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@ -35,13 +35,13 @@ Pastora eventually broke with the CIA and was accused by the agency of consortin
Pastora claimed he was the target of an elaborate CIA scheme to force him out of the war, a plot that involved the use of drug dealers working for the intelligence agency. This occurred, he said, after he refused CIA orders to unite his forces with the former National Guardsmen in the CIA's northern Contra army, the FDN. When it came time to dispose of him, Pastora said, the CIA leaked the information that he was getting help from drug dealers, both to drain his support in the United States and to make him the fall guy for the cocaine trafficking being done by the CIA's "approved" Contra armies.[^4]
CIA station chief [[Joseph Fernandez]] disputed Pastora's claims, but CIA files showed the agency "disseminated" the drug information about Pastora to a "broad range of senior [U.S. government] intelligence and law enforcement officials"—in stark contrast to the agency's silence about drug dealing by the FDN and UDN-FARN. To this day, Pastora remains the only Contra commander the U.S. government has ever officially admitted was involved with drug money.[^4]
CIA station chief [[Joseph Fernandez]] disputed Pastora's claims, but CIA files showed the agency "disseminated" the drug information about Pastora to a "broad range of senior [U.S. government] intelligence and law enforcement officials" - in stark contrast to the agency's silence about drug dealing by the FDN and UDN-FARN. To this day, Pastora remains the only Contra commander the U.S. government has ever officially admitted was involved with drug money.[^4]
### CIA-Linked Drug Money
After the CIA cutoff of his funding in May 1984, Pastora received financial assistance from CIA-linked sources. Colombian trafficker [[George Morales]] provided aircraft, money, and weapons through CIA assets [[Octaviano Cesar]] and Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro, who assured Morales the CIA would resolve his pending drug indictment in exchange for assistance.[^4]
Danilo Blandón also provided cash—$6,000 according to Pastora, $20,000 according to Marcos Aguado—two pickup trucks, and the keys to his vacation home in San Jose, Costa Rica, where Pastora lived rent-free for several years. [[Felix Saborio|Dr. Felix Saborio]], a childhood friend of Blandón, became Pastora's representative to the Cuban community in Miami and ARDE fund-raiser. Pastora assumed Blandón was a successful car dealer. "Blandón and Saborio. . .both vanished from my ranks when it became clear that I was not willing to march to the tune of the CIA," Pastora said.[^4]
Danilo Blandón also provided cash - $6,000 according to Pastora, $20,000 according to Marcos Aguado - two pickup trucks, and the keys to his vacation home in San Jose, Costa Rica, where Pastora lived rent-free for several years. [[Felix Saborio|Dr. Felix Saborio]], a childhood friend of Blandón, became Pastora's representative to the Cuban community in Miami and ARDE fund-raiser. Pastora assumed Blandón was a successful car dealer. "Blandón and Saborio. . .both vanished from my ranks when it became clear that I was not willing to march to the tune of the CIA," Pastora said.[^4]
Former CIA official [[Alan Fiers]] testified: "We knew that everybody around Pastora was involved in cocaine. We knew it from November of 1984 forward. We reported it." A few months after the AP exposed Pastora's involvement with drug money in late 1985, Pastora quit the Contra war and became a fisherman. The CIA then replaced him with Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro's UDN-FARN, which had far more links to drug traffickers.[^4]