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- 2025-08-05T0009 · [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]]
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- 2025-08-05T0000 · [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan]]
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- 2025-08-04T2349 · [[William von Raab]]
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- 2025-08-04T2336 · [[Charles Saphos]]
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- 2025-08-04T2333 · [[William Ryback]]
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- 2025-08-04T2327 · [[Masihur Rahman]]
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- 2025-08-04T2327 · [[Ghaith R. Pharaon]]
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- 2025-08-04T2322 · [[David L. Paul]]
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- 2025-08-04T2319 · [[Swaleh Naqvi]]
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- 2025-08-04T2316 · [[Robert Mueller]]
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- 2025-08-04T2311 · [[Robert Morgenthau]]
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- 2025-08-04T2308 · [[Khalfan al-Mazrui]]
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- 2025-08-04T2308 · [[Ghanim Fan's al-Mazrui]]
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- 2025-08-04T2305 · [[Sami Masri]]
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- 2025-08-04T2257 · [[Gerald Lewis]]
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- 2025-08-04T2255 · [[Robin Leigh-Pemberton]]
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- 2025-08-04T2250 · [[Bert Lance]]
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- 2025-08-04T2245 · [[A. R. (Abdul Raouf) Khalil]]
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- 2025-08-04T2244 · [[John Kerry]]
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- 2025-08-04T2242 · [[Richard J. Kerr]]
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- 2025-08-04T2239 · [[Zafar Iqbal]]
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- 2025-08-04T2237 · [[Eugene Holley]]
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- 2025-08-04T2234 · [[Fazle Haq]]
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- 2025-08-04T2234 · [[Gokal brothers]]
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- 2025-08-04T2225 · [[Eddie George]]
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---
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title: The Samson Option Narrative
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tags:
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- NuclearWeapons
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- Israel
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- UnitedStates
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- ColdWar
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- MiddleEast
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- Intelligence
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---
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# The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal
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[[Israel]]'s nuclear program developed in secret, a fact often deliberately ignored by [[United States]] leadership since the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration. This account, based on [[Seymour Hersh]]'s *The Samson Option*, details the agreements, individuals, and events that created [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal and its "Samson Option" doctrine.
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## A Secret Agreement
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In 1979, President [[Jimmy Carter]] authorized [[Israel]]'s access to imagery from the [[KH-11]] reconnaissance satellite, altering the strategic intelligence balance in the [[Middle East]]. The KH-11, launched on December 19, 1976, could relay real-time digital photographs of exceptional resolution, giving [[Israel]] a new capacity to monitor military activities within a hundred-mile radius of its borders with [[Lebanon]], [[Syria]], [[Egypt]], and [[Jordan]].
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Officials at the [[National Security Agency (NSA)|NSA]] and [[Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)|CIA]] opposed the "unpopular decision," arguing it would disrupt the KH-11's orbital schedules and divert collection from American-prioritized targets. Some believed it was a political reward for Prime Minister [[Menachem Begin]] following the [[Camp David summit]] with Egyptian President [[Anwar Sadat]]. The Israelis, who considered the Carter administration "naïve and anti-Semitic" compared to the [[Richard Nixon]] and [[Gerald R. Ford]] administrations, viewed the access as inevitable. It was the twenty-eighth formal intelligence pact between the nations since the 1950s, many financed "off-the-books" through [[CIA]] contingency funds like [[KK MOUNTAIN]], which funneled millions in cash to [[Mossad]] for its operations as a U.S. surrogate in North Africa and the [[Soviet Union]]. The [[CIA]]'s "embarrassingly inept reporting" on the [[Iranian Revolution]] had already forced American leadership to rely more heavily on Israeli intelligence.
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The strategic value of this satellite access became clear with the [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981. [[Israel]] used American-supplied F-16s to destroy [[Iraq]]'s nuclear reactor in a preemptive strike. While the [[United States]] State Department issued a formal condemnation, President [[Ronald Reagan]] was reported to have privately quipped, "Boys will be boys." The raid asserted [[Israel]]'s policy of preventing any regional rival from acquiring nuclear weapons, a doctrine rooted in the post-[[Holocaust]] principle of "Never again!" The attack was contentious within [[Israel]]; [[Mossad]] director [[Yitzhak Hofi]] and military intelligence chief [[Yehoshua Saguy]] opposed it for lack of evidence of an active Iraqi bomb program and fear of a negative U.S. reaction. [[Menachem Begin]], however, announced the operation and boasted of destroying a secret underground facility at Osirak, a description that actually matched a similar facility in [[Dimona]]. This revealed to U.S. intelligence that [[Israel]] sought KH-11 access not for defense, but for offensive targeting, including potential targets inside the [[Soviet Union]]. This led to a subsequent review of intelligence-sharing protocols, though the flow of imagery to [[Israel]] continued.
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## The Scientist
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The scientific director of [[Israel]]'s bomb project was [[Ernst David Bergmann]], an organic chemist who fled [[Nazi Germany]]. As chairman of [[Israel]]'s [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC), established in 1952, Bergmann publicly advocated for peaceful nuclear research while covertly leading the weapons program. He worked directly with Prime Minister [[David Ben-Gurion]] and his protégé, [[Shimon Peres]], then director general of the [[Ministry of Defense]]. Their goal was an ultimate deterrent for [[Israel]]. To maintain secrecy, the project was financed largely through private contributions from American and European Jews, bypassing standard government appropriations.
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Early research at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]], where Bergmann directed the chemistry division, developed methods for heavy water production and uranium extraction from the phosphate deposits of the [[Negev Desert]]. In November 1954, Bergmann publicly announced the AEC's establishment and its progress in peaceful research. [[Israel]] signed an "Atoms for Peace" agreement with the [[United States]] under President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], which provided a small research reactor at [[Nahal Soreq]] subject to American inspections. [[Ben-Gurion]]'s primary objective, however, remained an independent nuclear capability, driven by the fear of a "second [[Holocaust]]" initiated by Arab states, particularly [[Egypt]] under [[Gamal Abdel Nasser|Nasser]]. Bergmann's dual roles as scientific adviser and director of research for the defense ministry ensured that all scientific work served this strategic imperative. His early work for the [[Hagannah]] during the British Mandate and his connections to scientists like [[Herman F. Mark]] and [[Frederick A. Lindemann]] (Winston Churchill's science adviser) laid the project's foundation. As early as 1947, he told financier [[Abraham Feinberg]], "There's uranium in the desert."
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## The French Connection
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[[France]], seeking its own nuclear deterrent and mired in the Algerian War, became [[Israel]]'s essential partner in the nuclear program. [[Shimon Peres]] and [[Ernst David Bergmann]] leveraged Israeli intelligence on the [[Middle East]] and support for French actions in [[Algeria]] to secure a deal for a large nuclear reactor and a chemical reprocessing plant.
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Construction of the [[Dimona]] reactor, first designated EL 102, began in early 1958. Thousands of French engineers and technicians, alongside North African Jewish laborers, established a large, classified construction site in the [[Negev Desert]]. The project faced internal Israeli opposition due to its high cost and moral implications, but [[Ben-Gurion]]'s support was absolute. French firms, notably [[Saint-Gobain Techniques Nouvelles]] (SGN), were instrumental in constructing the underground reprocessing facility needed to extract weapons-grade plutonium. Financing was handled discreetly, relying on fundraising from Jewish philanthropists to avoid official oversight and international scrutiny.
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The [[Suez Crisis]] solidified the French-Israeli bond. After [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]]'s intervention, which [[Israel]] viewed as a betrayal, French Prime Minister Guy Mollet privately declared of the Israelis, "I owe the bomb to them." This commitment, though never publicized, advanced [[France]]'s own nuclear program and gave [[Israel]] the blueprint for its "[[Force de Frappe]]."
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## First Knowledge
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[[United States]] intelligence detected the construction at [[Dimona]]. The [[CIA]]'s Photographic Intelligence Division, led by [[Arthur C. Lundahl]] and [[Dino A. Brugioni]], began monitoring the site with [[U-2]] overflights in the late 1950s. Initially misidentified as an ammunition-testing range, the scale of the excavation and concrete work soon revealed the signature of a nuclear facility. Brugioni noted the construction was "thick and deep" with "huge or distinctive chimneys," consistent with a nuclear plant.
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President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] and his senior advisors were informed about [[Dimona]] but adopted a policy of deliberate ambiguity. This practice of "looking the other way" continued under subsequent administrations. Aware of the U-2 surveillance, the Israelis employed countermeasures, including using covered trucks for debris removal and planting trees to obscure the site, creating an "Alphonse and Gaston act." The architectural resemblance between [[Dimona]] and [[France]]'s [[Marcoule]] nuclear facility confirmed for American intelligence that [[Israel]] was building a chemical reprocessing plant for producing weapons-grade plutonium. Despite the evidence, the [[United States]] officially remained unable to confirm the reprocessing plant's existence, a result of a deliberate policy of self-censorship within the U.S. government regarding [[Israel]]'s nuclear activities.
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## Internal Wars
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[[Israel]]'s nuclear project faced significant internal opposition. The high cost and diversion of scientific and technical manpower from other sectors sparked fierce debate. Many government officials prioritized conventional military forces, viewing a doomsday weapon as an economic folly for a developing nation. Tensions at the [[Dimona]] site were high, fueled by the perceived arrogance of French engineers and instances of anti-Semitic behavior towards Israeli and North African Jewish laborers. The site's internal "caste system" included hiring North African Jews for 59-day contracts to avoid paying benefits.
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Despite these challenges, [[David Ben-Gurion]], [[Shimon Peres]], and [[Ernst David Bergmann]] forced the project forward. To maintain security, Peres established the Office of Special Tasks, later known by its Hebrew acronym [[LAKAM]]. Its director, [[Binyamin Blumberg]], managed security and recruitment, bypassing bureaucratic obstacles to hire essential scientists. By early 1960, Israeli nuclear physicists and technicians, many trained in [[France]], returned to staff the facility, receiving double pay and subsidized housing in Beersheba. The Israeli government maintained various cover stories for [[Dimona]], claiming it was a seawater desalinization plant or an agricultural research station. Foreign diplomats like Ian Smart accepted these explanations without challenge, allowing the clandestine work to proceed.
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## Going Public
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The secrecy around [[Dimona]] was broken in December 1960 by a leak to the New York Times. Washington correspondent [[John W. Finney]] received the tip from [[John A. McCone]], then chairman of the [[United States]] [[Atomic Energy Commission]] (AEC). McCone, reportedly "mad, sputtering mad" over Israeli deception ("They told us it was a textile plant"), intended to expose the French-built reactor. The orchestrated leak allowed the outgoing [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration to pressure [[Israel]] for an official acknowledgment without direct confrontation.
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In response, [[David Ben-Gurion]] addressed the Knesset on December 21, stating that the [[Dimona]] reactor was "dedicated entirely to peaceful purposes" and would be open to international scholars upon completion. This statement, a deliberate falsehood crafted by [[Shimon Peres]] and his aides, became [[Israel]]'s official public position. Although [[Ernst David Bergmann]]'s connection to a weapons program was widely known, the [[United States]] government formally accepted [[Israel]]'s assurances. A private State Department circular instructed American embassies to "still the atmosphere," institutionalizing the policy of ambiguity.
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## Dual Loyalty
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[[Israel]]'s clandestine nuclear program created a "dual loyalty" dilemma for American Jews in sensitive government roles. [[Lewis Strauss]], former chairman of the [[Atomic Energy Commission (AEC)]], publicly opposed nuclear proliferation while privately supporting [[Israel]]'s nuclear ambitions, a position rooted in his personal experiences with the [[Holocaust]]. Strauss, who insisted his name be pronounced "Straws" to sound assimilated, later used his influence to arrange a fellowship at Princeton for [[Ernst David Bergmann]] after Bergmann's forced resignation from the Israeli AEC.
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Concerns about dual loyalty led to discriminatory practices within U.S. intelligence. The [[CIA]] and [[National Security Agency (NSA)]] barred Jewish personnel from Hebrew language training or assignments related to [[Israel]], fearing "Israeli penetration of America." Despite evidence of financial and technical support for [[Dimona]] from American and European Jews, the [[United States]] government maintained a policy of deliberate ignorance. This self-censorship prevented rigorous scrutiny of the program. The case of [[Zalman Shapiro]], a nuclear fuel processor later investigated for the suspected diversion of enriched uranium to [[Israel]], intensified these concerns.
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## A Presidential Struggle
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The [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] administration engaged in an intense but ultimately futile struggle with [[Israel]] over its nuclear program. President Kennedy, a committed nonproliferation advocate, was opposed by [[David Ben-Gurion]], who was determined to build a nuclear deterrent. [[Abraham Feinberg]], a major Democratic Party fund-raiser, used his political influence to obstruct American inspection efforts at [[Dimona]]. Feinberg advocated for [[Israel]]'s weapons program in direct appeals to senior officials like [[Robert S. McNamara]] and [[Paul H. Nitze]].
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Despite Kennedy's pressure, including formal letters to [[Ben-Gurion]] and the dispatch of an inspection team led by nuclear reprocessing expert [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]], [[Israel]] successfully obstructed meaningful oversight. The Israelis constructed a "Potemkin Village" at [[Dimona]], with a false control room and staged language barriers, to mislead inspectors. Israeli technicians feigned ignorance of Hebrew to avoid answering questions. The American teams were denied full access to critical areas, such as the reactor core, "for safety reasons." This deception allowed [[Israel]]'s program to proceed. Kennedy's appointment of the staunch anti-proliferator [[John McCone]] as [[CIA]] director was a counter-move, but McCone's efforts to gather intelligence on [[Dimona]] also failed.
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## Years of Pressure
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Throughout 1962, President [[John F. Kennedy|Kennedy]] pressed [[David Ben-Gurion]] for nuclear inspections, but was met only with assurances of peaceful intent. Kennedy privately fumed about the "sons of bitches" who "lie to me constantly about their nuclear capability." He made political moves to undermine [[Ben-Gurion]], including a private meeting with Foreign Minister [[Golda Meir]], a critic of [[Ben-Gurion]]'s unilateral approach. In this meeting, Kennedy made an unprecedented private commitment that the [[United States]] would come to [[Israel]]'s aid in the event of an invasion, a guarantee not offered by [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]].
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[[Israel]]'s nuclear program advanced regardless. The [[Dimona]] reactor, which went critical in 1962, operated at over seventy megawatts—far exceeding the publicly stated twenty-four megawatts—thereby increasing its plutonium yield. Work on the chemical reprocessing plant resumed with the help of private French contractors, despite public disavowals from [[Charles de Gaulle]]. Development of the [[Jericho I]] missile, designed for a miniaturized nuclear warhead, also proceeded. [[Ben-Gurion]]'s unyielding position on [[Dimona]], combined with public scandals like the [[Lavon Affair]] and the controversy over West German scientists aiding [[Egypt]]'s missile program, contributed to his resignation in 1963. His successor, [[Levi Eshkol]], was more pragmatic but still faced the challenge of balancing the nuclear program with the country's conventional military needs.
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## The Samson Option
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The "Samson Option" is [[Israel]]'s strategic and psychological doctrine of last-resort nuclear retaliation. Based on the biblical tale of Samson, the doctrine establishes [[Israel]]'s willingness to use its nuclear arsenal if its existence is threatened, ensuring mutual destruction for its enemies. This became the foundation of [[Israel]]'s nuclear deterrent.
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By the mid-1960s, [[Dimona]] was producing weapons-grade plutonium. Israeli sources indicate that at least one low-yield or "zero yield" nuclear test was conducted in the [[Negev Desert]] during this time to validate the weapon assembly system. To deceive inspectors, elite Israeli military units camouflaged underground facilities with fresh sod before American visits. The administration of [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] largely ignored these developments. This tacit acceptance, influenced by Cold War geopolitics, allowed [[Dimona]]'s work to continue. The program's cost, over 10% of [[Israel]]'s military budget, caused internal debate, but proponents like [[Shimon Peres]] and [[Moshe Dayan]] prevailed.
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## Playing the Game
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By the mid-1960s, the [[United States]] government established a fixed policy regarding [[Israel]]'s nuclear program. President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] and his advisors maintained a public stance of nonproliferation while privately accommodating [[Israel]]'s nuclear development. Intelligence analysts understood that detailed reports on [[Israel]]'s capabilities were politically unwelcome.
