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@ -30,7 +30,7 @@ Iraq's General Intelligence Service - Jihaz al-Mukhabarat al-Amma - was establis
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The CIA maintained a liaison relationship with Iraqi intelligence from 1963 onward, when the Ba'ath Party first came to power. The relationship deepened substantially during the [[Iran-Iraq War]] (1980-1988), when the United States provided Iraq with intelligence, dual-use technology, and diplomatic cover despite knowledge that Iraq was using chemical weapons against Iranian forces. [[Donald Rumsfeld]]'s December 1983 visit to Baghdad - as Reagan's special envoy - cemented this partnership, and CIA intelligence sharing with the Mukhabarat expanded in subsequent years.[^4]
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The [[BNL scandal]] - the exposure of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]'s Atlanta branch as a conduit for approximately $5 billion in unauthorized loans to Iraq - documented the extent of Western financial and industrial support for Iraqi arms procurement during the 1980s. Iraqi procurement agents, operating through Mukhabarat-connected front companies, used the BNL credit lines to purchase weapons, dual-use technology, and equipment from American and European suppliers. The [[Arms-to-Iraq]] investigation by British MP [[Robin Cook]] and subsequent parliamentary inquiries examined the parallel British dimension of this arms transfer network.[^4]
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The [[BNL scandal]] - the exposure of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]]'s [[Atlanta]] branch as a conduit for approximately $5 billion in unauthorized loans to Iraq - documented the extent of Western financial and industrial support for Iraqi arms procurement during the 1980s. Iraqi procurement agents, operating through Mukhabarat-connected front companies, used the BNL credit lines to purchase weapons, dual-use technology, and equipment from American and European suppliers. The [[Arms-to-Iraq]] investigation by British MP [[Robin Cook]] and subsequent parliamentary inquiries examined the parallel British dimension of this arms transfer network.[^4]
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The Iraqi Mukhabarat was substantially dismantled following the 2003 U.S. invasion and Saddam Hussein's removal from power; its personnel files and operational networks became subjects of significant intelligence collection by U.S. forces in the immediate post-invasion period.
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@ -36,7 +36,7 @@ In 1954 the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] "pointed out to the Department o
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### BCCI and BNL
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The [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown report]] on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] concluded that the department had obstructed the investigation. [[Charles Saphos]], chief of the Criminal Division's narcotics section, wrote to Florida's comptroller [[Gerald Lewis]] asking that the bank be allowed to stay open; Manhattan District Attorney [[Robert Morgenthau]] accused federal authorities of hindering his inquiry; Customs Commissioner [[William von Raab]] testified that the department had denied knowledge of the Ali Mirza tapes; the criminal division under [[Robert Mueller]] indicted [[Swaleh Naqvi]], [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]] and [[David L. Paul]] over CenTrust and the Independence Bank in 1991 and 1992. In the [[BNL Scandal]], the Atlanta bank's officers believed in March 1990 that the department had taken the case away from the local U.S. Attorney; Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]]'s legislative chief [[Lee Rawls]] advised him on "our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the [[House Banking Committee]]" of [[Henry B. Gonzalez]], and Judge Marvin Shoob publicly criticized the department's handling of the case.[^4]
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The [[BCCI Kerry-Brown Senate Report|Kerry-Brown report]] on the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] concluded that the department had obstructed the investigation. [[Charles Saphos]], chief of the Criminal Division's narcotics section, wrote to Florida's comptroller [[Gerald Lewis]] asking that the bank be allowed to stay open; Manhattan District Attorney [[Robert Morgenthau]] accused federal authorities of hindering his inquiry; Customs Commissioner [[William von Raab]] testified that the department had denied knowledge of the Ali Mirza tapes; the criminal division under [[Robert Mueller]] indicted [[Swaleh Naqvi]], [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]] and [[David L. Paul]] over CenTrust and the Independence Bank in 1991 and 1992. In the [[BNL Scandal]], the [[Atlanta]] bank's officers believed in March 1990 that the department had taken the case away from the local U.S. Attorney; Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]]'s legislative chief [[Lee Rawls]] advised him on "our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the [[House Banking Committee]]" of [[Henry B. Gonzalez]], and Judge Marvin Shoob publicly criticized the department's handling of the case.[^4]
