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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- BancaNazionaleDelLavoro
- BNLScandal
- Italy
- Iraq
- ItalianSocialistParty
- StateDepartment
alias:
- BNL
- Banca Nazionale del Lavoro S.p.A.
summary: "Italian state bank whose Atlanta branch lent Iraq billions off the books, whose head office was warned a year before the raid, and whose new chairman asked the American ambassador for damage control."
start: 1913
location: "Rome, Italy"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Banca Nazionale del Lavoro is a bank in [[Rome]] that in 1989 belonged to the Italian state. A cable from the [[United States]] embassy described it as "an upstart bank by Italian standards, dating only to 1913 and owing its growth to its role as the key bank for the government in the 1920s and 30s," with the treasury as majority shareholder. Its branch in [[Atlanta]] was raided by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] on August 4, 1989, in the affair described at [[BNL Scandal]].[^1]
### What Rome Knew
The bank's internal auditor, [[Luigi Sardelli]], reported problems in the Atlanta branch in the fall of 1988. The director general, [[Giacomo Pedde]], told him that October that it was premature to discipline the branch manager, [[Christopher Drogoul]], and the report went unread in Rome until the raid. Pedde also telephoned the head of his financial division to say that a contract of the steel maker [[Danieli]] should get personal attention. Two days later Danieli signed to supply a rolling mill worth 140 million marks to the [[Nassr State Enterprise|Nassr enterprise]] in [[Iraq]]. The loan was originated by the bank's branch in [[Udine]] and booked through Atlanta. "Why not [[New York City|New York]]," Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] asked, "especially since Sardelli had already reported problems in Atlanta to his superiors?" The chairman, [[Nerio Nesi]], and Pedde were forced to resign soon after the disclosure. Both refused to testify in the United States. By September 1992 Pedde had been indicted in [[Italy]] over transactions with [[Iran]].[^1][^2]
### Cantoni and Secchia
Nesi's successor was [[Giampiero Cantoni]], whose ties to the [[Italian Socialist Party]] and to the former prime minister [[Bettino Craxi]] were, in the words of a [[State Department]] cable, a prerequisite for the appointment. The new director general, [[Paolo Savona]], was close to President [[Francesco Cossiga]] and to [[Guido Carli]]. A recapitalization begun under Nesi brought in the state insurer INA and the state pension system INPS and cut the treasury's direct holding from 75 to 56 percent.[^1]
Cantoni and Savona called on Ambassador [[Peter Secchia]] in October, having arranged the meeting on the flight home from Cossiga's visit to the United States. Cantoni said that his American lawyers were urging him to raise the matter to a "political" level, and that racketeering charges might be brought and assets frozen. On March 16, 1990, an executive vice president named DeVito told the embassy's economic officer that the bank might soon be indicted, that "the matter was urgent," and that he believed the [[Department of Justice]] had taken the investigation out of the hands of the United States attorney in Atlanta. On July 25, 1990, a week before the invasion of [[Kuwait]], Cantoni again "made a pitch for the U.S. government to go slowly before making indictments." Gonzalez told the House that "on numerous occasions Mr. Cantoni approached United States Ambassador to Italy, Peter Secchia, about achieving damage control," and that less than ten days after one such request the [[White House]] telephoned the prosecutor in Atlanta.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Scandal: High-Level Politics Try to Hide the Evidence," *Congressional Record,* House, September 14, 1992, p. H8349, reproducing State Department cables from Rome.
[^2]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "The BNL Case: Hear No Evil, Speak No Evil," *Congressional Record,* House, September 28, 1992, p. H9589.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- ChurchLeagueOfAmerica
- Anticommunism
- PrivateIntelligence
- Wackenhut
- EdgarBundy
- KarlBaarslag
- Blacklisting
summary: "Illinois anticommunist organization founded in 1937, run from the 1950s by a former Air Force intelligence officer, which in 1975 took over the Wackenhut Corporation's name files after the Fair Credit Reporting Act made them a liability."
start: 1937
location: "Wheaton, Illinois"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The Church League of America was founded in [[Chicago]] in 1937 to oppose left-wing and Social Gospel influence in the Protestant churches. Its first director was [[Frank J. Loesch]], head of the [[Chicago Crime Commission]]. It grew in the 1950s under Major [[Edgar C. Bundy]], a former officer of [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] intelligence, and moved to [[Wheaton, Illinois]], in 1961. It kept files on individuals and organizations and sold reports from them.[^1]
### The Wackenhut Files
The [[Wackenhut Corporation]] had files on 2.5 million people by 1971, built in part on the research files of [[Karl Baarslag]], which he had given or sold to it. After the [[Fair Credit Reporting Act]] took effect the company reduced its holdings to between 225,000 and 250,000 files, and in 1975 it gave many of them to the Church League, which "was not bound by the legislation, but had a similar political outlook and goals as the Wackenhut Corporation." [[George R. Wackenhut|George Wackenhut]] was a contributor to the league, and the company kept the right to consult what it had given away. "For years," one writer on the private security industry observed in 1978, "Wackenhut relied upon the dossiers of the Church League of America."[^1][^2]
The league dissolved in 1984. Its files went to [[Liberty University]] in [[Lynchburg, Virginia]], which gave them in 1992 to the [[Tamiment Library]] of [[New York University]]. The Wackenhut series fills eleven boxes and runs from 1931 to 1973. Its folders include "Subversive Activities," in 1,064 numbered serials, the [[John Birch Society]], the [[Minutemen (anti-Communist organization)|Minutemen]], the [[Highlander Folk School]], the [[National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy]], and the [[NAACP]].[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
[^2]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978; Connolly, John. "Inside the Shadow CIA," *Spy,* September 1992.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- CCFAF
- CivilRightsAct
- Segregation
- Lobbying
- MississippiStateSovereigntyCommission
- WickliffeDraper
alias:
- CCFAF
- Coordinating Committee
summary: "Washington lobby against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, chaired by the publisher William Loeb, that drew three quarters of its 343,191 dollars through the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, most of it from Wickliffe Draper."
start: 1963-07
end: 1964
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms was founded in July 1963 to defeat the civil rights bill then before Congress. It took offices in the [[Carroll Arms Hotel]] in Washington. Its chairman was the New England newspaper publisher [[William Loeb]], and its vice chairman the Virginia editor [[James J. Kilpatrick]]. [[John C. Satterfield]] of [[Mississippi]] was secretary and treasurer, and [[John Synon|John S. Synon]], founder of the [[Patrick Henry Club]] of [[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]], was the full-time director. The state archive of Mississippi credits the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] with "establishing and providing funds for" it.[^1][^2]
### Origins and Money
The committee came out of a month of discussions among Senator [[James Eastland]], the commission's director [[Erle Johnston]], Satterfield, and [[Hugh V. White Jr.]], formerly of the [[Virginia Commission on Constitutional Government]]. It spent 343,191 dollars. Of that, 262,581 came through the Sovereignty Commission, and more than 200,000 of the commission's share was given anonymously by [[Wickliffe Draper]], founder of the [[Pioneer Fund]], in stock transferred by [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]] of [[New York City|New York]] on condition that his name be kept confidential. Satterfield banked the first contributions in a special account in the state treasury and drew 2,000 dollars a month from the commission.[^1][^3]
### Campaign
By April 1964 the committee had sent out 1.4 million pieces of mail. Its pamphlets included The Federal Eye Looking Down Your Throat, Blueprint for Total Regimentation, and Due Process of Law or Government by Intimidation?, the last a speech Satterfield had given to the [[Jackson Rotary Club]] in November 1962. An advertisement headed "$100 Billion Blackjack" ran in 215 newspapers outside the South. Senator [[Kenneth Keating]] of New York said it turned his mail from five to one in favor of the bill to five to two against. Satterfield's internal memorandum gave the ground of opposition as "heredity" and "the intelligence, criminality and immorality of the Negro."[^1][^3]
After the act passed, Draper offered money for a permanent successor. Governor [[Paul B. Johnson Jr.]] ignored the proposal. The committee considered directing the white reaction of that year into the presidential campaign of [[George Wallace]], and dissolved.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Lewis, George. "Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms," *Mississippi Encyclopedia,* Center for the Study of Southern Culture, 2017.
[^2]: Mississippi Department of Archives and History, "Agency History," Sovereignty Commission Online. https://da.mdah.ms.gov/sovcom/scagencycasehistory
[^3]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- ElMercurio
- Chile
- AgustinEdwards
- CIA
- 40Committee
- Propaganda
- ITT
summary: "Santiago daily of the Edwards family, to which the 40 Committee voted 1.665 million dollars in CIA money in 1971 and 1972, a month after an intelligence estimate found that it had kept its independence."
location: "Santiago, Chile"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
El Mercurio is the principal conservative daily newspaper of [[Chile]], owned by the family of [[Agustin Edwards|Agustín Edwards]]. General [[Rene Schneider|René Schneider]] stated in an interview with it on May 8, 1970, that the army would not interfere in the election.[^1]
### Washington, September 1970
After [[Salvador Allende]] won a plurality on September 4, 1970, Edwards went to Washington. [[Donald Kendall]], head of [[PepsiCo|Pepsi-Cola]], arranged for him to see [[Richard Helms]] at a hotel and to have breakfast on September 15 with [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] and [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[John Mitchell]], to discuss "the political situation in Chile and the plight of El Mercurio and other anti-Allende forces." Edwards told Helms that a coup required "neutralizing Schneider." That afternoon President [[Richard Nixon]] ordered the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] to organize one. Helms testified: "I have this impression that the President called this meeting where I have my handwritten notes because of Edwards' presence in Washington and what he heard from Kendall about what Edwards was saying about conditions in Chile."[^1][^2]
Two days later [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]] of [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] recommended to their company that it and other American firms "pump some advertising into Mercurio," which had begun, that help be given to some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly supported by "the Matte and Edwards groups," and that the [[United States Information Agency|United States Information Service]] be pressed to circulate the paper's editorials in [[Latin America]] and Europe.[^3]
### The Subsidy
"The [[40 Committee]] authorized $700,000 for El Mercurio on September 9, 1971, and added another $965,000 to that authorization on April 11, 1972," the Senate's staff reported. A [[National Intelligence Estimate]] of August 1971 had found that the paper "had managed to retain its independence" under the pressure of the Allende government, which the staff called "at some variance" with the case made for the money a month later.[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Kornbluh, Peter, ed. "The CIA and Chile: Anatomy of an Assassination," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 728, October 22, 2020. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2020-10-22/cia-chile-anatomy-assassination
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders,* interim report, S. Rept. 94-465, November 20, 1975. Testimony of Richard Helms, July 15, 1975, pp. 4-5, as quoted there.
[^3]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, staff report, *Covert Action in Chile, 1963-1973,* December 1975. https://archive.org/details/CovertActionInChile196373

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- FactsForum
- LifeLine
- HLHunt
- RadioRight
- TaxExemptFoundations
- McCarthyism
- FBI
alias:
- Facts Forum, Inc.
- Life Line
- Life Line Foundation
summary: "Tax-exempt Dallas foundation through which H.L. Hunt financed broadcast commentary from 1951 to 1956, staffed in part by former FBI agents and revived in 1958 as Life Line."
start: 1951
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Facts Forum, Inc., was a foundation at 1802 Main Street, [[Dallas]], created by [[H.L. Hunt]] in 1951 to produce radio and television programs, a poll, and a magazine, [[Facts Forum News]]. It described itself as "nonprofit and nonpartisan, supporting no political candidate or party," and told donors that "such contributions carry a tax-deductible status." Hunt withdrew his support in 1955 and revived the operation in 1958 as the Life Line Foundation.[^1]
### Hoover
On August 9, 1951, about six weeks after the founding, Hunt wrote to [[J. Edgar Hoover]] enclosing poll cards and asking the director to supply "two or three of the fine questions" for the polling committee. The [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] opened file 62-94811 on the organization. A [[New York City|New York]] office memorandum of March 10, 1953, captioned "H.L. Hunt / Facts Forum / Security Matter - C," noted that Hunt had been the victim in an extortion case in 1948.[^2]
### Staff and Board
The commentator was [[Dan Smoot]], an FBI agent until 1951. [[Robert E. Lee (FCC)|Robert E. Lee]], a former bureau man who as an investigator for the [[House Appropriations Committee]] had helped compile, with [[Jean Kerr]], the list of names used by Senator [[Joseph McCarthy]], moderated the first three television programs. He was appointed to the [[Federal Communications Commission]] under McCarthy's sponsorship, and Hunt testified at his confirmation. The editor was [[Medford Evans]]. The president was the Dallas lawyer [[Robert H. Dedman]], with [[John L. Dale]], [[Warren A. Gilbert Jr.]], and [[Joe Nash]] as officers. The advisory board in June 1955, chaired by Major R.A. Hanley, included Governor [[Allan Shivers]] of [[Texas]], General [[Albert C. Wedemeyer]], General [[Robert E. Wood]], [[Hanford MacNider]], and the actor [[John Wayne]].[^1][^3]
### The Reece Committee
In 1954 Representative [[Wayne Hays]] of [[Ohio]], a member of the [[Reece Committee|House committee investigating tax-exempt foundations]], demanded that the exemption be lifted. "Facts Forum is not only a propaganda machine," he said, "but it puts up money to defeat people for Congress like me." The [[Internal Revenue Service]] gave the organization what the trade weekly Broadcasting-Telecasting called "a clean bill of health." A Facts Forum spokesman, [[Hardy Burt]], wrote to Hays asking whether his "vociferous antagonism" was connected with the Daily Worker's endorsement of his candidacy in 1948. Hunt put 5,000 dollars on Hays's opponent in a later race and lost.[^3][^4]
### Life Line
In October 1957 a source advised Hoover of the successor program and asked for his suggestions on content. Hoover replied on November 5 that he could not comment. Hunt's office then sent him tapes of commentary "highly critical of the [[Supreme Court of the United States|U.S. Supreme Court]]." Life Line was a daily program of fifteen minutes carried on several hundred stations, and more than four million dollars had been spent on it by 1964, deductible through the foundation. Its commentators included the [[Churches of Christ|Church of Christ]] minister [[Wayne Poucher]] and another former agent, [[Gene Scudder|Milton Eugene Scudder]]. The Reverend [[W.A. Criswell]] of the [[First Baptist Church of Dallas]] mailed its material to his congregation. The broadcast heard in Dallas on the morning of November 22, 1963, concerned the confiscation of firearms under communism. A writer in The [[The New Republic|New Republic]] observed that "the brooding Oswalds of the left or right wing listen to and sometimes act on" it.[^4][^5]
When [[The Nation]] published these details on February 24, 1964, an FBI memorandum to [[Cartha DeLoach]] two days later listed the former agents connected with "H.L. Hunt's right-wing groups," recited unverified file entries that Hunt was "reportedly a professional gambler" and was "alleged to have operated prostitution activities in [[Arkansas]]," and recommended "that the Director not see H.L. Hunt." A House subcommittee examining some 15,000 foundations, which had already found one serving as "a conduit for secret [[Central Intelligence Agency]] disbursements," termed Life Line "more political than educational or charitable."[^5][^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file 62-94811, "Facts Forum," enclosing *Facts Forum News,* vol. IV, no. 6, June 1955, and memorandum of July 11, 1955. https://archive.org/details/FactsForumHQ6294811
[^2]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1, letter of August 9, 1951, and memorandum of March 10, 1953. https://archive.org/details/H.L.Hunt
[^3]: Facts Forum, pamphlet in reply to Representative Wayne Hays, c. 1954, reproduced in the FBI headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 1.
[^4]: Sherrill, Robert G. "H.L. Hunt: Portrait of a Superpatriot," *The Nation,* February 24, 1964.
[^5]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2, Hoover letter of November 5, 1957, and memorandum to C.D. DeLoach, February 26, 1964.