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Despite intelligence on [[Israel]]'s [[Jericho I]] missile program, including [[CIA]]-developed scale models and warhead designs, official acknowledgment was suppressed. A CIA technical analyst recalled designing notional nuclear, chemical, and high-explosive warheads for the Jericho "as a game" to project [[Israel]]'s capabilities; his official reports were never published. Even [[James Jesus Angleton]], the [[CIA]]'s head of counterintelligence with close ties to [[Israel]], met resistance when he tried to formalize assessments of [[Israel]]'s nuclear status. His reports, though supported by [[U-2]] imagery, were often questioned by analysts who deemed his human intelligence sources unreliable. This systemic denial, driven by political expediency, produced official intelligence estimates that consistently understated the scale and sophistication of [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal.
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## The Ambassador
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From 1961 to 1973, [[Walworth Barbour]], the American ambassador to [[Israel]], executed the [[United States]]' policy of deliberate ignorance. A reclusive diplomat, Barbour received accurate intelligence from his embassy on [[Dimona]]'s progress but ensured this information did not trigger decisive action in Washington. He explained his mission to subordinates as keeping "the Jews off the President's back" by maintaining a stable relationship, even at the cost of strategic clarity.
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The [[CIA]]'s attempts to confirm the existence of [[Dimona]]'s underground reprocessing plant, including through the recruitment of American Jews in [[Israel]], were consistently obstructed. [[Israel]]'s security measures and the overarching U.S. political reluctance to force the issue meant that the full scope of the program remained officially unconfirmed. Barbour's adherence to this policy, including suppressing his own embassy's reports on Israeli warhead development, was central to enabling [[Israel]]'s nuclear secrecy. He rarely met with journalists, operating discreetly to ensure that "no bad news" reached the President.
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## An Israeli Decision
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Following the 1967 [[Six-Day War]], [[Israel]]'s nuclear program gained new momentum. In early December 1967, war hero [[Yigal Allon]] was given a private tour of a new nuclear missile field at Hirbat Zachariah in the Judean Mountains. The shelters, designed to house missiles imported disguised as pipeline sections, reportedly moved Allon to tears. This underscored [[Israel]]'s commitment to a credible deterrent, a need made urgent by [[Charles de Gaulle]]'s post-war arms embargo, which left [[Israel]] feeling isolated.
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Defense Minister [[Moshe Dayan]] became a key proponent of the bomb, arguing that [[Israel]] could not depend on the [[United States]] to deter a Soviet attack. He advocated for mass-producing nuclear weapons targeted at the [[Soviet Union]], similar to [[France]]'s force de frappe strategy. His position was strengthened by intelligence suggesting Soviet nuclear targeting of Israeli cities and by [[Henry Kissinger]]'s assessment that the U.S. would not intervene in a direct Soviet-Israeli conflict. Sometime in early 1968, without a formal cabinet vote, Dayan unilaterally ordered [[Dimona]] into full-scale production. This moment, reportedly celebrated by welding "NEVER AGAIN" onto the first warhead, marked [[Israel]]'s transition to a nuclear power. The acquisition of uranium ore for this phase involved covert operations like the "Plumbat Affair," in which [[Mossad]] agents arranged the secret acquisition of hundreds of tons of uranium from [[Belgium]].
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## A Presidential Gift
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After the 1967 [[Six-Day War]], the [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] administration enabled [[Israel]]'s nuclear program by agreeing to sell advanced F-4 jet fighters to [[Israel]]. Influenced by [[Israel]]'s strategic importance in the [[Cold War]] and lobbying from figures like [[Abraham Feinberg]], Johnson approved the sale over the objections of the [[Pentagon]] and [[State Department]] and without requiring [[Israel]] to sign the [[Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)]]. This was a tacit acceptance of [[Israel]]'s nuclear program.
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By 1968, the [[CIA]] concluded that [[Israel]] possessed at least four nuclear warheads. This assessment was influenced by the analysis of [[Edward Teller]] and suspicions surrounding the alleged disappearance of enriched uranium from the NUMEC plant in [[Apollo, Pennsylvania]]. President Johnson, unwilling to deal with the political fallout of acknowledging [[Israel]]'s nuclear status, ordered this intelligence to be suppressed. This, combined with the F-4 sale, provided [[Israel]] with a delivery system for nuclear weapons. Johnson's decision, made after [[Richard Nixon]] had already won the 1968 election, was seen by some as a "farewell gift" and a repayment of Feinberg's loyalty.
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## The Tunnel
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At the core of [[Israel]]'s nuclear weapons production was "the Tunnel," a secret six-level underground chemical reprocessing plant at [[Dimona]] known as Machon 2. This facility, where [[Mordecai Vanunu]] later worked, was designed to extract weapons-grade plutonium from spent reactor fuel rods. Vanunu's disclosures in 1986, including photographs and detailed descriptions, provided the first hard evidence of [[Israel]]'s advanced nuclear capabilities, including its capacity to manufacture fusion (thermonuclear) weapons, such as low-yield neutron bombs.
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The construction of the Tunnel required advanced engineering, including remote-controlled robotics for handling highly radioactive materials and precision machining of plutonium hemispheres for boosted-fission weapons. The program benefited from related scientific work, such as [[Aharon Katzir]]'s robotics research at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]], which was partially funded by the U.S. Air Force. Vanunu's revelations confirmed not only a fully operational reprocessing plant but a program far more sophisticated than Western intelligence had estimated. He detailed the various "Machons" (buildings) at the complex and described a weekly production of plutonium "buttons," which indicated a reactor operating at approximately five times its officially declared output.
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## Prelude to War
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By 1969, [[Israel]] was a de facto nuclear power, a reality accepted by the incoming administration of [[Richard Nixon|Nixon]] and [[Henry Kissinger|Kissinger]]. Both men were skeptical of the [[Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)]] and considered nuclear weapons a necessary component of [[Israel]]'s security. This policy shift was made clear by the termination of [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]]'s annual inspections of [[Dimona]], giving [[Israel]] an implicit license to continue its program without U.S. oversight.
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The media largely adhered to the official policy of silence. A New York Times story in July 1970, based on a suppressed [[CIA]] estimate from [[Carl Duckett]], reported that the U.S. government had been operating on the assumption of an Israeli bomb for two years; the story received little public or congressional reaction. Despite concerns within the [[State Department]] and [[Pentagon]] about [[Israel]]'s acquisition of sensitive technologies like krytrons (electronic triggers for nuclear devices) and supercomputers (for nuclear simulations), the White House prioritized the strategic alliance. By 1973, [[Israel]]'s arsenal was estimated to include at least twenty warheads. Its delivery systems included missile launchers at Hirbat Zachariah and nuclear-capable F-4 fighters on 24-hour alert at Tel Nof air base. The acquisition of long-range artillery capable of firing miniaturized nuclear shells further diversified its options.
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## Nuclear Blackmail
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The [[Yom Kippur War]] in October 1973 created an existential crisis for [[Israel]]. Facing a devastating initial Arab offensive, [[Moshe Dayan]] and [[Golda Meir]]'s "kitchen cabinet" authorized the arming and targeting of [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal, activating the "Samson Option." This nuclear alert, involving operational missile launchers and specially marked F-4s, was intended to signal to the [[Soviet Union]] that [[Israel]] would not be defeated and to force the [[United States]] to begin an emergency airlift of conventional weapons.
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[[Henry Kissinger]], the newly appointed Secretary of State, was aware of the Israeli nuclear capability. His initial strategy to "let [[Israel]] come out ahead, but bleed" was abandoned in the face of nuclear escalation. In communications with Israeli Ambassador Simcha Dinitz, Kissinger received what he later termed "blackmail"—a clear indication that [[Israel]] was prepared to use nuclear weapons if not resupplied. U.S. intelligence, using [[KH-11]] satellite imagery and intercepted Soviet communications, obtained its first clear view of [[Israel]]'s operational missile launchers at Hirbat Zachariah. Despite this intelligence, the U.S. government maintained its policy of "see no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil," prioritizing crisis management over confronting [[Israel]]'s nuclear status.
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## Injustice
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The suspected diversion of over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium from the NUMEC plant in [[Apollo, Pennsylvania]] by its owner, [[Zalman Shapiro]], remained a key, though unproven, element in the [[CIA]]'s assessment of [[Israel]]'s nuclear program. Intensive investigations by the FBI and congressional committees never produced definitive evidence linking Shapiro to a diversion. Suspicions were fueled by his strong Jewish identity and support for [[Israel]], which fit a "dual loyalty" stereotype held by some in the U.S. intelligence community.
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Shapiro had performed legitimate, secret work for [[Israel]] on methods to protect its [[National Water Carrier]] from terrorist attacks, a project that was misconstrued during the investigation. The NUMEC case highlighted the challenges of nuclear material safeguards and the political biases that can affect intelligence assessments. Although much of the "material unaccounted for" (MUF) was later attributed to contamination within the plant's infrastructure—a common issue in nuclear processing—Shapiro's career was ruined.
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## The Carter Malaise
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The May 1977 victory of [[Menachem Begin]]'s Likud Party marked a shift in [[Israel]]'s public posture. Begin's government was more overtly committed to the "Samson Option" and the necessity of a nuclear arsenal. His administration intensified nuclear targeting plans against the [[Soviet Union]], which increased [[Israel]]'s demand for U.S. satellite intelligence. Despite [[Israel]]'s official denials, the [[United States]] government, under President [[Jimmy Carter]], maintained its policy of non-confrontation and focused on broader [[Middle East]] peace efforts.
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Nuclear cooperation between [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]], which had grown after the 1967 [[Six-Day War]], intensified. [[Israel]] provided nuclear expertise in exchange for South African uranium ore and strategic minerals. This collaboration led to a joint nuclear test in the South Indian Ocean on September 22, 1979, detected by a [[VELA satellite]]. Facing political pressure and seeking to protect its nonproliferation policy, the Carter administration downplayed the event. An official review panel attributed the satellite's detection of a flash to a "zoo event" rather than a nuclear explosion. This official obfuscation, while politically convenient, reinforced the policy of deliberate ignorance and created an "embarrassment" for the U.S. when confronted by countries like [[Pakistan]] about the apparent double standard.
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## An Israeli Test
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The flash detected by the [[VELA satellite]] on September 22, 1979, over the South Indian Ocean was a joint nuclear test by [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]]. According to Israeli sources cited by Hersh, this was the third such test, involving a low-yield nuclear artillery shell. The test was timed to coincide with a storm to avoid satellite detection, but a break in the weather allowed VELA to capture the characteristic double flash of a nuclear explosion and relay the data to U.S. intelligence.
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|
||||
The discovery created a political dilemma for the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration. Public confirmation would have undermined Carter's nonproliferation agenda and caused significant political fallout. An external investigative body, the Ruina panel, was assembled. Its official conclusion was that the event was "probably not from a nuclear explosion," suggesting alternative causes like a "zoo event" or a meteoroid. This conclusion was disputed by nuclear weapons scientists at Los Alamos, whose internal assessments confirmed the event was nuclear. The incident exposed how political priorities can lead governments to manipulate information, even as the [[CIA]]'s own internal reports continued to affirm that a test had occurred.
|
||||
|
||||
## Israel's Nuclear Spy
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jonathan Jay Pollard]], a U.S. Navy intelligence analyst, was [[Israel]]'s first publicly exposed nuclear spy inside the [[United States]] intelligence community. Motivated by ideology and financial compensation, Pollard provided large volumes of highly classified U.S. intelligence. This included critical data on Soviet military targets and air defense systems, information essential for [[Israel]]'s long-range nuclear targeting plans. He was recruited and handled by [[Rafi Eitan]], the head of [[LAKAM]], demonstrating [[Israel]]'s willingness to conduct espionage against its primary ally to obtain intelligence it deemed vital.
|
||||
|
||||
The Pollard affair revealed a significant penetration of U.S. intelligence and suggested that high-level Israeli officials, including Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]], were willing to sanitize and then trade sensitive American intelligence with the [[Soviet Union]]. This operation, driven by [[Israel]]'s strategic calculations and a distrust of American reliability, caused a major diplomatic crisis. Though initially presented by [[Israel]] as a "rogue operation," the scandal exposed the complex and often conflicting interests at play in international intelligence.
|
||||
|
||||
## An Israeli Asset
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1986, the revelations of [[Mordecai Vanunu]] provided an unprecedented view of the [[Dimona]] facility. His detailed testimony and photographs confirmed [[Israel]]'s advanced nuclear capabilities, including the ability to produce thermonuclear weapons. Despite the significance of his disclosures, the international press response was muted. This was partly due to an Israeli intelligence operation that successfully discredited Vanunu's story in the Sunday Mirror, with publisher [[Robert Maxwell]] playing a role in the effort.
|
||||
|
||||
The "Samson Option" doctrine continues to evolve. [[Israel]] has reportedly developed low-yield neutron warheads and advanced missile delivery systems. The launch of [[Israel]]'s first satellite in 1988 increased its strategic independence by reducing its reliance on foreign intelligence for targeting. [[Israel]]'s unacknowledged nuclear arsenal remains a critical component of its national defense strategy and a key factor in the geopolitics of the [[Middle East]].
|
||||
|
||||
## Epilogue
|
||||
|
||||
The dynamics of the Samson Option were demonstrated again during the 1991 [[Persian Gulf War]]. After [[Iraq]] launched Scud missiles at Israeli cities, the government of Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]] responded by moving nuclear-armed mobile missile launchers into exposed positions aimed at [[Iraq]]. This nuclear alert, detected by U.S. satellites, signaled [[Israel]]'s readiness to use its ultimate deterrent. The attacks were ultimately confirmed to be conventional, averting a nuclear response. The Bush administration, while publicly urging restraint, privately acknowledged that no outside power could prevent [[Israel]] from taking actions it deemed necessary for its survival.
|
||||
|
||||
By the mid-1980s, technicians at [[Dimona]] had reportedly manufactured hundreds of low-yield neutron warheads, designed to maximize lethality against troops while minimizing infrastructure damage. This capability, combined with intercontinental ballistic missile technology demonstrated by [[Israel]]'s 1988 satellite launch, established it as a formidable nuclear power. The "Samson Option" was no longer its only nuclear choice; [[Israel]] had developed a diversified arsenal, including nuclear artillery shells and land mines, integrated into its battlefield doctrine. The primary targets of this arsenal were its Arab neighbors. The possibility of nuclear escalation in a future major conflict in the [[Middle East]] had shifted from a last resort to a distinct probability, a final guarantee of "Never again."
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
_Footnotes_
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy. Random House, 1991.
|
||||
26
00 - META/THE INFO WEB.md
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26
00 - META/THE INFO WEB.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
description: This is a living, growing research garden, tended to by disinfo.zone
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- META
|
||||
---
|
||||
Welcome to The Info Web, a living, growing research garden where the threads of esoteric phenomena, hidden government activities, and the unexplained converge. This is an open peek at a private wiki run by [disinfo.zone](https://disinfo.zone), a network graph of developing connections, and a meticulously documented record of events, laid bare for future scrutiny.
|
||||
|
||||
**Are you ready to dive down the rabbit hole?**
|
||||
|
||||
Our effort is to illuminate hidden connections and illegal activities, building an interconnected web of knowledge to better understand the forces shaping our world. We invite you to explore the depths of this vault.
|
||||
|
||||
**Where to begin your journey:**
|
||||
|
||||
- [[KEY INDIVIDUALS]] - Discover the pioneers, psychics, and power players who shaped these hidden histories.
|
||||
- [[KEY ORGANIZATIONS]] - Uncover the government agencies, private entities, and shadowy groups involved in the pursuit of the unknown.
|
||||
- [[KEY PROGRAMS AND PROJECTS]] - Delve into the secret initiatives, from psychic spying to mind control, that pushed the boundaries of human understanding.
|
||||
- [[KEY EVENTS]] - Witness the pivotal moments, from Cold War experiments to modern incidents, that reveal the unfolding narrative.
|
||||
- [[KEY CONCEPTS AND TECH]] - Grasp the scientific theories, esoteric ideas, and advanced technologies that underpin these extraordinary claims.
|
||||
|
||||
For those with a more open perspective of our world and our place within it, try exploring [[THE PHENOMENON]] or [[STARGATE PROJECT]]. For the conspiracy-minded, you may find your starting point with [[SOFTWARE_PROJECTS/PROMIS|PROMIS]].
|
||||
|
||||
Or you can always check the [[CHANGELOG]] to see where research is happening.
|
||||
|
||||
Have a lead? Reach out to void@disinfo.zone.
|
||||
|
||||
A copy of the raw vault can be found at [git.disinfo.zone](https://git.disinfo.zone/disinfozone/The_Info_Web) (among other places).
