt
In 1975 assassination researchers received from [[Mexico City]] a photocopy of a handwritten note dated November 8, 1963, and signed Lee Harvey Oswald: "Dear Mr. Hunt, I would like information concerning my position. I am only asking for information. I am suggesting that we discuss the matter fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else." [[Penn Jones Jr.|Penn Jones]] published it in 1977. [[Earl Golz]] of the Dallas Morning News had three handwriting examiners compare it with Oswald's writing, and they agreed it matched. The newspaper asked whether the addressee might be H.L. Hunt. On March 4, 1977, Hunt Oil's spokesman, [[James C. Oberwetter]], issued a statement that Hunt never "knew, ever communicated with or ever received communication from Lee Harvey Oswald." On April 1, after the Dutch journalist [[Willem Oltmans]] repeated statements by [[George de Mohrenschildt]], a second release for the [[Estate of H.L. Hunt]] said Hunt never met de Mohrenschildt and noted the latter's "history of mental problems." In May 1977 Hunt's son [[Ray Hunt|Ray L. Hunt]] wrote to [[Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI Director]] [[Clarence Kelley]] about the coverage. Kelley replied that Bureau policy barred him from saying what the FBI did or did not know and suggested a request under the [[Freedom of Information Act]].[^3][^4][^16][^18]
The handwriting panel of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]] examined the letter in 1978. [[Joseph P. McNally]], a former commander of the New York police laboratory, testified that the copy was a photographic reproduction "so fuzzy that an accurate examination could not be made of it," that it was "much more precisely and much more carefully written" than the authenticated Oswald documents, and that the signature differed "significantly in the 'H'" of Harvey. All three panel members regarded it with suspicion, and none would certify it as genuine or forged. Committee counsel said it "stood out, quite frankly, like a sore thumb."[^19] The former KGB archivist [[Vasili Mitrokhin]] later reported that the letter was a forgery prepared by the [[KGB]] to implicate the CIA officer [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]]. Curington, who worked in the office adjoining Hunt's from 1960 to 1969, said in 2018 that the letter arrived in the Hunt company mail shortly after the assassination and that Hunt had him give it to the FBI. The original has not been produced. Curington told the [[National Enquirer]] in 1977 that Hunt sent him to check the security around Oswald at the Dallas jail and was elated to hear it was lax.[^16][^18][^20]
### The Wiretaps
In 1969 Hunt's nephew [[Tom Hunt]], a Hunt Oil executive, found that HLH Products was losing large sums. Hunt Oil had put about 45 million dollars into the food company, and investigators described six separate schemes against it, among them property bought at inflated prices from sellers who split the difference through post-office-box companies, and the purchase for 185,690 dollars of a century-old pecan plant whose machinery was fused with rust. Hunt refused to act. Rothermel resigned as his administrative assistant on November 15, 1969. [[Hunt brothers|Bunker and Herbert Hunt]] hired a [[Houston]] detective agency, which tapped the telephones of Rothermel and three other executives.[^12][^21]
The FBI arrested one of the detectives, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], on January 16, 1970, after a suburban policeman who had stopped him for running a stop sign noticed recording equipment in his car. On February 3, 1970, DeLoach reported to [[Clyde Tolson]] that Senator [[James Eastland]] of [[Mississippi]] had been called by Hunt's sons, who told him they were trying to have their father declared incompetent on grounds of senility, that Hunt Oil had lost about 80 million dollars over several years, and that Rothermel, on a salary of 20,000 dollars, lived in a 65,000 dollar house with two Cadillacs. Kelly and [[Patrick McCann]] were convicted and sentenced to three years, and then named Bunker and Herbert Hunt as the men who ordered the taps. In April 1971 Rothermel wrote to Senator [[John Tower]], with a copy to Hoover, denying that he had said someone had bought off the FBI.[^4][^5][^12]
In the autumn of 1972 H.L. and Bunker Hunt attended a barbecue for President [[Richard Nixon]] at [[John Connally]]'s ranch at [[Floresville, Texas|Floresville]]. People close to the Hunts said afterward that Bunker Hunt met [[Richard Kleindienst]] at Eastland's Mississippi plantation and was promised immunity in exchange for a list of [[Fatah|Al Fatah]] agents in the United States, and that the information helped stop a plot against [[Golda Meir]] in New York in March 1973. Kleindienst resigned in April 1973, the brothers were indicted, and both were acquitted in 1975.[^5]
### Hoover
Hunt's letters to Hoover ran to the end of the director's life. In 1970 he described spending 35 days in Washington in 1967 lobbying against Senator [[Birch Bayh]]'s amendment to abolish the [[Electoral College]]. On December 6, 1971, he proposed a mailing to governors and sheriffs' associations under the slogan "DISMISS KISSINGER," predicted that Governor [[George Wallace]] "may fully proceed along the DISMISS KISSINGER lines," and asked whether FBI agents might identify young orators for his youth speakers program. In an undated letter he wrote that "the majority of the anti-communists have quit" and urged Hoover to help "get them back in the saddle."[^4]
### Death and Estate
Hunt died in Dallas on November 29, 1974. Criswell preached the funeral and [[Sidney Latham]], Hunt's lawyer and a retired Hunt Oil vice-president, gave the eulogy. "He said he had traded the here for the hereafter," Latham said, "and he was pleased." The will left all of Hunt's stock in Hunt Oil to Ruth Hunt, named her son Ray sole executor, divided the rest among ten children, and disinherited any heir who contested it. [[William F. Buckley Jr.|William F. Buckley]] wrote that Hunt "left capitalism a bad name, not, goodness knows, by frenzies of extravagance, but by his eccentric understanding of public affairs, his yahoo bigotry and his appallingly bad manners."[^1][^5]
On November 11, 1975, the fiftieth anniversary of the Florida wedding, Frania Tye Lee sued the estate in federal court in Shreveport. After her lawyers obtained certified copies of the 1925 entry in the [[Hillsborough County, Florida|Hillsborough County]] marriage ledger, the page was cut out of the book. Testimony at the trial put the family's worth at two to three billion dollars on liquidation and more than five billion with the trusts. The parties settled. Her son [[Hugh S. Hunt]] received 7.5 million dollars for giving up any claim as an heir, and in December 1983 sued Ray Hunt and the estate's lawyer over the classification of Tye's children as "natural but not legitimate" for [[Louisiana]] inheritance tax.[^1][^6][^22]
---
### Footnotes
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
[^1]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association, 1995, revised 2023. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
[^2]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Warren Report 368 and Warren Commission Hearings vol. 25, p. 381 (the Ruby visit), vol. 23, p. 690 (Irwin), and vol. 18, pp. 875 and 886 (Schmidt correspondence).
[^3]: Fagnant, Marie (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures: H.L. Hunt, N.B. Hunt, R.L. Hunt, Clint Murchison Jr. and Clint Murchison Sr.," memorandum, July 31, 1997, File 4.16.4 (FBI-38), summarizing FBI serials 62-105010-18, 62-108867-6, 62-108867-22 to 24, 105-90385-10 and 11, 157-376-1, and Dallas file 62-3069.
[^4]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, parts 1 and 2 (FOIA release), including Hunt to Hoover, August 9, 1951; SAC New York to Director, March 10, 1953; memorandum to DeLoach, February 26, 1964; DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970; Hunt to Hoover, December 6, 1971; and Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/H.L.Hunt and https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
[^5]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^6]: "Daddy's Money," *Texas Monthly,* 1978. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/daddys-money/
[^7]: Sherrill, Robert G. "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," *The Nation,* February 24, 1964, reproduced in FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2.
[^8]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. TrineDay, 2010.
[^9]: Facts Forum, rebuttal pamphlet on the Reece Committee and Representative Wayne Hays, c. 1954, reproduced in FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1.
[^10]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file 62-94811, Facts Forum (FOIA release), DeLoach memorandum relaying Rex Findley and Karl Baarslag, c. 1955.
[^11]: May, Ron. "Rich New Yorker Trying to Prove Negroes Inferior," *The Capital Times* (Madison, Wis.), March 5, 1960, p. 1.
[^12]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release). https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
[^13]: "Politics or Education?" *Pasadena Independent,* September 24, 1964, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP75-00149R000600210010-5.
[^14]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Dallas file on Edwin A. Walker, part 3 (FOIA release), informant report on WASP, file 100-11172, October 1966.
[^15]: Christendom College, biography of founder Warren H. Carroll.
[^16]: Marrs, Jim. *Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy*. Carroll & Graf, 1989.
[^17]: Testimony of Bernard William Weissman, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 5; Weissman Exhibit No. 1, vol. 21, p. 722. https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh21/pdf/WH21_Weissman_Ex_1.pdf
[^18]: Nagle, Paul, and Smatt, "The Enigma of Oswald's 'Missing Letter': From the Russia File," *Kennedys and King.* https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/the-enigma-of-oswald-s-missing-letter-from-the-russia-file
[^19]: Testimony of Joseph P. McNally, *Hearings Before the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives,* vol. 4, pp. 356 ff., September 1978. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol4/pdf/HSCA_Vol4_0925_2_McNally.pdf
[^20]: Curington, John, with Mitchel Whitington. *H.L. Hunt: Motive and Opportunity*. 23 House, 2018.
[^21]: "Two Rich Men the U.S. Would Put in Jail," syndicated column, 1974, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300490023-4.
[^22]: Lee v. Hunt, 431 F. Supp. 371 (W.D. La. 1977); Lee v. Hunt, 631 F.2d 1171 (5th Cir. 1979).

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@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- HalHendrix
- ITT
- Chile
- CIA
- Journalism
- Watergate
summary: "Latin America correspondent who joined ITT in 1967, co-wrote its 1970 memorandum urging action against Allende, and was named an unindicted co-conspirator when his superiors were charged with lying to the Senate."
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Hal Hendrix was a newspaperman who became director of public relations for [[Latin America]] at [[ITT Corporation|International Telephone and Telegraph]]. By his own testimony he began as a reporter on the [[The Kansas City Star|Kansas City Star]], was Latin American editor of the [[The Miami News|Miami News]] and then Latin American correspondent for [[Scripps-Howard]], and joined ITT in September 1967. He worked from [[Buenos Aires]] until the middle of 1970, when he moved to [[New York City|New York]]. He reported to [[Keith Perkins]] and through him to the senior vice president [[Edward Gerrity]]. [[Robert Berrellez]], in Buenos Aires, reported to him.[^1]
### The Memoranda of 1970
On September 17, 1970, two weeks after [[Salvador Allende]] won a plurality in [[Chile]], Hendrix and Berrellez sent headquarters a memorandum recommending that ITT and other companies "pump some advertising into Mercurio," bring back onto the payroll some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly supported by "the Matte and Edwards groups," pay for a relocation center in [[Mendoza, Argentina|Mendoza]] or Buenos Aires for the families of "key persons involved in the fight," and press the [[United States Information Agency|U.S. Information Service]] to distribute the editorials of [[El Mercurio]] abroad. Gerrity informed the chairman, [[Harold Geneen]], that the strategy in the Hendrix memorandum was the best course. The columnist [[Jack Anderson]] published the company's internal papers in March 1972.[^1]
### Watergate
On July 26, 1973, the deputy [[Watergate]] special prosecutor, [[Henry Ruth]], wrote to the acting general counsel of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], [[John S. Warner|John Warner]], that "several questions have arisen in the course of our investigation of Watergate related matters concerning International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation and the persons who were employed by Gordon Liddy, E. Howard Hunt, and [[Bernard Barker]]." The first asked whether six men had "been employed by or associated with the CIA": [[Felipe de Diego]], [[Pablo Fernandez]], [[Angelo Ferrer]], [[Hiram Gonzalez]], [[Humberto Lopez]], and Hal Hendrix. The others asked whether the agency knew of undercover activities by ITT against the Chilean government in the [[United States]], of "any type of arrangements between ITT and the [[Robert R. Mullen Company|Mullen Company]]," of any working relationship with "the ITT Public Relations Office located at 495 Biltmore Way, [[Coral Gables, Florida]]," and of any intelligence or undercover work performed for ITT by [[Howard Hunt]] or [[G. Gordon Liddy]]. Warner sent the letter to [[William Colby]] with a note that the questions would go to [[William Nelson (CIA)|Bill Nelson]] and be cross-checked with the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]]. The agency's Cover and Commercial Staff answered the third and fourth questions on August 7: it had never discussed ITT with the Mullen firm, whose brochures did not list ITT as a client, and had no relationship with or information on the Coral Gables office. No answer to the questions about Hendrix, about ITT and Chile, or about Hunt and Liddy has been released.[^2]
### The Senate Testimony
Hendrix testified to the Senate subcommittee on multinational corporations on March 21, 1973. Asked the source of his report to ITT that Ambassador [[Edward Korry]] had been given "the green light" to act in President [[Richard Nixon]]'s name against Allende, he said it was "a Chilean who was a professional acquaintance of mine," highly placed in the Christian [[Democratic Party]]. CIA cables later showed that the information came from the agency's station chief in [[Santiago]] and in part from the ambassador. A CIA officer, [[Jonathan Hanke]], recorded on March 22 after talking with an ITT official that Hendrix had been asked whether he worked in any way for the agency and "denied such a relationship three times."[^3]
On November 30, 1976, in the federal court in [[Miami]], Hendrix pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor of withholding information from the subcommittee. He was fined 100 dollars and given a suspended sentence of one month in return for his cooperation. The [[Department of Justice]] lawyer [[Walter May]] told the court, on the basis of CIA files and interviews with agency officials, that Hendrix had "informed the CIA about his intention to withhold from the committee the fact that he had been in contact with the CIA." [[Washington Post|The Washington Post]] described him as a [[Pulitzer Prize]] winner, then 54, living in Miami.[^3]
When the department charged Gerrity and Berrellez on March 20, 1978, with perjury and obstruction of that inquiry, one count against Gerrity was that he had encouraged Hendrix, named as an unindicted co-conspirator, to testify falsely. The government abandoned both prosecutions in early 1979 after the defense demanded classified material.[^1][^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, part 1, testimony of Hal Hendrix, and part 2, appendix of ITT documents. https://archive.org/details/MultinationalCorporationsAndUSForeignPolicyUSSenateHearings
[^2]: Ruth, Henry S., Jr., Watergate Special Prosecution Force, letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, with routing slip to William Colby, August 3, 1973. CIA Reading Room document C01482382. Chief, Cover and Commercial Staff, "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
[^3]: Associated Press, "CIA Knew of False Testimony," CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030035-4; Robinson, Timothy S. "ITT Ex-Official Charged With Withholding Data," *The Washington Post,* November 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030036-3; Ignatius, David, report on the Berrellez trial, *The Wall Street Journal,* 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030007-5.
[^4]: "2 ITT Men Charged with Senate Lies," wire report, March 21, 1978, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030069-7.