[^6]: "Politics or Education?" *Pasadena Independent,* September 24, 1964, CIA Reading Room press file.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- GarzoneFuneralHome
- BiomedicalTissueServices
- BodyPartsTrade
- Philadelphia
- Kensington
- RCHorsch
alias:
- Liberty Cremations
- Liberty Crematorium
- Garzone Funeral Home Inc.
summary: "Philadelphia funeral home and crematorium whose owners sold 244 corpses to the New Jersey tissue broker Michael Mastromarino between 2004 and 2005, and to whose crematorium the pornographer R.C. Horsch is reported to have bought access."
location: "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The Garzone Funeral Home, in the [[Kensington, Philadelphia|Kensington]] section of [[Philadelphia]], was operated by the brothers [[Louis Garzone|Louis]] and [[Gerald Garzone]], who with [[James McCafferty]] also owned a crematorium, [[Liberty Cremations]]. Between early 2004 and September 2005 they sold the bodies of 244 people entrusted to them for cremation to [[Biomedical Tissue Services]] of [[Fort Lee, New Jersey]], whose crews removed bone, skin, and tendon for sale to tissue processors. All three pleaded guilty in 2008. In 2026 Philadelphia police investigating the disappearance of seven women began examining the access that the pornographer [[R.C. Horsch]] is said to have had to the crematorium.[^1][^2]
### Biomedical Tissue Services
[[Michael Mastromarino]], a [[New Jersey]] oral surgeon who had lost his license over drug use, ran Biomedical Tissue Services from Fort Lee and harvested bodies in a back room of a funeral home in [[East Harlem|Spanish Harlem]] and at funeral homes in Philadelphia. The head of his cutting crew was a former surgical nurse, [[Lee Cruceta]]. Consent forms and death certificates were forged to alter ages and causes of death. The bones of the broadcaster [[Alistair Cooke]], who died of cancer at 95 in March 2004, were taken before his cremation and sold for more than 7,000 dollars to [[Regeneration Technologies]] of [[Florida]] and [[Tutogen Medical]] of New Jersey, with his age given as 85 and the cause of death as a heart attack. His daughter said: "That people in need of healing should have received his body parts, considering his age and the fact that he was ill when he died, is as appalling to the family as it is that his remains were violated."[^3]
A processor that noticed discrepancies in the donor records informed the [[Food and Drug Administration]] on September 29, 2005. The [[Supreme Court of Pennsylvania|Pennsylvania Supreme Court]] later recited that when Mastromarino learned of the inquiry he "advised Appellees to destroy their records days before FDA investigators arrived." The agency stopped the company's operations that October, the company and five processors recalled the tissue, and on February 7, 2006, the agency ordered it closed for "serious and widespread deficiencies." Federal estimates of the number of patients who received the tissue ran to 10,000 or more. Recipients sued the company and the processors that had bought from it, among them [[LifeCell]], Regeneration Technologies, Tutogen, [[Medtronic]] [[Sofamor Danek]], and the [[Lost Mountain Tissue Bank]], in consolidated litigation in the federal court in New Jersey. The processors said they had not known how the tissue was obtained.[^1][^4]
### The Philadelphia Prosecution
After a grand jury investigation of sixteen months, District Attorney [[Lynne Abraham]] announced the arrests of the Garzones and McCafferty on October 4, 2007, and called the scheme "unbelievably craven." The grand jury found that Mastromarino had paid them more than 245,000 dollars, about 1,000 dollars a body. Bodies had been left unrefrigerated for days awaiting the cutters. The identities of only 48 of the 244 had been established. The brothers had given up their state licenses the year before and continued to operate. They had also billed the state welfare department for funerals that families had already paid for.[^2][^5]
Cruceta pleaded guilty in Philadelphia on January 30, 2008, and was sentenced to six years and eight months, concurrent with his [[New York City|New York]] term. Mastromarino was sentenced in Brooklyn on June 27, 2008, to 18 to 54 years, and in Philadelphia to 25 to 58 years, concurrent. He died of cancer in July 2013. The Garzones pleaded guilty on September 2, 2008, the day their trial was to begin, to corrupt organizations, conspiracy, 244 counts of theft, abuse of corpse, and welfare fraud, and on October 22 were each sentenced to 8 to 20 years and ordered to pay 307,000 dollars in restitution. McCafferty, who had cooperated, received three and a half to ten years. The sentencing court also ordered the brothers to pay 84,796 dollars toward the salaries of the prosecutors and detectives assigned to them. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court struck that order on January 19, 2012, Chief Justice [[Ronald Castille]] writing that "although the crimes in this case are particularly heinous," the legislature had not authorized it. A third brother, James Garzone of Florida, reactivated his [[Pennsylvania]] license and reopened the business as Garzone Funeral Home Inc.[^1][^5][^6]
### Horsch
At a gallery in Kensington in 2014 Horsch exhibited what appeared to be autopsy photographs of an unidentified woman and video of her body being put into an incinerator, which he said he had filmed at "a Kensington warehouse where the city morgue would send unidentified remains." A law enforcement official and four people who knew him told the [[The Philadelphia Inquirer|Inquirer]] in 2026 that he had paid an employee of the Garzone crematorium, identified as [[George Newsome]], in drugs and cash for access to photograph and film the dead. Newsome lived a block from the crematorium, was arrested for heroin possession in 2011 and cocaine possession in 2013, and died in 2014. Gerald Garzone said he had never heard of Horsch. He acknowledged knowing a man named George from the neighborhood and declined to say whether he had employed him. The [[Philadelphia Medical Examiner's Office]] declined to say whether the city had sent unclaimed bodies to the crematorium. Horsch was not named in the 2007 case. The five women whom police believe to be dead disappeared between 2012 and 2023.[^2]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Commonwealth v. Garzone, 34 A.3d 67 (Pa. 2012).
[^2]: Briggs, Ryan W., Max Marin, Barbara Laker, and Ellie Rushing. "Raymond Horsch had access to a Kensington crematorium linked to illegal body parts sales, years before missing persons investigation," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 21, 2026. https://www.inquirer.com/news/raymond-horsch-missing-women-kensington-bodies-crematorium-20260921.html
[^3]: "Stealing Alistair Cooke's Bones," *National Public Radio,* December 22, 2005.
[^4]: In re Human Tissue Products Liability Litigation, U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey (Wells, Robbins, Graves, Vitola, Horner, Rodgers, O'Byrne, and Greenfield v. Biomedical Tissue Services, Ltd.).
[^5]: "Three funeral directors held in selling body parts," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* October 5, 2007; "Garzones plead guilty in body-parts case," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* September 3, 2008; "Funeral directors who sold body parts sentenced," *The Philadelphia Inquirer,* October 23, 2008.
[^6]: Commonwealth v. Garzone, 993 A.2d 306 (Pa. Super. 2010).

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- ITT
- Chile
- CIA
- HaroldGeneen
- JohnMcCone
- Graymail
- MultinationalCorporations
alias:
- ITT
- International Telephone and Telegraph
- International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation
summary: "American conglomerate whose chairman offered the CIA one million dollars in 1970 to stop Salvador Allende, and whose executives' perjury charges over it were dropped in 1979 to protect intelligence secrets."
location: "New York, New York"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation, under its chairman [[Harold Geneen]], owned the Chilean telephone company and in 1970 offered money to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and the [[White House]] to keep [[Salvador Allende]] from taking office in [[Chile]]. One of its directors, [[John McCone]], had been director of central intelligence until 1965 and testified that he remained "a consultant to the Agency." The columnist [[Jack Anderson]] published the company's internal memoranda in March 1972, Chile expropriated its holdings that April, and the Senate's [[Church Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations|Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations]] under [[Frank Church]] held hearings in March 1973. The company claimed more than 92 million dollars from the government's [[Overseas Private Investment Corporation]] for the loss.[^1][^2]
### The Offers
In July 1970 a CIA officer in [[Santiago]] told ITT representatives that the conservative candidate, [[Jorge Alessandri]], could use money, and suggested a secure channel. McCone telephoned Director [[Richard Helms]], and Geneen met [[William Broe]], the chief of the agency's [[CIA Western Hemisphere Division|Western Hemisphere Division]], and offered up to one million dollars. The agency declined to act as the conduit and advised the company how to pass money safely. ITT gave at least 350,000 dollars to Alessandri's campaign, and other American companies gave about as much.[^2]
After Allende won the popular vote on September 4, Geneen told McCone at a board meeting in [[New York City|New York]] that he would put up as much as one million dollars for any government plan to form a coalition in the [[National Congress of Chile|Chilean Congress]] against Allende. McCone carried the offer to [[Henry A. Kissinger|Henry Kissinger]] and to Helms. On September 17 the company's men in [[Latin America]], [[Hal Hendrix]] and [[Robert Berrellez]], recommended that ITT and other firms "pump some advertising into Mercurio," revive some twenty radio and television propagandists formerly paid by "the Matte and Edwards groups," finance a relocation center in [[Mendoza, Argentina|Mendoza]] or [[Buenos Aires]] for the families of "key persons involved in the fight," and press the [[United States Information Agency|U.S. Information Service]] to circulate [[El Mercurio]]'s editorials abroad. Senior vice president [[Edward Gerrity]] reported to Geneen that the plan had "been confirmed" by the man in Washington to whom Geneen had introduced the company's representative. On September 29 Broe, on Helms's instruction, proposed to a company representative a plan to accelerate economic disorder in Chile. The company declined it, and later submitted to the White House an eighteen-point plan to ensure that Allende "does not get through the crucial next six months."[^1][^2]
### The 1971 Meeting
On February 9, 1971, the head of ITT's Washington office, [[William Merriam]], convened representatives of [[Anaconda Copper|Anaconda]], [[Kennecott]], [[W.R. Grace and Company|W.R. Grace]], [[Ralston Purina]], and the [[Bank of America]], all of them facing nationalization in Chile. The bank's memorandum of the meeting records ITT's view that "the place to apply pressure is through the office of Henry Kissinger," since that office and the CIA "are handling the Chile problem." Three days earlier [[Arnold Nachmanoff]] of Kissinger's staff had told ITT and Anaconda that the policy was "a quiet, but strong" one of economic pressure.[^1]
### The Perjury Cases
In late 1977 the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] investigated Geneen, Gerrity, and Berrellez for perjury and obstruction in their 1973 testimony. On the Thursday before charges were filed, [[Director of Central Intelligence|CIA Director]] [[Stansfield Turner]] went to [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Griffin Bell]] to express the agency's concern. On March 20, 1978, the department charged Gerrity and Berrellez by information, each with perjury and obstruction of the Senate inquiry and with further counts arising from 1974 hearings of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation. Berrellez was charged in addition with conspiracy, and Gerrity with encouraging Hendrix, named as an unindicted co-conspirator, to testify falsely. The grand jury was discharged without indicting anyone. "The department decided not to prosecute ITT Chairman Harold Geneen," the wire report said.[^3]
The defense sought classified material. Bell said: "You cannot decide never to prosecute these cases that might involve national security. To do so gives people a license." On August 9, 1978, the prosecutor told Judge [[Aubrey Robinson]] that the government would not pursue three of the six counts against Gerrity "to safeguard national security and U.S. foreign intelligence interests." An unmarked envelope delivered to [[The Nation]] contained the sealed transcript of a closed hearing that October, in which it was alleged that Berrellez "lied at the behest and with the aid of the C.I.A." The government dropped the charges against Berrellez on February 8, 1979, and against Gerrity on March 8. Helms had pleaded no contest in 1977 to two misdemeanors for his own testimony about Chile and was fined 2,000 dollars.[^4][^5][^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations, *Multinational Corporations and United States Foreign Policy,* hearings on the International Telephone and Telegraph Company and Chile, 93rd Cong., 1973, parts 1 and 2. https://archive.org/details/MultinationalCorporationsAndUSForeignPolicyUSSenateHearings
[^2]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973,* staff report, 1975.
[^3]: "2 ITT Men Charged with Senate Lies," wire report, March 21, 1978, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030069-7.
[^4]: Kaplan, Carl, and Randall Rothenberg. "The Black Art of Graymail: The Berrellez Case," *The Nation,* February 24, 1979.
[^5]: "3 Charges Dropped Against ITT Executive," *The Washington Star,* August 9, 1978, in CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030079-6.
[^6]: "U.S. Drops ITT Official's Perjury Case," *The Washington Post,* March 8, 1979.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- InQTel
- CIA
- VentureCapital
- Surveillance
- RevolvingDoor
- GeorgeTenet
- Keyhole
- Palantir
alias:
- IQT
- In-Q-It
- Peleus
summary: "Nonprofit venture capital firm created by the CIA in 1999 to buy into technology startups with public money, which has made more than 800 investments, leaves many unannounced, and pays its founding sponsor George Tenet as a trustee."