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abdelaziz Bouteflika.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abdelaziz Bouteflika.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Algeria
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Abdelaziz Bouteflika]] was an [[Algeria|Algerian]] Foreign Minister and a well-respected diplomat. He met with various [[Iran|Iranian]] leaders, including [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini]], in April 1980 to discuss the [[USA|American]] hostage crisis. However, he failed to broker an accord because he was unable to guarantee arms sales to [[Iran]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abdul Salam Jalloud.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abdul Salam Jalloud.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Libya
|
||||
---
|
||||
Major [[Abdul Salam Jalloud]] was the right-hand man of [[Muammar Qaddafi|Col. Muammar Qaddafi]] of [[Libya]]. He visited [[Iran]] to present [[Muammar Qaddafi|Qaddafi's]] congratulations to the new regime after the [[Iranian Revolution]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
During his visit, [[Abdul Salam Jalloud|Jalloud]] was questioned by his [[Iran|Iranian]] hosts about the fate of [[Sheikh Mussa Sadr]], a Shi'ite leader from southern [[Lebanon]], who had disappeared on a visit to [[Libya]] in 1978. The [[Libya|Libyans]] were believed to have killed [[Sheikh Mussa Sadr|Sadr]] for preaching Shi'ite [[Islam]]. [[Abdul Salam Jalloud|Jalloud]] was not allowed to leave [[Iran]] for three weeks until [[Muammar Qaddafi|Qaddafi]] personally intervened and spoke to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abu Nidal.md
Normal file
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abu Nidal.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Terrorist
|
||||
- Palestine
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Abu Nidal]] was a Palestinian terrorist. He was a target of [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence operations. Arms dealers like [[John Knight]] and [[Sidem International Limited]] acquired arms from [[Yugoslavia]] and sold them to [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]], who in turn sold them to [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] and other Palestinian groups. [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] was unaware of [[Anthony Pearson|Pearson's]] [[Israel|Israeli]] connection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] later presented his case to [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] in [[Baghdad]], claiming he had been unwittingly used by [[Anthony Pearson|Pearson]]. [[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] believed his story and put out the word that [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]] was "clean," placing the blame on [[Yasser Arafat|Yasser Arafat's]] group.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Abu Nidal|Nidal]] was also involved in the [[Achille Lauro]] attack in 1985, which was an [[Israel|Israeli]] "black" propaganda operation. [[Rafi Eitan]] passed instructions to [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah|Radi]], who then relayed orders to [[Abul Abbas]] to carry out a cruel attack. [[Abul Abbas|Abbas]] was reportedly receiving millions from [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence officers posing as Sicilian dons.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abul Abbas.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Abul Abbas.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Terrorist
|
||||
- Palestine
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Abul Abbas]] was a Palestinian terrorist. He was involved in the 1985 [[Achille Lauro]] attack, which was an [[Israel|Israeli]] "black" propaganda operation designed to show the world the perceived brutality of Palestinians.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Abul Abbas|Abbas]] received orders from [[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]], who was relaying instructions from [[Rafi Eitan]]. He was reportedly receiving millions from [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence officers posing as Sicilian dons. [[Abul Abbas|Abbas]] gathered a team to attack the cruise ship, with instructions to make the attack severe to highlight Palestinian demands.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Adel Mohammad Atamna.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Adel Mohammad Atamna.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Education
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Palestine
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Adel Mohammad Atamna]] was a Palestinian from the Arab village of Kfar Kara'a, located within the pre-1967 [[Israel|Israeli]] border. He was a student at [[Bar Ilan University]] in 1972, where he became friends with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Adel Mohammad Atamna|Atamna]] invited [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] to teach English at his village high school. Their friendship deepened when [[Adel Mohammad Atamna|Atamna's]] Jewish landlady evicted him for being Arab, leading [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] to offer him his apartment. [[Adel Mohammad Atamna|Atamna]] referred to [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] as his brother.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Adel Mohammad Atamna|Atamna]] was the individual [[SHABAK]] attempted to recruit [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] to spy on, an offer [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] refused.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
43
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agha Hasan Abedi.md
Normal file
43
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Agha Hasan Abedi.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Financier", "BCCI"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Agha Hasan Abedi was a Pakistani financier who founded the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] in 1972, with the intention of creating the Third World's first multinational bank. He is described as a diminutive man, the son of petty bureaucrats, who handcrafted BCCI into one of the most powerful private organizations globally by the early 1980s.[^1] Abedi was a visionary and a romantic, a Muslim who drifted into the secretive Sufi sect, which influenced his unique business style. He incorporated Islamic mysticism into the bank's driving force, emphasizing spiritual progress and a democratic theory of management, which eventually devolved into corruption. He was known for his ability to build relationships with ruling elites and for his philanthropic efforts in the Third World.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
BCCI's growth was fueled by petrodollars, particularly from [[OPEC]] nations, and Abedi was among the first to recognize the opportunity in these vast deposits.[^3] He cultivated relationships with powerful figures, including [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Sheikh Zayed]] of [[Abu Dhabi]], who became a key supporter and later owner of BCCI.[^4] Abedi's strategy involved using nominees and a complex offshore network, primarily in the [[Cayman Islands]], to conceal the bank's true ownership and illicit activities.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
He suffered a heart attack in February 1988, which ended his direct control of BCCI.[^6] He is said to have spent his later years in [[Pakistan]], living quietly in the affluent Defense Officers' Society section of [[Karachi]], entertaining occasional visitors and maintaining his innocence regarding the bank's unraveling. Despite the allegations of fraud and the bank's collapse, Abedi remained a towering figure to many Pakistanis, revered as a courageous Third World entrepreneur.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Early Life and Career
|
||||
|
||||
Born in 1922 in Mahmudabad, [[India]], Abedi grew up in a culture steeped in the Moghul raj and the struggle against British conquest.[^8] His family served the rajahs of Mahmudabad as administrators and private secretaries. He began his banking career in [[Bombay]] at Habib Bank, an Islamic institution.[^9] In 1947, he migrated to Pakistan and in 1959, founded [[United Bank Limited]], which became the third-largest bank in Pakistan under his leadership.[^10] United Bank was known for its innovation, customer service, and lending to small farmers and businesses.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
|
||||
|
||||
Abedi's bank was nationalized by [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] in 1972, leading to Abedi's temporary house arrest.[^12] This event spurred him to establish BCCI with international reach. Despite the political feud, Abedi later found ways to profit from Bhutto's socialist policies, with BCCI becoming a conduit for capital flight from Pakistan.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### Strategic Alliances and Controversies
|
||||
|
||||
Abedi's influence grew through strategic alliances, including with [[Zia ul-Haq|General Zia ul-Haq]], who became a trusted confidant.[^14] BCCI played a significant role in Pakistan's nuclear weapons program, brokering technology and financing.[^15] Abedi's network extended to high-level officials in various countries, often involving bribes, loans, and charitable contributions to gain influence. He cultivated relationships with figures like [[Jimmy Carter]] and [[James Callaghan]], using their prestige to further BCCI's image as a philanthropic institution.[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
BCCI's operations were deeply intertwined with intelligence agencies, including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], and were involved in arms dealing, drug trafficking, and money laundering on a global scale.[^17] Abedi's ability to operate with apparent immunity from law enforcement in the United States was attributed to these high-level connections and a probable cover-up by government officials.[^18]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 18.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 18.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 19.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 155, 163.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 141, 143.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 13.
|
||||
[^7]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 129-130.
|
||||
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 157.
|
||||
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 160.
|
||||
[^10]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 161-162.
|
||||
[^11]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 162.
|
||||
[^12]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 164.
|
||||
[^13]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 320.
|
||||
[^14]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 324.
|
||||
[^15]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 329.
|
||||
[^16]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, pp. 227-228.
|
||||
[^17]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 16.
|
||||
[^18]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 17.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ahmad Madani.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ahmad Madani.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Iran
|
||||
---
|
||||
Admiral [[Ahmad Madani]] was a significant figure in the [[Iran|Iranian]] military and politics. In the 1960s, he was the youngest admiral in the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah's]] navy. He was forced to resign in 1970 due to alleged corruption, though in fact, it was because he was becoming too outspoken in his criticism of the [[Mohammad Reza Pahlavi|Shah's]] regime.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After the [[Iranian Revolution]] in February 1979, [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] restored him to commander of the navy and appointed him defense minister. In April 1979, he left the post of defense minister to become the governor of the strategic [[Khuzistan]] province on the [[Iraq|Iraqi]] border. He remained a close adviser to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini]] on all defense-related matters.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ahmad Madani|Madani]] was defeated by [[Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr]] in the election for the first president of [[Iran]] after the revolution.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Al Girard.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Al Girard.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Al Girard
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Government Official
|
||||
---
|
||||
Al Girard was the replacement for [[Dale Graff]] as the head of the [[Remote Viewing]] unit after Graff's retirement in June 1993. He took over leadership of the program during a period of significant turmoil and decline[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Girard reportedly "thought the unit was totally out of control" and seemed to have inherited a situation "way beyond his comfort level." He was described as the kind of government official who wore a three-piece suit to work, suggesting a more conventional approach to his role[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In the winter of 1994, Girard was involved in the court-martial proceedings against [[David Morehouse]], a former member of the remote-viewing unit. He asked [[Angela Dellafiora]] to accompany him to the [[Pentagon]] to meet with Morehouse's lawyer, and Dellafiora later testified as an expert witness on the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]]'s remote-viewing program during Morehouse's preliminary court-martial hearing[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
18
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alan Bond.md
Normal file
18
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alan Bond.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Australia
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Alan Bond]] was a wealthy [[Australia|Australian]] businessman. He was involved in joint ventures with [[Carlos Cardoen]] and had connections to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s operations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1987, a contribution was made to the West Australian Labor Party from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], involving [[Richard Babayan]] and [[Earl Brian]] acting on behalf of [[Hadron]]. This money was passed on by one of [[Robert Maxwell|Maxwell's]] companies in [[Australia]] to be held by the [[Pergamon Press Trust Fund]] in [[Moscow]]. [[Richard Babayan|Babayan]] handed the check to [[Yosef Goldberg]], who in turn gave it to [[Alan Bond|Bond]] in his role as the guardian of the [[John Curtin Foundation]] funds.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Alan Bond|Bond]] invested loans obtained from various [[Australia|Australian]] banks into [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen's]] construction company in [[Iraq]], which was building a vast "agricultural complex" outside [[Baghdad]]. He also purchased the Chilean phone company from [[Augusto Pinochet|President Pinochet]] for approximately $300 million, making promises of improvements that were not fulfilled.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In late September 1988, an [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence officer briefed the head of [[Australian Security and Intelligence Services|ASIS]] about [[Alan Bond|Bond's]] activities in [[Chile]]. Following this, [[Alan Bond|Bond]] almost immediately pulled out of [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen Industries]] and later out of [[Chile]] altogether.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Alan Bond|Bond]] was convicted of bank fraud in May 1992 and sentenced to two and a half years in prison. He later went bankrupt and became involved in African mining investments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alan Garcia.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alan Garcia.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Peru
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Alan Garcia]] was the President of [[Peru]]. In 1980, he declared the department of [[Ayacucho]] under martial law due to the growing influence of the [[Shining Path]], a Maoist terrorist group led by [[Abimael Guzmán Reynoso]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alice Astor Bouverie.md
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17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alice Astor Bouverie.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
title: Alice Astor Bouverie
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- philanthropist
|
||||
description: Alice Astor Bouverie was an American heiress, philanthropist, and a key financial backer of Andrija Puharich's Round Table Foundation.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Alice Astor Bouverie was an American heiress, philanthropist, and the only daughter of John Jacob Astor IV, who died in the sinking of the RMS Titanic. She was a significant financial supporter of [[Andrija Puharich]]'s paranormal research.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1948, Bouverie became the first major benefactor of Puharich's [[Round Table Foundation]], providing an initial check of $106,000. She served as the organization's first vice president. Her interest in [[ESP]], particularly mental telepathy, stemmed from her father, who wrote science fiction novels about the subject.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
22
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allan Boyak.md
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22
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allan Boyak.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
|
|||
[[Allan Boyak]] is an attorney from [[Utah]] who represented [[Michael Riconosciuto]] in his drug case. Boyak had a background in the [[United States Army Special Forces|U.S. Army Special Forces]] and reportedly did some contract work for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] during the 1960s and early 1970s. He also worked briefly for the [[Drug Enforcement Administration|DEA]] (or its antecedent agency) in [[California]] before leaving government service to attend law school.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After law school, Boyak joined a Hollywood law firm and became involved in criminal defense work, representing a number of "well placed West Coast drug traffickers." He later moved to [[Utah]], maintaining a part-time law practice in [[California]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Boyak maintained contacts and performed legal work for former colleagues from his Green Beret and [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] days, including [[Art Suchesk]], who ran a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] proprietary company called Hoffman Electronics.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Involvement with Robert Booth Nichols
|
||||
|
||||
Boyak became involved with [[Robert Booth Nichols]] when one of his clients, [[Cap Kressop]], a technical wizard, was approached by Nichols to manufacture a prototype laser site for a rifle. Kressop became suspicious when Nichols offered to pay him $200,000 in cash. Boyak contacted Nichols at his Marina Del Rey home/office, and their meeting was continuously interrupted by telephone calls and telex messages. Boyak became convinced that Nichols was involved in large-scale illegal drug operations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After consulting with [[Dexter Leitenen]], then an assistant [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]], Boyak went to the Los Angeles [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] office with his suspicions about Nichols' activities. However, an [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] background check on Nichols, reportedly conducted by [[Ted Gunderson]], found him "squeaky clean." Boyak later discovered that [[Harold Okimoto]], whom Nichols referenced as a business associate and personal friend, was believed by some of Boyak's sources to be a top Japanese organized crime figure based in [[Hawaii]] and a top agent in the [[Yakuza]] overseas.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Over the next two years, after the Los Angeles [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] dropped its interest in Nichols, Boyak's friend [[Art Suchesk]] repeatedly encountered Nichols in places like [[Singapore]], the [[Philippines]], and [[Taiwan]]. Boyak stated that information developed during this period indicated that Nichols was indeed a "bigtime drug dealer" who operated exclusively overseas and was well-insulated from U.S. law enforcement problems. Boyak described Nichols' rum importing business as a cover for large-scale heroin trafficking from the [[Golden Triangle]]. Nichols was also named as "Mr. Big" in the [[Medellin Cartel]] in drug prosecutions in [[Utah]] and [[Los Angeles]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connection to Michael Riconosciuto
|
||||
|
||||
Boyak received a telephone call from [[Michael Riconosciuto]] who identified himself as a former employee of [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and referenced [[Ted Gunderson]] as a "mutual friend." In April 1991, Boyak received another call from Gunderson, informing him that [[Michael Riconosciuto]] was "in trouble" and "caught in a government frame-up."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allan H. Frey.md
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20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allan H. Frey.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Allan H. Frey
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Biologist
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
---
|
||||
# Allan H. Frey
|
||||
|
||||
Allan H. Frey is a biologist known for his research into the effects of microwave radiation on the human body. Since 1960, he has worked on both classified and unclassified [[Department of Defense]] contracts, including those with the [[Office of Naval Research]] and the [[U.S. Army]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In 1961, Frey discovered a radical new technology, later termed [[Synthetic Telepathy]], where a microwave input signal allowed the brain to perceive a message as a voice transmission, even though it was a microwave beam. He posited that living organisms are "complex electrochemical systems that evolved over billions of years in a world with a relatively simple weak magnetic field." His work focused on understanding the effects of [[Electromagnetic Energy|electromagnetic energy]] on biological systems, noting that the world now "glows with electromagnetic (em) energy emissions"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Frey criticized the "glib assumptions that government scientists had a complete understanding of the nervous system function," arguing that such assumptions were wrong and led to misunderstandings in the field[^1]. He also highlighted the issue of atrocious translations in Russian papers on this subject, which often led to their rejection as "uninterpretable"[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
His research added further resonance to the mysterious links between [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]], [[Psychokinesis|PK]], and [[Electromagnetic Weapons]], which were actively studied by the [[Soviet Union|Russians]]. In the late 1960s, Frey reported that he could speed up, slow down, or stop an excised frog heart by synchronizing the pulse rate of a microwave beam with the heart itself, an experiment that echoed what [[Ninel Kulagina]] was reported to have done with her mind[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allen Dulles.md
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11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Allen Dulles.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Allen Dulles served as the Director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1953 to 1961. He, along with his brother [[John Foster Dulles]], the Secretary of State, were infuriated by [[Israel]]'s attempt to mask the extent of its military buildup prior to the 1956 [[Suez Crisis]]. He was regularly present at White House briefings where intelligence from [[U-2 Spy Plane|U-2]] flights, including early information on [[Dimona]], was presented.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 4.