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@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- HankMessick
- MiamiHerald
- OrganizedCrime
- Wackenhut
- FBI
- MeyerLansky
- Florida
summary: "Miami Herald crime reporter fed leads by the FBI, who joined Wackenhut's Florida crime war in December 1966 and quit after six weeks calling it a cruel hoax upon the people of Florida."
location: "Miami, Florida"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Hank Messick was a crime reporter under contract to the [[Miami Herald]] whose articles on gambling and corruption in [[Dade County, Florida|Dade]] and [[Broward County, Florida|Broward]] counties led grand juries to indict the sheriffs of both in 1966. An internal memorandum of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] records that the bureau had "made available lead information to Hank Messick, veteran crime reporter of the Miami Herald."[^1]
He resigned from the newspaper on December 13, 1966, and joined the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], which Governor [[Claude Kirk]] engaged the following month to conduct a war on organized crime in [[Florida]]. On January 13, 1967, FBI headquarters ordered its Florida offices to give the company's men nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency."[^1]
Messick left in February. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he told reporters. He said later: "As far as the war on crime is concerned, they've done absolutely nothing; they haven't even scraped the surface." His objection was that the company kept as a private client Sir [[Stafford Sands]], a former minister of the [[Bahamas]] with gambling interests, while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] answered: "I do not find it necessary to dignify Mr. Messick's remarks with a reply."[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters and Tampa files on the Wackenhut Corporation. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation Airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and undated headquarters memorandum.
[^2]: "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, in the FBI's Tampa file on the company.

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@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- HassieHunt
- HLHunt
- HuntFamily
- HuntOil
- Lobotomy
- PlacidOil
alias:
- H.L. Hunt Jr.
- Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr.
- Haroldson Lafayette Hunt III
summary: "Eldest son of H.L. Hunt, an oil finder worth millions at twenty-four, who broke down in the army in 1943 and was lobotomized, and whose trusts were run by his brothers and sisters."
born: 1917-11-23
died: 2005
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Haroldson Lafayette Hunt Jr., called Hassie, was born at [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], on November 23, 1917, the second child and first son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. His father gave him his own name rather than styling him the third. He was sent to [[Culver Military Academy]], did not marry, and drilled for oil as the Hassie [[Hunt Production Company]] from an office at [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]]. "By the age of twenty-four, Hassie claimed ten thousand barrels a day in oil production," an income of about four million dollars a year. His father believed he found oil by mystical powers. Father and son competed for leases, and their arguments came to blows. On some days he came to the office barefoot with his shoes hung round his neck. Hunt assigned a man to look after him full time.[^1]
### The Army
Hunt would not seek a medical deferment for him. He had two employees move Hassie from [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] to [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] to [[Jackson, Mississippi]], "changing draft boards with each move," and then obtained him a second lieutenant's commission in the [[United States Army Corps of Engineers|Army Corps of Engineers]]. In Washington Hassie was to "advise" the Chinese Nationalist government on oil and gas, and lived at the [[Mayflower Hotel]]. In 1943 he was transferred to [[Camp Beauregard]] in [[Louisiana]]. "When he got down to Camp Beauregard, they put him out on the firing field," his caretaker Dick Kirkpatrick said. "He was so scared he just went beserk." He was put in the mental ward of an army hospital near [[Lake Pontchartrain]] and discharged.[^2]
### Treatment
Hunt sent him to a psychiatric institution near [[Andover, Massachusetts]], where he was given electric shock. Back in [[Texas]] he did not know his relations. "You see that woman at the head of the table?" he said of his mother at dinner. "She's married to that fellow Hunt that you hear about." He threw a piece of fruit at her and broke her glasses, and challenged his father to fights. Hunt's aides hired women as companions for him and paid off those he injured. Hunt telephoned [[Clare Boothe Luce]] about new procedures, consulted Dr. [[Alton Ochsner]] of [[New Orleans]], and contacted or sent his son to [[Duke University]], the [[Menninger Clinic]], and the [[Institute of Living]] in [[Hartford, Connecticut|Hartford]]. One doctor offered an operation. "He said the operation would either be a success or Hassie would never be the same," Kirkpatrick recalled. The prefrontal lobotomy "was performed by a doctor up East" in the late 1940s. The surgeon is not named. The violence stopped. Hassie "did not 'get well,'" needed supervision at all hours, and was placed in an institution in [[New York]] State. Hunt kept an empty office for him next to his own.[^3]
### Return
In early 1965, at the suggestion of Hunt's second wife, [[Ruth Ray Hunt]], Hassie was brought home to [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], the family house on [[White Rock Lake]], and lived with nurses in the pool house and later in a neighboring mansion bought by his trust. "The lobotomy had muted Hassie's violence, but it had also left him a middle-aged man with a childlike mentality." He and his father, who looked alike and dressed alike, walked together along the lake. He did not attend the 1978 trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s suit, "because of the mental illness that had prevented him from appearing in public for over thirty years."[^4]
### The Trusts
Two trusts and a production company went on drilling in his name throughout his illness, and by the time of his return had built up production worth more than 200 million dollars, more than any of his brothers had found apart from [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]'s Libyan field. By 1978 the Hassie entities were worth more than 500 million dollars, including 8 percent of [[Placid Oil Company]] and 12 percent of [[Hunt Petroleum]]. The trustees were [[Margaret Hunt Hill]], [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline Hunt Schoellkopf]], [[Al Hill Sr.]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert Hunt]], [[Lamar Hunt]], and the family's financial man John Goodson. "On occasion, such as in their takeover bid for [[Great Western United]], the first family had provided itself with loans from Hassie's trusts." In settling the Lee case the first family obtained from Ruth Hunt's children and from the Lees an undertaking not to challenge Hassie's will.[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 47, 124-125, 134-135.
[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, p. 135.
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 135-137.
[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 259-261.
[^5]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 260, 391.

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@ -1,6 +1,6 @@
---
created: 2026-05-15
updated: 2026-05-15
updated: 2026-09-21
title: Howard Hunt
aliases:
- E. Howard Hunt
@ -14,6 +14,11 @@ tags:
- 1950s
- 1960s
- 1970s
- HowardHunt
- DomesticOperationsDivision
- MullenCompany
- ITT
- Wackenhut
category: "Intelligence & Government"
summary: "E. Howard Hunt was a CIA officer who ran psychological warfare for Operation PBSUCCESS (1954 Guatemala coup), served as political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, and was one of the Watergate burglars arrested in June 1972, serving 33 months in prison, and in his final years made statements implicating CIA figures in the Kennedy assassination."
born: 1918-10-09
@ -31,23 +36,33 @@ During the early 1950s Hunt worked under [[Frank Wisner]] in the Office of Polic
### Operation PBSUCCESS
Hunt was assigned to Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954 as chief of political action and propaganda. His primary responsibility was the "Voice of Liberation" - Radio Liberación - the CIA-operated radio station broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the exile Liberation Army's military successes in [[Guatemala]]. The radio campaign was central to the operation's psychological strategy: convincing the Guatemalan military officer corps that [[Jacobo Arbenz]]'s position was militarily hopeless, inducing the defections that ultimately forced Arbenz's resignation.
Hunt was assigned to Operation PBSUCCESS in 1953-1954 as chief of political action and propaganda. His primary responsibility was the "Voice of Liberation" - Radio Liberación - the CIA-operated radio station broadcasting from [[Honduras]] that fabricated reports of the exile Liberation Army's military successes in Guatemala. The radio campaign was central to the operation's psychological strategy: convincing the Guatemalan military officer corps that [[Jacobo Arbenz]]'s position was militarily hopeless, inducing the defections that ultimately forced Arbenz's resignation.
Hunt also managed the political exile leadership, working to maintain cohesion among the Guatemalan exile groups that would form the successor government. The experience gave Hunt a model he would attempt to apply in Cuba seven years later.[^1]
### Bay of Pigs
Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the [[Bay of Pigs]] invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
Hunt was assigned as the CIA's political officer for the Bay of Pigs invasion, responsible for the Cuban Revolutionary Council - the exile political organization that would form a provisional government after the expected overthrow of [[Fidel Castro]]. He worked with the exile leadership in [[Miami]] and later in [[New York]], managing their political expectations and organizational disputes.
The Bay of Pigs was a catastrophic failure, and Hunt's political operation collapsed along with the military operation. The exile political leadership was not told the operation was under way until it had already failed, and Hunt's management of their expectations was blamed by exile leaders for contributing to the political disorder. His role in the operation was not publicly acknowledged.[^1]
### Domestic Operations Division
A CIA security memorandum of 1972 gives Hunt's periods of overt employment as November 1949 to December 1950, November 1953 to January 1954, October 1956 to January 1957, and July 1960 to September 1966. His assistant [[Elizabeth McIntosh]] recorded in 1973 that when she returned from an overseas post "[[Tracy Barnes]] was setting up the [[Domestic Operations Division]] and Mr. Hunt was assigned Chief" of its covert action section, that she worked for him for three years, and that after his tour in [[Spain]] he came back as chief of covert action for the Europe division. [[Thomas Karamessines]] later distinguished for Senate investigators between the division's concept before and after his own appointment as deputy director for plans.[^2]
The Philadelphia filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview published in 2026 that between 1961 and 1965 he tapped telephones and committed burglaries as a freelance for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], and that a regular client introduced as "Mr. Smith" was Hunt. The CIA had granted [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] a covert security approval on November 21, 1961.[^3]
### The Mullen Company and ITT
Hunt retired on April 30, 1970, and went to work for the [[Robert R. Mullen Company]], a Washington public relations firm that had given cover to agency officers abroad since 1963. The agency's retirement office arranged the introduction and Director [[Richard Helms]] wrote a recommendation. Mullen told him of the cover arrangement without authorization, and the [[Central Cover Staff]] had him cleared as witting in June 1970. He told the staff in July 1971 that he had been assigned to the [[White House]].[^4]
In March 1972, at the direction of [[Charles Colson]], he flew to [[Denver]] in a wig and with alias documents supplied by the agency to question the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] lobbyist [[Dita Beard]] in her hospital room. The House subcommittee that examined the agency's part in Watergate listed the visit among the misuses of its assistance. On July 26, 1973, the Watergate special prosecutor's office asked the agency whether it knew of "any intelligence or undercover activities performed by Howard Hunt and/or [[G. Gordon Liddy|Gordon Liddy]] for ITT," of arrangements between ITT and the Mullen firm, or of any employment of the ITT publicist [[Hal Hendrix]]. The released reply addresses only the Mullen firm and an ITT office in [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]].[^5]
### Watergate
By 1971, Hunt had been nominally retired from the CIA and was working as a consultant to the White House under Charles Colson, a senior aide to President [[Richard Nixon]]. Nixon's "plumbers" unit - tasked with plugging information leaks and conducting political intelligence operations - recruited Hunt for various activities, including the burglary of [[Daniel Ellsberg]]'s psychiatrist's office in September 1971.
On the night of June 17, 1972, Hunt organized and directed the team that broke into the [[Democratic National Committee]] headquarters at the [[Watergate complex]] in Washington - the burglary that produced five arrests, triggered the Senate investigation and Special Prosecutor investigation, and ultimately led to Nixon's resignation in August 1974.
Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^2]
Hunt was convicted of conspiracy, burglary, and wiretapping and sentenced to 35 years, subsequently reduced. He served approximately 33 months in federal prison. His wife Dorothy died in a plane crash in December 1972, with some researchers suggesting the crash was not accidental; the official ruling was that it was an accident.[^6]
### Kennedy Assassination Statements
@ -60,4 +75,8 @@ Hunt died of pneumonia on January 23, 2007, in [[Miami, Florida|Miami]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hunt, E. Howard. *American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond.* Wiley, 2007. Thomas, Evan. *The Very Best Men: Four Who Dared: The Early Years of the CIA.* Simon & Schuster, 1995.
[^2]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.
[^2]: McIntosh, Elizabeth, memorandum for the record, May 25, 1973, CIA Reading Room document C00609301; Central Cover Staff, "CIA Utilization of the Robert R. Mullen Company," June 20, 1972, C00573275; "Select Committee Testimony of 5 February 1974," C01474422.
[^3]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49; Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975, JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454.
[^4]: "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00660613; Gahagen, Robert D., "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, C00297384; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms," July 20, 1973, C00609297.
[^5]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; Ruth, Henry S., Jr., letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, C01482382; "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.
[^6]: Summers, Anthony. *The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon.* Viking, 2000. Hougan, Jim. *Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat, and the CIA.* Random House, 1984.