start: 1999-02-16
location: "Arlington, Virginia"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
In-Q-Tel is a private, nonprofit corporation that invests money from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and other intelligence agencies in technology companies. It was incorporated in [[Delaware]] on February 16, 1999, as Peleus, Inc., began work as In-Q-It, and took its present name in January 2000. It reported its 800th investment in 2025. It does not announce all of its investments, and its tax filings are the principal public record of who runs it.[^1][^2][^3]
### Founding
The plan came from [[Ruth David]], the agency's deputy director for science and technology, and her deputy [[Joanne Isham]], and was adopted in 1998 by Director [[George Tenet]]. A small team of agency staff, a consulting firm, and the law firm [[Arnold and Porter]] spent four months visiting [[Silicon Valley]]. [[Jeffrey Smith (lawyer)|Jeffrey Smith]], who helped design the company as the CIA's general counsel, became its outside counsel at Arnold and Porter. The first contract came in March 1999 and the charter agreement, modeled on the "other transactions" authority of the [[Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency]], was signed that July. The first chairman was [[Lee Ault]], and the first chief executive, announced on September 29, 1999, was [[Gilman Louie]]. The CIA stationed thirteen employees in an [[In-Q-Tel Interface Center]] to carry the products into the agency.[^1][^4]
A panel of [[Business Executives for National Security]], required by Congress, reported in June 2001 that the CIA had obligated 62.7 million dollars to the company through March of that year, that it had reviewed more than 750 business plans and funded 23, and that one of its first deliveries was an electronic briefing system used for the president-elect during the 2000 transition.[^4]
[[Michael Griffin]] was the company's president and chief operating officer from August 5, 2002, to April 2004, and afterward administrator of [[NASA]], which in October 2006 announced a venture fund of its own, [[Red Planet Capital]]. The Army had created one, [[OnPoint Technologies]], in 2003. The [[Office of Management and Budget]] ended funding for such funds in 2007. The guidance did not apply to In-Q-Tel. [[Amit Yoran]] succeeded Louie in January 2006 and resigned after four months. [[Christopher Darby]] was chief executive from September 2006 to September 2023, when [[Steve Bowsher]] replaced him. Darby was paid 4,957,127 dollars in his last year.[^3][^5]
### Clients
The [[National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency|National Imagery and Mapping Agency]] became a limited partner in the summer of 2002. The company lists the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] as a partner from 2004, the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] from 2005, the [[Transportation Security Administration]] from 2008, the [[National Reconnaissance Office]] and the [[National Security Agency]] from 2009, the [[Department of Homeland Security]] from 2010, [[United States Cyber Command|Cyber Command]] from 2019, and the [[United States Space Force|Space Force]] from 2024. It opened offices in [[London]] in 2018, [[Sydney]] in 2019, and [[Singapore]] and [[Munich]] in 2023.[^2]
### Keyhole
In February 2003 In-Q-Tel invested in [[Keyhole, Inc.]], a maker of satellite-image mapping software, in its first transaction on behalf of the mapping agency. Within two weeks the agency was using the software in the Pentagon to support the invasion of [[Iraq]]. [[Google]] bought Keyhole in 2004 and made it [[Google Earth]]. In-Q-Tel sold 5,636 shares of Google in 2005 for 2.18 million dollars. [[Rob Painter]], an In-Q-Tel executive, went to Google to run its federal sales. When the writer [[Yasha Levine]] asked the CIA under the [[Freedom of Information Act]] for the terms of the transaction, the agency replied that it could neither confirm nor deny the existence of records. The company's other early holdings included [[Palantir Technologies]].[^6][^7]
### Trustees
[[The Wall Street Journal]] reported on August 30, 2016, that nearly half of In-Q-Tel's trustees had a financial connection to a company it had funded, that it had funded companies linked to a trustee on at least 17 occasions, and that of about 325 investments since its founding more than 100 had never been announced. General [[Charles G. Boyd|Charles Boyd]], a trustee, recommended the virtual-reality company [[Forterra Systems]], on whose board he also sat. In-Q-Tel invested in 2007, and Forterra failed in 2010. [[Peter Barris]] of [[New Enterprise Associates]] was a trustee when In-Q-Tel invested in [[Cleversafe]], in which his firm held a stake. When Cleversafe was sold for 1.3 billion dollars in 2015 he sat on its board, on In-Q-Tel's, and on that of a third investor, [[Northwestern University]]. [[Anita Jones]], a trustee since 2002, was a director of the drone maker [[CyPhy Works]] when In-Q-Tel funded it. Darby was at the same time chairman of the cybersecurity firm [[Endgame, Inc.|Endgame]], with the CIA's approval. The company was then spending at least 120 million dollars a year. Smith told the newspaper: "You want a board who knows what the hell they are doing."[^8]
The company's returns to the [[Internal Revenue Service]] for the fiscal years 2017 to 2025 list as paid trustees George Tenet, at 35,000 dollars a year; Smith, who remained its outside counsel; Admiral [[Mike Mullen]]; [[Jami Miscik]], a former CIA deputy director for intelligence; [[Ted Schlein]] of [[Kleiner Perkins]]; [[Howard Cox]] of [[Greylock Partners]]; [[James Barksdale]]; and the chairman, [[Michael Crow]]. [[A.B. Krongard]], the agency's executive director from 2001 to 2004, appears as a trustee in 2018. [[Stephanie O'Sullivan]], who as the CIA's director of science and technology took part in hiring Darby in 2006, became a trustee in 2023. The filings for 2018 to 2025 also list [[David McCormick]], [[Will Hurd|William Hurd]], [[Ben Sasse]], and [[Safra Catz]]. Net assets rose from 99.9 million dollars in 2011 to 930 million in 2025.[^3]
### Unannounced Investments
A 2021 filing recorded 1.6 million dollars paid to a vendor identified as "W I." at the [[San Francisco]] address of the encrypted messaging company [[Wickr]], which does not appear in the company's published portfolio. Louie was co-chairman of Wickr's board and an investor in it. [[Amazon (company)|Amazon]] bought Wickr in June 2021. A company spokeswoman said: "There will always be companies that are not announced publicly." She named its clients as "the CIA, FBI, NSA, NGA, NRO, DHS (specifically [[U.S. Customs and Border Protection|Customs and Border Protection]]), DIA, and [[United States Air Force|Air Force]]."[^9]
In 2016 The Intercept reported an investment in [[Skincential Sciences]], the maker of the Clearista line of skin-care products. The company's own material described human skin as "a unique, underutilized source for sample collection." "There's no better identifier than DNA, and we know we can pull out DNA," its chief executive said. [[Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI Director]] [[James Comey]] and Deputy [[United States Secretary of Defense|Secretary of Defense]] [[Robert Work]] addressed the portfolio companies at a closed meeting that February. In September 2022 the company took a stake in [[Colossal Biosciences]], founded by [[George Church]] to revive the woolly mammoth, writing that "it's less about the mammoths and more about the capability."[^10][^11]
### Oversight
Politico reported on March 23, 2026, citing six people, that [[Director of National Intelligence]] [[Tulsi Gabbard]] was completing a plan to move oversight of In-Q-Tel from the CIA to her own office. Her spokeswoman said "the entire story is false." Gabbard resigned in May 2026. No transfer has been announced.[^12]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Yannuzzi, Rick E. "In-Q-Tel: A New Partnership Between the CIA and the Private Sector," *Defense Intelligence Journal* 9, no. 1 (Winter 2000): 25-37.
[^2]: In-Q-Tel, "Our Milestones." https://www.iqt.org/about/our-milestones
[^3]: In-Q-Tel, Inc., Internal Revenue Service Form 990, fiscal years 2011 to 2025, via ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer.
[^4]: Business Executives for National Security, *Accelerating the Acquisition and Implementation of New Technologies for Intelligence: The Report of the Independent Panel on the Central Intelligence Agency In-Q-Tel Venture,* June 2001.
[^5]: *The Washington Post,* reporting on Red Planet Capital, October 30 and 31, 2006; Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2002, Pub. L. 107-117, sec. 8150.
[^6]: In-Q-Tel, "In-Q-Tel Announces Strategic Investment in Keyhole," press release, June 25, 2003. https://www.iqt.org/library/in-q-tel-announces-strategic-investment-in-keyhole
[^7]: Levine, Yasha. *Surveillance Valley: The Secret Military History of the Internet*. PublicAffairs, 2018.
[^8]: Paletta, Damian. "The CIA's Venture-Capital Firm, Like Its Sponsor, Operates in the Shadows," *The Wall Street Journal,* August 30, 2016.
[^9]: Cox, Joseph. "CIA Funding Arm Gave Encrypted App Wickr $1.6 Million," *Vice,* October 12, 2021. https://www.vice.com/en/article/wickr-cia-funding-inqtel/
[^10]: Fang, Lee. "CIA's Venture Capital Arm Is Funding Skin Care Products That Collect DNA," *The Intercept,* April 8, 2016. https://theintercept.com/2016/04/08/cia-skincare-startup/
[^11]: Fang, Lee, and Jack Poulson. "The CIA Just Invested in Woolly Mammoth Resurrection Technology," *The Intercept,* September 28, 2022. https://theintercept.com/2022/09/28/cia-extinction-woolly-mammoth-dna/
[^12]: Sakellariadis, John. "Gabbard plans to shift coveted, CIA-backed high-tech fund to her office," *Politico,* March 23, 2026; "Dispute emerges over potential shift of In-Q-Tel oversight from CIA to ODNI," *Diya TV,* March 27, 2026.

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@ -0,0 +1,49 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- KissingerAssociates
- HenryKissinger
- BNL
- Iraqgate
- BCCI
- Consulting
- RevolvingDoor
alias:
- Kissinger Associates, Inc.
summary: "New York consulting firm founded by Henry Kissinger in 1982 whose officers Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleburger advised Banca Nazionale del Lavoro before returning to government during the bank's unreported lending to Iraq."
start: 1982
location: "New York, New York"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Kissinger Associates is an international consulting firm founded in [[New York City|New York]] in 1982 by former [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[Henry A. Kissinger]]. Two of its officers, [[Brent Scowcroft]] and [[Lawrence Eagleburger]], left it in 1989 to become national security adviser and deputy secretary of state under [[George H.W. Bush]]. Between 1985 and 1989 the [[Atlanta]] branch of [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], a firm client, lent [[Iraq]] more than four billion dollars that did not appear on the bank's books.[^1]
### Banca Nazionale del Lavoro
Kissinger sat on the bank's international advisory board from 1985 until June 1991 and was paid at least 10,000 dollars for each meeting he attended in [[Rome]]. The other members included [[David Rockefeller]], the former Canadian prime minister [[Pierre Trudeau]], and [[Lord Thorneycroft]]. Representative [[Henry Gonzalez]], chairman of the [[House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs|House Banking Committee]], told the House on April 28, 1992: "BNL was a client of Mr. Scowcroft's while he was the vice-chairman of Kissinger Associates. Mr. Scowcroft regularly provided advice to BNL's management and received hefty fees in return." At a meeting in New York in 1987, Kissinger, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, and the firm's chief economist, [[Alan Stoga]], advised officers of the bank on business in several countries, and Stoga and Scowcroft took the visitors to lunch. From 1986 to 1990 Eagleburger was a director of [[Ljubljanska Banka]] of Yugoslavia, which a [[Federal Reserve]] memorandum said did 20 to 25 percent of its American business with the Italian bank.[^1][^2]
"Several Kissinger Associates clients had extensive dealings with Iraq," Gonzalez said, "including Volvo, [[Midland Bank]], [[Chase Manhattan Bank]], Fiat, and [[Asea Brown Boveri|Asea Braun Boveri]] and those same companies also were the beneficiaries of BNL loans to Iraq or were involved in some way with BNL-Atlanta." He added: "Kissinger, Scowcroft, and Eagleburger maintain that they were unaware of the BNL loans to Iraq. I offer no definitive proof that they were aware of the BNL loans." Kissinger replied to the committee in writing that he had no knowledge of the Atlanta lending.[^1]
### Stoga in Baghdad
In June 1989 Stoga traveled to [[Baghdad]] with a delegation of the [[U.S.-Iraq Business Forum]] led by its chairman, the banker [[A. Robert Abboud]], and the group met [[Saddam Hussein]]. The forum's president, [[Marshall Wiley]], said on the television program 60 Minutes that Stoga went to advise the Iraqi government on restructuring its debt. Stoga told the Banking Committee he went "to get to know the country better." He spoke at the forum's symposium on American commercial and strategic interests in Iraq that November.[^1]
The manager of the Atlanta branch, [[Christopher Drogoul]], testified in 1993 that "it became clear to us that the people at Kissinger and Associates were somehow assisting clients of Iraq in further developing business." The special counsel appointed by [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[William Barr]], [[Frederick Lacey]], reported in December 1992 that Scowcroft and Eagleburger "came into contact with BNL management" while at the firm and that he had seen nothing to suggest they knew of the loans or influenced the prosecution.[^3][^4]
### The State Department Certificates
On March 14, 1989, Secretary of State [[James Baker]] signed the documents certifying [[Matrix Churchill]] Corporation of [[Ohio]] as a validly chartered American company so that it could open a branch in Baghdad. Eagleburger, as acting secretary, signed a second set on May 10. Matrix Churchill was owned through [[London]] holding companies by the Iraqi military procurement organization and was financed by the Atlanta branch. "Unwittingly, in 1989 both James Baker and Lawrence Eagleburger helped Matrix-Churchill establish its Baghdad branch," Gonzalez said. "Pretty good."[^5]
### BCCI and the National Bank of Georgia
The day after the [[Tampa, Florida|Tampa]] branch of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] was indicted for money laundering in October 1988, a senior officer of that bank wrote to its president describing a telephone call from Stoga, in which "Dr. Kissinger recommends that a public relations offensive be made by us." Gonzalez placed the letter in the [[Congressional Record]]. Stoga denied the account. An expense report filed in July 1986 by [[Roy Carlson]], president of the [[National Bank of Georgia]], which the Saudi financier [[Ghaith Pharaon]] held as a front for the same bank, lists a "Briefing Session Dr. Henry Kissinger."[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record,* House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920428g.htm
[^2]: "The Scourge of 'Iraqgate,'" *The Christian Science Monitor,* October 26, 1992.
[^3]: Testimony of Christopher P. Drogoul, House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, *Testimony of Former Employees of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro,* Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993. https://archive.org/details/testimonyofforme1994unit
[^4]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in Serial No. 103-95, pp. 514-15.
[^5]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Details on Iraq's Procurement Network," *Congressional Record,* House, August 10, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920810g.htm

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@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- LippoGroup
- MochtarRiady
- JamesRiady
- WorthenBank
- StephensInc
- CampaignFinance
- BCCI
alias:
- Lippo
summary: "Indonesian banking and property conglomerate of the Riady family, partner of the Stephens family of Arkansas from 1978, employer of John Huang and Webster Hubbell, whose California bank pleaded guilty to 86 campaign finance counts in 2001."
location: "Jakarta, Indonesia"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The Lippo Group is the banking, insurance, and property conglomerate of [[Mochtar Riady]] of [[Indonesia]] and his son [[James Riady]]. A Senate committee dated its business relationship with [[Stephens Inc.]] of [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] to 1977, and a House committee to a meeting between Mochtar Riady, [[Jackson Stephens]], and [[Witt Stephens]] in 1976.[^1]
### Arkansas
The two families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978 and both bought into [[Worthen Bank]] in 1983. About 1987 the Riadys exchanged their Worthen shares for the Stephens interest in the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]] and turned to [[California]], where they had bought the [[Bank of Trade (Los Angeles)|Bank of Trade]] and renamed it [[LippoBank]]. [[John Huang]] was the group's chief representative in the [[United States]]. In April 1993 [[C. Joseph Giroir]], former managing partner of the [[Rose Law Firm]], incorporated the [[Arkansas International Development Corporation]] with Lippo capital to develop joint ventures, and a second company of the same name followed in 1995. The Riadys were reported to pay Giroir between 350,000 and 600,000 dollars a year. [[Mark Middleton]], a former aide to President [[Bill Clinton]], also went to work for the group. Giroir helped draw up the list of those invited to the [[Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation]] meeting in [[Jakarta]] in 1994, among them [[Webster Hubbell]], to whom the Lippo company [[Hong Kong China Limited]] had paid 100,000 dollars that June. The House committee also found that the head of the group paid the college tuition of Hubbell's daughter.[^1]
### BCCI Hong Kong
"Through the end of 1991, it seemed likely that Indonesia's Lippo Group would take over" the Hong Kong subsidiary of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]], two reporters for [[The Wall Street Journal]] wrote, "paying out as much as forty cents on the dollar. (The plan was scuttled in February 1992, when Hong Kong investigators discovered previously unrecorded claims of $145 million against the bank.)" They added: "The Riadys are very close to Stephens: together they controlled Stephens's Worthen Bank of Little Rock, [[Arkansas]]; one of them even lived in Little Rock for a few years."[^2]
### Prosecution
The companies [[Hip Hing Holdings]], [[San Jose Holdings]], and [[Toy Center Holdings]] were used in 1992 and 1993 to pass money from Jakarta to the [[Democratic National Committee]]. Huang pleaded guilty on August 12, 1999. On January 11, 2001, James Riady agreed to plead guilty to a felony and pay 8.61 million dollars, and LippoBank to 86 misdemeanor counts for contributions made from 1988 to 1994. The charge listed transfers from foreign Lippo companies to Huang's account in Hong Kong in 1990 and 1991, to the group's American subsidiaries from August 1992 to September 1993, and in cash to a Lippo executive in Hong Kong until May 1994. LippoBank had been sold to [[First Banks America]] about March 1, 2000.[^1][^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CRPT-105hrpt829/html/CRPT-105hrpt829-vol2.htm ; Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998.
[^2]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992.
[^3]: Department of Justice, "James Riady Pleads Guilty, Will Pay Largest Fine in Campaign Finance History for Violating Federal Election Law," press release 01-17, January 11, 2001.