|
||||
36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alvin Ash.md
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36
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Alvin Ash.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2024-04-26
|
||||
updated: 2024-08-21
|
||||
title: Alvin Ash
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Military Service
|
||||
- Vietnam War
|
||||
- Retired Life
|
||||
description: Alvin Wilson Ash, a retired U.S. Army Lt. Colonel, served in WWII, Korea, and Vietnam, earning commendations. Post-military, he worked in IT and raised a family, leaving a legacy of service and dedication.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Alvin Wilson Ash, Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army Retired, 97, of Charlottesville, Virginia, died peacefully at sunrise on Sunday, July 7, 2019, at Westminster Canterbury of the Blue Ridge, Charlottesville, Va.
|
||||
|
||||
Alvin Wilson Ash was born July 30, 1921, in New York, New York. He was the son of Mary Gladys Wilson Ash and Saul Ash and lived in the Bronx. In 1926, his family moved to Chicago, where Alvin attended elementary and Nicholas Senn HS. His accomplishments in high school included becoming an Eagle Scout and an ROTC Cadet Lt. Colonel.
|
||||
|
||||
After graduating high school in 1939, he went to the University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana in the ROTC program. In July, 1940, Alvin enlisted in the [[U.S. Army]] and attended the Preparatory School at Fort Sheridan, Ill. hoping to receive an appointment to the United States Military Academy at West Point. In 1941, he was assigned to the 12th Bombardment Group of the Army Air Corps at McChord Field, Wash. where he was first sergeant of a B17 Squadron. In June 1943, he received appointment to West Point.
|
||||
|
||||
After graduation in 1946, Alvin was assigned to the Field Artillery School at Fort Sill, Okla. for anti-aircraft gun training. Shortly after, he was sent on his first tour of duty to Yokohama, Japan as a second lieutenant of artillery. Alvin grew to appreciate the culture and people of Japan and even came to know Prince and Princess Mikasa personally. While in Japan, Alvin decided to become a paratrooper and upon returning to the U.S. attended parachute jump school in Fort Benning, Ga., where he was assigned to the 11th Airborne Division.
|
||||
|
||||
In 1951, Alvin jumped behind Communist Lines with the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team as the Public Information Officer (PIO). His role was to manage embedded correspondents and control the messaging that was published.[^1] His unit was one of the first to jump into North Korea.
|
||||
|
||||
After a year in Korea, Alvin returned to the United States and married his first wife, Kay Smith Sexton. Together they had two children, Scottie Karen Ash Nicholson and Robert Wilson Ash.
|
||||
|
||||
Other military duties included serving for three years in the 504th Field Artillery Battalion in the Panama Canal Zone and assigned as an Asst. Professor of Military Science and Tactics at Louisiana State University. After completing Air Ground Operations School (Combat Operations) he and his family were stationed at Fort Bragg, N.C. where he received training at Special Warfare School. He also attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and Civil Affairs School, which prepared him for deployment to Vietnam in 1962. While in Saigon, Al was attached to the U.S. Embassy in the Special Warfare Branch. In Vietnam, he received a Medal of Commendation for Meritorious Service.
|
||||
|
||||
After returning from Vietnam, Alvin was stationed at Ft. Belvoir, Va. and assigned to the [[Advanced Tactics Projects]] (Intelligence Division). In December of 1964, Al retired as a Lt. Colonel after serving 24 years in the military. Transitioning to civilian life involved working at Woodward and Lothrop and taking night classes at George Washington University.
|
||||
|
||||
At GWU, he met Elfie Hornung Lucarelli, who eventually became his second wife. Alvin and Elfie married in 1967, and lived in Great Falls, Va. Together they raised a daughter, Nina Lucarelli Ash Donohoe.
|
||||
|
||||
Other jobs as a civilian included working as a programmer and system analyst for [[Computer Usage Company]] and helped develop [[PROMIS]] for the [[U.S. Attorney's office]] DC. Al also worked for [[LEAA]] in the Dept. of Justice. In this role, Alvin sat on the advisory board for [[INSLAW]].
|
||||
|
||||
Alvin was a close personal friend of [[Bill Hamilton]].
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
#### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: https://www.google.com/books/edition/Striking_Back/VkpyN7bViV0C?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=alvin%20ash
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amin Gamayel.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amin Gamayel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Amin Gamayel]] served as the president of [[Lebanon]], succeeding his brother [[Bashir Gemayel]] who was assassinated before taking office. His family, the Gamayels, were a powerful Christian family who sought outside forces for money, guns, and political support, notably turning to the international heroin trafficking network.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Gamayel received a letter from [[George K. Pender]], President of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]], dated July 12, 1983, discussing [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]'s interest in arranging financing for the redevelopment of [[Lebanon]]. The letter also mentioned Pender's previous visits to Beirut and meetings with figures like [[Maurice Ghanem]] and Mourad Baroudy. Pender's letter listed [[Robert Booth Nichols]]' telex number for responses.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
28
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amjad Awan.md
Normal file
28
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amjad Awan.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Banker", "BCCI"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Amjad Awan was a manager of [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] [[Panama]] and later the bank's marketing manager for Latin America and the Caribbean.[^1] He gained notoriety as [[Manuel Noriega]]'s personal banker, handling his accounts and facilitating illicit financial transactions.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in BCCI's Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Awan was deeply involved in BCCI's efforts to hide illicit financial transactions and manage accounts for high-net-worth criminal clients.[^3] He facilitated the movement of money for drug cartels and maintained a close relationship with Noriega, who was looting his own country.[^4] Awan also told investigators that BCCI secretly owned and controlled [[First American Bank]] and other United States banks.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1988, Awan was arrested by American Customs agents in Tampa, Florida, as part of a sting operation targeting money laundering and narcotics trafficking.[^6] He was convicted of money laundering but never testified at his trial.[^7] Despite his conviction, Awan's testimony and cooperation with investigators were crucial in revealing the extent of BCCI's criminal enterprise.
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections and Legal Proceedings
|
||||
|
||||
Awan's connections extended to high-level figures within BCCI and beyond. He was in contact with [[Swaleh Naqvi]], BCCI's chief operating officer, and was advised by [[Clark Clifford]] and [[Robert Altman]], BCCI's chief American counsel, to shred documents and leave the United States.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
His case was part of a larger investigation into BCCI's money laundering activities, which eventually led to the bank pleading guilty in Tampa in 1990.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 8.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 8.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 27.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 27.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 28.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 13.
|
||||
[^7]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 32.
|
||||
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 41.
|
||||
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 13.
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amos Deshalit.md
Normal file
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Amos Deshalit.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- Physicist
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
---
|
||||
Amos Deshalit was a prominent Israeli physicist who headed the physics division at the [[Weizmann Institute of Science]]. He was considered a quantum researcher in the same class as [[J. Robert Oppenheimer]] and [[Niels Bohr]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Deshalit was closely involved with [[Dimona]], [[Israel]]'s nuclear facility. He was one of the former commissioners of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission who, despite initial departures due to funding issues, ended up being closely involved with the nuclear programs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 2.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Andrew J. Goodpaster.md
Normal file
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Andrew J. Goodpaster.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Andrew J. Goodpaster was an American Army General who served as military aide to President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] and later to President [[Richard M. Nixon]]. He recalled that diplomatic exchanges between Eisenhower and [[David Ben-Gurion]] regarding [[Dimona]] were "very closely held" and not available even to close subordinates at the time. While there was presidential concern about "what they were doing at [[Dimona]]," Goodpaster could not remember any "specific exchange about a nuclear umbrella."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 4.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Angelo Commito.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Angelo Commito.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Angelo Commito]] was an individual who was under investigation in 1987 for various suspected offenses, including extortion, insider trading (MCA/Universal), the purchase and sale of narcotics/controlled substances, and the allocation and use of the proceeds of its trafficking. His name appeared in [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap affidavits related to the investigation of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] and its alleged ties to organized crime.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anthony Eden.md
Normal file
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anthony Eden.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- UK
|
||||
---
|
||||
Anthony Eden was the Prime Minister of the [[United Kingdom]] from 1955 to 1957. He was involved in the secret planning for the [[Suez Crisis]] in 1956, alongside [[Israel]] and [[France]]. The battle plan called for [[Israel]] to initiate the attack, followed by demands from [[France]] and [[Britain]] for a halt to hostilities and withdrawal from the [[Suez Canal]]. When [[Egypt]] refused, [[France]] and [[England]] would launch assaults to occupy the canal.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eden, however, became anxious by the fast pace of the Israeli Army and the [[United Nations]] ceasefire call. He was the first to break ranks and ordered his troops to cease firing after the [[Soviet Union]] issued what was perceived in [[Israel]] to be a nuclear ultimatum. This decision, made under extreme pressure from the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]] administration and the opposition Labor Party at home, led to [[Britain]]'s withdrawal from the conflict.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 3.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anthony Fratianno.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anthony Fratianno.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Anthony Fratianno]] was an alleged mobster mentioned in a surveillance report from the Indio Police Department in August 1981. He was observed meeting with [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], the Cabazon Administrator, and other [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures. These meetings were believed to involve financial transactions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Antonio Savasta.md
Normal file
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Antonio Savasta.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Antonio Savasta
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Terrorist
|
||||
- Red Brigades
|
||||
---
|
||||
Antonio Savasta was a member of the [[Red Brigades]], a Marxist-Leninist paramilitary group responsible for the kidnapping of Brigadier General [[James L. Dozier]] in Verona, [[Italy]], on December 17, 1981[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Savasta was present in the apartment where Dozier was held captive. When Italian Special Forces stormed the apartment to rescue Dozier, Savasta was holding a gun to the General's head. However, before he could pull the trigger, a commando hit him from behind with the butt of a machine gun, knocking him to the floor. This action led to Dozier's successful rescue after 42 days in captivity[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anwar Sadat.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Anwar Sadat.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Egypt
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Anwar Sadat]] was the President of [[Egypt]]. In 1978, he successfully concluded the [[Camp David Accords|Camp David summit]] with Israeli Prime Minister [[Menachem Begin]], a significant step towards peace in the [[Middle East]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
He was informed by the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] about [[Israel|Israel's]] attitude towards a comprehensive peace settlement in the [[Middle East]], following [[Golda Meir|Golda Meir's]] meeting with [[Leonid Brezhnev]] in 1972. This intelligence may have prompted [[Anwar Sadat|Sadat]] to launch a war against [[Israel]] in 1973 to force them to the peace table.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Anwar Sadat|Sadat]] and [[Menachem Begin]] later developed a face-saving formula over the Palestinian issue, leading to the [[Camp David Accords]]. [[Anwar Sadat|Sadat]] was primarily interested in regaining the [[Sinai Desert|Sinai]] for [[Egypt]] and was not keen on the [[Gaza Strip]] due to its large Palestinian population.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991.
|
||||
66
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ari Ben-Menashe.md
Normal file
66
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ari Ben-Menashe.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,66 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
- Iran
|
||||
- ArmsTrade
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] is a self-proclaimed [[Israel|Israeli]] military intelligence officer, born in Tehran, [[Iran]] in 1951 to affluent Iraqi Jewish parents. He is multilingual, speaking Arabic, English, French, Farsi, Hebrew, and Spanish. His father, Gourdji, was involved with [[LEHI]] (Stern Gang) and knew [[Yitzhak Shamir]].
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Menashe moved to Israel in 1966 at age 14. In 1969, while on [[Kibbutz Mishmar Hasharon]], he was involved in the [[Michael Dennis Rohan]]/[[El Aqsa Mosque]] arson incident. He was recruited by [[SHABAK]] in 1972 but refused to spy on his friends.
|
||||
|
||||
He was drafted into military service in 1974, assigned to [[Unit 8200]] (Signals Intelligence) on the Iranian desk, where he claims to have broken the Iranian diplomatic code. In 1976, he was involved in uncovering a [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribe scandal involving [[Shimon Peres]]. He refused an assignment to the Rome listening station in 1977, was court-martialed, and subsequently released from military service.
|
||||
|
||||
In August 1977, he joined the External Relations Department of the [[Israel Defense Forces]]/Military Intelligence (IDF/MI/ERD) as a civilian. He became a Middle East commuter, serving as a liaison with Iranian intelligence ([[SAVAK]]) and exchanging technical information, such as [[Chobham armor]].
|
||||
|
||||
In 1977, he met [[Mahmoud Amirian]] (Tudeh Party) and [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]] (Shi'ite opposition) at Tehran University, and warned Israeli intelligence of an impending Iranian Revolution in 1978. In March 1978, he undertook a mission to [[Nicaragua]] to establish communication with the [[Sandinista National Liberation Front|Sandinistas]], where he met [[Marie Fernanda]] (Freddie), who later became pregnant with their daughter, Herut. The [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] dismissed his warnings about Iran in April 1978.
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1978, he was involved in a plan to assassinate [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini]] (with [[Rafi Eitan]] and Col. Assaf Heftez). [[Ruth Ben-David]] acted as an emissary between [[Menachem Begin]] and Ayatollah Khomeini in December 1978. The Shah left Iran in January 1979, and F-14 jets were flown out by Israeli aircrews. [[Mehdi Bazargan]] became Prime Minister of Iran, facing a power struggle with extremists. Ben-Menashe noted the growing Iraqi threat to Iran under [[Saddam Hussein]] and Israeli concerns.
|
||||
|
||||
He attended an Israel-[[USA|U.S.]] intelligence exchange conference in September 1979, where he criticized the U.S. attitude (including [[Jack Varona]], [[Robert Gates]], and [[Stansfield Turner]]). Following the [[USA|U.S.]] Embassy hostage crisis in November 1979, he observed [[Jimmy Carter]]'s handling of the situation and the involvement of the [[Hashemi brothers]] in arms sales for hostages.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Miles Copeland]]'s group of CIA-connected officers, along with [[William Casey]], [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Earl Brian]], became involved in secret negotiations with the Iranians. [[David Kimche]] (Mossad Tevel) initiated a secret arms supply to Iran via [[South Africa]] in September 1979. [[Rafi Eitan]] established a network with Senator [[John Tower]], [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Earl Brian]].
|
||||
|
||||
The first Madrid meeting (March 1980) involved [[Mehdi Karrubi]], [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]], [[Ahmed Omshei]], [[William Casey]], [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Donald Gregg]]. [[Shimon Peres]] also secretly met with Karrubi. The sale of tires to Iran in April 1980 led to [[Jimmy Carter]]'s anger. The [[Operation Eagle Claw]] rescue mission failed in April 1980.
|
||||
|
||||
A second Madrid meeting in May 1980 included [[Mehdi Karrubi]], [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]], [[Ahmed Omshei]], [[Khosro Fakhrieh]], [[William Casey]], [[Robert Gates]], [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Earl Brian]], where Republicans were observed delaying hostage release for political gain. The [[KGB]] made inquiries about Israeli intelligence in 1980. The Israeli Cabinet issued a directive in August 1980 to cooperate with the Republican camp.
|
||||
|
||||
An Amsterdam meeting in August 1980 involved [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]], Iranian officials, and [[Cyrus Husseinzadeh]] (SAVAMA), where an Iranian shopping list was presented. The Iraqi invasion of Iran occurred in September 1980. A fourth Madrid/Barcelona meeting involved [[George Bush]] and [[Mehdi Karrubi]].
|
||||
|
||||
A Paris meeting in October 1980 included [[George Bush]], [[William Casey]], [[Mehdi Karrubi]], [[Robert Gates]], [[George Cave]], [[Donald Gregg]], [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Rafi Eitan]], [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], and [[Simon Gabbay]], where the hostage release deal was sealed.
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Menashe received $56 million in [[Guatemala]] in December 1980 from a Saudi ambassador ([[Faissal Ghows]]), with $4 million designated for [[Earl Brian]] and $52 million for [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]], indicating money laundering. He met [[Robert Gates]] at Miami airport for the money transfer. Profits from tire and wheelbase sales ($956,000) were used to initiate a slush fund. The hostages were released on [[Ronald Reagan]]'s inauguration day, January 20, 1981.
|
||||
|
||||
In the fall of 1980, the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] was formed to supply arms to Iran, with initial members including [[David Kimche]], [[Shmuel Morieh]], [[Uri Simchoni]], [[Moshe Hebroni]], [[Rafi Eitan]], and [[Ari Ben-Menashe]].