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@ -2,10 +2,29 @@
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
summary: "The Hunt brothers were a wealthy family from Texas."
- HuntBrothers
- Oil
- SilverThursday
- Dallas
alias:
- Bunker and Herbert Hunt
summary: "Nelson Bunker, William Herbert, and Lamar Hunt, the sons of H.L. Hunt's first family, who held Placid Oil and Penrod Drilling in trust and were found liable in 1988 for manipulating the silver market."
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2025-08-05
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The [[Hunt brothers]] were a wealthy family from [[Texas]]. They were involved in a fraudulent scheme where they purchased the rights to a solar energy system from [[Yaacov Meridor]] and a Romanian expatriate for $2 million. The scheme was later exposed as a fraud, leading to [[Joe Peeples]] being jailed.[^1]
The Hunt brothers were [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]] (1926 to 2014), [[William Herbert Hunt]] (1929 to 2024), and [[Lamar Hunt]] (1932 to 2006), the three younger sons of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and his first wife, [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. Their father placed [[Placid Oil Company]] in trusts for the first family in 1935 and created personal trusts for each of them in 1936. When he died in 1974 his will left [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] to his third wife, and in 1975 the brothers took [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]] in a division negotiated with their half-brother [[Ray Hunt]].[^1][^2]
Bunker and Herbert Hunt were indicted in 1973 for wiretapping their father's aides and in 1975 for obstruction of justice. In April 1976 the charge against Herbert was dropped, and Bunker pleaded nolo contendere to a lesser charge and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars.[^3] In 1979 they formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with Saudi partners and accumulated about 200 million ounces of silver. The market broke on March 27, 1980, and all three brothers guaranteed a 1.1 billion dollar bank loan to Placid. A federal jury in [[New York City|New York]] found the three liable to the Peruvian company [[Minpeco]] in August 1988 for more than 132 million dollars. Placid entered bankruptcy in 1986, and Bunker and Herbert personally in 1988. The 1936 trusts were not reached.[^2][^4][^5]
The former Israeli intelligence officer [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that the Hunt brothers bought the rights to a solar energy system from [[Yaacov Meridor]] and a Romanian expatriate for two million dollars, that the system was a fraud, and that [[Joe Peeples]] went to jail over it.[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
[^1]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette
[^2]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 356-359.
[^4]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
[^5]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
[^6]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.

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@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- JohnHuang
- LippoGroup
- WorthenBank
- CommerceDepartment
- CampaignFinance
- DemocraticNationalCommittee
- CIA
summary: "Lippo Group banker who worked under James Riady at Worthen Bank in Little Rock, received CIA briefings at the Commerce Department in 1994 and 1995, raised money for the Democratic National Committee, and pleaded guilty in 1999."
location: "Los Angeles, California"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
John Huang was the chief representative in the [[United States]] of the [[Lippo Group]] of [[Indonesia]], an official of the [[United States Department of Commerce|Commerce Department]] in 1994 and 1995, and a fundraiser for the [[Democratic National Committee]] in 1996. He was born in [[Fujian]] province in [[China]], raised in [[Taiwan]], and naturalized as an American citizen in 1976.[^1]
### Banking
Huang worked for the [[First National Bank of Louisville]] from 1979 and for [[Union Planters National Bank]] of [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] from 1981, which sent him to its [[Hong Kong]] office in 1983. There he met [[James Riady]]. From February 1985 he was at once vice president and director of international banking at the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]] and vice president and [[Far East]] manager of [[Worthen Bank]] in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], which the [[Riady family]] then controlled jointly with the family of [[Jackson Stephens]]. He reported to Riady in both posts. In 1986 Riady made him president of the [[Bank of Trade (Los Angeles)|Bank of Trade]] in [[California]], renamed [[LippoBank]]. A colleague, [[Maeley Tom]], described him as "the political power that advises the Riady family." The Riady company [[Hip Hing Holdings]] paid him more than 750,000 dollars for 1993 and 1994.[^1][^2]
### Contributions, 1992
A Senate committee found that in 1992 and 1993 Huang sent money of foreign origin to the Democratic National Committee through three Riady companies. Hip Hing Holdings gave 50,000 dollars to the committee's [[DNC Victory Fund|Victory Fund]] on August 12, 1992, and was repaid from [[Jakarta]]. [[San Jose Holdings]] and [[Toy Center Holdings]] gave 15,000 dollars each. The government's later charges against Riady describe money wired to his account at LippoBank and handed to Huang in cash "shortly after Riady pledged $1 million in support of [[Arkansas]] Governor [[Bill Clinton]]'s campaign for the Presidency," between August and October 1992, and a "fictitious 'bonus'" paid to Huang by a foreign Lippo company between January 1993 and February 1994.[^1][^3]
### The Commerce Department
On June 23, 1994, Riady, Huang, and the Little Rock lawyer [[Mark Grobmyer]] met President Clinton at ten in the morning. Riady had breakfast before the meeting and lunch after it with [[Webster Hubbell]], who had resigned as associate attorney general in April, and 100,000 dollars from the Lippo company [[Hong Kong China Limited]] reached Hubbell's account by June 27. A House committee wrote: "The hiring occurred around the same time as John Huang finally was approved for a position at the Department of Commerce." Riady and Huang refused to cooperate with the committee, and Hubbell invoked the [[Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifth Amendment]].[^2]
The Senate committee found that Huang was given a top secret clearance without a full background investigation abroad. The department's acting security director testified that "there was a rock that was not turned over." Huang's briefer from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], [[John Dickerson (CIA)|John Dickerson]], said in a deposition that he gave him more than thirty briefings, about one every ten days, on the economies and politics of Asia, and estimated that Huang saw between 370 and 550 raw intelligence reports. The committee's chairman, Senator [[Fred Thompson]], put the number of classified briefings on China at 37. Huang made more than 400 telephone calls to Lippo offices while at the department, 261 of them from his own desk, and 21 to [[Mark Middleton]], a former [[White House]] aide then working for Lippo. He used a spare office at the Washington branch of [[Stephens Inc.]], headed by [[Vernon Weaver]]. His superior, [[Jeffrey Garten]], had kept him away from China policy. Thompson told Garten that Huang "visited the [[Embassy of China, Washington, D.C.|Chinese Embassy]] at least six times and received a number of calls from Chinese Embassy officials." The [[Defense Industrial Security Clearance Office]] issued Huang a further top secret clearance as a consultant in December 1995, and it was not revoked until December 1996.[^1]
### Plea
On August 12, 1999, Huang pleaded guilty in the federal court in [[Los Angeles]] to a felony charge that he conspired with other Lippo employees "to make campaign contributions and reimburse employees with corporate funds or with funds from Indonesia." He was sentenced to a year's probation, 500 hours of community service, and a fine of 10,000 dollars, and was directed to go on cooperating. LippoBank pleaded guilty in 2001 to 86 misdemeanor counts for contributions its agents Riady and Huang had made from 1988 to 1994.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998, sections "John Huang's Years at Lippo" and "John Huang."
[^2]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm
[^3]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.

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@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
---
category: "Authors & Journalists"
tags:
- Person
- JonathanMoyle
- CarlosCardoen
- ArmsToIraq
- Chile
- SuspiciousDeath
- MI5
alias:
- Jonathan Moyle (journalist)
summary: "Editor of Defence Helicopter World found hanged in a Santiago hotel in March 1990 while reporting on a helicopter Carlos Cardoen was converting for Iraq, and afterward described by British officials as a sexual deviant."
died: 1990-03-31
location: "Santiago, Chile"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Jonathan Moyle, 28, of [[Devon]], edited the trade magazine [[Defence Helicopter World]]. He went to [[Santiago]] in March 1990 for the [[Chilean Air Force]]'s air and space fair, where he was interested in a [[Bell Helicopter|Bell]] helicopter that [[Industrias Cardoen]] was converting to multiple uses. He was to go on to [[Bolivia]] to report on military operations against the drug trade. On March 31 he was found dead in the cupboard of his room in the [[Hotel Carrera]], hanging by his shirt from a rail. The Chilean police called it suicide.[^1]
### The Evidence
A motion put down in the [[House of Commons]] in June 1990 stated that he had been "hanged by his own shirt from a bar 5ft 4 inches from the ground although he was 5ft 8 inches tall, with his shins bruised, traces of sedatives in his stomach and blood stains on his sheets," that he had been "investigating the Chilean arms industry," and that he "was in touch with the British defence attache in Santiago." He had no history of depression and was about to be married. Letters found with him spoke of his honeymoon plans, the trees he was planting, and a visit to his future in-laws in [[Germany]].[^1][^2]
His father, [[Anthony Moyle]], said: "Before he died, he talked to Mr [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]] himself. The judge has detailed drawings of weapons which the Cardoen people were going to fit on to the helicopter and export to [[Iraq]]. My son would probably have printed that this would have made it potentially an attack helicopter."[^1]
### The Smear
As the Chilean investigating judge began to doubt the police account, British officials in [[Chile]] and, it was understood, members of [[MI5]] in [[London]] put it about that Moyle "was a sexual deviant who hanged himself while attempting to obtain pleasure." The Guardian reported on June 2, 1990, that "no evidence has been provided to support the claims." His father called them "just foul." The Commons motion deplored "the foul attempts to smear Mr Moyle being made by British security 'sources'" and the attitude of the embassy in Santiago toward the death and the family.[^1][^2]
### Later Proceedings
A second motion, in November 1992, described the death as "subsequently held to be murder," recorded the family's belief that he was killed "because of his investigations into the supply to Iraq of the Helios weapons guidance system and the Stonefish mine by Chilean arms dealers Cardoen Industries," noted "the links between Cardoen and [[Matrix Churchill]] and the Iraqi regime," and asked Lord Justice [[Richard Scott, Baron Scott of Foscote|Scott]] to take the case into his inquiry. Cardoen has denied any part in the death.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Coad, Malcolm, and David Pallister. "Dead journalist sex smear 'foul,'" *The Guardian,* June 2, 1990, p. 3.
[^2]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 651, "Death in Chile of Jonathan Moyle," session 1989-90. https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/651
[^3]: House of Commons, Early Day Motion 6983, "Murder of British Journalist, Jonathan Moyle," session 1992-93, November 1992.

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@ -0,0 +1,49 @@
---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- LamarHunt
- Dallas
- JFKAssassination
- JackRuby
- SilverThursday
- KansasCityChiefs
alias:
- Lamar Hunt Sr.
summary: "Youngest son of H.L. Hunt's first family and founder of the American Football League, whose Dallas office Jack Ruby drove a job applicant to on November 21, 1963, and whose name was in Ruby's notebook."
born: 1932-08-02
died: 2006-12-13
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Lamar Hunt (August 2, 1932 to December 13, 2006) was the youngest child of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. He founded the [[American Football League]] in 1959 and owned the [[Kansas City Chiefs]]. On November 21, 1963, [[Jack Ruby]] drove a young woman to an appointment at his office, and the FBI afterward asked him why his name was in Ruby's notebook. He guaranteed the bank loan that rescued his brothers after the silver collapse of 1980 and was found liable with them in 1988 for conspiring to manipulate the silver market.[^1][^2][^3]
### Football
Hunt was born in [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], and took a degree in geology at [[Southern Methodist University]] in 1956. A beneficiary with his brothers [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]] and [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]] of the trusts that held [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]] and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], he was refused a [[National Football League]] franchise for Dallas and in August 1959 organized a rival league. His [[Dallas Texans]] moved to [[Kansas City, Missouri|Kansas City]] in 1963. After General [[Douglas MacArthur]]'s dismissal in 1951, he and Bunker financed the [[International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture]], the private intelligence network of MacArthur's former intelligence chief, General [[Charles Willoughby]].[^1][^4]
### November 21, 1963
[[Connie Trammell]], a young Dallas woman, told the FBI that about November 20 she telephoned him to say she had an appointment with "Lamar Hunt, a prominent oil man in Dallas," hoping Ruby knew him. She had obtained Hunt's home number and then called his office. Ruby picked her up the next morning at her apartment on Live Oak Street and "drove her down to the office of Lamar Hunt. She was with Ruby from about 11:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., and it was on the day before the President was assassinated." Ruby, interviewed in the county jail on December 21 with [[Melvin Belli]] present, said that he had an appointment of his own about taxes with his lawyers, who had offices "in the [[Mercantile Securities Building]], Dallas, the same building in which Lamar Hunt has his offices," that Trammell went up to see Hunt, and that he waited at the cigar stand in the lobby and left when she did not come down.[^2][^5]
The same day [[Eugene Hale Brading]], a [[California]] parolee with convictions for mail fraud who had told his parole officer he would be in Dallas from November 21 to 25, went to the Hunt offices to see Lamar Hunt about oil business. Brading was detained the next afternoon in the [[Dal-Tex Building]] on [[Dealey Plaza]] under the name Jim Braden and released. He was staying at the [[Cabana Motel]], which Ruby visited on the night of the 21st.[^6]
An FBI agent interviewed Hunt on December 6, 1963. Hunt "advised that he could not think of any reason why his name would appear in Jack Ruby's personal address" book. The [[Warren Commission]]'s chronology of Ruby's movements records the drive to Hunt's office and adds: "Hunt says he didn't see Ruby." Bunker Hunt had helped pay for the black-bordered advertisement attacking [[John F. Kennedy|President Kennedy]] in the [[Dallas Morning News]] of November 22, a copy of which was found in Ruby's car.[^3][^6][^7]
### Silver
Hunt held a smaller silver position than his brothers in 1979 and 1980. With them he personally guaranteed the 1.1 billion dollar loan that a group of banks made to Placid Oil after the market broke on March 27, 1980.[^8] In August 1988 a federal jury in [[New York City|New York]] found Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt liable to the Peruvian minerals company [[Minpeco]] under the commodities and antitrust laws and for fraud, and found all but Lamar liable for racketeering. Judgment exceeded 132 million dollars. His brothers filed for bankruptcy, and he settled.[^9]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Connie Trammell, December 19, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Exhibit 2270.
[^3]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Lamar Hunt, December 6, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Exhibit 2400.
[^4]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Cumings, Bruce. *The Origins of the Korean War,* vol. 2. Princeton University Press, 1990, p. 105.
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, report of interview with Jack L. Ruby, December 21, 1963, file DL 44-1639, Warren Commission Hall (C. Ray) Exhibit No. 3.
[^6]: Marrs, Jim. *Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy*. Carroll & Graf, 1989.
[^7]: Warren Commission Exhibit 2344, chronology of Jack Ruby's movements, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 25.
[^8]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
[^9]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).