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@ -0,0 +1,50 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- MatrixChurchill
- ArmsToIraq
- Iraqgate
- BNL
- FrontCompany
- MachineTools
- ScottInquiry
alias:
- Matrix Churchill Ltd
- Matrix-Churchill Corporation
- TMG Engineering
summary: "British machine tool maker bought in 1987 by an Iraqi military procurement front, financed by the Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, whose directors' 1992 trial collapsed and led to the Scott Inquiry."
start: 1987
location: "England"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Matrix Churchill Ltd was a British machine tool manufacturer with an American affiliate, Matrix-Churchill Corporation, in [[Cleveland, Ohio|Cleveland]]. In 1987 it was bought by a holding company controlled from [[Baghdad]] by [[Iraq]]'s [[Ministry of Industry and Military Industrialization]]. Its American arm bought for Iraqi projects with money from the [[Atlanta]] branch of [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]. Three directors were tried at the [[Old Bailey]] in 1992 for deceiving the export licensing authorities. The trial collapsed, and the collapse produced the [[Scott Inquiry]].[^1][^2]
### The Al-Arabi Network
The purchaser was [[Al-Arabi Trading Company]], nominally a private Baghdad firm and in practice the instrument through which the ministry of [[Hussein Kamel]] acquired companies in the West. Representative [[Henry Gonzalez]] told the House on August 10, 1992, that "the day-to-day operations of the Al-Arabi network were under the control of one of Hussein Kamil's former [[Special Security Organization (Iraq)|Secret Security Organization]] cronies, Dr. [[Safa al-Habobi|Safa Al Habobi]]." Al-Arabi set up two holding companies in [[London]], the [[Technology Development Group]] and the [[Technology Engineering Group]], which held more than a dozen British firms, among them [[TMG Engineering]], Matrix Churchill, [[AWA Engineering]], Admincheck, [[Investacast Precision Casting]], and the Atlas equipment companies. The French arm was [[Babil International]] in [[Paris]], of which Habobi was the listed owner. The German arm, TDG-SEG, was in [[Krefeld]]. Neither was on the American blacklist in 1992. Habobi was a defendant in the Atlanta bank indictment of 1991.[^1][^3]
In the [[United States]] the network comprised Matrix-Churchill Corporation, [[Bay Industries]] of [[Santa Monica, California|Santa Monica]], and, by Gonzalez's account, [[METECH]] of Torrance and the [[Tigris Trading Company]] of [[Pittsburgh]]. The government blocked the American assets of the first two. The head of procurement in Cleveland was an Iraqi, [[Saalim Naman]], who took calls from Baghdad at home and spoke Arabic in front of his American colleagues. The chief executive, [[Gordon Cooper (Matrix Churchill)|Gordon Cooper]], signed commission agreements with Al-Arabi, including one of June 14, 1989, for a brass plant, project U043, with an American customer, [[SerVaas Incorporated]].[^1]
[[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] [[James Baker]] signed the documents authenticating the [[Ohio]] company on March 14, 1989, so that it could open a Baghdad office, and [[Lawrence Eagleburger]], as acting secretary, signed a further set on May 10. Eagleburger had until that year been an officer of [[Kissinger Associates]], which advised Banca Nazionale del Lavoro. [[Joseph D. Whitley]], who became acting United States attorney in Atlanta on June 1, 1990, withdrew from the bank prosecution the same day because his former law firm had represented Matrix Churchill.[^1][^4]
### The Trial
[[HM Customs and Excise]] charged the managing director, [[Paul Henderson]], and two colleagues, [[Trevor Abraham]] and [[Peter Allen (Matrix Churchill)|Peter Allen]], with misdescribing machine tools to obtain export licences. Four ministers, [[Michael Heseltine]], [[Malcolm Rifkind]], [[Kenneth Clarke]], and [[Tristan Garel-Jones]], signed public interest immunity certificates to withhold government documents from the defense. In November 1992 the former trade minister [[Alan Clark]] gave evidence under cross-examination by [[Geoffrey Robertson]] that undid the prosecution's case, and the trial was abandoned.[^2]
Prime Minister [[John Major]] announced a judicial inquiry on November 10 and told the Commons that ministers who failed to cooperate "can expect to lose their jobs." [[Robin Cook]] said for the [[Labour Party]]: "This is a political scandal, not a legal failure. The deception went right to the top." The writer [[Anthony Sampson]] said the affair showed "a deeper dishonesty and irresponsibility than is normal, even in the arms trade." In a parallel case, [[Paul Grecian]] of the fuse maker [[Ordtec]], had been convicted at [[Reading Crown Court]] and lost his appeal on February 25, 1992, after ministers withheld documents in the same way.[^2][^5]
### Credit
The report of Sir [[Richard Scott]] found that the [[Export Credits Guarantee Department]] had created an undisclosed defence allocation within its Iraqi credit line in September 1985 and enlarged it that December, that Parliament first learned of it through an oblique reference in a departmental memorandum of November 6, 1991, and that Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]] initialed a [[Secret Intelligence Service]] report on the trade dated November 30, 1987. Scott also recorded that in June 1988 a British company told officials it believed it was making missile parts for Iraq, and that no action followed until late 1989.[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Details on Iraq's Procurement Network," *Congressional Record,* House, August 10, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920810g.htm
[^2]: "Britain's 'Iraqgate': Major Woes," *The Christian Science Monitor,* November 12, 1992.
[^3]: "Government's Response to Defense Motions for List of Unindicted Co-Conspirators," United States v. Drogoul, No. 1:91-CR-078 (N.D. Ga. September 12, 1991), reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95, November 9, 1993.
[^4]: Lacey, Frederick B. "The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Investigation: Report of the Independent Counsel," reproduced in House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Serial No. 103-95. https://archive.org/details/testimonyofforme1994unit
[^5]: R v. Blackledge and Others, Court of Appeal (Criminal Division), February 25, 1992; Gonzalez, Henry B. "Update on BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record,* House, January 21, 1993.
[^6]: Newton, Scott. Review of Davina Miller, *Export or Die: Britain's Defence Trade with Iran and Iraq* (Cassell, 1996), *Lobster* 32, citing Scott Report paragraphs D2.111, D2.120, D4.30, and G12.30.

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@ -7,10 +7,12 @@ tags:
- RaceScience
- HumanBiodiversity
- DarkMoney
- WickliffeDraper
- MorganGuaranty
summary: "The Pioneer Fund is a New York foundation established in 1937 to promote eugenics and 'race betterment' that became the principal financier of race-and-intelligence research in the United States, funding many of the scholars cited in The Bell Curve and the journal Mankind Quarterly."
location: "New York, New York"
created: 2026-06-19
updated: 2026-06-19
updated: 2026-09-21
---
The Pioneer Fund is a foundation established in [[New York City|New York]] in 1937 to promote eugenics and what its founders called "race betterment," which over the following decades became the leading financier of race-and-intelligence research in the United States. It funded many of the scholars whose work underlies the [[Human Biodiversity|human-biodiversity]] current, including thirteen researchers cited in [[Charles Murray]] and [[Richard Herrnstein]]'s *The Bell Curve*, and it bankrolled the journal [[Mankind Quarterly]] and the [[Ulster Institute for Social Research]]. The [[Southern Poverty Law Center]] classifies it as a hate group.[^1][^2]
@ -19,21 +21,42 @@ The Pioneer Fund is a foundation established in [[New York City|New York]] in 19
The fund was created by the textile heir [[Wickliffe Draper]], with the eugenicist [[Harry Laughlin]], an architect of American sterilization laws and an admirer of [[Nazi Germany|Nazi]] race policy, as its first president. Its charter aimed at "racial improvement" through the encouragement of procreation among descendants of the original colonial-stock population and the study of heredity and "race betterment." In its early decades it also funded efforts to resist desegregation and to promote the repatriation of black Americans.[^1][^3]
The fund was incorporated in New York on March 11, 1937. Its five original directors were Draper, Laughlin, the demographer [[Frederick Osborn]], the lawyer Malcolm Donald, and [[John Marshall Harlan II]], the future Associate Justice of the [[Supreme Court of the United States]]. Draper had toured [[Germany]] in 1935 and met leading Third Reich eugenicists, and the fund's founding charter limited its procreation incentives to people "deemed to be descended predominantly from white persons who settled in the original thirteen states prior to the adoption of the Constitution." Laughlin had received an honorary degree from the University of Heidelberg in 1936 for his contributions to German racial science.[^5][^6]
The fund's certificate of incorporation was signed in New York on February 27, 1937, by four directors: Draper, Laughlin, the demographer [[Frederick Osborn]], and the lawyer Malcolm Donald. [[John Marshall Harlan II]], the future Associate Justice of the [[Supreme Court of the United States]], first appears at the board meeting of October 28, 1937.[^4] Draper had toured [[Germany]] in 1935 and met leading Third Reich eugenicists, and the fund's founding charter limited its procreation incentives to people "deemed to be descended predominantly from white persons who settled in the original thirteen states prior to the adoption of the Constitution." Laughlin had received an honorary degree from the University of Heidelberg in 1936 for his contributions to German racial science.[^5][^6]
### Funding Race Science
From the postwar period onward the fund became the central money source for hereditarian psychology and the race-and-IQ literature. Its grantees included the psychologists [[Arthur Jensen]], [[William Shockley]], [[Hans Eysenck]], and [[Richard Lynn]], and the fund was later led by [[J. Philippe Rushton]], a psychologist known for claims of a racial hierarchy of intelligence. Murray acknowledged in the afterword to *The Bell Curve* that he had cited thirteen Pioneer Fund grantees. The fund also supported anti-immigration organizations, linking the eugenics-research network to the immigration-restriction politics promoted by figures such as [[John Tanton]] and [[Steve Sailer]].[^2][^4]
From the postwar period onward the fund became the central money source for hereditarian psychology and the race-and-IQ literature. Its grantees included the psychologists [[Arthur Jensen]], [[William Shockley]], [[Hans Eysenck]], and [[Richard Lynn]], and the fund was later led by [[J. Philippe Rushton]], a psychologist known for claims of a racial hierarchy of intelligence. Murray acknowledged in the afterword to *The Bell Curve* that he had cited thirteen Pioneer Fund grantees. The fund also supported anti-immigration organizations, linking the eugenics-research network to the immigration-restriction politics promoted by figures such as [[John Tanton]] and [[Steve Sailer]].[^2][^7]
The New York lawyer [[Harry F. Weyher Jr.]] ran the fund as president from 1958 to 2002, a 44-year tenure during which he directed more than $3.5 million to race-and-intelligence researchers; his interest in the fund grew from its opposition to the 1954 *[[Brown v. Board of Education]]* desegregation ruling, and Pioneer money underwrote legal and research efforts to resist integration in the 1960s. When Weyher died in March 2002 Rushton became president, and on Rushton's death in October 2012 Lynn succeeded him, routing further grants through his Ulster Institute for Social Research. The historian [[William H. Tucker]] documented this funding chain in his 2002 book *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund*.[^7][^8]
The New York lawyer [[Harry F. Weyher Jr.]] ran the fund as president from 1958 to 2002, a 44-year tenure during which he directed more than $3.5 million to race-and-intelligence researchers; his interest in the fund grew from its opposition to the 1954 *[[Brown v. Board of Education]]* desegregation ruling, and Pioneer money underwrote legal and research efforts to resist integration in the 1960s. When Weyher died in March 2002 Rushton became president, and on Rushton's death in October 2012 Lynn succeeded him, routing further grants through his Ulster Institute for Social Research. The historian [[William H. Tucker]] documented this funding chain in his 2002 book *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund*.[^8][^9]
### Incorporation
The certificate of incorporation was signed on February 27, 1937, by Wickliffe Draper, Harry Laughlin, [[Malcolm Donald]], and Frederick Osborn. Donald had written to Laughlin on February 19 that Draper's initial commitment was 50,000 dollars and that the name should be colorless, since if officers of the flying corps learned "that they were picked out for eugenics purposes" then "some ridicule might interfere with the investigation." Laughlin answered that he would prefer in time "some such title as the [[Draper Eugenics Foundation]]." On March 22 the board gave Laughlin and Osborn 2,500 dollars to plan a study of the families of Army aviators, and on June 1 the psychologist [[John C. Flanagan]] submitted the design. The fund's first act was to distribute in the [[United States]] two films obtained from the racial policy office of the Nazi party, one of them Erbkrank. In 1940 it paid [[United States Army Air Corps|Air Corps]] officers with three children 4,000 dollars for a fourth, through annuities held at [[Guaranty Trust Company|Guaranty Trust]]. Twelve children were born.[^4][^10]
### The Bank
Draper had been a client of Guaranty Trust since the 1930s. [[Morgan Guaranty Trust]], its successor, transmitted his anonymous gifts to the [[Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission]] in 1963 and 1964, served as executor of his estate, which left the fund 3.3 million dollars, and at the direction of his will managed the fund's money for two decades. It closed the account after the publication of [[The Bell Curve]] in 1994 and declined to say why.[^11]
### Grants, 1971 to 1996
The ledger compiled by [[Barry Mehler]] from the fund's [[Internal Revenue Service]] returns shows 1,289,000 dollars to the [[Federation for American Immigration Reform]] beginning with 60,000 dollars in 1982. The grant fell from 150,000 dollars in 1988, the year the connection was first reported, to 50,000 in 1989, returned to 150,000 in 1990, and ended in 1994 during the campaign for [[California]]'s [[Proposition 187]]. On March 16, 1994, the federation's director, [[Dan Stein]], sent the fund's president, [[Harry Weyher]], a draft statement in its defense written in Weyher's own voice. The [[Coalition for Freedom]] of [[Thomas F. Ellis]], a former director of the fund and the political manager of Senator [[Jesse Helms]], received 195,000 dollars in five payments between 1983 and 1989. J. Philippe Rushton received 441,000 dollars between 1981 and 1992, and [[Roger Pearson]] 568,000 dollars between 1981 and 1991. Arthur Jensen's grants at the [[University of California, Berkeley]], reached 1,096,094 dollars by 1994. Asked about the source of his money, the grantee [[Ralph Scott]] said in 1977: "I don't see that there's any difference in getting the money from [[Idi Amin]] as long as Idi doesn't have any control over what I do with it." The Reagan administration made Scott chairman of the [[Iowa]] advisory committee to the [[United States Commission on Civil Rights]] in 1985.[^12][^13][^14]
In a memorandum of November 15, 1989, to the president of the [[University of Delaware]], the fund explained that it had amended its charter in 1985 "to avoid more charges."[^4]
### Recent Filings
The fund's returns show net assets of 1,551,094 dollars in 2011, 94,336 dollars in 2014, two years after Rushton's death, and 304,194 dollars in 2024. The officers of record from 2019 to 2024 were Richard Lynn, [[Edward Miller (Pioneer Fund)|Edward Miller]], and [[Alexander Beaujean]], at an address in [[Potomac, Maryland]]. Lynn died on July 23, 2023.[^15]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Pioneer Fund," Southern Poverty Law Center, on the 1937 founding, Wickliffe Draper, Harry Laughlin, and the hate-group classification. https://www.splcenter.org/resources/extremist-files/pioneer-fund/
[^2]: "Pioneer Fund," SourceWatch, on the fund's grantees, the Bell Curve citations, and Mankind Quarterly. https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Pioneer_Fund
[^3]: Herrnstein, Richard J., and Charles Murray. *The Bell Curve.* Free Press, 1994, afterword acknowledging the Pioneer Fund-funded sources.
[^4]: "London Conference on Intelligence exposes link between academic promotion of eugenics and Conservative right," TruePublica, 2018, on the Pioneer Fund, the Ulster Institute, and Mankind Quarterly network. https://truepublica.org.uk/united-kingdom/london-conference-intelligence-exposes-link-academic-promotion-eugenics-conservative-right/
[^5]: "Pioneer Fund," SourceWatch, on the March 11, 1937 incorporation, the five original directors including John Marshall Harlan II, and the colonial-stock charter language. https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Pioneer_Fund
[^4]: Pioneer Fund, Certificate of Incorporation, February 27, 1937; Malcolm Donald to Harry H. Laughlin, February 19, 1937; Laughlin to Donald, February 24, 1937; board minutes, 1937; memorandum to President Trabant of the University of Delaware, November 15, 1989. Reproduced by the Institute for the Study of Academic Racism. https://web.archive.org/web/20001001235059/http://www.ferris.edu/isar/Institut/pioneer/pfund.htm
[^5]: "Pioneer Fund," SourceWatch, on the colonial-stock charter language. https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Pioneer_Fund
[^6]: Tucker, William H. "Toward a racial abyss: Eugenics, Wickliffe Draper, and the origins of The Pioneer Fund," *Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences,* 2002, on Draper's 1935 Germany visit and Laughlin's Heidelberg degree. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12115787/
[^7]: "Key Race Scientist Takes Reins at Pioneer Fund," Southern Poverty Law Center, 2002, on Harry Weyher's 1958-2002 presidency, the $3.5 million in grants, the Brown v. Board opposition, and Rushton's succession. https://www.splcenter.org/resources/reports/key-race-scientist-takes-reins-pioneer-fund/
[^8]: Tucker, William H. *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund.* University of Illinois Press, 2002.