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1981, at a Vienna arms supply conference, a $1 billion deal was struck for F-4 parts, artillery shells, mortars, AK-47s, air-to-surface missiles, Chieftain tank engines, and C-130s. Ben-Menashe made his first trip to post-revolutionary Tehran in February 1981 under the alias "William Grace," meeting Iranian Defense Ministry officials and the Air Force commander. Concerns about the Iraqi nuclear reactor ([[Tammuz 17]]) were raised, leading to Israeli intelligence gathering and a Mossad operation to plant a homing device.
|
||||
|
||||
A meeting in southern France in March 1981 between [[Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr]] and [[Moshe Arens]] fixed June 7 for the reactor attack. The [[Israel Air Force]] attacked [[Tammuz 17]] on June 7, 1981, with pilots including Col. [[Yoram Eitan]] and [[Yair Shamir]]. Weapons flights from Ben-Gurion Airport to Tehran, via Argentinean charters, began in March 1981. A [[KGB]] inquiry about the flights led to a Soviet shootdown of a cargo plane in July 1981. Ben-Menashe's relationship with [[Marie Fernanda]] continued, and their daughter Herut was born.
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Ora Group]] was formed as a flagship for the slush fund. A New York operation on John Street was established for electronic equipment, but it was compromised when a Swiss woman leaked information to [[Leslie M. Gelb]] of the New York Times. [[Rafi Eitan]] used South African intelligence to deal with the Swiss woman.
|
||||
|
||||
A strategic [[USA|U.S.]]/Israeli agreement (involving [[Ariel Sharon]], [[Robert Gates]], and [[Robert McFarlane]]) allowed the resale of older [[USA|U.S.]] arms. Money from arms sales was routed through [[USA|U.S.]] banks (Chicago-Tokyo Bank, Chemical Bank, Bank One, Valley National Bank of Arizona). Smokescreen operations involved private arms brokers like [[John Hortrich]] (alias John de Laroque) and [[Bernard Velliot]]. [[Nicholas Davies]], foreign editor of the London Daily Mirror, was recruited by [[Mossad]].
|
||||
|
||||
A [[TOW missile]] deal in 1983 involved [[Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani]] and [[Sayeed Mehdi Kashani]], with a deception campaign involving [[Arieh Jacobson]] and [[Abraham Bar David]]. A T-80 tank was acquired from Iran in 1985. The slush fund financed the [[Likud Party]] (under [[Yitzhak Shamir]] and [[Ehud Ulmart]]) and "black" operations.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Mohammed Radi Abdullah]], a former Jordanian Army Colonel, was involved in "black" operations, selling arms to Palestinian groups like [[Abu Nidal]] for intelligence. The [[Achille Lauro]] attack in 1985 is described as an Israeli "black" propaganda operation. Contributions were made to [[AIPAC]] and the Jewish Reform Movement (Conservative Party in Britain). The [[Mossad]] European headquarters moved to London in 1982.
|
||||
|
||||
During the [[Falklands War]], Israel froze arms sales to [[Argentina]], and the [[United Kingdom|UK]] reimbursed Israel. [[Australia]] was used for "parking purposes" for C-130s from [[Vietnam]], artillery shells from [[North Korea]], [[TOW missile]]s, and [[Silkworm missile]]s from [[China]].
|
||||
|
||||
A contribution was made to the West Australian Labor Party in February 1987 from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] (involving [[Richard Babayan]], [[Earl Brian]], [[Hadron]], [[Yosef Goldberg]], [[Alan Bond]], [[John Curtin Foundation]], [[Robert Maxwell]], and the Pergamon Press Trust Fund).
|
||||
|
||||
After [[Danny Casolaro]]'s death, Ben-Menashe called [[Bill Hamilton]], the president of [[INSLAW]] Company. Hamilton had been in daily contact with Casolaro until about a week prior to his death. Ben-Menashe claimed that two [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agents from Lexington, Kentucky, had been en route to Martinsburg to meet Casolaro as part of their investigation into the sale of the [[PROMIS]] software to [[Israel]] and other intelligence agencies. He told Hamilton that one of the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agents, [[E.B. Cartinhour]], was disaffected because his superiors had refused to indict high [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] officials for their role in the [[October Surprise]]. Ben-Menashe claimed the agents were prepared to give Casolaro proof that the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] was illegally using [[PROMIS]] software.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In two affidavits dated February 17, 1991, and March 21, 1991, submitted to the Bankruptcy Court, Ben-Menashe claimed to have personal knowledge of Brian's involvement in the international distribution of PROMIS. He alleged that Brian made a presentation in 1987 to the External Relations Department of the [[Israel Defense Forces]] to facilitate the use of PROMIS, stating that Brian owned the rights and had been allowing the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], [[NSA]], DOJ, and [[Mossad|Israeli intelligence]] communities to use it since 1982. He also claimed Brian sold PROMIS to the Israeli government in 1987 and that he was told in 1989 of a sale of PROMIS by Brian to Iraqi Military Intelligence. His second affidavit described a 1982 meeting where [[Rafael Eitan]] allegedly received PROMIS from Brian and [[Robert McFarlane]] for the Israeli Defense Force's Signals Intelligence unit. The House Committee Report also indicated Ben-Menashe described the 1987 sale of "Enhanced PROMIS" to the Israeli intelligence community and the [[Singapore]] Armed Forces, and claimed knowledge of a "public domain" version of PROMIS being sold by the Israeli government to the [[Soviet Union]], and an "enhanced version" to [[Canada]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
However, the Special Counsel's investigation found Ben-Menashe's claims to be largely incredible. In meetings with the Special Counsel, Ben-Menashe told a different story, stating he had no knowledge of the transfer of Inslaw's proprietary software by Brian or DOJ. He claimed the "PROMIS" he referred to in his affidavits was not Inslaw's PROMIS, but rather a program developed and enhanced by the [[NSA]] called "[[Milon]]" (phonetic), which he stated was a computer program used to compile dictionaries. He insisted this "other PROMIS" was developed by NSA independently of [[INSLAW|Inslaw's]] program and years before Inslaw's formation. He admitted that he allowed the Hamiltons and others to "assume" he was referring to Inslaw's PROMIS to promote his book, *Profits of War: Inside the secret U.S. - Israel Arms Network* (1992).[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The Special Counsel's investigation, as well as two congressional investigations (the October Surprise Task Force and the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations), extensively examined Ben-Menashe's credibility and found him to be "totally lacking in credibility," "fabricated," "demonstrably false from beginning to end," and "riddled with inconsistencies and factual misstatements." The October Surprise Task Force specifically found no evidence to substantiate his allegations regarding a trip to Iran by Robert McFarlane and Earl Brian. The NSA also confirmed that their PROMIS program (Product Related On-line Management Information System) was unrelated to Inslaw's PROMIS, written in a different language (M204 vs. COBOL), and served different purposes. The Special Counsel concluded that Ben-Menashe's testimony offered no support for the allegation that DOJ and Earl Brian conspired to steal and distribute Inslaw's software.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
[^3]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
29
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arif Durrani.md
Normal file
29
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arif Durrani.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Arms Dealer", "Pakistan", "BCCI"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Arif Durrani was a [[Pakistan|Pakistani]] arms dealer convicted of illegally providing HAWK antiaircraft missile parts to [[Iran]].[^1] He was the son of an army general.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arms Dealing and BCCI Connections
|
||||
|
||||
Durrani was described as a wealthy arms merchant who traveled the world in luxury.[^3] He admitted to supplying Iran with arms and stated that he was part of a joint operation conducted by the [[United States]] and [[Israel]] to release American hostages in the [[Middle East]].[^4] He met with a U.S. official named [[Oliver North]] to obtain HAWK parts.[^5] His arrest on October 3, 1986, occurred one month before the U.S. government's secret arms-for-hostages deal with Tehran was revealed.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
Durrani had close connections to the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]], knowing [[Agha Hasan Abedi]] personally and having his operations financed by the bank.[^7] He grew up in [[Karachi]] with many of the men who became BCCI executives and worked with them from the beginning of his career as an arms dealer.[^8] He stated that BCCI basically funded operations on instructions from the government of [[Pakistan]], including the construction of a Mirage factory.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
He outlined BCCI's and [[Asaf Ali]]'s weapons deals across the globe, from [[Bulgaria]] to [[Nigeria]].[^10] Durrani also stated that BCCI steered some of his business to [[First American Bank]] in [[New York]], considering BCCI and First American Bank interchangeable for financial transactions.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
Until his arrest, Durrani was the managing director of Merex, a California arms firm that supplied the Israelis.[^12]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 9.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 321.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 304.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
[^7]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 306.
|
||||
[^10]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 306.
|
||||
[^11]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 306.
|
||||
[^12]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 305.
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arigo.md
Normal file
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arigo.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Arigo
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Psychic Healer
|
||||
---
|
||||
# Arigo
|
||||
|
||||
Arigo was a Brazilian psychic healer who gained widespread notoriety for reportedly performing major surgeries with a pocketknife, without anesthesia, stitches, or antibiotics, and without causing any pain. His extraordinary abilities attracted the attention of [[Andrija Puharich]], who became obsessed with documenting his work[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In early 1963, [[Henry Belk]], a benefactor of Puharich's research, proposed that Puharich investigate Arigo in Brazil. Puharich, convinced of Arigo's authenticity, spent the next seven years shuttling between Ossining and Brazil, meticulously documenting Arigo's "surgeries" on 8mm film[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Puharich attempted to interest his military clients in sponsoring his research on Arigo, outlining the potential for "psychic healing on the battlefield." However, no government sponsor took the bait[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arnold Burns.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arnold Burns.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Arnold Burns]] was the Deputy [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] and [[Edwin Meese]]'s second in command. He, along with [[William F. Weld]], complained about [[Edwin Meese]] to [[Howard Baker]], then [[Ronald Reagan]]'s chief of staff. Burns and Weld were reportedly frustrated by being undermined and sidestepped in Meese's office regarding investigations of Meese's friends.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Burns and Weld submitted their resignations to President [[Ronald Reagan]] on March 29, 1988, after meeting with [[Howard Baker]]. This was part of an unprecedented mass exodus from the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]], signaling a complete loss of faith in the department. [[Senator Robert Byrd]] called Meese "the crown jewel of Reagan's sleaze factor" and demanded his resignation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arthur Welmas.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Arthur Welmas.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Arthur Welmas]] was the Tribal Chairman of the [[Cabazon Band of Mission Indians]]. He signed a letter on behalf of [[Jimmy Hughes]] to the Army Discharge Review Board, requesting Hughes' military record to obtain security clearances for his work in the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]]/[[Wackenhut Corporation]] Joint Venture.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Chasen]], Executive Vice President of [[Wackenhut Corporation]], felt an affinity with Welmas due to his wife being part Cherokee. Chasen sympathized with the Cabazons' situation and expressed a desire to protect them, suggesting he may have done so by shutting down the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]'s biological virus and vaccine development proposal to the Army on the Cabazon reservation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Asaf Ali.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Asaf Ali.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Arms Dealer", "Pakistan", "BCCI"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Asaf Ali is a Pakistani multimillionaire and arms dealer, closely associated with [[Agha Hasan Abedi]] and the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]]. He is described as a key figure in the Middle Eastern arms business, often brokering deals that involved governments and intelligence agencies.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Ali was known for his ability to make things happen in the arms trade, particularly when principals in a transaction preferred not to be seen doing business together. He was deeply involved in BCCI's operations, which facilitated arms sales, drug trafficking, and money laundering on a global scale.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Arms Deals
|
||||
|
||||
Ali was the agent for [[Dassault]], the French Mirage factory, and was instrumental in the sale of Mirage jets to [[Pakistan]], [[Abu Dhabi]], and [[Libya]].[^3] He also brokered the sale of forty-nine Mirage 2000s to [[India]] and arranged for a similar number of new and used Mirages for Pakistan.[^4] His involvement extended to other significant arms transactions, including the sale of OE-40 Mark 2 main battle tanks from Italian manufacturer [[Oto Melarato]] to Abu Dhabi, S-23 150mm artillery guns from [[North Korea]] for [[Dubai]], and ASTROS II battlefield multiple-rocket launchers from [[Brazil]] to both [[Iran]] and [[Iraq]].[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
He was also involved in the sale of Argentine TAM battle tanks to Iran in 1989, and supplied Iraq with French-made Roland antiaircraft missile systems and G6 mobile artillery units from [[South Africa]].[^6] Ali brokered Chinese ballistic-missile sales to Pakistan, Iraq, and [[Saudi Arabia]], as well as Scud missiles from North Korea.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections and Influence
|
||||
|
||||
Ali's connections were extensive, reaching high-level officials and intelligence agencies. He was a good friend of "Happy" [[Minwallah]], a close adviser to former Prime Minister [[Benazir Bhutto]], and was very close with the Pakistani air marshal.[^8] His ability to operate with apparent immunity was due to his deep ties within the Pakistani government and military.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
He was also involved in meetings with [[William Casey]], the former [[CIA]] Director, and accompanied [[Zia ul-Haq|General Zia]] on a trip to Washington where they met with Casey.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 8.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 309.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 306.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 308.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 296.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 296.
|
||||
[^7]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 296.
|
||||
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 296.
|
||||
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 355.
|
||||
[^10]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 347.