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---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- LydaBunkerHunt
- HLHunt
- HuntFamily
- LakeVillage
- PlacidOil
alias:
- Lyda Bunker
- Lyda Hunt
summary: "Arkansas schoolteacher who married H.L. Hunt in 1914, bore the six children whose trusts came to hold most of the Hunt fortune, and died in 1955 while he kept two other families."
born: 1889
died: 1955-05-06
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Lyda Bunker was the daughter of Nelson W. "Pop" Bunker of [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], a carpenter from the North who had come after the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] and become a storekeeper, cotton ginner, landlord, postmaster, and lender of money. The family traced its descent to the whaling captains of [[Nantucket]]. She studied at Maddox Seminary in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] and Potter College in [[Bowling Green, Kentucky]], where she took voice, and taught school at [[Jonesboro, Arkansas]].[^1]
In the summer of 1914 [[H.L. Hunt]], then a cotton planter and professional gambler at Lake Village, was courting her younger sister Mattie. Lyda, who was close to engagement to a man from Dermott, broke with him that fall and married Hunt. Their first child, [[Margaret Hunt Hill|Margaret]], was born on October 19, 1915, and [[Hassie Hunt|Haroldson Jr.]] on November 23, 1917. She went back to teaching to give the household a steady income while her husband gambled and speculated in land. The later children were [[Caroline Rose Hunt|Caroline]], [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]], and [[Lamar Hunt|Lamar]].[^1]
Hunt married [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] in [[Florida]] in 1925 and had four children by her, and from 1943 had four more by [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], a [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] secretary whom he kept in a house two minutes' drive from the family home, [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]]. Lyda "had suffered the revelation of Hunt's relationship with Frania and had heard rumors of his relationship with Ruth." A friend from [[Tyler, Texas|Tyler]] said: "She always seemed very lonely." Her son Hassie, in his illness, threw a piece of fruit at her and broke her glasses. The shares of [[Placid Oil Company]] and the Loyal Trusts were settled on her six children, who by about 1970 held over a billion dollars, against about three million in the trusts of Ruth's children.[^2]
She suffered a stroke in 1955. Hunt, who did not trust the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] doctors, chartered an airplane to the [[Mayo Clinic]] in [[Rochester, Minnesota]], where she died on Friday, May 6, at sixty-six. Her estate was valued at less than five million dollars. Herbert was executor. Her children were still in mourning when Ruth Wright and her children began to appear at Mount Vernon. When Margaret later gave a copy of the family genealogy to the [[New York Public Library]] she struck out "Prepared for Mrs. H. L. Hunt" on the title page and wrote "Lyda Bunker Hunt."[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 45-48.
[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 18, 133, 136, 151, 168, 274.
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 175, 177, 220.

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---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- MargaretHuntHill
- HLHunt
- HuntFamily
- PlacidOil
- HuntPetroleum
- SilverThursday
alias:
- Margaret Hunt
- Margaret Hill
summary: "Eldest child of H.L. Hunt, his business aide, trustee of her lobotomized brother's fortune, who after the 1980 silver collapse made Bunker and Herbert Hunt pledge more property to protect Placid Oil."
born: 1915-10-19
died: 2007
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Margaret Hunt was born at [[Lake Village, Arkansas]], on October 19, 1915, the first child of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. On October 15, 1938, she married Albert Galatyn Hill, an accountant at [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]], who stayed with the company. She "worked for her father as a business aide and confidante, acquiring training available to few other men or women." When Hunt's bigamous wife [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] came to a [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] hotel room to settle with him she found the twenty-five-year-old Margaret there with her father. Her daughter, [[Lyda Hill|Lyda Hunt Hill]], born in the fall of 1942, was Hunt's first grandchild.[^1]
The Hills owned the [[Garden of the Gods Club]]. Margaret took no part in the daily running of the family companies, "but she was always on hand when something big was in the works." Employees at Hunt Oil called her "the big boss." She sat on the board of [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]] with her brothers and on the boards of the two trusts of her brother [[Hassie Hunt|Hassie]], from which the first family on occasion lent itself money. At family meetings on [[Placid Oil Company]], an insider said, "even Bunker and Herbert were quiet." The ordinary course was described by another: "Bunker says, 'I know how it is; it's like this.' Margaret says, 'No, it's like this.' Herbert says, 'No, it's like Bunker says; I took notes.'" She waited in a motel rather than outside the courtroom during the Lee trial in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] in 1978. On the copy of the family genealogy that she gave to the [[New York Public Library]] she struck out "Prepared for Mrs. H. L. Hunt" and wrote in her mother's name.[^2]
After the silver market broke in March 1980 she insisted that [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]] and [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]] put up more of their own property to secure Placid's interest in the silver partnership. "Margaret never liked the way Bunker and Herbert were wheeling and dealing," a source said. "After the silver collapse, she put her foot down." She asked Bunker in the family's discussions what he had been trying to do.[^3]
Her trust and Hassie's owned [[Hunt Petroleum]]. In November 2007 her grandson [[Al Hill III]] sued his father, his sisters, his aunts, and the trustee [[Tom Hunt]] over the management of the two trusts.[^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 47, 125, 128, 134.
[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 17, 220, 331, 372, 391.
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, p. 415.
[^4]: "Hunt vs. Hunt: The Fight Inside Dallas' Wealthiest Family," *D Magazine,* March 2008.

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---
category: "Iran-Contra"
tags:
- Person
- NelsonBunkerHunt
- Oil
- Libya
- SilverThursday
- IranContra
- CouncilForNationalPolicy
- JohnBirchSociety
- Wiretapping
- Dallas
alias:
- Bunker Hunt
- N.B. Hunt
summary: "Dallas oilman who lost the Sarir field to Libya, was indicted for wiretapping his father's aides, was found liable for conspiring to corner silver in 1980, and gave 475,000 dollars to Oliver North's Contra fundraisers."
born: 1926-02-22
died: 2014-10-21
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Nelson Bunker Hunt (February 22, 1926 to October 21, 2014) was the second son of the [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]] oil producer [[H.L. Hunt]] and his first wife, [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. He held the Libyan concession that contained the [[Sarir field]] and was for a time described as the richest man in the world, with a fortune put at 16 billion dollars. With his brother [[William Herbert Hunt]] he was indicted for wiretapping and for obstruction of justice in the 1970s, accumulated some 200 million ounces of silver by 1980, and was found by a federal jury in 1988 to have conspired to manipulate the silver market. He sat on the national council of the [[John Birch Society]], was president of the [[Council for National Policy]] in 1983 and 1984, and in 1985 gave 475,000 dollars to the tax-exempt foundation through which [[Oliver North]] raised money for the Nicaraguan [[Contras]]. He went through personal bankruptcy in 1988 and remained rich.[^1][^2][^3]
### Libya
In December 1957 the Libyan government granted Hunt Concession 65 in [[Cyrenaica]], and in 1960 he conveyed a half interest to [[BP|British Petroleum]], which supplied the capital and the drilling. The partners struck oil at Sarir in 1961. On December 7, 1971, [[Muammar Gaddafi]]'s government nationalized BP's half in retaliation for [[United Kingdom|Britain]]'s failure to prevent [[Iran]]'s seizure of three islands in the [[Persian Gulf]]. The decree left Hunt's half alone. A [[State Department]] memorandum to Secretary [[William P. Rogers]] eleven days later recorded that "Bunker Hunt is trying to cooperate with the Libyans to the extent of keeping production going but has refused a Libyan request that it market the ex-BP share of the oil as well as its own." The department decided against any public statement in support of Britain.[^4][^5]
Hunt was a party to the [[Libyan Producers Agreement|Libyan oil sharing agreement]], under which the companies operating in [[Libya]] pooled production so that none could be picked off singly. The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s [[United States Department of Justice Antitrust Division|Antitrust Division]] exempted the arrangement by business review letter, and it was administered by the companies' lawyer, [[John J. McCloy]]. Oil executives told State Department officials on March 16, 1973, that the agreement had "allowed Bunker [[Hunt Oil Company]] to 'stand firm' against Libyan demands." The department kept the agreement classified against requests under the [[Freedom of Information Act]] from the [[New York Times]] and [[Ralph Nader]]. A department officer, Warren Clark, wrote on March 23 that the Senate subcommittee then examining [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] and [[Chile]] "would fry the State Department if it was revealed that we classified these documents in order to protect the 'cartel.'" Libya had demanded a 50 percent share of Hunt's operation in December 1972, and he refused. On June 11, 1973, it nationalized the whole of his interest. On September 5 McCloy told Under [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[William J. Casey]] that the compensation Libya was offering the other companies was "less than the Bunker Hunt proposal."[^6][^7]
Hunt settled with Libya on May 19, 1975. He sued [[Mobil]] and the other major companies, alleging that they had manipulated the negotiations to have him eliminated from Libyan production, and the suit was dismissed in 1977 under the act of state doctrine. BP sued him in [[London]] for the value of its work on the field.[^8]
### The Dallas Advertisement and Willoughby
Hunt contributed to the 1,462 dollars that paid for the black-bordered advertisement "Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas" in the [[Dallas Morning News]] of November 22, 1963. The money was collected by [[Joseph P. Grinnan]], a Dallas oil broker and John Birch Society coordinator, and the other contributors included [[H.R. "Bum" Bright|H.R. Bright]] and [[Edgar R. Crissey]]. The FBI questioned Hunt about it. He was represented by [[Ivan Irwin Jr.]], a lawyer for Hunt Oil interests. After [[Douglas MacArthur]]'s relief in 1951, Bunker and [[Lamar Hunt]] had financed the [[International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture]], the private intelligence network of MacArthur's former intelligence chief, General [[Charles Willoughby]], which published the [[Foreign Intelligence Digest]]. [[Larrie Schmidt]], who organized the Dallas advertisement, met Willoughby more than once before the assassination.[^9][^10]
### The Wiretaps
In the autumn of 1969 [[Hunt brothers|Bunker and Herbert Hunt]] approached a man named Everett, the president of a [[Houston]] private investigation agency, about electronic surveillance of houses in Dallas. They told him they had been the victims of extensive embezzlement. Their father's food company, [[HLH Products]], had absorbed tens of millions of dollars from Hunt Oil, and they suspected his security chief, the former FBI agent [[Paul Rothermel]], and other aides. Everett's electronics man, [[Patrick McCann]], built telephone transmitters, a man named Watson installed them on the poles, and an Everett employee, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], sat in rented cars outside the houses changing tapes, which were edited and delivered to the Hunts. The Hunts paid Everett's itemized bill. A neighbor in [[Richardson, Texas|Richardson]] noticed the cars. On January 16, 1970, a Richardson policeman stopped Kelly, found a recorder under newspapers on the seat, and played the tape at the station.[^11][^12]
On February 3, 1970, FBI Assistant Director [[Cartha DeLoach]] reported to [[Clyde Tolson]] that Senator [[James Eastland]] had been called by the sons of H.L. Hunt, who told him they were trying to have their father declared incompetent. Kelly and McCann were convicted and sentenced to three years, and afterward named the brothers as the men who had ordered and paid for the taps. Three federal grand juries indicted nine men, among them both Hunts, in 1973. A fourth grand jury in Dallas spent nearly a year examining why three years had passed between the arrest and the indictments.[^12][^13]
Bunker Hunt and his father attended the barbecue that [[John Connally]] gave for President [[Richard Nixon]] at [[Floresville, Texas|Floresville]] in the autumn of 1972. People close to the Hunts said afterward that Bunker then met the new attorney general, [[Richard Kleindienst]], at Eastland's plantation in [[Mississippi]]; that the administration promised the brothers immunity in return for a list of [[Fatah|Al Fatah]] agents in the [[United States]], which Bunker kept because he believed his Libyan position made him a target; and that the list helped the FBI stop a plot against [[Golda Meir]] in [[New York City|New York]] in March 1973. Kleindienst resigned in April 1973. Libya took the Sarir concession in June. The trial judge suppressed the tapes, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] reversed him on December 23, 1974, holding that men who hire others to tap telephones have no privacy interest in the equipment. The brothers were defended by [[Philip Hirschkop]] of Virginia and Travis Shelton of [[Lubbock, Texas|Lubbock]].[^11][^12]
On July 21, 1975, a Dallas grand jury indicted the brothers, the Houston criminal lawyer [[Percy Foreman]], the Dallas lawyers [[Ralph Shank]], [[Charles Tessmer]], and [[B.H. Timmins Jr.]], and [[Edward J. Hudson]], a retired Houston industrialist, for conspiring between January 16, 1970, and February 28, 1973, to obstruct the grand jury "for the purpose of preventing the indictment" of the two Hunts. The means alleged were payments to the lawyers of prospective witnesses, warnings of harm, monthly payments to witnesses "if they went to prison and did not testify," promises that they would not be indicted "as a result of contacts with high government officials," and a secret payment of 100,000 dollars to Foreman "to guarantee the silence of prospective witnesses." Among the overt acts, Shank told a witness on March 6, 1970, to "hang tight" because the case was "being worked on at a higher level," and Bunker Hunt said that summer that he "would take care of the wiretapping case." The brothers called the prosecution "oppression of us because of our conservative views." They said that more than 50 million dollars had been embezzled from Hunt Oil by employees who "were secret Government agents," and that the trouble had begun after they refused a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] request to place its officers in [[Hunt International Petroleum]]. The United States attorney, [[Frank McCown]], acknowledged that "the CIA contacted the Hunts in the mid-1960s" and said he did not recall the nature of the contact. Shank said: "In more than 40 years of practice I have neither attempted to nor engaged in any obstruction of justice."[^14] The brothers were acquitted of the wiretapping charges at Lubbock that fall. In April 1976 the government dropped the obstruction charge against Herbert Hunt, and Bunker Hunt pleaded nolo contendere to a charge that he "did knowingly misbehave" by offering monthly payments to prospective witnesses, and paid a fine of 1,000 dollars. Tessmer and Timmins entered the same plea and paid the same fine. The charges against Foreman, Shank, and Hudson were dropped. Shank had been H.L. Hunt's lawyer since at least January 1942, when he negotiated the settlement with [[Frania Tye Lee|Frania Tye]] at the [[Adolphus Hotel]].[^15]
### Soybeans and Sugar
[[Hunt International Resources Corporation|Hunt International Resources]] bought the [[Great Western United|Great Western]] sugar company of [[Denver]] in 1975. On April 28, 1977, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission sued Bunker and Herbert Hunt, five of their children, and a family corporation in [[Chicago]] for holding soybean futures far in excess of the three-million-bushel speculative limit by trading through the accounts of family members. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit|Seventh Circuit]] upheld the commission in 1979.[^16][^17]
### Silver
The brothers began buying silver in the early 1970s. On July 15, 1979, they formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with two Saudi partners, Ali bin Mussalem and Mohammed Aboud al-Amoudi. Together with the accounts of [[Mahmoud Fustok]], a Lebanese-born brother-in-law of Crown Prince [[Abdullah of Saudi Arabia|Abdullah]], and the Brazilian trader [[Naji Nahas]], the group held about 200 million ounces by the end of the year, more than half the deliverable supply. The price rose from six dollars an ounce to fifty in January 1980. In early January the [[Commodity Futures Trading Commission]] met the exchanges in closed session, and Hunt, who arrived uninvited, was reportedly refused entrance. On January 21 the board of the [[COMEX|Commodity Exchange]] barred new positions and restricted silver trading to liquidation. Confidential figures that the Commodity Futures Trading Commission supplied to Senator [[William Proxmire]]'s banking committee, and that he made public, showed that nine dealers and traders represented on the exchange's board of 23 held net short positions of some 75 million ounces while the price was rising. Proxmire called it "an appearance of very substantial self-interest by the very people who were making the decisions as to margins and position limits." [[Henry Jarecki]] of [[Mocatta Metals]], chairman of the exchange's margin committee, was accused within the exchange of a decisive part in the rule. His lawyer said: "The self part of self-regulation means there are going to be conflicts." The chairman of the [[Chicago Board of Trade]], [[Ralph Peters]], had disqualified himself from the corresponding vote there. The exchange refused a demand from Nahas's lawyer for the record of its meetings and the positions of the participants.[^18] Henry Jarecki, president of the bullion dealer Mocatta Metals, sat on that board. A commissioner said afterward that Jarecki had been "very vocal to the commission" and that the dealer "just had everything on the line with their banks." The brothers failed to meet their margin calls on March 27, 1980, and the market broke.[^1][^3][^19]
A consortium of thirteen banks then lent [[Placid Oil Company]] 1.1 billion dollars against the family's oil properties, with the personal guarantees of Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt. [[Federal Reserve]] Chairman [[Paul Volcker]] defended the loan before Congress.[^20]
[[Minpeco]], the Peruvian state minerals company, which had been short silver, sued in New York. After a six-month trial a jury found in August 1988 that Bunker, Herbert, and Lamar Hunt, Fustok, and the Bermuda company had violated the [[Commodity Exchange Act]] and the antitrust laws and committed fraud, and that all but Lamar had engaged in racketeering. Judge [[Morris Lasker]] entered judgment for more than 132 million dollars and noted that the accounts of Bunker Hunt's children were among those the conspirators controlled. The brothers settled with the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in 1989, each paying ten million dollars and accepting a lifetime ban from the commodity markets.[^3][^19]
### The New Right
The Texas oilman [[T. Cullen Davis]] carried [[Paul Weyrich]]'s plan for a council of conservative donors to Hunt, and the two recruited the membership of the Council for National Policy, which reached 400 by 1984. Hunt succeeded [[Thomas F. Ellis]], the political manager of Senator [[Jesse Helms]], as president for 1983 and 1984. He was a principal backer of the [[Western Goals Foundation]] of Representative [[Larry McDonald]]. [[Russ Bellant]] wrote in 1991 that "the oil billionaire Hunt brothers and Senator Jesse Helms" were members of the American branch of a Scottish eugenics society headed by [[Robert Gayre]], the publisher of [[Mankind Quarterly]], and organized in the United States by Lord [[Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton]].[^2][^21]
In September 1985 the fundraiser [[Carl Channell|Carl "Spitz" Channell]] flew Oliver North to Dallas by private plane to dine with Hunt at the [[Petroleum Club of Dallas|Petroleum Club]]. North described the needs of the Contras, put at five to six million dollars, and left the request to Channell, because, Channell testified, "he couldn't ask for money himself." Hunt gave Channell's [[National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty]] 475,000 dollars. He told congressional investigators he did not recall any conversation with North at the dinner. Channell pleaded guilty in 1987 to conspiring to defraud the United States by using a tax-exempt foundation to buy weapons, and named North as a co-conspirator.[^22]
### Bankruptcy
Placid Oil filed for bankruptcy in [[New Orleans]] on August 29, 1986, against 23 banks owed 1.5 billion dollars, and the Hunts sued the banks for 15 billion. Bunker Hunt and his wife, Caroline, filed for personal bankruptcy in September 1988 before Judge [[Harold C. Abramson]] in Dallas, where the [[United States Department of Justice Tax Division|Tax Division]] of the Justice Department appeared against them. That year he sold 580 thoroughbreds for 46,912,000 dollars. The trustees sued a hundred defendants, most of them members of the family, and the legal bills reached 20 million dollars. In 1994 the brothers paid about 160 million dollars, most of it to the [[Internal Revenue Service]]. The trusts their father had created for them in 1936 were outside the reach of the creditors. Bunker Hunt's was worth 175 million dollars in 1995, and it owned [[Hunt Exploration and Mining]], with interests in [[Pakistan]], [[Australia]], the [[Philippines]], and [[Nicaragua]]. He began buying racehorses again in 1999.[^1][^23][^24]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
[^2]: Bellant, Russ. *The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism*. South End Press, 1991.
[^3]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
[^4]: Department of State, Information Memorandum to Secretary Rogers, December 18, 1971, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. E-5, part 2, doc. 82.
[^5]: BP Exploration Co. (Libya) Ltd. v. Hunt (No. 2), Queen's Bench Division, 1978, as summarized in Hunt v. Mobil Oil Corp., 550 F.2d 68 (2d Cir. 1977), and related proceedings.
[^6]: Editorial note on the Libyan Oil Sharing Agreement, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXXVI, doc. 173.
[^7]: Knubel, John, memorandum to Henry Kissinger, September 5, 1973, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,* vol. XXXVI, doc. 201.
[^8]: Hunt v. Mobil Oil Corp., 550 F.2d 68 (2d Cir. 1977).
[^9]: Testimony of Bernard William Weissman, *Hearings Before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy,* vol. 5; Weissman Exhibit No. 1, vol. 21, p. 722.
[^10]: Scott, Peter Dale. *Deep Politics and the Death of JFK*. University of California Press, 1996, citing Warren Commission Hearings vol. 23, p. 690, and Cumings, Bruce. *The Origins of the Korean War,* vol. 2. Princeton University Press, 1990, p. 105.
[^11]: United States v. Hunt, 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974).
[^12]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^13]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
[^14]: United States v. Nelson Bunker Hunt et al., indictment, U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas, Dallas Division, July 1975, count 1, copy in the Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College; "Hunt Brothers Claim 'Oppression' by U.S. in Denying Charges of Wiretap Coverup," *The Wall Street Journal,* July 23, 1975, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120022-5; "Hunt Sons Charge C.I.A. Used Agents to Embezzle Funds," *The New York Times,* July 23, 1975, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP88-01315R000300120024-3.
[^15]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 129, 298, 356-359.
[^16]: Commodity Futures Trading Commission v. Hunt, 591 F.2d 1211 (7th Cir. 1979).
[^17]: "The rise and fall of the Great Western Sugar Co.," *United Press International,* March 31, 1985.
[^18]: "Who Guards Whom at the Commodity Exchange?" *Fortune,* July 28, 1980. https://fortune.com/2011/05/08/who-guards-whom-at-the-commodity-exchange-fortune-classics-1980
[^19]: "Money: The Silver Trading Caper," *Reason,* June 1980. https://reason.com/1980/06/01/the-silver-trading-caper/
[^20]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
[^21]: Bellant, Russ. *Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party*. South End Press, 1991.
[^22]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters,* vol. 1, chap. 13, "Private Fundraising: The Guilty Pleas of Channell and Miller," 1993. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_13.htm
[^23]: United Press International, wire report on the Placid Oil Chapter 11 filing, August 29, 1986.
[^24]: In re Hunt, 95 B.R. 442 (Bankr. N.D. Tex. 1989).