[^7]: "London Conference on Intelligence exposes link between academic promotion of eugenics and Conservative right," TruePublica, 2018, on the Pioneer Fund, the Ulster Institute, and Mankind Quarterly network. https://truepublica.org.uk/united-kingdom/london-conference-intelligence-exposes-link-academic-promotion-eugenics-conservative-right/
[^8]: "Key Race Scientist Takes Reins at Pioneer Fund," Southern Poverty Law Center, 2002, on Harry Weyher's 1958-2002 presidency, the $3.5 million in grants, the Brown v. Board opposition, and Rushton's succession. https://www.splcenter.org/resources/reports/key-race-scientist-takes-reins-pioneer-fund/
[^9]: Tucker, William H. *The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund.* University of Illinois Press, 2002.
[^10]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "A Breed Apart: A Long-Ago Effort to Better the Species Yields Ordinary Folks," *The Wall Street Journal,* August 17, 1999.
[^11]: Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight to Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," *The Wall Street Journal,* June 11, 1999, p. A1.
[^12]: Mehler, Barry, comp. "Pioneer Fund Grants, 1971-1996," Institute for the Study of Academic Racism, compiled from Internal Revenue Service Forms 990.
[^13]: Mahler, Jonathan. "Forbes Waffles on Ellis; Brooks Blasts Buchanan," *The Forward,* February 1996; Mehler, Barry. "Rightist on the Rights Panel," *The Nation,* May 7, 1988, pp. 640-641.
[^14]: Southern Poverty Law Center, "The FAIR Files," *Intelligence Report*; *Evening Journal* (Wilmington, Del.), October 21, 1977.
[^15]: Pioneer Fund, Internal Revenue Service Form 990-PF, fiscal years 2011 to 2024, EIN 51-0181036, via ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- PlacidOil
- PenrodDrilling
- HuntFamily
- SilverThursday
- Bankruptcy
- OccidentalPetroleum
alias:
- Placid Oil Company
- Penrod Drilling
- Penrod Drilling Company
summary: "Oil company of H.L. Hunt's first family trusts, pledged to banks after the 1980 silver collapse, which sued its 23 lenders, filed for bankruptcy in New Orleans, and was sold to Occidental in 1994."
start: 1935
end: 1994-12-29
location: "Dallas, Texas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Placid Oil Company was formed in 1935 as successor to H.L. Hunt, Incorporated, with its shares placed in trusts for the six children of [[H.L. Hunt]] and [[Lyda Bunker Hunt]]. Its sister company, [[Penrod Drilling Company|Penrod Drilling]], operated the family's rigs. By the 1980s Placid was owned in equal parts by the trust estates of [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], [[William Herbert Hunt]], and [[Lamar Hunt]].[^1]
### Black Lake
Placid discovered the [[Black Lake field]] in [[Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana]], in the mid 1960s. A landman hired in 1965 "upon the discovery of the Black Lake Field," [[Billy Bledsoe]], became "the Special Representative of the legendary oilman, H.L. Hunt" in 1970 and after 1974 "the International Negotiator for Nelson Bunker Hunt," with assignments in [[Libya]], in [[Iran]], where they involved the family of the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah]], and in [[United Kingdom|Britain]], [[Australia]], [[New Zealand]], and [[Canada]].[^2]
### The Banks
After the silver market broke on March 27, 1980, a consortium of banks lent Placid 1.1 billion dollars against the family's oil properties, guaranteed personally by the three brothers, in an arrangement that [[Paul Volcker]] of the [[Federal Reserve]] defended to Congress. By 1986, with oil prices falling, Placid and Penrod together owed 23 banks 1.5 billion dollars. The lead defendants in the litigation that followed were [[Bankers Trust]] and [[Manufacturers Hanover]].[^3][^4]
In the summer of 1986 the two companies and the three trust estates sued the banks in the federal court in [[Dallas, Texas|Dallas]], alleging fraud and a conspiracy to take over the offshore drilling business, and demanding damages reported at 15 billion dollars. The banks counterclaimed for the loans. Judge [[Barefoot Sanders]] declined to stop foreclosure, finding that the Hunts had "an adequate damage remedy." Interest was accruing at 230,461 dollars a day. The properties posted for foreclosure included 286 acres in [[Richardson, Texas]], the family's interest in [[Thanksgiving Tower]] in downtown Dallas, and a gas plant in [[Chambers County, Texas|Chambers County]]. A spokesman said: "We do not intend to let the banks dismantle Penrod and Placid. The companies are responsible for 20,000 workers."[^3][^5]
An agreed order of August 15 required the Hunt parties to obtain the Dallas court's approval before seeking bankruptcy protection. On August 29 Placid, a subsidiary, and the William Herbert Hunt Trust Estate filed Chapter 11 petitions in the bankruptcy court in [[New Orleans]] without it, arguing that their principal assets were in [[Louisiana]]. The Dallas court ordered the petitions transferred to [[Texas]] on September 4, and the [[United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit|Fifth Circuit]] affirmed on September 15. Placid's five largest trade creditors were [[Brown and Root]], [[American International Underwriters]], [[Marathon LeTourneau]], McDermott, and [[Hamanaka Chain Trading]] of [[Japan]]. A plan of reorganization was confirmed on September 30, 1988.[^3][^5]
### Sale
[[Occidental Petroleum]] acquired Placid on December 29, 1994, for about 250 million dollars in preferred and common stock. The assets were reserves of 12 million barrels of oil and 242 billion cubic feet of gas on the Gulf Coast and in the [[Netherlands]], and a 39 percent interest in a 170-mile gas pipeline system in the Dutch sector of the [[North Sea]] with thirteen licenses there.[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Palmer, Jerrell Dean. "Hunt, Haroldson Lafayette," *Handbook of Texas Online,* Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/hunt-haroldson-lafayette ; Hunt v. Bankers Trust Co., 799 F.2d 1060 (5th Cir. 1986), naming the three trust estates as the Hunt parties.
[^2]: "Billy Bledsoe," obituary, *The Dallas Morning News,* December 2018.
[^3]: Hunt v. Bankers Trust Co., 799 F.2d 1060 (5th Cir. 1986).
[^4]: McFadden, Robert D. "Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies," *The New York Times,* October 22, 2014.
[^5]: United Press International, dispatch on the Placid Oil bankruptcy filing, August 29, 1986.
[^6]: Occidental Petroleum Corporation, Form 10-K405 for the fiscal year 1994, Securities and Exchange Commission. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/797468/0000950148-95-000114.txt

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- MullenCompany
- CIA
- CoverSupport
- HowardHunt
- Watergate
- HowardHughes
- ITT
alias:
- Mullen Company
- Robert R. Mullen and Company
- Mullen and Company
- QKENCHANT
summary: "Washington public relations firm that gave cover to CIA officers abroad from 1963, hired E. Howard Hunt on his retirement in 1970, represented Howard Hughes, and employed Hunt at the time of the Watergate break-in."
start: 1963-06
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Robert R. Mullen and Company was a public relations firm in Washington whose founder, [[Robert R. Mullen]], placed officers of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in its overseas offices. [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]] was on its payroll when he organized the break-in at the [[Watergate scandal|Watergate]]. The agency's cryptonym for the arrangement was QKENCHANT.[^1][^2]
### Cover
The agency's [[Central Cover Staff]] recorded that "the utilization of Robert R. Mullen and Company dates back to June 1963 and grew out of the recommendation of" a long-time cooperative asset, whose name is deleted. The first placement was proposed by a representative of another firm already giving cover to agency employees. Five placements followed between October 1963 and August 1972, in offices in [[Singapore]], [[Stockholm]], [[Mexico City]], and a fourth city that remains deleted. Before that Mullen "was instrumental in the formation of the [[Cuban Freedom Committee]] at the request of Mr. [[Richard Bissell]]," and was the original owner of the [[Intercontinental Research Company]], which the agency's covert action staff used as cover for its youth and student activities. One of the firm's clients, [[General Foods]] of [[White Plains, New York]], separately gave cover to agency officers. "General Foods Corporation is not aware of our cover use of the Mullen Company nor is Mullen aware of our use of General Foods."[^1][^3]
### Hunt
Hunt retired from the agency on April 30, 1970. An officer of its retirement branch had asked Mullen for advice on placing him, and Mullen first referred him to a friend at General Foods and then hired him. Director [[Richard Helms]] wrote a letter of recommendation. Mullen recalled that at a function at the [[Kennedy Center]] "Mr. Helms had winked and given a hand signal," which he took as approval. He and Hunt had both worked for the [[Marshall Plan]] in [[Paris]] from 1948 to 1950, when [[Dorothy Hunt]] was employed by [[Averell Harriman]]. An agency memorandum of 1975 states that the retirement officer had not known of the Paris connection. Mullen told Hunt of the cover arrangement "without authorization," and on June 3, 1970, the Central Cover Staff asked the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] to clear him as witting, addressing the request to the case officer, [[Martin Lukoskie]]. In July 1971 Hunt informed the staff that he had been assigned to the [[White House]].[^2][^4]
### Bennett, Hughes, and ITT
[[Robert F. Bennett|Robert Foster Bennett]] left the [[Department of Transportation]] on January 1, 1971, to join the firm, was briefed on the cover arrangement on April 30, and had assumed ownership by about June 1972. He brought in the account of the [[Howard Hughes]] interests, formerly handled by [[Robert Maheu]]. After the arrests Bennett passed the agency information on the [[Watergate]] affair, on Hunt, on the Hughes account, and on "allegations concerning dishonesty of Robert A. Maheu." A contact report of July 10, 1972, records his appearance before the grand jury. Lukoskie's handwritten memorandum, as cited to Senator [[Howard Baker]] on December 11, 1973, stated that Bennett had used a "back-door entry" to the law firm of [[Edward Bennett Williams]] to "kill off any revelation by Ed Williams of Agency association with the Mullen firm."[^3][^5]
In March 1972, while employed by the firm, Hunt went to [[Denver]] in a wig and with false identification to interview the [[ITT Corporation|ITT]] lobbyist [[Dita Beard]] in her hospital room about the memorandum at the center of the ITT affair, which he had suggested might be a forgery. [[Charles Colson]] sent him. The House subcommittee under [[Lucien Nedzi]] gives his alias as Edward Warren, and Newsweek gave it as Edward Hamilton. On July 26, 1973, the Watergate special prosecutor's office asked the agency whether it knew of "any type of arrangements between ITT and the Mullen Company," of the ITT public relations office at 495 Biltmore Way, [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]], or of undercover work by Hunt or [[G. Gordon Liddy]] for ITT, and whether [[Hal Hendrix]] and five other named men had worked for it. The Cover and Commercial Staff answered two of the five questions on August 7. It "has never had occasion to discuss with Robert R. Mullen and Company whether it has had any association or arrangements with ITT," its file held two of the firm's brochures, "and neither lists ITT among its clients," and it had no relationship with or information on the Coral Gables office. No answer to the questions about Hendrix, about ITT and [[Chile]], or about Hunt and Liddy has been released.[^6][^7]
Director [[William Colby]] reported to [[Henry Kissinger]] on the use of the firm for cover on February 9, 1974. Mullen was released from his secrecy agreement for a single interview with the [[Senate Watergate Committee|Senate Watergate committee]] on February 5, 1974.[^5]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Central Intelligence Agency, Central Cover Staff, "CIA Utilization of the Robert R. Mullen Company," memorandum to the Office of Security, June 20, 1972, CIA Reading Room documents C00573275 and C00320174.
[^2]: Gahagen, Robert D., Central Cover Staff, "Request for CSA concerning E. Howard Hunt," June 3, 1970, CIA Reading Room document C00297384; "E. Howard Hunt: Utilization by Central Cover Staff," memorandum to the deputy director for plans, 1970, C00660613.
[^3]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wrap-Up of the Agency's Association with Robert R. Mullen and Company," undated, CIA Reading Room document C00611536; "CIA and Robert R. Mullen Company," December 12, 1973, C00495977.
[^4]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Possible Employment of Howard Hunt with General Foods," memorandum for the record, March 4, 1970, C00497351; "Letter of Recommendation Written by Mr. Helms to Robert R. Mullen and Company for E. Howard Hunt," July 20, 1973, C00609297; "Robert R. Mullen Company," memorandum to the director of personnel, September 20, 1975, C02697769.
[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, contact report, July 10, 1972, C03210463; "Meeting with Senator Baker, 11 December 1973," C01482353; "Select Committee Testimony of 5 February 1974," C01474422; Colby, W.E., memorandum to Henry Kissinger, February 9, 1974, C01474417.
[^6]: House Committee on Armed Services, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, *Inquiry into the Alleged Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Watergate and Ellsberg Matters,* 93rd Cong., 1973; "Whispers About Colson," *Newsweek,* March 5, 1973.
[^7]: Ruth, Henry S., Jr., Watergate Special Prosecution Force, letter to John S. Warner, July 26, 1973, CIA Reading Room document C01482382; Chief, Cover and Commercial Staff, "Inquiry Regarding Possible ITT Association with CIA and Robert R. Mullen and Company," August 7, 1973, C01367838.

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- SerVaas
- Iraq
- BNLScandal
- SafaAlHabobi
- ArmsToIraq
- Indianapolis
- HenryGonzalez
alias:
- SerVaas Incorporated
- Servaas Inc.
- SerVaas
summary: "Indianapolis company that sold Iraq a 40 million dollar brass recycling plant financed by BNL Atlanta, which its owner told Congress was for commercial products and Iraqi documents assigned to cartridge cases and artillery fuses."
location: "Indianapolis, Indiana"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
SerVaas Incorporated is an [[Indianapolis]] manufacturing company owned by [[Beurt SerVaas]]. In September 1988 it signed a contract with an [[Iraq|Iraqi]] state enterprise, [[Al Shaheed]], for a plant to recover brass from spent shell casings. The contract, worth 40 million dollars, was financed by the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]], and a further agreement of June 14, 1989, was made with the procurement network of [[Safa al-Habobi]].[^1]
SerVaas told the [[House Banking Committee]] on April 9, 1991: "It was explained to us that Iraq was looking to a long-term project of utilizing this substantial amount of scrap for the purpose of supplementing its oil revenues through the sale of commercial products in the peacetime economy." The committee's chairman, [[Henry B. Gonzalez]], read into the record on September 25, 1992, an internal memorandum of July 31, 1988, and documents of [[Matrix Churchill]], showing that the 70/30 brass was to double Iraq's output of the discs from which cartridge cases are drawn and to supply parts for artillery fuses, with commercial sales a residue. SerVaas told the [[Indianapolis Star]] on August 8, 1992: "Probably the only thing they are doing is melting the brass down."[^1]
All the equipment had been shipped when Iraq invaded [[Kuwait]] in August 1990, though the plant was not yet running. Gonzalez said SerVaas afterward renegotiated with al-Habobi and [[Saalim Naman]] and sold the contract through a foreign holding company, Izane, so as to escape the president's order freezing Iraqi assets. President [[George H.W. Bush]]'s report to Congress of September 1991 under the [[Iraq Sanctions Act of 1990|Iraq Sanctions Act]] stated that "[[United States]] suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability."[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Gonzalez, Henry B. "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record,* House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502; Gonzalez, floor statement of August 10, 1992.

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@ -0,0 +1,49 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- SouthernResearchCompany
- PrivateInvestigators
- NewOrleans
- DavidFerrie
- ClayShaw
- GuyBanister
- Wackenhut
- HSCA
alias:
- Southern Research
- Southern Research Corporation
- Southern Research, Inc.