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Barbara Durr.md
Normal file
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Barbara Durr.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- UK
|
||||
- Peru
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr]] was a stringer for the *Financial Times* of [[London]] in [[Peru]]. She was also a correspondent for [[CBS]] radio.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr|Durr]] met [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] through [[Peter Jordan]], a photographer. She became involved in [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] mission to secure rare minerals from [[Peru]] for [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear program. [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe]] used her as a journalist to provide protection and to create public proof of [[Abimael Guzmán Reynoso|Guzmán's]] existence, as there were rumors of his death.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr|Durr]] was suspected by [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] of tipping off the [[Cuba|Cubans]] about his contact with the [[Shining Path]]. She was later arrested by the [[Peru|Peruvian]] police, an event that [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] orchestrated to gain her gratitude and cooperation. She was also present during the [[Rafael Cordova|Cordova]] massacre of villagers and attempted to broadcast the plan to prevent it.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Barbara Durr|Durr]] accompanied [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] to [[Cangallo]] to secure the release of [[Cynthia McNamara]]. She was also present during [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] tense meeting with [[Carlos Cardoen]] in [[Chile]], where she was used as a veiled threat against [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]] due to her journalistic connections.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Barbara Locke.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Barbara Locke.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Barbara Locke]] was a friend of [[Shaula Brent]] and also worked at Fremont Hospital. She and Brent were suspicious about [[Roderick Sinclair]]'s hospital records after the "Queen's accident." They secretly took photostats of the records "before they were destroyed by the hospital."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bart Cox.md
Normal file
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bart Cox.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Bart Cox
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- scientist
|
||||
- researcher
|
||||
description: Bart Cox was a division chief at Stanford Research Institute (SRI) who oversaw some of the early psi research, including experiments with Uri Geller.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bart Cox]] was a division chief at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. He oversaw some of the early [[Parapsychology|psi]] research conducted by [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]], including experiments with [[Uri Geller]]. Cox was involved in selecting target sites for outbound remote viewing experiments, and on one occasion, he and Puthoff served as outbound experimenters for [[Pat Price]], who precognitively described their location at the Redwood City Marina.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Baruch Bar Lev.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Baruch Bar Lev.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
---
|
||||
Colonel [[Baruch Bar Lev]] was a former [[Israel|Israeli]] military attaché in [[Uganda]]. He planned and led the military coup that installed [[Idi Amin]] as the self-proclaimed president of [[Uganda]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bashir Gemayel.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bashir Gemayel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Bashir Gemayel]] was elected president of [[Lebanon]] after the 1982 Israeli invasion. He was reportedly on the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] payroll. Before he could take office, Gemayel was killed by an assassin's bomb. His brother, [[Amin Gamayel]], was subsequently installed as president.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[George K. Pender]], President of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]], stated in a letter to [[Amin Gamayel]] that he was a good friend of Bashir and had been with him in Beirut in 1976 when the Syrian Army arrived. Pender also mentioned meeting Bashir in Framingham, Massachusetts, during a U.S. speaking tour.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
22
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ben Kalka.md
Normal file
22
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ben Kalka.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
|
|||
[[Ben Kalka]] was a figure in the San Francisco drug world, initially a "bit player" who later became a major supplier of methamphetamine. He was arrested in 1982 with 900 pounds of methamphetamine in his possession and was serving time in a Pleasanton prison. Kalka's arrest was part of a federal sting operation, though he claimed the sting had ended by the time he began manufacturing the drug.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Methamphetamine Production and Government Involvement
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka estimated he produced 8,000 pounds of drugs worth $10 million, using ingredients that federal agents had allegedly arranged for him to buy. He became involved in methamphetamine production after a chemist friend asked him to find phenyl acetic acid, a key precursor. Despite the chemical not being illegal, its purchase was scrutinized by the government. A contact, [[Paul Palmer]], who had become a government informant after being busted for selling precursors, arranged for Kalka to obtain a semi-truck load of the chemical.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] was introduced to Kalka by Palmer and helped Kalka find monomethylamine, the last ingredient needed for methamphetamine. Riconosciuto claimed he was working for the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] as part of the sting operation and was authorized to supply Kalka with the final ingredient. The plan to bust Kalka and his subordinates reportedly failed when Kalka diverted the truck carrying the chemicals away from federal agents. Kalka wondered why the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] did not track him down once the methamphetamine began hitting the streets, suggesting the agency stumbled upon his enterprise during another undercover operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka was released from prison in April 2000 after his lawyer, [[Chris Cannon]], struck a deal that overturned his sentence, contingent upon Kalka signing a letter stating he did not obtain his precursors from the [[United States Government|U.S. government]]. This letter was reportedly written by [[William Shockley]], a [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] in San Francisco, and found by Detective [[Sue Todd]] in the Di Giorgio Extradition File.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections and Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka's business ties with [[Michael Riconosciuto]] at [[R & R Research]] and the laboratory facilities at Hercules, [[California]], were documented in [[David Mayer]]'s attorney/client files. [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], administrator at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], also met with Riconosciuto at the Hercules plant. Investigators uncovered evidence of a chemical or drug operation at the Hercules plant that contaminated the entire property.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kalka was close to [[Al Holbert]], a former [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence agent, and [[Paul Morasca]], who was murdered in San Francisco during the time these sting operations were underway. [[Sue Todd]] concluded that Kalka was an undercover operative and that the entire drug operation was sanctioned by the [[United States Government|U.S. government]], as Kalka had been arrested multiple times, but the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] always took possession of him away from the arresting officers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that the precursors Kalka used were provided by the [[United States Government|U.S. government]] and that a chemical company was cooperating with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] by reporting all chemicals Riconosciuto ordered for his companies, which he then provided to Kalka. The money from these operations was reportedly laundered through [[Liechtenstein]] and other countries.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ben Wagner.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ben Wagner.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Ben Wagner]] was a lawyer from Jackson, [[California]]. He represented [[Dave Beavers]] and other deputies who were exposing corruption within the Mariposa Sheriff's Department. Wagner played a key role in forming [[D.I.G. (Decency in Government)]], an organization dedicated to exposing this corruption.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Wagner filed two civil rights lawsuits with the [[United States District Court|U.S. District Court]] in Fresno, which were later described as the largest civil rights lawsuits in [[California]] history. He also filed a Writ of Mandamus against [[John Van de Kamp]], the State Attorney General; [[George Vinson]], regional director of the Fresno [[Federal Bureau Investigation|FBI]]; [[George Deukemejian]], then Governor of [[California]]; and [[David F. Levi]], [[United States Attorney|United States Attorney]], for their alleged refusal to investigate corruption in Mariposa County.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Wagner was reportedly carrying a gun both inside and outside Mariposa for the first time in his life due to the nature of his work. He wrote letters to the Attorney General, the [[Federal Bureau Investigation|FBI]], and President [[Ronald Reagan]] seeking help. A special agent from the Fresno [[United States Department of Justice|Department of Justice]], Division of Law Enforcement, informed Wagner that everything pertaining to Mariposa was being "trashed" at the Attorney General's office, and advised him to proceed with the lawsuit.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Shortly before his first scheduled court appearance on behalf of D.I.G., Wagner received an obscure response from "Chuck" at the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] [[White House]]. The day after meeting with "Chuck," Wagner, along with [[Jerry Goldberg]], reportedly disappeared, unplugging his phone and leaving his law practice and home, never to be seen again.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bernard Baruch.md
Normal file
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bernard Baruch.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Financier
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Bernard Baruch was an American financier and statesman. In the late summer of 1939, he collaborated with [[Lewis L. Strauss]] on a proposal to convince the British government to cede a large tract of colonial [[Africa]] for resettlement by European refugees, both Jewish and non-Jewish. They believed that as much as $300 million could be raised for this purpose, but it was ultimately too late to prevent the impending Nazi blitzkrieg.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 7.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bertrand Goldschmidt.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bertrand Goldschmidt.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Scientist
|
||||
- France
|
||||
---
|
||||
Bertrand Goldschmidt was a French nuclear chemist who served during World War II with American nuclear researchers, becoming an expert in the chemistry of plutonium and plutonium extraction. He chose to return to [[France]] after the war and joined its [[Atomic Energy Commission]]. Goldschmidt was among the few outsiders permitted to visit the completed reactor at [[Dimona]] in the 1960s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Goldschmidt had strong emotional ties to [[Israel]], heightened by his marriage into the [[Rothschild]] banking family, known for their contributions to Israeli and Jewish causes. He and his wife visited [[Israel]] in the early 1950s and met [[David Ben-Gurion]] through [[Ernst David Bergmann]]. As director of chemistry for [[France]]'s Atomic Energy Commission, he later became a respected spokesman on nonproliferation issues.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Goldschmidt vividly recalled a meeting of the French Atomic Energy Commission where [[Ernst David Bergmann]] and [[Shimon Peres]] requested to buy a heavy-water research reactor similar to the one [[Canada]] was building in [[India]]. He remained convinced that the basic decision to help [[Israel]] get the bomb was made during these meetings in mid-September, before the [[Suez Crisis]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 3.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill Church.md
Normal file
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill Church.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Bill Church
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- philanthropist
|
||||
- scientist
|
||||
description: Bill Church was a philanthropist and amateur scientist, known for being a part owner of Church's Fried Chicken and an early funder of Hal Puthoff's psi research.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bill Church]] was a philanthropist and amateur scientist, known for being a part owner of [[Church's Fried Chicken]]. In the early 1970s, he provided [[Hal Puthoff]] with ten thousand dollars in initial funding to begin his [[Parapsychology|psi]] experiments at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. This private funding was crucial in the nascent stages of the remote viewing research program, preceding the involvement of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill Clinton.md
Normal file
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill Clinton.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Bill Clinton
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- president
|
||||
- government
|
||||
description: Bill Clinton was the 42nd President of the United States, serving from 1993 to 2001. His administration saw the declassification and termination of the Stargate Project.
|
||||
---
|
||||
William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton was the 42nd President of the United States, serving from 1993 to 2001. His administration oversaw the declassification and termination of the [[STARGATE PROJECT]] in 1995.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
While the *Remote Viewers* text does not detail Clinton's direct involvement with the project, it notes that [[William Perry]], who served as Clinton's Secretary of Defense, had previously been involved in funding decisions for the program during the Carter administration.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill McCoy.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bill McCoy.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Bill McCoy]] was a retired Chief Warrant Officer from the [[United States Army Criminal Investigation Division|U.S. Army's Criminal Investigation Division]]. He became involved in the [[Danny Casolaro]] investigation of the [[PROMIS]] software. McCoy obtained [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap affidavits from [[Peter Zokosky]] on January 17, 1991, and subsequently provided them to [[Danny Casolaro]]. McCoy died at home in 1997.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Binyamin Blumberg.md
Normal file
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Binyamin Blumberg.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
---
|
||||
Binyamin Blumberg was a former military intelligence officer handpicked by [[Shimon Peres]] to direct the Office of Special Tasks, a new intelligence agency created to provide security for [[Israel]]'s burgeoning nuclear operation at [[Dimona]]. This office, bureaucratically placed inside the defense ministry, would later become known as LAKAM (Science Liaison Bureau) and was responsible for one of [[Israel]]'s worst mistakes, the recruitment of [[Jonathan Pollard]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Blumberg's sole mission in the late 1950s was protecting [[Dimona]], and he was deeply involved in the details, even overturning bureaucratic rules to ensure the hiring of essential scientists. He and his colleagues in the Office of Special Tasks were constantly improving and embellishing the Israeli cover-up regarding [[Dimona]]'s true purpose, especially during the annual inspections by [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]] from the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 5, 15, 21.
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bo Gritz.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bo Gritz.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Bo Gritz]] was a highly decorated Special Forces Green Beret soldier in [[Vietnam]]. He became known for his expeditions to [[Laos]] in search of missing POWs, during which he reportedly uncovered a "massive drug network in Southeast Asia" intertwined with American POWs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Danny Casolaro]] was investigating Gritz's expose of [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] drug trafficking in the [[Golden Triangle]]. Casolaro had requested to meet with a former police officer who had information on Laotian warlord [[Kuhn Sa]]'s Golden Triangle drug trade proposal to the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Gritz was indicted in May 1987 for using a false passport in the name of Patrick Richard Clark from Vancouver, [[Canada]]. However, at his arraignment in Las Vegas, he claimed to have "proper authorization" for his travels and was subsequently acquitted of the charges.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Patrick Moriarty]], the Red Devil fireworks magnate, was subpoenaed to testify on behalf of Gritz at his trial. Moriarty's lawyer, [[Jan Lawrence Handzlik]], stated that Moriarty had paid Gritz to make business trips to [[China]], [[Singapore]], and other parts of [[Asia]]. Gritz claimed his July 1989 trip to [[Asia]] was to negotiate an oil interest he and Moriarty had set up between the [[People's Republic of China]] and [[Indonesia]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bob Bickel.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bob Bickel.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
[[Bob Bickel]] was a Texas oil engineer who once worked as an informant for the Customs Bureau. He was a friend and confidante of investigative journalist [[Danny Casolaro]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bickel was a key source for Casolaro's "[[The Octopus]]" investigation. Casolaro obtained papers related to [[Iran-Contra Affair|Iran-Contra]] arms deals, including photocopies of checks drawn on [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] accounts for [[Adnan Khashoggi]] and [[Manucher Ghorbanifar]], from Bickel. Bickel, in turn, obtained these documents from [[October Surprise]] source [[Richard Brenneke]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In the last days before his death, Casolaro discussed [[Michael Abbell]], [[Robert Booth Nichols]], and the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] at length with Bickel. Bickel confirmed that Casolaro confronted Nichols about his relationship with Abbell. Bickel's confirmation of Casolaro's focus on [[Michael Abbell]] in the days leading up to his death suggested that Casolaro may have unknowingly stepped into a large narcotics trafficking and intelligence operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bobby Baker.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bobby Baker.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
[[Bobby Baker]] was a key figure in a major scandal that emerged in the autumn of 1963. He was made secretary of the Senate Democrats in 1955 by then-Vice President [[Lyndon Johnson]], who referred to Baker as "my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first I see in the morning."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On October 8, 1963, Baker was forced to resign as a Senate investigation into his outside business activities began to reveal numerous questionable deals. Baker's dealings were tightly interwoven with the [[Clint Murchison, Sr.|Murchison family]] and organized crime figures. The Senate investigation was initially prompted by a lawsuit against Baker in 1963 by his associates in a vending company, who alleged that he failed to uphold certain agreements. These associates were primarily Las Vegas gamblers, including [[Edward Levinson]], a lieutenant of Florida mobster [[Meyer Lansky]], whose Fremont Hotel in Vegas was financed through a [[Jimmy Hoffa|Hoffa]] loan.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Baker conducted considerable business with the Mob in Las Vegas, Chicago, Louisiana, and the Caribbean. Through Baker, [[Edward Levinson]] also became acquainted with [[Clint Murchison, Sr.]]. [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]] attempted to persuade the Senate Rules Committee in 1964 that his real estate dealings with [[Jimmy Hoffa]] in Florida were " hardly relevant" to the Baker investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bruce Eckerson.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bruce Eckerson.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Bruce Eckerson]] was the Mariposa County District Attorney. He was closely associated with [[Ed Hardy]], president of Curry Company, and County Assessor [[Steve Dunbar]], and Congressman [[Tony Coelho]]. These men were known for their annual camping trips together.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eckerson's disclosure statements on file at the Mariposa County Courthouse indicated that he owned stock in [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] Entertainment Corporation. He was appointed by [[John Van de Kamp]], the State Attorney General, to take charge of the investigation into the "[[Queen's accident]]" and submit a new report, after Van de Kamp allegedly told his assistant to "discard" the original report.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bud Duncan.md
Normal file
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Bud Duncan.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Bud Duncan
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- photointerpreter
|
||||
- psychic
|
||||
description: Bud Duncan was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the Stargate Project's remote viewing unit.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bud Duncan]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/C. Boyden Gray.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/C. Boyden Gray.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[C. Boyden Gray]] was an individual whom [[Daniel Murphy]] asked to "become the [[John Adams]] of the [[INSLAW]] case" and represent [[INSLAW]] after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Murphy asked Gray to represent [[INSLAW]] "simply because it was the right thing to do."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
25
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/C. Madison Brewer.md
Normal file
25
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/C. Madison Brewer.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: ["Brick Brewer"]
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
---
|
||||
C. Madison "Brick" Brewer was a [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]] official who served as the Project Manager overseeing the installation of [[PROMIS]] software in United States Attorneys' offices, beginning in late January 1982. Prior to this role, Brewer had been the General Counsel for the Institute for Law and Social Research, the predecessor to [[Inslaw Corporation]].
|
||||
|
||||
## Role in the PROMIS Software Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
Brewer became a central figure in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] due to allegations of bias against [[INSLAW]] and its president, [[Bill Hamilton]]. Inslaw claimed that Brewer's actions were motivated by a personal vendetta, stemming from his earlier departure from the Institute. This alleged bias, according to Inslaw, led to a series of engineered or exploited contract disputes between Inslaw and the DOJ.
|
||||
|
||||
Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, concluded that Brewer was "consumed by hatred for and an intense desire for revenge against INSLAW," and that Brewer's actions were part of a strategy to ruin Inslaw. Judge Bason also found that Brewer's bias influenced other DOJ personnel responsible for the Inslaw contract.
|
||||
|
||||
However, an investigation by Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua found no evidence to support the claim that Brewer's actions were driven by a desire for revenge. The investigation concluded that Brewer's concerns about Inslaw were based on his assessment of Inslaw's conduct in connection with the 1981 BJS contract and the 1982 EOUSA contract, and not due to his departure from the Institute. Brewer candidly stated that he believed Hamilton was dishonest and that Inslaw did not intend to fulfill some of its contractual obligations.
|
||||
|
||||
## Key Events and Allegations:
|
||||
|
||||
* **PROMIS Implementation Contract (1982):** Brewer began his duties at the EOUSA in January 1982, shortly before the PROMIS implementation contract with Inslaw was signed in March 1982. He attended some of the negotiating sessions for the contract.
|
||||
* **Early Proprietary Rights Disputes:** In April 1982, Brewer strongly opposed Inslaw's claims of proprietary rights over its PROMIS software, particularly regarding "PROMIS 82." He viewed Inslaw's assertions as "scurrilous" and maintained that the five BJS enhancements were in the public domain, despite Inslaw's claims of private funding.
|
||||
* **Advance Payments Dispute:** Brewer was reportedly "extremely angry" upon learning that Inslaw had obtained commercial financing after representing that it could not, which was a violation of the advance payments clause in their contract. He supported the termination of advance payments, believing Inslaw had been dishonest.
|
||||
* **Alleged Conspiracy to Steal PROMIS:** Inslaw alleged that Brewer, along with others, conspired to steal PROMIS for the benefit of [[Earl Brian]]. The Special Counsel's investigation found no credible evidence to support this allegation, concluding that Brewer's actions were consistent with protecting the government's interests.
|
||||
* **Inslaw Bankruptcy Conversion:** Inslaw alleged that Brewer was involved in a plot to convert Inslaw's Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation. Bankruptcy Judge Bason found that Brewer originated this plan and enlisted [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), in the effort. However, the Special Counsel's investigation found insufficient evidence to support this claim, noting that Brewer and Stanton denied any such discussions.