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- OrlandoLetelier
- Chile
- DINA
- OperationCondor
- Assassination
- CIA
- GeorgeHWBush
alias:
- Marcos Orlando Letelier del Solar
summary: "Former Chilean foreign minister killed with his colleague Ronni Moffitt by a car bomb in Washington on September 21, 1976, on orders the CIA later concluded came personally from Augusto Pinochet."
died: 1976-09-21
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Orlando Letelier was ambassador to the [[United States]] and then foreign and defense minister in the government of [[Salvador Allende]]. After a year in the prison camps of the junta he settled in Washington at the [[Institute for Policy Studies]]. On September 21, 1976, a bomb fixed under his car exploded at [[Sheridan Circle]] and killed him and his American colleague [[Ronni Moffitt]]. The bomb was placed by [[Michael Townley]], an American working for the Chilean secret police, [[DINA]], with men from the [[Cuban Nationalist Movement]]. Six weeks earlier the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] had received photographs of the passports with which DINA first tried to send its agents to Washington.[^1][^2]
### The Paraguayan Passports
In the summer of 1976 [[Conrado Pappalardo]], secretary to the president of [[Paraguay]], asked the American ambassador in [[Asuncion]], [[George W. Landau]], for visas for two Chilean officers traveling on Paraguayan passports under false names. Landau said later: "I decided to give them visas, which was obviously in violation of regulations." He added: "I made photostats of the applications and photostats of the pictures and sent them to Washington." The men told him the trip was approved by the CIA. The journalist [[John Dinges]] reported in 1980 that the agency took a week to answer, and that the reply came from Deputy Director [[Vernon Walters]], who denied any connection. "We've been able to establish," Dinges said, "that [[George H.W. Bush|George Bush]] personally handled the information from Paraguay in this intervening week, and discussed it with Vernon Walters, and together made the decision, first of all, to say, 'No, we have nothing to do with this mission,' and secondly, apparently, not to do anything to deter the mission." Landau had the visas revoked and the ports of entry alerted. In late August two men using the same names entered the United States on Chilean passports. "If it were not for the fact that I photographed the two people," Landau said, "the case could never have been broken."[^2][^3]
The agency had been in contact with the chief of DINA, [[Manuel Contreras]], since 1974. In April 1975 its reporting identified Contreras as the principal obstacle to a reasonable human rights policy in the junta; an interagency committee directed it to continue the relationship, and Walters received Contreras in Washington that August. A proposal in May and June 1975 to put Contreras on the payroll was overruled, but, the agency reported in 2000, "given miscommunications in the timing of this exchange, a one-time payment was given to Contreras." By October 1976 the agency had enough information about [[Operation Condor]], the joint program of the [[Southern Cone]] services for tracking and killing exiles, that it raised the matter with Contreras, who said Condor was only an exchange of intelligence.[^4]
Landau testified at the trial of the Cuban defendants in February 1979, as a witness for the defense. He said that Walters had been in Paraguay shortly before the request, that Pappalardo described the arrangement in a "bizarre conversation" in July 1976, and that "he had told them to contact Walters in the U.S. He said that would give Walters full control over their visit." He learned on July 27 or 28 that Walters had left the agency and that Bush had received the embassy's report, and heard from Walters on August 4 that "he knew nothing of the matter and did not want to get involved in it." When the passports came back the photographs had been removed. By agreement of both sides he was not asked in court about what he had told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], which was that Pappalardo said the request had come directly from Pinochet.[^5]
### The Cancelled Warning
On August 23, 1976, the [[State Department]] drafted an instruction to the ambassadors in [[Buenos Aires]], [[Montevideo]], [[Santiago]], [[La Paz]], [[Brasilia]], and Asuncion to tell the governments that "government planned and directed assassinations within and outside the territory of Condor members has most serious implications which [we] must face squarely and rapidly." It was not delivered. On September 16 a cable from [[Henry Kissinger]]'s party in [[Lusaka]] stated: "Secretary declined to approve message to Montevideo and has instructed that no further action be taken on this matter." On September 20 Assistant Secretary [[Harry Shlaudeman]] cabled his bureau from [[San José, Costa Rica|San José]]: "You can simply instruct the ambassadors to take no further action, noting that there have been no reports in some weeks indicating an intention to activate the Condor scheme." The bomb went off the next morning. On September 29 Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] of the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] wrote to Bush asking what the agency knew of a reported high-level meeting in the Chilean government at which Letelier was discussed.[^6]
### The Investigation
Assistant U.S. Attorney [[Eugene Propper]] met Letelier's widow, [[Isabel Letelier]], and his colleagues at the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] on October 21, 1976. They asked [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Edward Levi]] to subpoena the CIA's records, and Levi declined, saying the agency was cooperating. The [[Washington Post|Washington Post]] reported on November 1 that the agency believed Chilean operatives had not carried out the bombing, and that "[[Director of Central Intelligence|CIA Director]] Bush expressed this view in a conversation late last week with [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] Kissinger." The agency's first report naming Contreras as a suspect is dated October 6, 1976. It met him about six times in 1977, three of them to ask about the murder, and broke contact on November 3, 1977, when he was moved out of intelligence work.[^4][^7]
Townley was expelled from [[Chile]] in 1978, pleaded guilty, and testified for the government. Chile refused to extradite Contreras and his deputy, [[Pedro Espinoza]]. [[Guillermo Novo]] and [[Alvin Ross Díaz]] were convicted of the murders and [[Ignacio Novo]] of lying to the grand jury. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|D.C. Circuit]] reversed all three convictions on December 9, 1980. The case against Guillermo Novo and Ross had rested on cellmates who were working for the government, testimony the Supreme Court had ruled inadmissible six months earlier, and Ignacio Novo should have been tried separately. [[Armando Fernandez Larios]], the DINA officer who had conducted the surveillance and met Townley at [[John F. Kennedy International Airport|Kennedy Airport]] on September 9, 1976, pleaded guilty in 1987 to being an accessory after the fact and was paroled after five months. A federal court held Chile liable to the families in 1980.[^8][^9][^10]
### Compensation
The families sued Chile in 1978. Chile defaulted, and Judge [[Joyce Hens Green]] entered judgment in 1980 for more than five million dollars. They then tried to collect from the [[New York City|New York]] assets of the state airline, [[LAN Chile]], which the district court found had carried Townley, his explosives, and his money. Judge [[Morris Lasker]] called Chile's use of the airline a "gross abuse of the corporate form." The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit|Second Circuit]] reversed him on November 20, 1984, finding only that "Michael Townley was able to enlist the cooperation of certain LAN pilots and officials with whom he had a pre-existing social relationship," and added that "hard cases make bad law." After Pinochet left office the two governments agreed on June 11, 1990, that Chile, "without admitting liability," would make an ex gratia payment to be fixed by a commission under a treaty of 1914. The commission awarded 2,611,892 dollars on January 11, 1992: 1.2 million to Isabel Letelier and her four sons for lost support, with 160,000 to her and 80,000 to each of them in moral damages, 483,000 to [[Michael Moffitt]], and 300,000 to Ronni Moffitt's parents. It excluded Letelier's income from lectures and publications and "took into account the significant steps undertaken by the Chilean Government and Congress to remedy human rights problems." The payment extinguished all other claims.[^11]
### The 1987 Assessment
In 1987 Secretary of State [[George Shultz]] asked the CIA to assess responsibility. Its report of May 1, 1987, "Pinochet's Role in the Letelier Assassination and Subsequent Coverup," concluded that [[Augusto Pinochet]] "personally ordered" the killing and had afterward considered eliminating Contreras. Shultz wrote to President [[Ronald Reagan]] on October 6 that the agency had "convincing evidence" and called the murder "a blatant example of a chief of state's direct involvement in an act of state terrorism." A State Department cable of January 22, 1987, quoted Contreras as saying he "authorized the assassination of Letelier on orders from Pinochet." The documents were withheld until 2015 and 2016, when they were given to President [[Michelle Bachelet]]. Most of the underlying intelligence remains classified.[^12]
### Footnotes
[^1]: United States v. Sampol, 636 F.2d 621 (D.C. Cir. 1980).
[^2]: "Interview with Dinges and Landau," Radio TV Reports transcript, June 30, 1980, CIA Reading Room document 05535911. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-05535911
[^3]: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, "'The First Terrorist Attack in the U.S.': The Letelier-Moffitt Assassinations," oral history of Ambassador George W. Landau. https://adst.org/2014/02/the-first-terrorist-attack-in-the-u-s-the-letelier-moffitt-assassinations/
[^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, "CIA Activities in Chile," report to Congress (Hinchey Report), September 18, 2000.
[^5]: O'Leary, Jeremiah. "U.S. Envoy's Testimony Puts CIA Twist in Letelier Case," *The Washington Star,* February 9, 1979, and Burnham, David, report of the same date in *The New York Times,* CIA Reading Room clipping.
[^6]: Department of State, cable State 209192, "Operation Condor," August 23, 1976; cable SECTO 27128, "Actions Taken," September 16, 1976; cable San José 4526, "Operation Condor," September 20, 1976, in Osorio, Carlos, ed. "Kissinger Blocked Demarche on International Assassinations to Condor States," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 312, 2010. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB312/ ; Inouye, Daniel K., letter to George Bush, September 29, 1976, CIA Reading Room document 03303946.
[^7]: "No New Leads Uncovered by Letelier Probe," *The Washington Post,* November 1, 1976, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100020097-6.
[^8]: De Letelier v. Republic of Chile, 488 F. Supp. 665 (D.D.C. 1980).
[^9]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "'Worst of the Worst': ICE and the Case of Chilean Intelligence Operative Armando Fernandez Larios," National Security Archive, July 10, 2026. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2026-07-10/worst-worst-ice-and-case-chilean-intelligence-operative-armando
[^10]: United States v. Henry, 447 U.S. 264 (1980).
[^11]: De Letelier v. Republic of Chile, 748 F.2d 790 (2d Cir. 1984); "Dispute Concerning Responsibility for the Deaths of Letelier and Moffitt (United States, Chile)," decision of January 11, 1992, *Reports of International Arbitral Awards,* vol. XXV, pp. 1-19. https://legal.un.org/riaa/cases/vol_XXV/1-19.pdf
[^12]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "CIA: 'Pinochet personally ordered' Letelier bombing," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 560, September 23, 2016. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2016-09-23/cia-pinochet-personally-ordered-letelier-bombing ; "The Pinochet File: U.S. Declassifies Missing Documents in the Letelier-Moffitt Case," Electronic Briefing Book No. 532, October 8, 2015.