- Southern Research Company of New Orleans
summary: "Shreveport detective firm whose New Orleans office, run by a former associate of Guy Banister, investigated David Ferrie for Eastern Air Lines in 1963, and which the House assassinations committee in 1978 called the former name of Wackenhut."
start: 1958-12-02
location: "Shreveport, Louisiana"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Southern Research Company, Inc., is a private investigations firm chartered in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] on December 2, 1958, and still in business there. It absorbed [[Truth Verification of Louisiana]], a polygraph company, and two other firms in 1973, and has had sister companies in [[Baton Rouge]] and [[Lake Charles, Louisiana|Lake Charles]]. Its president in the 1990s and since has been [[Thomas Ostendorff|Thomas J. Ostendorff III]].[^1]
### New Orleans
A credit report of July 1960 in a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] security file describes "Southern Research, Inc., whose home office is in Shreveport," as a firm of ten or twelve employees, and its vice president and [[New Orleans]] manager, [[Joseph Oster]], as having come to it a year and a half before from [[Guy Banister]]'s agency. The [[Metropolitan Crime Commission]] of New Orleans kept an investigative report on Oster and the firm dated April 5, 1960. The New Orleans office was at that date a branch of the Shreveport company. A separate Louisiana corporation, Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc., was chartered on September 5, 1963. The online register retains no officers or incorporators for it, and nothing but the name ties it on the record to the Shreveport company. The Ferrie investigation of 1962 and 1963 was for the most part the work of the earlier branch office, and the file was in the Shreveport company's hands in 1996.[^1][^2]
In 1962 and 1963 the firm investigated the pilot [[David Ferrie]] for [[Eastern Air Lines]], which was dismissing him. Its file on the case was numbered 11-N-224. Oster went with the district attorney's investigators to Ferrie's apartment on the night of November 22, 1963.[^3]
### The Shaw Case
The records of [[Edward Wegmann]], lawyer for [[Clay Shaw]], show according to the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] "that the Shaw defense team had retained Southern Research Company as of mid-1967." A file on [[Gordon Novel]] records that the firm interviewed his lawyer, [[Steven Plotkin]], on April 7, 1967, and a witness before the [[Orleans Parish]] grand jury in January 1969 was asked whether he had been "interviewed by Southern Research or any investigating firm that is doing Shaw's investigation." The same defense files hold reports of the same months from agents of the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], which had qualified to do business in [[Louisiana]] on May 3, 1965. The New Orleans company filed notice of dissolution on October 5, 1967, and was dissolved on December 13.[^1][^3][^4]
### The Committee's Request
On January 6, 1978, the chief counsel of the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]], [[G. Robert Blakey]], asked the CIA for "all materials pertaining to Southern Research Corporation, presently known as Wackenhut Corporation." The agency's replies repeated the phrase. Its cover staff reported "no record" of Southern Research and "100 to 150 documents covering the period 1963 to 1977" on Wackenhut, and its domestic contacts division listed source files under both names. A researcher who read the Wegmann files in 1997 wrote that Wackenhut "was the same company that did the reports for Eastern Airlines in the dismissal proceedings against David Ferrie. The firm was then called Southern Research." The Louisiana register shows the Southern Research companies and the Wackenhut Corporation as distinct entities, the first a Louisiana firm still active under its own name and the second a [[Florida]] corporation admitted to the state in 1965, and records no merger, sale, or change of name connecting them.[^1][^4][^5]
The review board wrote to Ostendorff, and issued a subpoena, for the Ferrie file. He sent a copy. Oster told the board's lawyer in January 1996 "that neither he nor Southern Research had worked for the Clay Shaw defense team." The lawyer's memorandum ends: "Given the conflicting accounts we have found, we should contact Shaw's defense attorneys (or their families) and specifically ask whether they retained any investigative firms."[^3]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Louisiana Secretary of State, business filings, charters 24407110D (Southern Research Company, Inc.), 26310590D (Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc.), and 27005970F (The Wackenhut Corporation), consulted September 21, 2026.
[^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, report of investigation, September 13, 1960, JFK record 104-10109-10379, p. 14; Assassination Records Review Board, memorandum on records of the Metropolitan Crime Commission of New Orleans. Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
[^3]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, and letters and subpoena to Southern Research Company, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files of Philip G. Golrick (OSTER.WPD, SOURES.WPD, SOURES2.WPD). Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
[^4]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9; Assassination Records Review Board, file inventory (082395.WPD); Orleans Parish Grand Jury, testimony of Arthur Bidderson, January 9, 1969.
[^5]: Blakey, G. Robert. Letter to the Central Intelligence Agency, January 6, 1978, JFK record 180-10140-10211; Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, with National Photographic Interpretation Center memorandum of January 30, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00491180; CIA memorandum forwarding Domestic Contact Division source files, February 15, 1978, JFK record 104-10030-10003.

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@ -0,0 +1,46 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- StephensInc
- JacksonStephens
- InvestmentBanking
- Arkansas
- Walmart
- BCCI
- Newspapers
alias:
- Stephens Inc
- Stephens, Inc.
- W.R. Stephens Investment Company
summary: "Little Rock investment bank of the Stephens family, underwriter of Walmart and most Arkansas bonds, whose officers bought Financial General Bankshares stock for BCCI's clients in 1977 and whose Washington office housed John Huang."
start: 1933
location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Stephens Inc. is a privately held investment bank in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], founded in 1933 by [[Witt Stephens]] as a dealer in defaulted municipal bonds. [[Jackson Stephens]] was its chief executive from 1956 to 1986 and his son [[Warren Stephens]] from 1986 to 2025. In the 1980s it handled 61 percent by value of the bonds issued in [[Arkansas]].[^1][^2]
### Business
The firm took [[Walmart]] public in 1970, when the retailer had 32 million dollars in annual revenue, and later underwrote [[Tyson Foods]] and [[ALLTEL|Alltel]], directing Tyson's 1.5 billion dollar purchase of [[Holly Farms]] in 1989. In 1971 it underwrote 113 million dollars in bonds for the [[Louisiana Superdome]], then the largest municipal issue in the South. It held 80 percent of the bank data processor [[Systematics]], which was sold to Alltel in 1990. The family's gas company, [[Stephens Production]], has paid an estimated billion dollars in dividends. In 1993 the family bought the [[Donrey Media Group]] of 52 newspapers, among them the [[Las Vegas Review-Journal]], with twelve outdoor advertising franchises, seven cable systems, and a television station. The [[Department of Justice]] sued in 1995 to block its purchase of the [[Northwest Arkansas Times]], and [[Franklin Waters|Judge Franklin Waters]] held that it would control 85 percent of the market. [[Walter Hussman]], publisher of the rival [[Arkansas Democrat-Gazette]], said: "The Stephens people think of themselves as businessmen first and then journalists." The newspapers were sold in 2015.[^1][^3]
### Financial General
In 1977 Stephens Inc. held 4.9 percent of [[Financial General Bankshares]] of Washington. When the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] began buying the company for four [[Middle East|Middle Eastern]] clients, the daily purchases were made by [[George H. Davis]], "an officer of Stephens, Inc.," limited to 10,000 shares a day, through an account at the firm opened in the name of "[[Eugene Metzger|Eugene J. Metzger]], Agent" in order, a federal court found, "to shield the identity of the BCCI principals." The firm sold 70,000 of its own shares into the accumulation on January 6, 1978. It was a defendant in the company's suit and in that of the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]], consented to an injunction on March 18, 1978, and won summary judgment in July.[^4]
### Lippo and Washington
The family formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] with [[Mochtar Riady]] of the [[Lippo Group]] in 1978, and the two families shared control of [[Worthen Bank]] from 1983. [[James Riady]] had been an intern at the firm. In 1985 it underwrote the stock issue that rescued Worthen, and its officer [[Curt Bradbury]] took over the bank. In 1987 it arranged the refinancing of [[Harken Energy]], of which [[George W. Bush]] was a director, through [[Union Bank of Switzerland]]. A Senate committee recorded that [[John Huang]], while at the [[United States Department of Commerce|Commerce Department]] in 1994 and 1995 and receiving briefings from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], used an office at Stephens Inc. in Washington. The firm gave 100,000 dollars to a dinner for President [[George H.W. Bush]] in May 1991, and family members and employees gave more than 83,000 dollars to [[Bill Clinton]] by the summer of 1992.[^2][^5][^6]
In May 2006 the businesses were divided. Warren Stephens kept the investment bank, and Witt Stephens's children formed the [[Stephens Group]]. Warren Stephens became ambassador to the [[United Kingdom]] in 2025.[^1]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Stephens Inc.," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas.* https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/stephens-inc-6985/
[^2]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times,* January 31, 1993.
[^3]: "Following the Money," *Arkansas Times,* September 7, 2001.
[^4]: Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981).
[^5]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2; Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, S. Rept. 105-167, 1998.
[^6]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992; Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power*. Henry Holt, 1996.

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@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- Systematics
- JacksonStephens
- BCCI
- RoseLawFirm
- BankDataProcessing
- PROMIS
- ALLTEL
alias:
- Systematics Inc.
- Systematics Information Services
- ALLTEL Information Services
summary: "Little Rock bank data-processing company controlled by Jackson Stephens, sued in 1978 over the BCCI acquisition of Financial General Bankshares, represented by Hillary Rodham, and the subject of a 1995 CIA and NSA briefing to Congress."
start: 1968
location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Systematics Inc. was a [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]] company that ran the data processing of banks under contract. [[Walter V. Smiley]], a former [[IBM]] employee teaching at the [[University of Arkansas]], founded it in 1968 with eight employees and 400,000 dollars from the family of [[Jackson Stephens]], introduced through [[Jon Jacoby]] of [[Stephens Inc.]], which took 80 percent of the stock. By the mid 1980s it was the largest supplier of data-processing services to American financial institutions. [[ALLTEL]] acquired it in 1990.[^1][^2]
### Financial General Bankshares
Stephens was a large shareholder in [[Financial General Bankshares]] of Washington. It was later alleged that he wanted the bank holding company to give its data processing to Systematics, which he denied. On November 9, 1977, Stephens, [[Bert Lance]], and [[Curt Bradbury]] of Stephens Inc. met [[Abdus Sami]] of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]] in Little Rock, and Stephens and Bradbury allegedly recommended that the bank or its clients buy Financial General stock. Over the next two months four [[Middle East|Middle Eastern]] investors, clients of the bank's founder [[Agha Hasan Abedi]], bought it.[^3]
Financial General sued on February 17, 1978, naming Lance, the bank, Abedi, the Washington lawyer [[Eugene Metzger]], Stephens, Stephens Inc., and Systematics, which the complaint described as "a data processing corporation which performed data processing services for banks." The [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] brought its own action, and on March 18 the Stephens defendants, Lance, Metzger, Abedi, the bank, and the investors consented to permanent injunctions. Systematics was dismissed from the private suit four days later, on March 22. Stephens and Stephens Inc. won summary judgment on July 20. "Mrs. Clinton even represented one of Stephens's companies in a case related to BCCI," two reporters for [[The Wall Street Journal]] wrote in 1992; "in 1978, she did legal work for Systematics Inc. when it was sued for its role in Abedi's scheme to collect stock in [[First American Bankshares|First American]]."[^3][^4]
### Sale to ALLTEL
When Smiley retired in 1988, Stephens telephoned the president of IBM for a recommendation, met [[John Steuri]], an IBM vice president of 24 years' service, once, and hired him. Sales rose from 263 million dollars in 1988 to 579 million in 1992. [[Joe T. Ford]] of ALLTEL, the Little Rock telephone company, had discussed a purchase with Stephens before Steuri's arrival. ALLTEL's annual report to the Securities and Exchange Commission dates the acquisition to May 1990; the trade press put the price at 528 million dollars in stock. Within a year the subsidiary bought [[Horizon Financial Software]] of [[Orlando, Florida|Orlando]], the mortgage processor [[Computer Dynamics]], the cellular billing software of [[C-TEC Corporation]], and Systems Limited, "an international banking software firm headquartered in [[Hong Kong]]." In 1992 it bought [[Computer Power Inc.]], the largest processor of residential mortgages in the country. By 1994, as ALLTEL Information Services, it reported that its software processed nearly 15 million mortgage loans representing more than 1.1 trillion dollars, and that its market included "financial institutions outside the [[United States]], primarily in Europe and Asia." [[Fidelity National Financial]] bought the unit in 2003 for 1.05 billion dollars.[^1][^2][^5]
### The 1995 Briefing
In August 1995 the magazine [[Media Bypass]] published an article by [[James R. Norman]], a senior editor at [[Forbes]], which Forbes had declined to print. It alleged that Systematics was used by the [[National Security Agency]] to monitor bank transactions, in connection with the [[PROMIS]] software of [[INSLAW]], and that [[Vince Foster]], the [[Rose Law Firm]] partner who handled the company's account and who had been found dead in [[Fort Marcy Park]] on July 20, 1993, oversaw the arrangement for the agency. The company denied it.
On July 21, 1995, at the written request of Representative [[Jim Leach|James Leach]], chairman of the [[House Banking Committee]], officers of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s inspector general and the NSA's inspector general, [[Frank Newton]], briefed Leach and a staff member in the [[Rayburn House Office Building|Rayburn Building]]. The CIA's memorandum of the meeting records Leach as saying that "most of the allegations contained within the articles were probably false," but that "as information goes out to the American public in non-traditional ways, it becomes more believable." He was told that "a thorough search had been conducted by CIA regarding PROMIS/Inslaw issues relating to Systematics, Inc., Mena, and Hadron, during a much earlier timeframe," and that "we had not found any records related to Systematics of [[Arkansas]], a banking software firm." The agency's written briefing states: "We have found no record of any CIA contact or contracts with Systematics, Inc. of Arkansas, nor any information about the allegations that Systematics, Inc. monitored or engaged in illegal activities." Leach asked about 45 further questions and said he might hold hearings that fall.[^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Systematics sees opportunity beyond bank outsourcing," *American Banker,* September 3, 1993.
[^2]: "An emerging giant: $1.6-billion Alltel and Systematics are positioned for corporate greatness," *Arkansas Business*; "Bank data pioneer still in business: Systematics' founder Smiley leading family tech firm," *Arkansas Business.*
[^3]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992, pp. 41 and 428.
[^4]: Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981), on appeal, 680 F.2d 768 (D.C. Cir. 1982); Securities and Exchange Commission v. Bank of Credit and Commerce International, S.A., Civil Action No. 78-0469 (D.D.C.).
[^5]: ALLTEL Corporation, Form 10-K for the fiscal year 1994, Securities and Exchange Commission. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/0000065873/000006587395000002/0000065873-95-000002.txt
[^6]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Briefing for Chairman Leach, House Banking Committee," undated, and "Memorandum for the Record," briefing of July 21, 1995, both approved for release September 28, 2009. CIA Reading Room documents 0001289820 and 0001289686.

View file

@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ aliases:
- Wackenhut
- G4S Secure Solutions
created: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-05-17
updated: 2026-09-21
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
@ -15,11 +15,15 @@ tags:
- PROMIS
- IranContra
- USA
- Wackenhut
- CoverSupport
- JFKRecords
- GlomarExplorer
summary: "Wackenhut Corporation was a major private security and investigative firm founded in 1954 by former FBI agents whose board included former CIA, FBI, and NSA directors, and which was alleged to have hosted CIA front operations and the PROMIS software modification at its joint venture with the Cabazon Indian Reservation."
start: 1954-01-01
location: "Coral Gables, Florida"
---
Wackenhut Corporation is a security and investigative firm founded in 1954 by [[George R. Wackenhut]] and three other former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Special Agents. Initially named Special Agent Investigators, it expanded to physical security and was renamed Wackenhut Corporation in 1958. Headquartered in Coral Gables, Florida, Wackenhut grew to become one of the world's largest security and investigative firms, with operations across the United States and internationally. The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle described it as being "led by former officials of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]], National Security Agency, Defense Department and federal law enforcement."[^1][^3]
Wackenhut Corporation is a security and investigative firm founded in 1954 by [[George R. Wackenhut]] and three other former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] Special Agents. Initially named Special Agent Investigators, it expanded to physical security and was renamed Wackenhut Corporation in 1958. Headquartered in [[Coral Gables]], Florida, Wackenhut grew to become one of the world's largest security and investigative firms, with operations across the United States and internationally. The [[San Francisco]] Chronicle described it as being "led by former officials of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], the Federal Bureau of Investigation, National Security Agency, Defense Department and federal law enforcement."[^1][^2]
### Operations and Services
@ -29,7 +33,7 @@ Notable contracts include providing security for the [[Nevada Test Site]], the [
### Leadership and Government Connections
The company's leadership has historically included executives and managers with extensive backgrounds in the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], [[NSA|NSA]], and other military and governmental security fields. Its board of directors has featured prominent former government officials such as [[Stansfield Turner]] (former CIA director), [[Clarence Kelley]] (former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] director), [[Frank Carlucci]] (former CIA deputy director and Defense Secretary), [[James Rowley]] (former [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]] director), [[Bobby Ray Inman]] (former acting chairman of President Bush's foreign intelligence advisory board and former CIA deputy director), and [[Joseph Carroll]] (former Director, [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency]]).[^1]
The company's leadership has historically included executives and managers with extensive backgrounds in the FBI, CIA, [[NSA|NSA]], and other military and governmental security fields. Its board of directors has featured prominent former government officials such as [[Stansfield Turner]] (former CIA director), [[Clarence Kelley]] (former FBI director), [[Frank Carlucci]] (former CIA deputy director and Defense Secretary), [[James Rowley]] (former [[United States Secret Service|Secret Service]] director), [[Bobby Ray Inman]] (former acting chairman of President Bush's foreign intelligence advisory board and former CIA deputy director), and [[Joseph Carroll]] (former Director, [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency]]).[^1]
[[William J. Casey]], former CIA director under [[Ronald Reagan]], served as Wackenhut's outside legal counsel before his appointment.[^1]
@ -38,38 +42,88 @@ The company's leadership has historically included executives and managers with
Despite its public profile as a security firm, Wackenhut Corporation has been associated with several significant controversies and allegations, particularly concerning its political leanings and its alleged role in covert government operations.