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### Letelier, The Finders and After
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@ -46,7 +46,7 @@ The House committee that became the Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affa
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### Gonzalez and BNL
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Gonzalez became chairman in January 1989, and his hearings on [[Charles Keating]] and [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] produced the evidence against the five senators who had intervened with regulators for Keating.[^2] After the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] raided the Atlanta branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] in August 1989 and found billions of dollars in off-book loans to Iraq, Gonzalez proposed hearings; the attorney general's legislative aide, [[Lee Rawls]], advised [[Richard Thornburgh]] in 1990 that "our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the House Banking Committee into this case is to have you contact Chairman Gonzalez directly." Gonzalez declined the call, and Thornburgh wrote to him on September 26, 1990, that a hearing and staff interviews raised "the prospect that culpable parties will elude prosecution."[^3][^4] The committee issued subpoenas, and from February 1992 Gonzalez read classified documents into the *Congressional Record* in some twenty special order speeches.[^4]
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Gonzalez became chairman in January 1989, and his hearings on [[Charles Keating]] and [[Lincoln Savings and Loan]] produced the evidence against the five senators who had intervened with regulators for Keating.[^2] After the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] raided the [[Atlanta]] branch of the [[Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] in August 1989 and found billions of dollars in off-book loans to Iraq, Gonzalez proposed hearings; the attorney general's legislative aide, [[Lee Rawls]], advised [[Richard Thornburgh]] in 1990 that "our best attempt to thwart any further congressional inquiry by the House Banking Committee into this case is to have you contact Chairman Gonzalez directly." Gonzalez declined the call, and Thornburgh wrote to him on September 26, 1990, that a hearing and staff interviews raised "the prospect that culpable parties will elude prosecution."[^3][^4] The committee issued subpoenas, and from February 1992 Gonzalez read classified documents into the *Congressional Record* in some twenty special order speeches.[^4]
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The committee took testimony from [[SerVaas Inc.]] on April 9, 1991, that the brass factory it sold to Iraq was for commercial products; on September 25, 1992, Gonzalez produced a memorandum of July 31, 1988, showing the Iraqi buyer meant it for cartridge cases and artillery fuses.[^5] On April 28, 1992, he told the House that "BNL was a client of Mr. Scowcroft's while he was the vice-chairman of [[Kissinger Associates]]."[^6] [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] told the committee that year: "Quite frankly, the selective disclosure, out of context, of classified documents has led, knowingly or otherwise, to distortions of the record, half-truths, and outright falsehoods."[^3] Director [[Robert Gates]] ordered a damage assessment of one of Gonzalez's disclosures, and on August 4, 1992, the minority leader, [[Bob Michel]], introduced a resolution calling for an ethics investigation; Gonzalez was not censured.[^7] He called the report of the special counsel [[Frederick Lacey]], who in December 1992 found no grounds for an independent counsel, a whitewash.[^9] On November 9, 1993, [[Christopher Drogoul]], the former manager of the Atlanta branch, testified under oath before the committee with five other former employees.[^9]
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@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) was a [[United States|U.S.]]
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### Founding and Structure
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The SCLC was organized at the First Negro Baptist Church in Atlanta on January 10-11, 1957, drawing together Black clergy from across the South who had participated in or supported the Montgomery Boycott. The founding meeting brought together approximately sixty ministers from twenty-nine communities in ten states.
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The SCLC was organized at the First Negro Baptist Church in [[Atlanta]] on January 10-11, 1957, drawing together Black clergy from across the South who had participated in or supported the Montgomery Boycott. The founding meeting brought together approximately sixty ministers from twenty-nine communities in ten states.