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---
category: "Crime & Abuse Networks"
tags:
- Person
- RCHorsch
- Philadelphia
- Pornography
- MissingWomen
- Wackenhut
- Counterfeiting
- IdentityFraud
- OrganizedCrime
alias:
- Raymond Horsch
- Raymond Charles Hoersch
- Ray Hoersch
- Ray Horsch
- R. C. Hörsch
- Stanley Eugene Stokowski
- Ich Bin Niemand
summary: "Philadelphia pornographic filmmaker and convicted counterfeiter who said he wiretapped and burgled for Wackenhut in the early 1960s and whose Olney house is the center of a 2026 investigation into seven missing women."
born: 1943
died: 2025
location: "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Raymond Charles "R.C." Horsch (born Hoersch, 1943, died May 2025) was a [[Philadelphia]] filmmaker, photographer, and self-published author who directed the 1973 pornographic feature [[The Erotic Memoirs of a Male Chauvinist Pig]] and was convicted over four decades of check forgery, counterfeiting, drug manufacturing, passport fraud, and marijuana cultivation. In recorded interviews he said that he had worked in the early 1960s as a freelance wiretapper and burglar for the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. He died of a lung condition in May 2025. Thirteen months later a traffic stop involving his son, [[Eugene Horsch]], led the [[Philadelphia Police Department]] and the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] to the family house at 417 West Chew Avenue in the [[Olney, Philadelphia|Olney]] neighborhood, where investigators recovered more than one million image and video files. Police have said the material shows five women who appear to be dead, and that two other women connected to the house are missing. No body has been recovered and no homicide charge has been filed against anyone.[^1][^2][^3]
### Bucks County and the Philadelphia Studios
Horsch was born in the [[Pocono Mountains|Poconos]] near [[Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania]], and grew up on a farm before his family moved to [[Chalfont, Pennsylvania|Chalfont]] in [[Bucks County, Pennsylvania|Bucks County]]. His father, of the same name, flew cargo gliders for the [[United States Army Air Forces|Army Air Forces]] in the [[World War II|Second World War]]. Horsch graduated from [[Central Bucks High School]] in 1961 as a National Merit Scholar and editor of the school magazine. A psychologist who examined him in 1985 measured his IQ at 140 and recorded that he had been expelled from two colleges.[^1][^4][^5]
He said that at about 14 he began running errands at a film studio on [[Sansom Street]] in [[Center City, Philadelphia|Center City]] during the production of [[The Burglar]] with [[Jayne Mansfield]]. By the late 1960s he ran the animation camera department at a Philadelphia studio, directed small children in television commercials, and worked as a sideline cameraman for [[NFL Films]], which he said dismissed him for filming cheerleaders. He operated the Underground Cinema 16, later the Roxy, on Sansom Street. He said he then commuted to [[New York City]] to make short live-action films for the [[Children's Television Workshop]], the producer of [[Sesame Street]].[^1][^6][^7]
### Wackenhut
Asked in a recorded interview what he did after high school, Horsch said he went to work for "an outfit called Wackenhut, which was a brand new company at the time, a security firm staffed by FBI agents." He described himself as a freelancer who was called in for individual jobs, briefed, and introduced to a client. "I bugged telephones and committed burglaries for them," he said. "The burglaries were mostly to install electronics or bug telephones or just things like burglarizing a potential client to demonstrate that their security was not up to par."[^5]
He said a frequent client was introduced to him as "Mr. Smith." The man "was, in fact, [[H.L. Hunt]] [sic; [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]]], who was at the time with the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]." Hunt was later convicted in the [[Watergate]] burglary. Asked whether he had dealt with him directly, Horsch said: "I met him all the time. He was the customer." He added: "At the time, he was introduced as this private customer. When it later turned out, he was a very active CIA agent, which means that at the time, I must have been working for the CIA, although I didn't realize it." He called Wackenhut "a CIA front organization" that used him "to do things that they didn't want to get caught doing, that they could deny."[^5]
Horsch described three jobs. At the [[Fairchild Hiller]] aircraft plant in [[Hagerstown, Maryland]], he said, he "backed a truck up and stole 30 cabinets of top-secret documents" and towed the company aircraft across the airfield to hide it in another hangar. In [[Trenton, New Jersey]], he said, a man he described as the head of the [[American Nazi Party]], whose name he could not recall, hired the firm to tap his own telephones because he suspected his employees of theft, and Horsch's employers had him install a second tap on the same line to listen to the client. In Philadelphia he said he was installing an infinity transmitter in the kitchen telephone of a girlfriend of "a Philadelphia politician named Crumlish" when she came home; he told her he was from the telephone company, and she made him coffee while he finished. He said he quit around 1965, "when they passed a law making wiretapping a federal crime."[^5]
[[George R. Wackenhut]], the company's founder, was a former FBI agent. A CIA memorandum for the record dated July 28, 1975, states that the agency opened files on Wackenhut and his company in May 1960 "for the purpose of obtaining cover support for Western Hemisphere Agency employees assigned to [[Florida]]," that a Covert Security Approval for his use was granted on November 21, 1961, and that "subsequently, his company provided cover backstopping to Western Hemisphere employees stationed in the [[Miami]], Florida, area." The approval was rescinded in April 1967 "due to the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida." The memorandum adds that in November 1974 the company was found to be guarding [[Global Marine Development]] of [[Los Angeles]], "a firm that the Agency office of DDS&T was dealing with," and that the agency "made no attempt to persuade GMDI to terminate their contract." The passages describing the cover relationship were withheld until March 2025.[^8]
### Desertion
Horsch received a draft notice at 18 and obtained a series of occupational deferments, then a marriage deferment when he married his high school girlfriend in 1964. He joined the [[Pennsylvania National Guard]] on a six-year commitment, failed to report when ordered to active duty, and continued to live and work in Philadelphia. He said a [[New Jersey State Police|New Jersey state trooper]] who found him asleep at a turnpike rest stop ran his name and delivered him to the provost marshal at [[Fort Dix]]. In December 1972, giving his address as 523 North Main Street, Chalfont, he sued Secretary of the Army [[Robert F. Froehlke]] in federal court, seeking a declaration that his involuntary call to active duty was invalid. Judge Hannum ruled against him on October 11, 1974. Horsch said he held two dishonorable discharges and was later pardoned under President [[Jimmy Carter]]'s amnesty.[^3][^5]
He said that in the early 1970s he taught himself to fly in a Cessna bought for 5,700 dollars and flew marijuana from [[Mexico]] through the mountain passes south of [[El Paso, Texas|El Paso]], dropping loads to trucks waiting in the desert of [[Texas]], [[New Mexico]], and [[Arizona]] without landing. He said he knew the smuggler [[George Jung]] before Jung moved into cocaine, that federal agents dismantled two of his aircraft without finding anything, and that he stopped when a man with an M16 rifle motioned him down from a pursuing helicopter.[^5]
### Times Square and the 1973 Film
Horsch said he and a girlfriend, a medical student at the [[University of Pennsylvania]], performed on weekends in a live sex show above [[Times Square]], in an act built around simulated rape. He began appearing in pornographic loops in 1969 for 100 dollars a job.[^6]
In February 1973 he and John Butterworth, a news cameraman for [[KYW-TV]], shot The Erotic Memoirs of a Male Chauvinist Pig in Philadelphia with the New York performers [[Georgina Spelvin]], [[Tina Russell]], [[Darby Lloyd Rains]], and [[Helen Madigan]]. The film depicts rape, bondage, urination, and sex with a character presented as a schoolgirl. Horsch said 60 to 70 percent of the roughly 20,000 dollar budget came from [[Salvatore La Russa|Salvatore "Sam the Barber" La Russa]], who ran the Bag of Nails bar at 13th and Locust Streets, from "money that he had laying around in a shoebox behind the bar. We're talking about organized crime." A hospital scene was shot in the emergency room of the [[Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania]] under permission obtained for a student film. Horsch said his girlfriend at the time was the wife of a Philadelphia assistant district attorney, that the film was shot in her house, and that staff of the [[Philadelphia District Attorney's Office]] attended the premiere at the 1812 Theater on Chestnut Street, which had a searchlight outside. Horsch said theater chains were controlled by "certain political groups," that La Russa arranged distribution through Philadelphia organized crime, and that the film was sold to the distributor [[Sam Lake]] for 50,000 dollars. [[Al Goldstein]] wrote in [[Screw (magazine)|Screw]] that the sex in it was disgusting. La Russa died of a heart attack in 1996.[^6][^7][^9]
### Counterfeiting, Methamphetamine, and New Zealand
Horsch was convicted of forging checks in [[North Carolina]] in 1972. In December 1974 a card shop in [[Hatboro, Pennsylvania|Hatboro]] reported a suspicious ten-dollar bill, and the [[United States Secret Service]] raided his Chalfont home, arrested Charles Griffith of [[Wallingford, Pennsylvania|Wallingford]] as an accomplice, and seized counterfeit ten-dollar notes along with false driver's licenses and vehicle registrations. Accounts of the face value seized range from 180,000 dollars to more than one million dollars. He served two years.[^1][^10]
In 1977 he was arrested for operating a methamphetamine laboratory in Philadelphia, posted bail, and disappeared. In 1980 he married [[Myroslawa Ferkuniak|Myroslawa "Anna" Ferkuniak]] in [[Nevada]] under the name Dr. Stanley Eugene Stokowski, the name of a real [[California]] chemist. With a forged [[Stanford University]] transcript he obtained work as a chemist at a plant producing ethanol from whey in [[Timaru]], [[New Zealand]], where his son Eugene was born in 1981. He was caught re-entering New Zealand with five false passports in 1984, fled, and was arrested by the FBI in [[Orlando, Florida]], in 1985.[^1]
Before his sentencing on the drug-manufacturing charge, the psychologist [[Don Seraydarian]] examined him for four hours at the request of his lawyers and wrote that he was "grandiose, mistrustful, suspicious, and excessively controlling," was "consumed by anger," and had "great concern about 'losing control' over himself." Horsch told him: "I go from job to job because once I learn something, I want to go to something else." He listed his occupations as chemist, computer analyst, and photographer. He was sentenced to four years, was released in 1987, and became the information technology director of a company in [[Northeast Philadelphia]].[^1][^4]
### New Britain Township
Ferkuniak died of an overdose in 1989 at 39. The following month Horsch bought a house on Airey Avenue in [[New Britain Township, Pennsylvania|New Britain Township]] for 137,500 dollars. He filed for bankruptcy in 1993, listing a barbecue restaurant, Butterworth's Hickory Pit, as a trade name. In 1997 township police charged him with cashing 187.19 dollars in paychecks made out to his dead nephew. Around 1999 he was briefly engaged to a teenage housekeeper. In the 1990s and 2000s he produced a series of pornographic videos with amateur couples and then films of staged violence against women, many of whom he recruited with cash and drugs on the streets of [[Kensington, Philadelphia|Kensington]]. He married [[Amy McHale]] in 2004, and they divorced in 2008.[^1][^10][^11]
In 2009 a woman at the house called township police to report noises. Officers under Chief [[Robert Scafidi]] found 455 marijuana plants in the basement, firearms including an M1 carbine, 25 pounds of gunpowder, bondage devices, pornography showing women who appeared to be bleeding, and identification cards belonging to several different women. Horsch ran into the surrounding fields and was caught. Scafidi said the district attorney's office took the identification cards for follow-up. "I really don't know what happened after that," he said. In 2010 Horsch was charged with attempting to lure a nine-year-old girl into his car, and city prosecutors dismissed the charge. He pleaded guilty to federal drug and weapons counts in January 2011, was sentenced to 53 months, and was released in June 2013. The bank repossessed the [[New Britain, Pennsylvania|New Britain]] house the same year.[^7][^10][^12]
### The Olney House
Eugene Horsch, then a [[Drexel University]] student, caused a drunk-driving crash in 2003 that left the other driver in a vegetative state until his death sixteen years later. He pleaded guilty to aggravated assault, was released in 2006, and acquired the house at 417 West Chew Avenue from his father the same year. In 2013 police found about 1.9 million dollars' worth of marijuana in the house, and Eugene was sentenced to four to eight years.[^1][^13]
From about 2017 to 2021 Horsch's website, rchorsch.com, advertised an escort service whose client reviews describe visits to the Olney house. Its motto was "I fear what I love." In 2014 he self-published Empathy: The Memoir of an Empathetic Serial Killer, in which the narrator strangles a woman named Krista and dissolves her body with sodium hydroxide in a basement bathtub; the publisher's description calls the book fiction. In 2016 he released Deleted Scenes: A Serial Killer's Video Journal, filmed over twelve years under the name Ich Bin Niemand, about a man who selects victims among addicts, prostitutes, and runaways. A woman named [[Krista Killen]] lived in the house for years and appeared in his films. His online biography described him as an "artist, filmmaker, composer, writer, porn performer, drug smuggler, some-time political activist, art forger, counterfeiter, pot grower, air show pilot, army deserter, fugitive, sociopath, ex-convict and all-out villain." [[Amazon (company)|Amazon]] sold his books until the third week of September 2026.[^1][^9][^11][^14]
### The Kensington Crematorium
At a 2014 exhibition in a Kensington gallery, Horsch showed what appeared to be autopsy photographs of an unidentified woman, ending with video of her body being loaded into an incinerator. He said the footage was shot at "a Kensington warehouse where the city morgue would send unidentified remains." His release for the show read: "The Medical Examiner totally botched the autopsy and didn't even bother to sew her up properly. My horrible photograph is all that is left of her, the only trace of her short, sad existence. She has nothing else, not even a name." He later posted a series that intercut women acting out their own deaths with images of people dead of overdoses, which he described as made in "unknowing collaboration with the Philadelphia Medical Examiner" and city paramedics.[^15]
A law enforcement official and people who knew Horsch in the period have said he paid an employee in drugs and cash for access to the crematorium attached to the [[Garzone Funeral Home]] in Kensington. The brothers [[Louis Garzone|Louis]] and [[Gerald Garzone]], who operated it as [[Liberty Cremations]], pleaded guilty in 2008 to selling more than 240 corpses to a New York tissue-recovery company whose cutters removed bone, tendon, and organs for resale to hospitals. Some of the tissue was diseased and was implanted in patients who were not told of its origin. The business closed in 2007. A woman who worked on Horsch's films from 2003 said he told her his contact was an employee named George. Four people identified the man as [[George Newsome]], who lived on Ruth Street a block from the crematorium, was arrested for heroin possession in 2011 and cocaine possession in 2013, and died in 2014. Gerald Garzone said he had never heard of Horsch. He acknowledged knowing a man named George from the neighborhood and declined to say whether he had employed him. The [[Philadelphia Medical Examiner's Office]] declined to say whether the city sent unclaimed bodies to the Garzones. Horsch was not named in the 2007 case.[^15]
### The 2026 Investigation
In May 2025 a fire at the Chew Avenue house brought narcotics officers, who found marijuana plants, firearms, and containers of chemicals. Horsch died the same month and was cremated. Killen died of drug intoxication some months later.[^9][^14]
On June 19, 2026, a federal park ranger stopped Eugene Horsch's car beside [[Independence National Historical Park]]. His passenger carried an identification card in the name of [[Blair Tonzelli]], who was reported missing in February 2023. A photograph of Tonzelli, nude, with an apparent black eye and blood near her mouth, had been in rotation as the lead image on Horsch's website from about 2020 until at least September 2023, seven months after the missing-person report. The search of the Olney house that followed, and its results, are set out under [[Olney House Investigation]].[^11][^13]
On September 16, 2026, Deputy Police Commissioner [[Frank Vanore]] said that investigators had reviewed about 30 percent of more than 600,000 images and 70,000 videos from the house, had identified 58 people in them, and believed five of the women shown to be dead. He described a video in which Horsch gives a woman drugs and money, handcuffs her to a bed, and tightens a zip tie around her neck with pliers until she stops moving. Her family identified her as [[Nicole Fusaro]], 27, last seen in Kensington on July 19, 2018. Amy McHale, last seen at the house in 2016, and Tonzelli remain missing. "We did never recover a body here," Vanore said.[^2][^14][^15][^16]
[[J.J. Klaver]], a retired FBI agent with no role in the case, said of Horsch on television, "Obviously, this guy's a serial killer." [[Michael Yoder]], a retired FBI profiler who reviewed the 1985 evaluation, said it described "a potential serial killer." The police department has not used the term. Horsch was never charged with a homicide.[^4][^17]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "How a pornographer's violent fantasies blurred fact and fiction as cops searched Olney house for missing women," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 2, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/a/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-philadelphia-missing-women-history-20260802.html
[^2]: "At least 5 women dead, more missing in connection to Olney home, Philly police say," *WHYY,* September 2026. https://whyy.org/articles/olney-home-investigation-abuse/
[^3]: Hoersch v. Froehlke, 382 F. Supp. 1235 (E.D. Pa. 1974).
[^4]: Marin, Max, Ryan W. Briggs, and Ellie Rushing. "'Consumed by anger': Inside the 1985 psych profile of Raymond Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 3, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-horsch-olney-missing-women-psych-exam-20260903.html
[^5]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 08:30 to 31:00 (Wackenhut passage at 18:34 to 22:49; the name spoken at 19:17 is "H.L. Hunt"). https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/13/ray-horsch-2/
[^6]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 2: Performance," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 172, September 20, 2026, audio. https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/20/ray-horsch-3/
[^7]: West, Ashley. "Ray Horsch: Sociopathic Villain," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 27, December 15, 2013 (the accompanying text states that the 1973 film was "shot in the house of people working in the local District Attorney office" and that Horsch had "been working for Sesame Street"; the 101-minute audio is no longer hosted). Archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20260520094947/https://www.therialtoreport.com/2013/12/15/ray-horsch/
[^8]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454, released in full March 18, 2025. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2025/0318/104-10130-10454.pdf
[^9]: "Five takeaways from Philly missing women mystery connected to Raymond and Eugene Horsch," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 4, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-olney-missing-women-20260804.html
[^10]: "Bucks County connection with Philly 'house of horror' case," *Yahoo News* (syndicated), 2026. https://www.yahoo.com/news/us/articles/bucks-county-connection-philly-house-091634860.html
[^11]: "A troubling photo of a missing woman appeared on Raymond Horsch's erotic website, years before police investigated," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* August 21, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-eugene-horsch-missing-women-olney-blair-tonzelli-20260821.html
[^12]: "Former police chief recalls 2009 arrest of R.C. Horsch, man linked to investigation in Philadelphia's Olney section," *6abc Action News,* 2026. https://6abc.com/post/former-police-chief-recalls-2009-arrest-rc-horsch/19841495/
[^13]: "Who is Eugene Horsch? Man at Center of Philadelphia 'House of Horrors,'" *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/who-is-eugene-horsch-man-at-center-of-philadelphia-house-of-horrors-12459693
[^14]: Cuffe, Davis. "Philadelphia's 'house of horrors' investigation: All that we know," *Billy Penn,* September 18, 2026. https://billypenn.com/2026/09/18/philadelphia-house-of-horrors-police-investigation-olney-update/
[^15]: Briggs, Ryan W., Max Marin, Barbara Laker, and Ellie Rushing. "Raymond Horsch had access to a Kensington crematorium linked to illegal body parts sales, years before missing persons investigation," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 21, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-horsch-missing-women-kensington-bodies-crematorium-20260921.html
[^16]: "Philadelphia police identify 58 people in images from investigation into Olney house," *CBS News Philadelphia,* September 2026. https://www.cbsnews.com/philadelphia/news/horsch-investigation-chew-avenue-olney-philadelphia/
[^17]: "Eugene Horsch Denies He's a Serial Killer as Philadelphia Cops Hunt for Missing Women," *Newsweek,* 2026. https://www.newsweek.com/philadelphia-obviously-serial-killer-former-fbi-agent-12457175