### Political Leanings and Dossier Collection
[[George R. Wackenhut]], the company's founder, was characterized as a "hard-line right-winger" whose political values were reflected in the company's operations. Wackenhut actively built dossiers on suspected dissidents and sold this information to interested parties. By 1965, Wackenhut claimed to maintain files on 2.5 million suspected dissidents. This number grew to over 4 million by 1966, following the acquisition of the private files of [[Karl Barslaag]], a former staff member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. The company's monthly publication, the "Wackenhut Security Review," consistently criticized protest movements of the 1960s, earning accolades from right-wing organizations such as the John Birch Society and the All-American Conference to Combat Communism.[^1]
George R. Wackenhut, the company's founder, was characterized as a "hard-line right-winger" whose political values were reflected in the company's operations. Wackenhut actively built dossiers on suspected dissidents and sold this information to interested parties. By 1965, Wackenhut claimed to maintain files on 2.5 million suspected dissidents. This number grew to over 4 million by 1966, following the acquisition of the private files of [[Karl Barslaag]], a former staff member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. The company's monthly publication, the "Wackenhut Security Review," consistently criticized protest movements of the 1960s, earning accolades from right-wing organizations such as the John Birch Society and the All-American Conference to Combat Communism.[^1]
### Allegations of CIA Front Operations
Multiple sources have alleged that Wackenhut served as a front for the CIA and other intelligence agencies. [[Richard Babayan]], identified as a CIA contract employee, claimed that Wackenhut had been used by the CIA for years to provide cover for clandestine operations. [[Bruce Berckmans]], a former CIA agent who later became a Wackenhut international-operations vice president, reportedly saw a formal proposal from [[George Wackenhut]] to the CIA offering Wackenhut offices worldwide as fronts for CIA activities. [[William Corbett]], a terrorism expert and former CIA analyst, further stated that Wackenhut allowed the CIA to occupy positions within the company to conduct clandestine operations and supplied intelligence agencies with information in exchange for lucrative government contracts.[^1]
### El Salvador Operations
Wackenhut was very active in [[El Salvador]] during the Contra war, providing employees to protect the U.S. embassy and other installations, and doing "things you wouldn't want your mother to know about," one Wackenhut employee told *Spy* magazine in 1992.[^3]
Wackenhut was very active in [[El Salvador]] during the Contra war, providing employees to protect the U.S. embassy and other installations, and doing "things you wouldn't want your mother to know about," one Wackenhut employee told *Spy* magazine in 1992.[^2]
### The Cabazon Joint Venture
A particularly controversial aspect of Wackenhut's operations was its joint venture with the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] in Indio, [[California]]. Formalized on April 1, 1981, this partnership aimed to leverage the sovereign nation status of the Indian reservation to bypass federal jurisdiction and congressional prohibitions on arms exports. The venture, known as "Cabazon Arms," sought to establish a production facility for high-tech armaments and explosives for export to third-world countries, including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua and nations in the Middle East. The firm was using the Cabazon reservation's tax-exempt status and its freedom from federal oversight to gain a competitive advantage in soliciting federal weapons projects.[^1][^3]
A particularly controversial aspect of Wackenhut's operations was its joint venture with the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] in Indio, [[California]]. Formalized on April 1, 1981, this partnership aimed to leverage the sovereign nation status of the Indian reservation to bypass federal jurisdiction and congressional prohibitions on arms exports. The venture, known as "Cabazon Arms," sought to establish a production facility for high-tech armaments and explosives for export to third-world countries, including the [[Contras]] in Nicaragua and nations in the Middle East. The firm was using the Cabazon reservation's tax-exempt status and its freedom from federal oversight to gain a competitive advantage in soliciting federal weapons projects.[^1][^2]
[[Dr. John Nichols]], the Cabazon tribal administrator and a former CIA agent who claimed experience going back to the Chilean destabilization program in the 1970s, secured a [[Department of Defense|Department of Defense]] secret facility clearance for the reservation. He then proposed to Wackenhut the manufacture of various weapons systems, including 120mm combustible cartridge cases, 9mm machine pistols, laser-sighted assault weapons, sniper rifles, and portable rocket systems. The venture also explored the development of biological weapons. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] served as the Director of Research for this joint venture, and was involved in meetings with figures like [[Robert Frye]] (Wackenhut VP), [[John P. Nichols]], and [[Peter Zokosky]], and [[Dr. Harry Fair]] of the U.S. Army's Railgun Project at Picatinny Arsenal, where Riconosciuto's scientific expertise was noted.[^1]
### PROMIS Software Modification
Within the Cabazon Joint Venture, [[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed to have modified the proprietary [[PROMIS]] computer software. This modification, allegedly spearheaded by [[Earl Brian]] and made available through [[Peter Videnieks]] of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]], was intended to facilitate the worldwide implementation of [[PROMIS]] in law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Riconosciuto's affidavit detailed his work on the software, including specific modifications for the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] in [[Canada]]. This alleged pirating and modification of the [[PROMIS]] software became a central component of the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].[^1]
Within the Cabazon Joint Venture, Michael Riconosciuto claimed to have modified the proprietary [[PROMIS]] computer software. This modification, allegedly spearheaded by [[Earl Brian]] and made available through [[Peter Videnieks]] of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]], was intended to facilitate the worldwide implementation of PROMIS in law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Riconosciuto's affidavit detailed his work on the software, including specific modifications for the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] in [[Canada]]. This alleged pirating and modification of the PROMIS software became a central component of the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].[^1]
It was here that the "trap door" was built into the [[United States|U.S.]] version of [[PROMIS]], based on [[Israel|Israeli]] information. This operation was conducted by a small CIA group, headed by [[Robert Gates]], who sought to keep it secret from the [[NSA]] due to interagency competition.[^2]
It was here that the "trap door" was built into the [[United States|U.S.]] version of PROMIS, based on [[Israel|Israeli]] information. This operation was conducted by a small CIA group, headed by [[Robert Gates]], who sought to keep it secret from the NSA due to interagency competition.[^3]
### Danny Casolaro Investigation
Investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] was investigating the Wackenhut/Cabazon weapons projects as part of his "[[The Octopus]]" investigation when he was found dead in a West Virginia motel room in 1991. The probe into his death was ordered by associate attorney general [[Webb Hubbell]], who had his own connections to weapons manufacturing for the Contras through [[Park On Meter]] in [[Arkansas]].[^3]
Investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] was investigating the Wackenhut/Cabazon weapons projects as part of his "[[The Octopus]]" investigation when he was found dead in a West Virginia motel room in 1991. The probe into his death was ordered by associate attorney general [[Webb Hubbell]], who had his own connections to weapons manufacturing for the Contras through [[Park On Meter]] in [[Arkansas]].[^2]
### End of Wackenhut
The Wackenhut/Cabazon Joint Venture was terminated on October 1, 1984, following [[Robert Frye]]'s heart attack. Its activities subsequently became the subject of numerous investigations by entities such as the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]], the [[United States House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee on Inslaw]], [[U.S. Customs|U.S. Customs]], and the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|Royal Canadian Mounted Police]], as well as various police agencies and media outlets worldwide.[^1]
The Wackenhut/Cabazon Joint Venture was terminated on October 1, 1984, following Robert Frye's heart attack. Its activities subsequently became the subject of numerous investigations by entities such as the U.S. Department of Justice, the [[United States House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee on Inslaw]], [[U.S. Customs|U.S. Customs]], and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, as well as various police agencies and media outlets worldwide.[^1]
### Other Allegations
Beyond the Cabazon venture, Wackenhut was also implicated in other international controversies. A 1992 *SPY* magazine article by [[John Connolly]] alleged that Wackenhut secretly assisted [[Iraq]] in its efforts to obtain sophisticated weapons and contributed to unrest in [[Venezuela]].[^1]
### The CIA Security File
On March 14, 1963, [[Fred R. Youngblood]], chief of the nonofficial cover branch of the CIA's [[Central Cover Staff]], met George R. Wackenhut at the [[Arlington, Virginia|Arlington]] home of [[Wes Reynolds]], a former FBI agent who represented the company in Washington, "to explore its potential for cover support." His memorandum of March 26 records a firm of 1,100 employees with offices in eleven cities and [[Puerto Rico]]. Wackenhut "freely states that he trades on the reputation of the FBI by publicizing widely the 21 ex-FBI agents, including two former Assistant Directors of the FBI, in his management." He said he would be "willing to dispatch teams to set up personal security systems for foreign chiefs of state whom the Agency wants protected" and was "amenable to any reasonable application of his capabilities to Agency problems," including financing an overt operation set up at the agency's behest if it did not pay for itself. Youngblood found him "a clean-cut, energetic, ambitious young business man" who "is interested in profits, but it is my impression he is sincerely eager to do what he can to assist the government and feels that CIA offers one possible opportunity."[^4]
A memorandum for the record of July 28, 1975, summarizes the file. The agency opened files on Wackenhut and his company in May 1960 "for the purpose of obtaining cover support for Western Hemisphere Agency employees assigned to [[Florida]]." He "was investigated by this Agency with favorable results, and a Covert Security Approval for his use was granted on 21 November 1961. Subsequently, his company provided cover backstopping to Western Hemisphere employees stationed in the Miami, Florida, area. In April of 1967 due to the notoriety that Mr. Wackenhut had received in connection with his activities in Florida, Mr. Wackenhut's Covert Security Approval was rescinded and this Agency severed our relations with him." That January Governor [[Claude Kirk]] had made Wackenhut the unpaid director of a privately financed "war on crime," staffed by the company's investigators.[^5][^6]
Routing slips of September and December 1969 added to the file the card of the manager of [[Wackenhut Protective Systems]] in [[Rockville, Maryland]]. In March 1971 the agency's security office approved a contact clearance for a Wackenhut employee. On April 20, 1971, the special agent in charge, [[Arthur C. Sheridan]], wrote to the [[Miami]] field office that "restrictions imposed on the use of Subject corporation in 1967 still apply and were recently reaffirmed in a cable dated 16 July 1970." The chief of a project with the cryptonym VENOM wanted contact with two Wackenhut men, [[Manuel J. Chavez]] and [[Junius Jaffe Mallin]]. "It is recognized that Subject firm could be an operational asset to [[Project VENOM]] in certain circumstances," Sheridan wrote, but "this office can accomplish its mission without the necessity of utilizing Subject corporation." Other records of the same Miami security office show VENOM collecting on the armed exile groups in the city: on [[Gerald Patrick Hemming|Gerry Hemming]] and [[Roy Hargraves]] in July 1970, when they were reported to be planning a missile attack on [[Guantanamo Bay Naval Base|Guantanamo]] to be blamed on [[Cuba]], and on [[Ricardo Morales Navarrete|Ricardo Morales]], whom the project had used briefly in 1964 and who in May 1971 was presenting himself at a Miami hotel as an agency operative "with mission to make an approach to local mafia."[^7]
The 1975 memorandum ends: "In November of 1974 it was learned that Wackenhut Corporation was providing guard coverage to Global Marine Development, Incorporated (GMDI), [[Los Angeles]], California, a firm that the Agency office of DDS&T was dealing with. This Agency made no attempt to persuade GMDI to terminate their contract with Wackenhut Corporation, and it is assumed that GMDI is still receiving guard coverage from them." Global Marine Development built and operated the [[Hughes Glomar Explorer]] for the [[Directorate of Science and Technology]], which used the ship in the summer of 1974 to raise part of a sunken Soviet submarine in [[Project Azorian]]. The [[Los Angeles Times]] disclosed the operation on February 7, 1975.[^5][^8]
### The Assassinations Committee
The security file reached the public through the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]]. On January 6, 1978, the committee's chief counsel, [[G. Robert Blakey]], sent the CIA a request for 38 files. Item 18 was [[Howard Hunt|E. Howard Hunt]]. Item 19 was "[[Jim Garrison]] aka Wackenhut Corp.," item 28 "Garrison 1967 investigation," and item 36 "Southern Research Corp." The [[National Photographic Interpretation Center]] answered on January 30 that it had "no documented information or files on the [[Southern Research Company|Southern Research Corporation]], presently known as the Wackenhut Corporation." The [[CIA Office of Logistics|Office of Logistics]] found under item 36 contract actions with Wackenhut for 1970 to 1975 in the management information system of the Directorate of Science and Technology. [[Bruce Solie]] of the [[CIA Office of Security|Office of Security]] certified on July 18, 1978, that committee staff had reviewed the Wackenhut file "in conjunction with the HSCA's investigation into the deaths of President [[John F. Kennedy]] and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr."[^9]
The pairing of the names goes back to [[New Orleans]]. The lawyers who defended [[Clay Shaw]] against District Attorney Garrison's conspiracy charge, [[Edward Wegmann]] and his brother William, engaged two firms of former federal agents, Wackenhut and [[Holloway Associates]] of [[Texas]]. Edward Wegmann's files, given to the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] by his daughter in 1995, show Wackenhut men reporting to the defense with the WDSU television reporter [[Rick Townley]] on April 19, 1967, and interviewing the Cuban exile [[Carlos Bringuier]] on May 9. The researcher who first went through the files wrote that Wackenhut "was the same company that did the reports for [[Eastern Air Lines|Eastern Airlines]] in the dismissal proceedings against [[David Ferrie]]. The firm was then called Southern Research." The company's own histories do not mention the name, and the phrase "presently known as" first appears in Blakey's letter. [[Louisiana]]'s corporate register shows a Southern Research Company, Inc., chartered in [[Shreveport, Louisiana|Shreveport]] on December 2, 1958, which absorbed a polygraph firm, [[Truth Verification of Louisiana]], in 1973 and is still in business, with sister companies in [[Baton Rouge]] and [[Lake Charles, Louisiana|Lake Charles]]. Its New Orleans company, Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc., was chartered on September 5, 1963. It filed notice of dissolution on October 5, 1967, and was dissolved on December 13. The Wackenhut Corporation had qualified to do business in Louisiana on May 3, 1965. Shaw was arrested on March 1, 1967. The CIA rescinded George Wackenhut's security approval the following month.[^10]