|
||||
|
||||
## Sources:
|
||||
* U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Calvin Robinson.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Calvin Robinson.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Calvin Robinson]] was dubbed the "drug tug" captain by local media. He was represented by attorney [[David Mayer]] of Marin County, [[California]]. Robinson's tug was seized in the San Francisco Bay in the Spring of 1988, found hauling a barge containing 157 tons of hashish and marijuana.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On December 12, 1991, Robinson filed a "Pro Per" affidavit in the [[United States District Court|U.S. District Court]], Northern District of [[California]], requesting that Judge [[John Paul Vukasin, Jr.]] be recused from his case. Robinson believed that Vukasin was a long-time associate and political ally of [[Edwin Meese III]] and that Vukasin was appointed to the district court bench as a "damage control agent" for Meese and the [[United States Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Robinson's affidavit for recusal also stated that he obtained the assistance of attorney [[David Mayer]] to represent him at his 1989 trial, but Mayer died from a gun-shot wound the night before he was to appear in court to defend Robinson. Mayer's death was ruled a suicide, and a suicide tape was found.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Sean McDade]] interviewed Robinson in prison. Robinson reportedly had some connection to a former [[United States Customs Service|U.S. Customs]] official and the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]], but McDade's investigation was closed before he could prove the connection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cap Kressop.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cap Kressop.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Cap Kressop]] was a "technical wizard" and a Mormon. He was a client of attorney [[Allan Boyak]]. Kressop was approached by [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and asked to manufacture a prototype laser site for a rifle. He was offered a $200,000 contract for the job but became suspicious when Nichols wanted to pay him in cash.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
33
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Carl E. Duckett.md
Normal file
33
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Carl E. Duckett.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Carl E. Duckett was an American intelligence official who headed the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s Office of Science and Technology and later served as Deputy Director for Science and Technology. He was recruited to the Agency in 1963 from the Army's Missile Command headquarters and became a key figure in both nuclear intelligence and unconventional research programs.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Nuclear Intelligence Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett became the recipient of intelligence on [[Israel]]'s nuclear program, which was routed to his office from sources like [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory]] and [[Los Alamos]] through the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s Office of Science and Technology. His work centered on assessing [[Israel]]'s nuclear capabilities and the potential for nuclear proliferation in the Middle East.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Israeli Nuclear Estimates
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett's top-secret [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] estimate in 1968, which concluded that [[Israel]] had three or four nuclear bombs, was primarily based on his conviction that [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]] had smuggled over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium into [[Israel]]. This alleged smuggling was also a major factor in Duckett's 1974 estimate, which credited [[Israel]] with at least ten bombs. To Duckett and his colleagues, the case against Shapiro was unassailable, despite the lack of concrete proof of a chemical reprocessing plant in [[Israel]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Public Disclosure and Media Impact
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett's intelligence report on [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal, initially suppressed in 1968 by [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] and later by [[Richard Helms]], finally made its way onto the front page of the _New York Times_ in July 1970. This report provided the American public with its first account of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s assessment of the Israeli nuclear arsenal, stating that the U.S. government had been operating on the assumption that [[Israel]] either possessed an atomic bomb or had component parts available for quick assembly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Career-Ending Mistake
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1976, Duckett made a career-ending mistake by openly discussing [[Israel]]'s nuclear weapons at an informal seminar, stating that [[Israel]] was estimated to have ten to twenty nuclear weapons "available for use." This disclosure forced [[George H.W. Bush]], the newly installed [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, to issue a public statement assuming "full responsibility" and led to Duckett's retirement. Duckett later acknowledged that the rumors of his heavy drinking led to his departure, but insisted the real issue was Bush's unwillingness to promote him. His 1974 estimate remained the official American intelligence estimate until the early 1980s, despite being based on speculation and lacking specific intelligence.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Psychic Research Programs
|
||||
|
||||
Beyond nuclear intelligence, Duckett was a key figure in the agency's involvement with psychic research, including the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program. Duckett, along with [[John McMahon]], was briefed on the remote viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and suggested that the time was ripe for psychic spying on more sensitive targets overseas.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 11, 16.
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. _The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy_. Random House, 1991. Chapter 18.
|
||||
[^3]: Schnabel, Jim. _Remote Viewers_. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Carlos Cardoen.md
Normal file
31
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Carlos Cardoen.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- ArmsDealer
|
||||
- Chile
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Carlos Cardoen]] is a Chilean businessman and arms producer, owner of [[Cardoen Industries]]. He comes from an upper-class Chilean family of Italian descent. After attending university in the [[USA|U.S.]] and receiving a degree as a mining engineer, he returned to [[Santiago]], [[Chile]], after [[Augusto Pinochet|General Augusto Pinochet's]] 1973 coup d'état to work for the government-owned [[Chilean Mining Corporation]]. His job involved procuring explosives for mining, which became a lucrative business for him personally due to kickbacks.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen later resigned and became a private contractor, securing a deal to supply all blasting equipment to the Chilean Mining Corporation. He then ventured into arms brokering, though initially without success. In 1979, he applied to [[SIBAT]], the Foreign Defense Sales Office of the [[Israel|Israeli]] Ministry of Defense, for a license to sell [[Israel|Israeli]] arms in [[South America]]. His request was denied due to his lack of experience and established political connections.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After being rejected by [[Israel]], Cardoen obtained a brokering license from the [[South African Arms Corporation|ARMSCOR]] (South Africa's government weapons manufacturer) with the help of the Chilean ambassador to [[South Africa]]. He then secured loans from Chilean banks and began operating as an arms producer and broker.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
By 1985, Cardoen was selling arms to [[Iraq]], with the help of [[South African Arms Corporation|ARMSCOR]] and support from individuals connected to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], such as [[Alan Sanders]] of [[ITICO]]. He received blueprints for cluster bombs from Sanders and, despite a [[United Nations]] arms embargo against [[Chile]], produced these bombs with a covert [[USA|U.S.]] license. [[Israel]] was interested in acquiring these bombs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1985, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] approached [[Alan Sanders]] to purchase cluster bombs for [[Israel]], and was informed that Cardoen would sell to anyone who paid him. A few weeks later, [[Israel]] received cluster bombs from [[Santiago]] via diplomatic crate.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Gates]], then [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] deputy director for intelligence, was approached by [[Nachum Admoni]] ([[Mossad]] director) regarding [[USA|U.S.]] support for Cardoen. Admoni expressed [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns about the support for [[Iraq]], especially through [[Chile]] and [[South Africa]]. By this time, Cardoen owned two chemical weapons plants in [[Santiago]], a cluster bomb factory in cooperation with [[Chile]]'s military, and a third chemical weapons plant in [[Paraguay]]. He was also building a chemical weapons plant outside [[Baghdad]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen's [[Santiago]]-produced chemical weapons and those from [[Paraguay]] used artillery cups from [[West Germany]], procured by [[Ihsan Barbouti]]. These materials were shipped to [[Baghdad]] by [[Iraqi Airways]] cargo planes. Cardoen used [[USA|U.S.]] banks, such as the [[Valley National Bank of Arizona]], to finance his sales and obtained raw materials for chemical manufacturing from a factory in [[Boca Raton]], [[Florida]]. The [[Gamma Corporation]], a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] cut-out, sold fuses for the cluster bombs to Cardoen.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In late 1986, [[Israel]] expressed concern about arms shipments to [[Iraq]], with [[Yitzhak Shamir]] threatening to go to [[USA|Congress]]. [[Robert Gates]] called a meeting in [[Santiago]] to calm the [[Israel|Israelis]]. Attendees included Cardoen, Gates, Senator [[John Tower]], [[Pieter Van Der Westhuizen|Gen. Pieter Van Der Westhuizen]] (South African Military Intelligence), and [[Rodolfo Stange|Gen. Rodolfo Stange]] (Chilean Carabineros). At this meeting, [[USA|U.S.]] officials made it clear they intended to maintain the arms channel to [[Iraq]] to bring [[Iraq]] into their sphere of influence, assuring [[Israel]] it would not be harmed. Cardoen continued to supply chemical weapons and cluster bombs to [[Iraq]] despite [[Israel|Israeli]] concerns.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In September 1988, [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] was sent to [[Chile]] to confront Cardoen. Ben-Menashe offered Cardoen a deal: [[Israel]] would license him to produce [[Uzi]]s, [[Galil assault rifles]], artillery shells, and mortars, and exclusively sell these materials throughout [[South America]], in exchange for stopping his chemical trade with [[Iraq]]. Cardoen was given two weeks to consider the offer. During this visit, Cardoen introduced Ben-Menashe to [[Mark Thatcher]], implying Thatcher was involved in his business.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Cardoen was furious about [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] visit to his plant in [[Paraguay]] and his attempts to stop the trade. He claimed to have the backing of the [[USA|Americans]] and the Chilean government, and threatened [[Israel]] if they interfered. He also revealed that [[Robert Gates|Gates]]'s office provided technology directly from the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]], and that [[Ihsan Barbouti]] was a key link in his operations. He mentioned [[Alan Bond]] and British investors as backers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In February 1989, [[Carlos Cardoen|Cardoen]]'s plant in [[Paraguay]] was not closed down, thanks to [[Andres Rodriguez|President Andres Rodriguez]], who continued to rule the country with [[USA|U.S.]] blessing. Charges were filed against Cardoen in [[Miami]] in April 1992 by the [[USA|U.S.]] Customs Service following newspaper exposés of his involvement with [[Iraq]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles Bohlen.md
Normal file
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles Bohlen.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Charles Bohlen
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Diplomat
|
||||
- Ambassador
|
||||
---
|
||||
Charles Bohlen (1904–1974) was a distinguished American diplomat who served as the U.S. Ambassador to the [[Soviet Union]] from 1953 to 1957. He was one of the ambassadors who was subjected to the [[Moscow Signal]], a microwave beam aimed at the [[U.S. Embassy in Moscow]] by the Soviets[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Bohlen died of pancreatic cancer on January 1, 1974, at the age of sixty-nine. His death, along with that of [[Llewellyn Thomas]] and later [[Walter Stoessel Jr.]], raised concerns about the potential health effects of prolonged exposure to the Moscow Signal[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles L. Bartlett.md
Normal file
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles L. Bartlett.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Journalist
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Charles L. Bartlett was an American newspaper columnist and a close friend of [[John F. Kennedy]]. Kennedy recounted to Bartlett a much different version of his meeting with Jewish leaders at [[Abraham Feinberg]]'s apartment, expressing outrage at the suggestion of controlling U.S. Middle East policy in exchange for campaign funds. Bartlett also recalled Kennedy making cynical remarks about [[Myer Feldman]], his presidential point man for Jewish and Israeli affairs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 8.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles de Gaulle.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charles de Gaulle.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- France
|
||||
---
|
||||
Charles de Gaulle was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II and later founded the Fifth Republic, serving as its first President from 1959 to 1969. He was emphatically in favor of an independent nuclear deterrent for [[France]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
De Gaulle won a seven-year term as president of [[France]]'s newly constituted Fifth Republic in December 1958 by promising to find an acceptable compromise for ending the war in [[Algeria]]. The war sharply divided the nation, and other issues, such as continued support for [[Israel]], seemed secondary.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
De Gaulle responded to the [[Six-Day War]] in 1967 by accusing [[Israel]] of being the aggressor and canceling all of [[France]]'s arms sales to [[Israel]], abrogating twelve years of close French support. He also delayed the pending shipment of fifty previously purchased Mirage III jet fighters. He even claimed to newsmen that he had not known of Dassault's contract with [[Israel]] until the first field test in 1967 of the Jericho I missile.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 3, 13.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charlie Frezeli.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Charlie Frezeli.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Charlie Frezeli]] was a Lebanese army officer and a member of the [[Middle East Collection 10]] (MC-10) cell in [[Cyprus]] and Beirut. He was shot dead at his home in east Beirut in November 1989.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Chou En-lai.md
Normal file
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Chou En-lai.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- China
|
||||
---
|
||||
Chou En-lai was the first Premier of the People's Republic of [[China]], serving from 1949 until his death in 1976. At the Bandung Conference of African and Asian nations in April 1955, he promised [[Gamal Abdel Nasser]] as many arms as [[Egypt]] could afford, marking a significant step in Nasser's efforts to secure military aid from the Communist world.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 3.
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Chris Cannon.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Chris Cannon.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Chris Cannon]] was the San Francisco defense attorney for [[Ben Kalka]]. He explained that the chemical precursors necessary to make the amount of methamphetamine Kalka produced would require all the precursor sold in one year in the [[United States]] on the open market. Cannon struck a deal that resulted in Kalka's sentence being overturned, contingent upon Kalka signing a letter stating he did not obtain his precursors from the [[United States Government|U.S. government]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] told Cannon that he had records proving the precursors Kalka used were provided by the [[United States Government|U.S. government]]. Riconosciuto also described the role of federal agents and their authorization for him to sell Kalka the final ingredient needed to make methamphetamine.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher O. Bird.md
Normal file
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Christopher O. Bird.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
title: Christopher O. Bird
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- author
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
description: Christopher O. Bird was an American author and alleged CIA operative, known for co-authoring "The Secret Life of Plants."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Christopher O. Bird]] was an American author and alleged [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] operative. He is known for co-authoring the 1973 bestselling book, *[[The Secret Life of Plants]]*, which popularized the controversial experiments of [[Cleve Backster]] on plant sentience.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cindy Hanin Bentov.md
Normal file
11
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cindy Hanin Bentov.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- Mossad
|
||||
---
|
||||
Cindy Hanin Bentov (a pseudonym) was a [[Mossad]] agent. She enticed [[Mordecai Vanunu]] to leave [[London]] for [[Rome]] a few days before the publication of his story in the *London Sunday Times*. Once in [[Rome]], Vanunu was drugged and returned to [[Israel]] by ship to stand trial.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 15.
|
||||
38
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Clark Clifford.md
Normal file
38
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Clark Clifford.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Lawyer", "Government Official", "BCCI"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Clark Clifford was a prominent American attorney and government official who advised Democratic presidents since [[Harry S. Truman|Truman]].[^1] He served as chairman of [[First American Bank]] and was chief U.S. counsel to [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Political and Legal Career
|
||||
|
||||
Clifford arrived in [[Washington, D.C.]] in 1945 as a naval aide at the White House.[^3] He was a principal architect of "Fair Deal" politics and a co-author of the [[National Security Act of 1947]], which established the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and the [[National Security Council]].[^4] He was a key figure in the creation of the [[United States Department of Defense|Department of Defense]] and participated in the formulation of the [[Truman Doctrine]], a policy of Soviet containment.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
He advised [[John F. Kennedy]] after the [[Bay of Pigs Invasion]] and served as Secretary of Defense under [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], leading efforts to extricate the United States from [[Vietnam]].[^6] Clifford also counseled [[Jimmy Carter]] on the [[Panama Canal Treaty]] and acted as his special envoy to Greece, Turkey, and India.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
After leaving government service, Clifford maintained a private law practice, representing major corporations such as Firestone Tire & Rubber Company, Time Incorporated, and General Electric.[^8] He was known for his ability to navigate political complexities and his influence in Washington.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
### Involvement with BCCI
|
||||
|
||||
Clifford became involved with BCCI through his association with [[Bert Lance]], who introduced him to [[Agha Hasan Abedi]].[^10] Clifford and his law partner, [[Robert Altman]], were instrumental in BCCI's secret acquisition of [[Financial General Bankshares]], which later became First American Bank.[^11] They served as BCCI's lead counsel in the United States and were paid substantial legal fees for their work.[^12]
|
||||
|
||||
Clifford and Altman were accused of lying to U.S. banking regulators about BCCI's secret ownership of First American Bank.[^13] In February 1988, they sold a large portion of their First American stock to a BCCI front man, making significant profits.[^14] This transaction occurred amidst growing scrutiny of BCCI's activities.
|
||||
|
||||
In July 1992, Clifford and Altman were indicted by a New York grand jury on charges of bribery and fraud related to their involvement with BCCI.[^15]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 9.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 9.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 185.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 185.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 185.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 185.
|
||||
[^7]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 185.
|
||||
[^8]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 186.
|
||||
[^9]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 187.
|
||||
[^10]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 181.
|
||||
[^11]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 194.
|
||||
[^12]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 217.
|
||||
[^13]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 30.
|
||||
[^14]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 215.
|
||||
[^15]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 14.
|
||||
21
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cleve Backster.md
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21
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cleve Backster.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
title: Cleve Backster
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- polygraph
|
||||
- researcher
|
||||
description: Cleve Backster was a former CIA polygraph expert known for his experiments on plant sentience and his theory of "primary perception."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cleve Backster]] was a former [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] polygraph expert and interrogation specialist. He is known for his controversial experiments on plant sentience and his theory of "primary perception," which suggested that plants have consciousness and can respond to human thoughts and intentions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1966, Backster conducted an experiment where he attached polygraph electrodes to a plant and observed its responses to his thoughts, including the intention to harm it. He claimed the plant showed a measurable reaction, leading him to believe in a form of [[ESP]] in plant life. He published his findings as "Evidence of a Primary Perception in Plant Life," which became the subject of the bestselling book *The Secret Life of Plants*.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Backster's work, while widely criticized by mainstream scientists for lacking scientific rigor, caught the attention of [[Hal Puthoff]], who was interested in exploring the boundaries of [[Animate Physics]]. Backster also conducted experiments with [[Ingo Swann]], who later became a key figure in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Clifford Alexander.md
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15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Clifford Alexander.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Clifford Alexander
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- government
|
||||
- official
|
||||
description: Clifford Alexander was the U.S. Secretary of the Army who supported the Stargate Project.