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---
category: "Intelligence & Government"
tags:
- Person
- RayHunt
- HuntOil
- PFIAB
- Halliburton
- Kurdistan
- Yemen
- Dallas
- BushAdministration
alias:
- Ray L. Hunt
- Ray Lee Hunt
- R.L. Hunt
summary: "Chairman of Hunt Oil and executor of H.L. Hunt's estate who sat on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board from 2001 to 2009 while his company signed an oil contract with the Kurdistan Regional Government."
born: 1943
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Ray Lee Hunt (born April 1943) is the chairman of [[Hunt Oil Company]] and [[Hunt Consolidated]] of [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]]. He is the son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Ruth Ray Hunt|Ruth Ray]], was born in [[New York City|New York]] while his father's first wife was living, and was adopted by his father after his parents married in 1957. His father's will gave all of his Hunt Oil stock to Ruth Hunt and made Ray sole executor. He was finance chairman of the [[Republican National Committee]] in 2000, a director of [[Halliburton]] from 1998, chairman of the [[Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas]] from 2002 to 2006, and a member of the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]] under [[George W. Bush]] from 2001 to 2009.[^1][^2][^3]
### The Estate
Hunt joined Hunt Oil as a summer field hand in 1958 and graduated from [[Southern Methodist University]]. When his father died on November 29, 1974, the family's holdings ran through some 200 trusts and companies. In 1975 he negotiated a division with the sons of the first family: [[Nelson Bunker Hunt|Bunker]], [[William Herbert Hunt|Herbert]], and [[Lamar Hunt]] took [[Hunt Energy Corporation|Hunt Energy]], [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]], and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], and he kept Hunt Oil. [[Frania Tye Lee]], whom his father had married bigamously in 1925, sued the estate that November. In May 1977, after Dallas newspapers reported that a letter signed by [[Lee Harvey Oswald]] had been addressed to a "Mr. Hunt," he wrote to [[Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI Director]] [[Clarence Kelley]] to protest, and Kelley referred him to the [[Freedom of Information Act]]. The company's spokesman in that episode, [[James C. Oberwetter]], had been press secretary to Congressman [[George H.W. Bush]].[^1][^4][^5]
### Reunion
In 1972 Hunt began buying floodplain land beside Dallas's [[Union Station (Dallas)|Union Station]] at 2.92 dollars a square foot, formed [[Woodbine Development]], and hired [[John Scovell]], a 26-year-old accountant and former [[Texas Tech University|Texas Tech]] quarterback, to run it. The [[Hyatt Regency Dallas]] and [[Reunion Tower]] opened on the site on April 15, 1978. He financed the launch of [[D Magazine]].[^1][^6]
### Yemen
Hunt Oil found the Alif field near [[Marib]] in 1984, the first oil discovered in [[North Yemen]]. On April 12, 1986, Vice President George H.W. Bush, on a tour of Arab capitals, flew to Marib in a C-130 and dedicated the field's refinery with President [[Ali Abdullah Saleh]]. "A happy day for the [[Yemen Arab Republic]] and for the entire industrial world," Bush said. [[Yemen]] took back the block on November 15, 2005, and Hunt Oil and [[ExxonMobil]] filed for arbitration in [[Paris]]. Hunt remained a partner with [[TotalEnergies|Total]] in [[Yemen LNG]], which began operating in 2009.[^7][^8]
### Halliburton and the Intelligence Board
Hunt joined the Halliburton board in 1998, when [[Dick Cheney]] was chief executive, and went at once onto its compensation committee, which that year gave Cheney a bonus of 1.1 million dollars and restricted stock worth 1.5 million on a salary of 1.18 million. He joined the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas the same year. He was a [[Bush Pioneers|Pioneer]] fundraiser for George W. Bush, who made him finance chairman of the Republican National Committee in May 2000. His son [[Hunter Hunt|Hunter L. Hunt]] took leave from the company to work on the campaign's energy policy group.[^2][^9]
On October 5, 2001, the [[White House]] announced Hunt's appointment to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board under General [[Brent Scowcroft]]. The other members included [[Jim Barksdale]], [[Robert Addison Day]], [[Stephen Friedman]], [[Alfred Lerner]], [[Rita Hauser]], Admiral [[David Jeremiah]], [[Arnold Kanter]], [[James C. Langdon Jr.]], [[Pete Wilson]], and [[Philip Zelikow]]. Scowcroft was removed after criticizing the [[Iraq]] war. On October 27, 2005, the White House reappointed Hunt for a term beginning December 20 under Friedman, with [[Donald Evans]], [[Arthur B. Culvahouse]], [[William O. DeWitt Jr.]], and [[Lee Hamilton]]. In the same years two Hunt Oil executives became ambassadors. [[Jeanne L. Phillips]], a senior vice president and a fundraiser for the Bush campaign and inaugural, was ambassador to the [[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development|OECD]] from August 2001 to June 2003 and returned to the company. Oberwetter was sworn in as ambassador to [[Saudi Arabia]] on January 8, 2004.[^2][^3][^10]
### Kurdistan
On September 8, 2007, Hunt Oil and the [[Kurdistan Regional Government]] announced a production-sharing contract for a block in the Dohuk area, signed under a regional oil law that the Kurdish parliament had passed a month earlier and that the government in [[Baghdad]] did not recognize. The Bush administration's policy was that no contracts should be signed before a national oil law. Three days before the signing, Hunt Oil's regional manager, [[David McDonald (Hunt Oil)|David McDonald]], told the head of the [[State Department]]'s reconstruction team in [[Erbil]] that the company was interested in the Shekhan and Akra districts of northern [[Nineveh Governorate|Nineveh]], territory disputed between Erbil and Baghdad. "This is a significant opportunity that outweighs the legal ambiguity," he said, and of the geology: "It's like shooting fish in a barrel." The embassy's cable reporting the contract went to Washington on September 12. Ray Hunt said he was pleased to be "actively participating in the establishment of the petroleum industry in the [[Kurdistan Region|Kurdistan Region of Iraq]]." President Bush said: "I know nothing about the deal."[^11][^12]
On July 2, 2008, Representative [[Henry Waxman]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform]], released company and government documents and wrote to [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[Condoleezza Rice]] that "contrary to the denials of Administration officials, advisors to the President and officials in the State and Commerce Departments knew about Hunt Oil's interest in the Kurdish region months before the contract was executed." Hunt Oil officials had met the State Department team in Erbil on June 12, 2007. Hunt had written to the intelligence board on July 12 and August 30, 2007, describing his contacts with the Kurds. An internal Hunt Oil message quoted in the letter read: "This is really good for us ... I find it a huge compliment that he is tipping us off about this ... This is a lucky break."[^12]
### Sharyland
Hunter Hunt founded [[Sharyland Utilities]] in 1999, the first new regulated electric utility in the [[United States]] in three decades. Under the Competitive Renewable Energy Zone program that the [[Texas Legislature]] created in 2005, Sharyland was awarded about 300 miles of transmission lines in the Panhandle. In 2010 the family placed the lines in a real estate investment trust, [[InfraREIT]], which leased them back to the utility. In 2016 Sharyland's average residential delivery charge was 90.39 dollars a month against 38.59 dollars at [[Oncor]]. Oncor and [[Sempra Energy]] bought the assets in 2019 in transactions worth about 1.3 billion dollars.[^13]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^2]: "Top-secret cronies," *Salon,* November 17, 2005. https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/
[^3]: The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Nominations and Appointments," October 5, 2001. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/10/20011005-8.html ; "Personnel Announcement," October 27, 2005. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2005/10/20051027-7.html
[^4]: Fagnant, Marie (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures," memorandum, July 31, 1997, summarizing FBI serials 62-108867-22 to 24.
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977. https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2
[^6]: "Dallas developer Woodbine got its start building the landmark Reunion Tower and hotel," *The Dallas Morning News,* February 9, 2023. https://www.dallasnews.com/business/real-estate/2023/02/09/dallas-developer-woodbine-got-its-start-building-the-landmark-reunion-tower-and-hotel/
[^7]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," *United Press International,* April 12, 1986. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/
[^8]: "Hunt Oil & ExxonMobil File for Arbitration on Yemen Field," *Rigzone,* 2005.
[^9]: Halliburton Company, Schedule 14A proxy statement, 2004, Securities and Exchange Commission.
[^10]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "Jeanne L. Phillips," Department History.; "Ambassador focuses on U.S.-Saudi cooperation," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna8293255
[^11]: U.S. Embassy Baghdad, "Hunt Oil Signs Agreement with KRG under KRG Oil Law," cable 07BAGHDAD3071, September 12, 2007. https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BAGHDAD3071_a.html
[^12]: Waxman, Henry A., letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, July 2, 2008, as reported in "Bush Officials Condoned Regional Iraqi Oil Deal," *The Washington Post,* July 3, 2008, and "U.S. officials condoned Kurdish oil deal," *NBC News.* https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna25506968
[^13]: *The Texas Tribune,* 2016 reporting on Sharyland Utilities delivery rates; "Texas regulators seal Oncor's nearly $1.3 billion power line deal with Hunt family," *The Dallas Morning News,* May 9, 2019.