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The organization's structure was deliberately clerical: local chapters were organized through Black churches, which provided institutional stability, community trust, and the moral authority that secular organizations lacked. The church-based structure also provided a degree of legal protection and public legitimacy that made the organization harder to suppress than explicitly political formations. The SCLC served as an umbrella coordinating body; local affiliates maintained their own operations while coordinating major campaigns with national leadership.[^1]
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@ -212,7 +212,7 @@ Corporations, banks, media outlets, research institutes, crime syndicates, and o
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| [[Elm Guest House]] | The Elm Guest House was a suburban brothel operating near central London in the early 1980s that served as a front for an international child trafficking network connected to powerful political and business figures. |
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| [[Esquire]] | *Esquire* is an USA magazine. In October 1991, it published an article by Craig Unger that repeated Ari Ben-Menashe allegations that Robert McFarlane had been recruited by Rafi Eitan and named Robert McFarlane as 'Mr. X' in the Jonathan Pollard case. |
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| [[Euramae Trading Company]] | Euramae Trading Company was a company operating throughout the Middle East, described by Michael Riconosciuto as a companion company to First Intercontinental Development Corporation and an National Security Council cutout. |
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| [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] | Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest Cladius Vermilye, known by the alias Father Bud. |
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| [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] | Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest Claudius Vermilye, known by the alias Father Bud. |
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| [[Financial General Bankshares]] | Financial General Bankshares was a bank holding company that became a target of acquisition by the Bank of Credit and Commerce International.[^1] |
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| [[First American Bank]] | First American Bank was a bank based in Washington, D.C., which became secretly owned and controlled by the Bank of Credit and Commerce International.[^1] |
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| [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation]] | First Intercontinental Development Corporation was a company whose board of directors included prominent figures with ties to government and intelligence, and it was reportedly a National Security Council cutout. |
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@ -8,10 +8,10 @@ tags:
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- Church_of_New_Revelation
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- North_Fox_Island
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category: "Private Organization"
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summary: "Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest Cladius Vermilye, known by the alias Father Bud."
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summary: "Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest Claudius Vermilye, known by the alias Father Bud."
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location: "Monteagle, Tennessee"
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---
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Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest [[Cladius Vermilye]], known by the alias Father Bud. Juvenile delinquents were sent to the farm by youth corrections and welfare agencies in Tennessee. Boys at the farm were supplied with drugs and alcohol to make them pliant for participation in orgies, which were filmed and photographed. Materials were distributed to a mailing list of sponsors who could pay additional fees to arrange personal visits to the farm for direct access to the boys. Film stocks were mailed from the farm to [[Gerald Richards]] in Michigan for development and distribution through networks including MAIL-O-MATIC in [[North Carolina]] and F&S Distributors in California.[^1]
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Father Bud's Boys Farm was a rural foster home located on a farm in Monteagle, Tennessee, owned and operated by the ordained Episcopal priest [[Claudius Vermilye]], known by the alias Father Bud. Juvenile delinquents were sent to the farm by youth corrections and welfare agencies in Tennessee. Boys at the farm were supplied with drugs and alcohol to make them pliant for participation in orgies, which were filmed and photographed. Materials were distributed to a mailing list of sponsors who could pay additional fees to arrange personal visits to the farm for direct access to the boys. Film stocks were mailed from the farm to [[Gerald Richards]] in Michigan for development and distribution through networks including MAIL-O-MATIC in [[North Carolina]] and F&S Distributors in California.[^1]
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The farm was incorporated under [[The Church of New Revelation]] in [[New Jersey]], described by authorities as a sham referral agency for pornography distribution rather than a legitimate church. [[Francis Shelden]] appeared on a seized list of sponsors for the farm's materials. The farm was raided by authorities on November 10, 1976, and the Detroit Free Press reported it as a national pornography hub the following day. The raid linked the farm to the broader network including the [[Delta Project]], [[Odyssey Network]], and [[North Fox Island]] operations.[^1]
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@ -25,7 +25,7 @@ Woodall had also operated an escort service that initially used adult prostitute
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### Connections to Broader Networks
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An FBI memo from February 1977 confirmed the [[Delta Project]] connection to Troop 137 in New Orleans and noted that Norman's conviction in December 1976 ended an ongoing investigation into the Delta Project, which had continued to operate under [[Phillip Paske]]. A letter sent by [[Cladius Vermilye]] to Halvorsen personally inviting him to visit [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] in Tennessee established the link between Troop 137 and the wider interlinked network of operations. Don Berlage, a district attorney in Charlevoix County, Michigan, was also connected to the case through the broader network.[^1]
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An FBI memo from February 1977 confirmed the [[Delta Project]] connection to Troop 137 in New Orleans and noted that Norman's conviction in December 1976 ended an ongoing investigation into the Delta Project, which had continued to operate under [[Phillip Paske]]. A letter sent by [[Claudius Vermilye]] to Halvorsen personally inviting him to visit [[Father Bud's Boys Farm]] in Tennessee established the link between Troop 137 and the wider interlinked network of operations. Don Berlage, a district attorney in Charlevoix County, Michigan, was also connected to the case through the broader network.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). *Eye of the Chickenhawk*. United States: Thehotstar.
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