The New Orleans office of Southern Research was run by [[Joseph Oster]], a former city police detective who had worked for [[Guy Banister]]. A credit report of July 1960 in a CIA security file describes him as vice president of "Southern Research, Inc., whose home office is in Shreveport," a firm of ten or twelve employees, and as having come to it from "[[Guy Banister Associates|Guy B------ Associates]], Inc." Oster told a lawyer for the Assassination Records Review Board in January 1996 that he had left Banister "because Banister was getting more involved in controversial political causes, to the detriment of attracting paying clients," that he had investigated Ferrie for Eastern Air Lines in 1962 and 1963, and that he had gone with the district attorney's men to Ferrie's house on the night of the assassination. He left the firm in the middle 1960s. The president of the Shreveport company, [[Thomas Ostendorff]], gave the board its file on Ferrie, number 11-N-224. Wegmann's records, the board wrote, "indicate that the Shaw defense team had retained Southern Research Company as of mid-1967," a witness before the [[Orleans Parish]] grand jury was asked in January 1969 whether he had been "interviewed by Southern Research or any investigating firm that is doing Shaw's investigation," and a file on [[Gordon Novel]] records that Southern Research interviewed his lawyer, [[Steven Plotkin]], on April 7, 1967. "Mr. Oster stated that neither he nor Southern Research had worked for the Clay Shaw defense team." The board's lawyer noted "the conflicting accounts we have found."[^11]
On April 14, 1967, the FBI's [[FBI Domestic Intelligence Division|Domestic Intelligence Division]] recorded that [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Ramsey Clark]] had told reporters the bureau had investigated Shaw and cleared him. "This is not true and we so informed the Attorney General." The New Orleans office, it went on, had told "[[Charles R. Carson (Wackenhut)|Charles R. Carson]], a Wackenhut Corporation investigator, and [[Dean Andrews]]" only that it had no comment, and the bureau "has no intention of telling these or any other individuals that the Attorney General's statement is incorrect." A witness told the review board at a public hearing that the former FBI employee [[William Walter]] had said to Garrison in 1973 "that the FBI through Wackenhut, the [[Metropolitan Crime Commission]] and [[Aaron Kohn]], had wire tapped his office." On May 3, 1967, [[George Walker (Wackenhut)|George Walker]] of the company's [[Coral Gables, Florida|Coral Gables]] headquarters gave the FBI in Miami a letter from a man who said that before the assassination a Cuban in his boarding house, known as "Cash," had remarked that to kill Kennedy one had only to excite a Cuban with a high-powered rifle.[^12]
In November 1967 [[William Harvey]], the former head of the CIA's [[Task Force W]], who was planning a law practice, asked the FBI's liaison officer, [[Sam Papich]], about "reputable private investigators that might be willing to use Harvey's services to establish contacts and investigative coverage on the Continent." The CIA's director of security, [[Howard Osborn]], recorded the answer: "Mr. Papich suggested Wackenhut Corporation or the [[Fidelifax|Fidelifax Company]] as having a good reputation in the trade." The same memorandum reports two telephone calls in October from [[John Roselli]] asking Harvey to act as his lawyer.[^13]
### Florida, 1967
On January 13, 1967, FBI headquarters instructed its Florida offices to give Kirk's investigators nothing: "The Bureau does not recognize the Wackenhut Corporation as a properly constituted law enforcement agency." The order was repeated by telephone on April 3, after Kirk had seen the attorney general. [[Hank Messick]], the [[Miami Herald]] crime reporter whose articles had led to the indictment of two county sheriffs in 1966, and to whom the bureau had itself been passing leads, joined Wackenhut that December and left after six weeks. "I quit the Wackenhut Corp. because I have reluctantly concluded a cruel hoax is being perpetrated upon the people of Florida," he said. He objected that the company kept as a private client Sir [[Stafford Sands]], the former Bahamian minister with gambling interests, while it was supposed to be pursuing [[Meyer Lansky]]. Wackenhut replied: "I do not find it necessary to dignify Mr. Messick's remarks with a reply." A former Wackenhut detective, [[Norman Casper]], later worked as an informant for the [[Internal Revenue Service]] against the [[Castle Bank and Trust|Castle Bank]] in the [[Bahamas]].[^14]
In the course of Governor Kirk's campaign Wackenhut told the legislature that "overlord of the whole state's criminal syndicates" was [[Santo Trafficante Jr.|Santo Trafficante]], "longtime [[Trafficante crime family|Tampa Mafia]] boss, now living in Miami." The clippings are in the FBI's Miami file on the company. Trafficante's casino manager in [[Havana]], [[Lewis McWillie]], had been visited there in 1959 by his friend [[Jack Ruby]], and a CIA memorandum in the [[Warren Commission]]'s files reported that Trafficante, while held by [[Fidel Castro]]'s government that year, was "frequently visited" by "an American gangster" named "Ruby." McWillie told the House committee in 1978 that he had twice visited the detention camp and seen Trafficante there, and was not clear whether Ruby had gone with him. The FBI's four files on the company contain no reference to Ruby, to McWillie, or to a Wackenhut office in Texas before 1968.[^14][^15][^16]
### Federal Contracts, the Board, and the Files
The law firm of Senator [[George Smathers]] of Florida found the way around the 1893 federal statute that barred employees of private detective agencies from government work by creating a Wackenhut subsidiary that supplied only guards. The first large federal contracts, at [[Cape Canaveral]] and the Nevada Test Site, followed. The early board included Captain [[Eddie Rickenbacker]], General [[Mark W. Clark|Mark Clark]], and the [[John Birch Society]] leader [[Ralph E. Davis]]. After the [[Fair Credit Reporting Act]] took effect in 1971 the company cut its files from about 2.5 million names to about 250,000, and in 1975 it gave them to the [[Church League of America]] of [[Wheaton, Illinois]], to which George Wackenhut was a major contributor, keeping the right to consult them. The files are now in the [[Tamiment Library]] at [[New York University]].[^17][^18]
The retired FBI agent [[William Hinshaw]] told Connolly: "It is known throughout the industry that if you want a dirty job done, call Wackenhut." [[Philip Agee]] said: "I don't have the slightest doubt that the CIA and Wackenhut overlap." Asked whether his company was an arm of the CIA, George Wackenhut answered, "No!" At the end of the interview he said to the reporter: "You've done an awful lot of research. How would you like to run all our [[New York City|New York]] operations?" Connolly reported that in June 1991 the head of the company's special investigations division, [[Wayne Black]], traveled to [[Caracas]] on an [[Abu Dhabi]] passport for a client, [[Blanca Ibanez]], to discredit the security chief of President [[Carlos Andres Perez]].[^17]
### Horsch
The Philadelphia filmmaker [[R.C. Horsch]] said in a recorded interview that after leaving high school in 1961 he worked freelance for Wackenhut, "a security firm staffed by FBI agents," until about 1965. "I bugged telephones and committed burglaries for them," he said. "The burglaries were mostly to install electronics or bug telephones or just things like burglarizing a potential client to demonstrate that their security was not up to par." He said one regular client, introduced as "Mr. Smith," was E. Howard Hunt of the CIA, and described jobs at the [[Fairchild Hiller]] plant in [[Hagerstown, Maryland]], in [[Trenton, New Jersey]], and in [[Philadelphia]]. Horsch was convicted in later years of forgery, counterfeiting, and passport fraud.[^19]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty."
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty."
[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
[^4]: Youngblood, Fred R. "The Wackenhut Corporation," CIA memorandum for the record, CS-2793, March 26, 1963. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10472.
[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, "Wackenhut Corporation, SF# 493 364," memorandum for the record, July 28, 1975. JFK Assassination Records Collection, record 104-10130-10454, released in full March 18, 2025. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2025/0318/104-10130-10454.pdf
[^6]: "Florida: I, Claudius," *Time,* 1967.
[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, transmittal and routing slips, September 5 and December 10, 1969, records 104-10130-10470 and 104-10130-10471; request for contact security approval, February to March 1971, record 104-10130-10468; Sheridan, Arthur C., memorandum to SAC, Miami Field Office, "Wackenhut Corporation #493364," April 20, 1971, record 104-10130-10469. JFK Assassination Records Collection. On VENOM: CIA memoranda of July 23, 1970 (104-10120-10117), March 19, 1971 (104-10117-10341), and May 5, 1971 (104-10122-10166), as summarized in the Mary Ferrell Foundation cryptonym database, entry "VENOM."
[^8]: Burr, William, ed. "Project Azorian: The CIA's Declassified History of the Glomar Explorer," National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 305, 2010. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nukevault/ebb305/index.htm
[^9]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Security, "HSCA Chrono for 1977-1978 of Reports and Requests," CIA Reading Room document 00548292; Office of Legislative Counsel, HSCA request OLC 78-0070/1, January 12, 1978, with National Photographic Interpretation Center memorandum of January 30, 1978, document 00491180; McDonald, James H., Director of Logistics, memorandum on item 36, JFK record 104-10135-10200; Solie, Bruce L. "Wackenhut Corp.," memorandum for the record, July 18, 1978, JFK record 104-10130-10450.
[^10]: DiEugenio, James. "The Wegmann Files," *Probe,* vol. 4, no. 4, May-June 1997, pp. 8-9, in the Harold Weisberg Collection, Hood College; Central Intelligence Agency, "Names Traces on OLC Requests," February 6, 1978, CIA Reading Room document 00419231, listing item 36 as "Southern Research Corp (Wachenhut Corp)." Louisiana Secretary of State, business filings, charters 24407110D (Southern Research Company, Inc.), 26310590D (Southern Research Company of New Orleans, Inc.), and 27005970F (The Wackenhut Corporation), consulted September 21, 2026.
[^11]: Golrick, Philip D. Memorandum to David G. Marwell, "Phone Conversation with Joseph Oster," January 19, 1996, and letters and subpoena to Southern Research Company, Assassination Records Review Board electronic files of Philip G. Golrick (OSTER.WPD, SOURES.WPD); Central Intelligence Agency, report of investigation, September 13, 1960, JFK record 104-10109-10379, p. 14; Orleans Parish Grand Jury, testimony of Arthur Bidderson, January 9, 1969; Assassination Records Review Board, file inventory (082395.WPD). All consulted at the Mary Ferrell Foundation archive.
[^12]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Domestic Intelligence Division, informative note, April 14, 1967, JFK record 124-10369-10048; Assassination Records Review Board, public hearing transcript, testimony of James DiEugenio, p. 89; FBI Miami, memorandum of May 10, 1967, headquarters file 62-109060, section 129, p. 166.
[^13]: Osborn, Howard J. Memorandum for the record, November 8, 1967, JFK record 104-10133-10076.
[^14]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, airtel to SAC Jacksonville, January 13, 1967, and memorandum recording the instruction of April 3, 1967, headquarters file on the Wackenhut Corporation; "Wackenhut Aide Quits; 'Cruel Hoax,'" *The Tampa Tribune,* February 17, 1967, and *St. Petersburg Times* clipping, Tampa file. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation ; Hougan, Jim. *Spooks*. William Morrow, 1978; House Select Committee on Assassinations, *Report,* vol. 9, pp. 802-805, and testimony of Lewis McWillie, vol. 5.
[^15]: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami file 80-1229, "The Wackenhut Corporation," with clipping "Wackenhut Is 'Shocked' At Crime's Extent In State," Times-Miami Herald Service, 1967. https://archive.org/details/WackenhutCorporation
[^16]: Hougan, Jim. *Spooks: The Haunting of America: The Private Use of Secret Agents*. William Morrow, 1978, pp. 345-346, citing Warren Commission Document 206 and Commission Exhibit 1697.
[^17]: Connolly, John. "Inside the Shadow CIA," *Spy,* September 1992, pp. 46-54.
[^18]: Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives, New York University, finding aid to the Church League of America Collection of the Research Files of Counterattack, the Wackenhut Corporation, and Karl Baarslag, TAM 148. https://findingaids.library.nyu.edu/tamwag/tam_148/
[^19]: West, Ashley. "Unknowing Ray Horsch, Episode 1: Youth," *The Rialto Report,* Podcast 171, September 13, 2026, audio at 18:34 to 22:49. https://www.therialtoreport.com/2026/09/13/ray-horsch-2/

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---
category: "Private Organization"
tags:
- Organization
- WorthenBank
- JacksonStephens
- LippoGroup
- RiadyFamily
- BillClinton
- CampaignFinance
- Arkansas
alias:
- Worthen Banking Corporation
- Worthen National Bank
summary: "Little Rock bank owned jointly in the 1980s by Jackson Stephens and the Riady family of Indonesia, which employed James Riady and John Huang and financed Bill Clinton's 1992 primary campaign."
location: "Little Rock, Arkansas"
created: 2026-09-21
updated: 2026-09-21
---
Worthen Banking Corporation was a bank holding company in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]]. The family of [[Jackson Stephens]] owned 38 percent of it in January 1993. It was sold to [[Boatmen's Bancshares]] in 1994.[^1]
### The Riadys
[[Mochtar Riady]], founder of the [[Lippo Group]] of [[Indonesia]], met Jackson and [[Witt Stephens]] in 1976, and the families formed [[Stephens Finance Ltd.]] in [[Hong Kong]] in 1978. Both invested in Worthen in 1983. Riady's son [[James Riady]], who had been an intern at [[Stephens Inc.]], moved to Little Rock to run the bank's international division. [[John Huang]], born in Fujian and raised in [[Taiwan]], joined in February 1985 as vice president for the [[Far East]], a title he held together with a vice presidency of the [[Hong Kong Chinese Bank]], reporting to Riady in both. A former partner of the [[Rose Law Firm]], [[C. Joseph Giroir]], organized the [[Arkansas International Development Corporation]] on Lippo money. A Riady memorandum obtained by House investigators dated the family's relationship with [[Bill Clinton]] to a five-minute car ride with the governor.[^2][^3]
In 1985 the bank lost 52 million dollars of state funds that it had placed in repurchase agreements with the [[New Jersey]] securities dealer [[Bevill, Bresler and Schulman]], which failed amid fraud charges. Stephens covered the loss, by one account with a check written "in the middle of the night," and led a rights offering to restore the bank's capital. About 1987 the Riadys exchanged their Worthen shares for the Stephens interest in the Hong Kong Chinese Bank. James Riady and Huang went to [[California]] to run [[LippoBank]]. At the end of 1991 Lippo was the expected purchaser of the Hong Kong subsidiary of the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]], until investigators there found 145 million dollars in unrecorded claims. The Saudi investor [[Abdullah Taha Bakhsh]], the third largest stockholder of [[Harken Energy]], was reported in 1991 to own 10 percent of Worthen.[^2][^4][^5]
### The 1992 Campaign
Under its chairman, [[Curt Bradbury]], who as a Stephens officer had attended the 1977 meeting in Little Rock between Stephens, [[Bert Lance]], and a representative of the Bank of Credit and Commerce, Worthen gave the Clinton presidential campaign a line of credit of 3.5 million dollars, secured on federal matching funds. About three million was drawn. By another account the line was opened in early January 1992, before the crises of the primary season, and the first million was drawn on March 4. The campaign's finance officer, [[David Watkins]], negotiated it. The campaign kept as much as 55 million dollars in federal funds on deposit at the bank. Bradbury and [[Mack McLarty]], chairman of [[Arkla]], the gas company the Stephens family had controlled, organized Little Rock dinners that raised two million. James Riady and his wife gave 450,000 dollars to the 1992 effort, and on August 12, 1992, the Riady company [[Hip Hing Holdings]] gave 50,000 dollars to the [[DNC Victory Fund|Democratic Victory Fund]] and was reimbursed from [[Jakarta]]. Stephens Inc. had given 100,000 dollars to a dinner for President [[George H.W. Bush]] in May 1991.[^1][^2][^4][^6]
### Footnotes
[^1]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times,* January 31, 1993. https://archive.seattletimes.com/archive/?date=19930131&slug=1682819
[^2]: House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law,* interim report, H. Rept. 105-829, 1998, vol. 2.
[^3]: Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, *Investigation of Illegal or Improper Activities in Connection with 1996 Federal Election Campaigns,* S. Rept. 105-167, 1998, sections on John Huang.
[^4]: Truell, Peter, and Larry Gurwin. *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire*. Houghton Mifflin, 1992, pp. 41 and 428.
[^5]: Petzinger, Thomas, Peter Truell, and Jill Abramson. "How Oil Firm Linked to a Son of Bush Won Big Drilling Pact," *The Wall Street Journal,* December 6, 1991.
[^6]: Morris, Roger. *Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America*. Henry Holt, 1996.