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---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- RuthRayHunt
- HLHunt
- HuntFamily
- RayHunt
- HuntOil
- FirstBaptistDallas
alias:
- Ruth Ray
- Ruth Eileen Ray
- Ruth Wright
- Mrs. Ruth E. Wright
summary: "Hunt Oil secretary from Idabel, Oklahoma, who bore H.L. Hunt four children from 1943 under the name Wright in a house near his family home, and married him in 1957 after his first wife's death."
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Ruth Eileen Ray was the youngest of six children of Walter "Sing" Ray, a real estate and insurance agent and the first city clerk of [[Idabel, Oklahoma]], who died in 1919 when she was two. She left [[Oklahoma State University|Oklahoma A&M]] in 1940, followed a sister to [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]], and became a legal secretary at Blanchard, Goldstein, Walker and O'Quinn. When Claude O'Quinn left the firm for its main client, the [[Hunt Oil Company]], he took her with him. [[H.L. Hunt]] told an interviewer that he first noticed her waiting for a bus outside the Shreveport office and offered her a ride.[^1]
### Mrs. Wright
In the fall of 1942 she stopped coming to work. Hunt moved her to an apartment in [[New York City]], and former colleagues received announcements of her marriage to one "Raymond Wright," said to be with army intelligence and studying nutrition at [[Columbia University]]. Her son was born in New York on April 6, 1943, and named Ray Lee Wright. "He's gonna be president of the [[United States]]," she told the Hunt Oil secretaries in Shreveport. Hunt bought her a bungalow at 7029 Meadow Lake Avenue in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], "less than a two-minute drive" from [[Mount Vernon (Dallas)|Mount Vernon]], where his wife [[Lyda Bunker Hunt|Lyda]] and their children lived. Three daughters followed by 1950, [[June Hunt|Ruth June]], [[Helen LaKelly Hunt|Helen]], and [[Swanee Hunt|Swanee]]. The children attended the Greenhill School as Wrights, and neighbors supposed that their father was an agent of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]]. Hunt set up the Secure Trusts for them and named as trustees his gambling partner [[Ray Ryan]], an [[Indiana]] oilman who kept company with reputed Mafiosi, and Ryan's wife.[^2]
### Marriage
Lyda Hunt died in May 1955, and Ruth and her children began to keep house at Mount Vernon. In the fall of 1957, by Hunt's account, the fourteen-year-old [[Ray Hunt|Ray]] came to his office and said: "You will marry my mother." They were married on a Sunday that November at the home of her pastor. The Dallas Times Herald described her as "Mrs. Ruth Ray Wright," mother of four. Her own mother told the [[Associated Press]] she had known nothing of it. Hunt gave the children his name. Soon afterward he gave up gambling, as a federal grand jury opened an inquiry into a syndicate at [[Terre Haute, Indiana|Terre Haute]], and on the first Sunday of 1960 he was baptized with her and the children at the [[First Baptist Church of Dallas]] by the Reverend [[W.A. Criswell]]. She later let it be known that the children were his.[^3]
On November 22, 1963, she was visiting Ray at his fraternity house at [[Southern Methodist University]] when Hunt telephoned and told her to keep the children away from home. The couple went to the [[Mayflower Hotel]] in Washington on the FBI's advice and came back for Christmas. In early 1965 she persuaded Hunt to bring his lobotomized son [[Hassie Hunt|Hassie]] home from an institution in the East. She did not go to Shreveport for the trial of [[Frania Tye Lee]]'s claim in 1978, because the lawyers feared she would be questioned about the birth of her children "out of wedlock and before the death of H.L.'s first wife." Hunt's will made Ray sole independent executor of the estate.[^4]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 131-133.
[^2]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 133-134, 142, 151, 171.
[^3]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 177-179, 188, 216.
[^4]: Hurt, Harry, III. *Texas Rich: The Hunt Dynasty from the Early Oil Days through the Silver Crash*. W.W. Norton, 1981, pp. 16-17, 232-233, 259.

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---
category: "Other"
tags:
- Person
- WilliamHerbertHunt
- Oil
- SilverThursday
- Wiretapping
- Dallas
alias:
- Herbert Hunt
- W. Herbert Hunt
- W.H. Hunt
summary: "Son of H.L. Hunt who was indicted with his brother Bunker for wiretapping their father's aides, was found liable in the 1980 silver manipulation, and kept Petro-Hunt in a trust beyond his creditors' reach."
born: 1929-03-06
died: 2024-04-09
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
William Herbert Hunt (March 6, 1929 to April 9, 2024) was the third son of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]] and the business partner of his older brother [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]]. He was born in [[El Dorado, Arkansas]], and ran [[Placid Oil Company|Placid Oil]] and [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], the companies held in the trusts their father created for the first family.[^1][^2]
### The Wiretaps
In the autumn of 1969 Herbert and Bunker Hunt engaged a [[Houston]] private investigation agency to place electronic surveillance on houses in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], telling its president that they had been the victims of extensive embezzlement. The targets were four [[Hunt Oil Company|Hunt Oil]] executives, among them their father's security chief, the former FBI agent [[Paul Rothermel]]. The agency's men recorded the telephones from rented cars, edited the tapes, and delivered them to the brothers, who paid an itemized bill. A policeman in [[Richardson, Texas|Richardson]] stopped one of the men, [[Jon Joseph Kelly]], on January 16, 1970, and found a recorder in his car. Within three weeks the brothers had told Senator [[James Eastland]] that they were trying to have their father declared incompetent. Kelly and [[Patrick McCann]] were convicted, and named the brothers afterward. Both were indicted in 1973. The [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] reinstated the suppressed tape evidence against them on December 23, 1974. In July 1975 they were indicted again, with the lawyer [[Percy Foreman]], for obstructing justice by paying for the detectives' silence, and were acquitted.[^3][^4][^5][^6]
### Soybeans and Silver
On April 28, 1977, the [[Commodity Futures Trading Commission]] sued Herbert and Bunker Hunt, five of their children, and a family corporation for exceeding the three-million-bushel limit on soybean futures through accounts in relatives' names, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit|Seventh Circuit]] ruled for the commission in 1979. That July the brothers formed the [[International Metals Investment Company]] in [[Bermuda]] with two Saudi partners. The group held about 200 million ounces of silver when the [[COMEX|Commodity Exchange]] restricted trading to liquidation on January 21, 1980. On March 27 the brothers could not meet their margin calls. A federal jury found in August 1988 that Herbert, Bunker, and [[Lamar Hunt]], the Saudi diplomat [[Mahmoud Fustok]], and the Bermuda company had manipulated the market, and that all but Lamar had engaged in racketeering. Judgment for the Peruvian company [[Minpeco]] exceeded 132 million dollars.[^1][^7][^8]
### Bankruptcy
Placid Oil filed for bankruptcy in 1986 and Herbert Hunt personally in 1988. The brothers paid about 160 million dollars in 1994, most of it to the [[Internal Revenue Service]]. The 1936 trust in his name was beyond the reach of the creditors and held [[Petro-Hunt]], which he ran with his three sons. "After the January 1, 1990, settlement, I walked away with an IRS overhang for ten years," he said in 2001. Of his brother he said: "Bunker and I split up. It seemed like every time one of us got sued, the other got sued too, and we had to hire twice as many lawyers."[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gwynne, S.C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001. https://www.texasmonthly.com/articles/bunker-hunt/
[^2]: "Iconic Wildcatter Herbert Hunt Passes Away," *AAPG Explorer,* 2024; obituary, *The Dallas Morning News,* April 14, 2024.
[^3]: United States v. Hunt, 505 F.2d 931 (5th Cir. 1974).
[^4]: Porterfield, Bill. "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly,* March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Headquarters file on Paul M. Rothermel Jr. (FOIA release), DeLoach to Tolson, February 3, 1970. https://archive.org/details/RothermelJr.PaulM.HQ1
[^6]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
[^7]: Commodity Futures Trading Commission v. Hunt, 591 F.2d 1211 (7th Cir. 1979).
[^8]: Minpeco, S.A. v. Hunt, 718 F. Supp. 168 (S.D.N.Y. 1989); "Money: The Silver Trading Caper," *Reason,* June 1980. https://reason.com/1980/06/01/the-silver-trading-caper/