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Clifford Alexander]] was the U.S. Secretary of the [[U.S. Army|Army]] during the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Army Chief of Staff [[Edward Meyer]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cornelius Blackshear.md
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14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cornelius Blackshear.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases: []
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
---
|
||||
Cornelius Blackshear was a U.S. Trustee in the Southern District of New York who later became a U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge for the Southern District of New York. He became a key figure in the allegations surrounding the attempted conversion of [[Inslaw Corporation|Inslaw]]'s bankruptcy case and a subsequent alleged cover-up.
|
||||
|
||||
Blackshear initially testified in a deposition on March 25, 1987, that [[Philip White]], the U.S. Trustee for the District of Columbia, had told him that [[Thomas Stanton]], Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Trustees (EOUST), had tried to pressure White to convert [[INSLAW]]'s Chapter 11 reorganization to a Chapter 7 liquidation and to have [[Harry Jones]] assigned to White to effect the conversion. Blackshear also stated that Stanton had never contacted him about detailing Jones, but he thought Stanton might have approached Jones directly. This testimony supported Inslaw's primary allegation of a plot to liquidate the company. However, after speaking with White, Blackshear realized he was mistaken and had confused Inslaw with the UPI case, about which White had told him the IRS had pressured him to join a motion to convert. Blackshear then prepared and signed an affidavit recanting his deposition testimony, stating that he had confused the cases. He also gave a second deposition repeating his new recollections. During the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigation, Blackshear essentially repeated his recanting statements, maintaining that White had not told him Stanton pressured him to convert Inslaw, and that he had confused Inslaw with UPI. He did, however, disagree with White regarding a conversation about the possible assignment of Harry Jones to Washington, believing White had told him Stanton planned to bring Jones to Washington, while White maintained Blackshear told this to White. Blackshear also denied discussing with [[Anthony Pasciuto]] at a social gathering that he was sorry for his conduct or had given false testimony in his recantation to avoid hurting people.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bankruptcy Judge Bason, in his findings, chose to believe Blackshear's original testimony and found his recantation to be the result of an "honest mistake." However, several years later, in January 1991, Bason filed a complaint against Blackshear with the Judicial Council of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, stating that he now believed Blackshear recanted not due to an honest mistake but because he made a conscious choice to testify falsely. The OPR, however, credited Blackshear's recantation, noting that he had no apparent motive to lie about the matter. The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations (PSI) found Blackshear's recantation implausible, noting that he had stated on four occasions prior to his recantation that White told him about pressure from Stanton to convert the Inslaw case. The PSI also found no evidence to support Blackshear's explanation that he had confused Inslaw with the UPI case. The Special Counsel's investigation concluded that there was insufficient evidence to prove that Blackshear lied when he recanted his deposition testimony. The report acknowledged the confusion arising from Blackshear's various statements but attributed it to poor memory rather than intentional misstatements. The Special Counsel found no reason why Blackshear, a sitting bankruptcy judge, would commit perjury and jeopardize his career.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cynthia McNamara.md
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14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cynthia McNamara.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
- Peru
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara]] was an [[USA|American]] citizen who was jailed in [[Lima]], [[Peru]], accused of taking part in a [[Shining Path]] attack. She was a former hippie in her early 40s who had visited [[Ecuador]] collecting [[India|Indian]] art pieces before traveling to [[Peru]]. In [[Ayacucho]], she fell in love with a doctor named Enrique and became friends with [[Abimael Guzmán Reynoso]], the leader of the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cynthia McNamara|McNamara]] was rearrested on August 2, 1988, because a judge in [[Cangallo]], a [[Shining Path]]-controlled district, wanted her extradited. The charge against her was involvement in smuggling medical goods to the [[Shining Path]], and she was implicated in an incident where three people were shot dead during a truck inspection. [[Donna Hamilton]], the [[USA|U.S.]] consul general, sought [[Ari Ben-Menashe|Ben-Menashe's]] help in securing her release.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] traveled to [[Cangallo]] and, after a series of events, secured [[Cynthia McNamara|McNamara's]] release from jail. She was released on August 22, 1988, and left [[Peru]] for [[Ireland]] the next day.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cyrus Hashemi.md
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17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Cyrus Hashemi.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Business
|
||||
- Iran
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi]] was one of the [[Hashemi brothers]], an [[Iran|Iranian]] living in the [[USA|West]] who claimed connections to [[Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini|Khomeini's]] son, [[Ahmed Khomeini]]. He was involved in secret arms sales and negotiations concerning the [[USA|American]] hostages in [[Tehran]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] and his brothers made money selling small quantities of military equipment to [[Iran]], supposedly to gain goodwill for hostage release. He was later indicted under the [[Arms Export Control Act]] for illegal arms sales to [[Iran]], but escaped the [[USA|U.S.]] before apprehension. He subsequently agreed to become an informant for [[United States Customs Service|U.S. Customs]] against the [[Iran|Iranian]] exile community.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was used by [[Oliver North]] and [[United States Customs Service|U.S. Customs]] in a sting operation to entrap individuals connected with [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence arms sales to [[Iran]]. He was to act as bait, claiming to have $1 billion of [[Iran|Iranian]] money to spend on weapons. He allowed his phone to be tapped and himself to be wired for this operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Cyrus Hashemi|Hashemi]] was found dead in his [[London]] apartment, with his death attributed to a sudden case of virulent leukemia. However, [[Israel|Israeli]] intelligence suspected foul play, noting the presence of [[Joe King]], a [[United States Customs Service|Customs]] officer, at his apartment shortly before his death and needle punctures on his elbow joint. Tapes of his phone calls to the [[USA|U.S.]] Attorney's office indicated a falling out with his controllers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
25
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dale Graff.md
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25
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dale Graff.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-23
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-23
|
||||
title: Dale Graff
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- scientist
|
||||
- military
|
||||
- intelligence
|
||||
description: Dale Graff is a U.S. Air Force civilian scientist who played a significant role in the Stargate Project, serving as a project manager and later as the overall manager of the program.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dale Graff]] is a [[U.S. Air Force]] civilian scientist who played a significant role in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He worked in the Foreign Technology Division at [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]] in Ohio, where he was responsible for keeping the Air Force and [[Department of Defense|DoD]] planners aware of cutting-edge military research in the [[Soviet Union]] and [[China]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Graff's interest in [[Psi|psi]] phenomena stemmed from a personal experience in 1968, where he had a profound [[Out-of-Body Experience|out-of-body experience]] while caught in a rip current. This led him to research anomalous mental phenomena, and he later sought to integrate psychic abilities into military applications.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
He authored the 1977 report "[[Paraphysics R&D - Warsaw Pact]]," which highlighted Soviet research in electromagnetic fields, quantum physics, and [[Psychokinesis]]. This report, along with his advocacy, contributed to the DoD's decision to officially fund a psychic research program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Graff was instrumental in the establishment and management of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program. He collaborated with [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]] of [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] and oversaw the remote viewing unit at [[Fort Meade]]. He was involved in numerous operational taskings, including the successful remote viewing of a new Chinese nuclear device and the location of a lost Soviet bomber in Zaire.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Graff later became the overall manager of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]] under the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]], where he sought to develop a general theory for psychic phenomena. He also played a role in the program's involvement in the Iran hostage crisis and the search for General Dozier.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Daniel Ellsberg.md
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14
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Daniel Ellsberg.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Activist
|
||||
- Analyst
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Daniel Ellsberg was an American activist and former military analyst who famously leaked the Pentagon Papers to the *New York Times* in 1971. In 1963, he was involved in high-level nuclear weapons issues as a deputy in the [[Pentagon]]'s Office of International Strategic Affairs. He recalled seeing a "Top Secret, Eyes Only" memorandum from [[McGeorge Bundy]] to President [[John F. Kennedy]] summarizing a change in policy toward the French, indicating that the [[United States]] would cooperate with [[France]] and allow them to use the [[Nevada]] test site for underground testing. This memorandum was dated November 22, 1963, the day of Kennedy's assassination.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Following [[China]]'s first nuclear bomb test in 1964, Ellsberg recalled similar talk at high levels in the [[Pentagon]] about taking out the Chinese nuclear capability, with the idea of using unmarked bombers to avoid identification. He noted that cooler heads prevailed, as the mission "just looked too big to be plausibly denied."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 9, 11.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Danny Casolaro.md
Normal file
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Danny Casolaro.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
Danny Casolaro was an American investigative journalist who probed a complex web of organized crime, drug trafficking, money laundering, and pirated software, which he termed "[[The Octopus]]." His investigation focused on the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]], the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]] scandal, and [[PROMIS]] software, among other interconnected events.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Casolaro was found dead on August 10, 1991, in a hotel room in Martinsburg, West Virginia, with his wrists slashed. His death was officially ruled a suicide by local authorities. The investigation into his death concluded that there was no evidence suggesting the [[United States Department of Justice|DOJ]] influenced the local West Virginia authorities' investigation. Physical evidence in his hotel room, including no sign of forced entry, no evidence of struggle, a suicide note, undisturbed personal effects, and the absence of footprints other than his own, strongly supported the suicide conclusion. Subsequent tests, such as handwriting analysis of the suicide note and fingerprint analysis of the bathroom, corroborated this. The autopsy found the cause of death to be hemorrhage from multiple wrist wounds, with no evidence of unconsciousness or debilitation. Police interviews of those who knew Casolaro found no substantial evidence of foul play. The investigation also noted that Casolaro had ample reason to commit suicide, being unemployed for months, dependent on family for financial assistance, facing a balloon mortgage, and having a prospective publisher refuse to advance him money for his book about "The Octopus."[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
His notes and investigations suggested a connection between the "[[The Octopus]]" and a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] 'Old Boy' network involved in arms and drug trafficking since the 1950s. Casolaro's work also delved into the [[Wackenhut Corporation]], the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]] joint venture, and the alleged modification and sale of the [[PROMIS Software Scandal|PROMIS]] software to foreign governments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Prior to his death, Casolaro had been in contact with key figures in his investigation, including [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Booth Nichols]]. He was reportedly investigating a connection between [[Michael Abbell]], a former Justice Department official, and the [[Cali Drug Cartel]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Bibliography
|
||||
|
||||
* **Behold, A Pale Horse** (Proposed book title - later changed to The Octopus)
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993. (Hereafter, "Bua Report")
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dave Beavers.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dave Beavers.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Dave Beavers]] was a deputy in the Mariposa Sheriff's Department and a friend of [[Ron Van Meter]]. He was part of the search party for Van Meter after his alleged boating accident on Lake McClure. Beavers was one of the deputies who believed Van Meter was murdered after uncovering drug trafficking within the sheriff's department.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Beavers, a fifteen-year veteran of the sheriff's department, was ultimately forced out of the department and retired on stress leave. He later became involved with D.I.G. (Decency in Government), an organization formed by deputies and grand jurors to expose corruption in Mariposa County.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
He was present at the scene of the "Queen's accident" on March 5, 1983, when a Mariposa County Sheriff's vehicle collided head-on with a Secret Service car. Beavers was the first deputy to arrive and maintained that he was aware of [[Roderick Sinclair]]'s drugged condition at the time. However, when questioned by [[James White]], he was not asked about the drugs, as White had been ordered to drop the criminal investigation and avoid the drug aspect of the case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Beavers, along with [[Ben Wagner]] and others, stood in front of the Fresno [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] building while being interviewed by Channel 3 Sacramento News. On camera, Beavers recalled observing deputies carrying packages of drugs from the Gold Coin Saloon and placing them in their patrol car.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Baltimore.md
Normal file
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Baltimore.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- David Baltimore
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Biologist
|
||||
- Nobel Laureate
|
||||
---
|
||||
David Baltimore is a Nobel Prize-winning biologist. He was the mentor of [[Garry Nolan]], a leading research scientist at [[Stanford University]] specializing in genetics, immunology, and bioinformatics[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
28
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Ben-Gurion.md
Normal file
28
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Ben-Gurion.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
---
|
||||
David Ben-Gurion, often referred to as the "Old Man," was a central figure in the establishment of [[Israel]] and served as its first Prime Minister and Defense Minister from 1948 to 1963, with one brief interlude. He was a strong advocate for [[Israel]]'s self-defense and self-reliance, driven by a private nightmare of a second Holocaust at the hands of the Arabs. He believed that [[Israel]]'s security would come through its own capabilities, repeatedly linking the nation's security to its progress in science.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Gurion was a key proponent of [[Israel]] developing its own atomic reactor, utilizing indigenous natural uranium and locally manufactured heavy water. He publicly stated that nuclear energy would soon produce electricity and desalinated water to make the [[Negev]] desert bloom. However, his primary goal was the development of a nuclear bomb, with the public statements serving as a cover. He oversaw this effort with the aid of his protégé, [[Shimon Peres]], and [[Ernst David Bergmann]], who headed the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission under the direct jurisdiction of the defense ministry.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Gurion, Peres, and Bergmann sought international allies and private financing from wealthy American and European Jews to fund the secret nuclear program, believing any other approach would compromise its secrecy.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite publicly supporting the American position in the [[Korean War]], Ben-Gurion's attempts to secure a regional security pact or inclusion under the American nuclear umbrella were unsuccessful. He even offered to send Israeli troops to fight alongside [[United Nations]] forces in South Korea, an offer declined by President [[Harry S. Truman]] due to fears of backing into a security arrangement with [[Israel]]. Throughout [[Dwight D. Eisenhower|Eisenhower]]'s presidency, [[United States|America]] maintained an embargo on arms sales to [[Israel]], further solidifying Ben-Gurion's conviction that [[Israel]] needed an independent nuclear arsenal.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Gurion's vision for [[Israel]]'s nuclear program was not without internal opposition. Many senior members of the ruling [[Mapai Party]] viewed an Israeli bomb as suicidal, too expensive, and too reminiscent of the horrors of the Holocaust. However, Ben-Gurion held firm, especially regarding the French-Israeli nuclear cooperation. He believed that [[Israel]]'s needs coincided perfectly with [[France]]'s, particularly in the early 1950s when both nations lacked the technical capacity to build a bomb independently.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In late 1953, a disillusioned Ben-Gurion retired to his desert kibbutz at Sdeh Boker, near the future site of [[Dimona]]. He believed he could revive the pioneering spirit of Israeli society by resettling in the desert. His political control over the [[Mapai Party]] remained absolute, and he decreed that his jointly held positions of prime minister and defense minister be separated and filled by his chosen successors, [[Moshe Sharett]] as the new prime minister and [[Pinhas Lavon]] as defense minister. Ben-Gurion also arranged for [[Moshe Dayan]] to become the new army chief of staff, ensuring that Sharett's dovish policies would not go unchallenged.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Gurion's immediate public mission after returning to office in 1955 was to restore the army's morale and public confidence. He was more convinced than ever that a policy of military reprisal was essential. Six days after taking office, on February 28, 1955, he authorized a large-scale retaliation against an Egyptian military camp at [[Gaza]], led by [[Ariel Sharon]], in response to a cross-border attack by Palestinian guerrillas. This raid escalated tensions and ended secret contacts between Sharett and [[Gamal Abdel Nasser|Nasser]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In late 1955, Ben-Gurion once again served as both defense minister and prime minister. With no international protest over the Canadian reactor sale, he decided in mid-September to formally seek French help for the Israeli bomb. He had already picked a location for the Israeli reactor in the basement of an old deserted winery at Rishon LeZion. He sent [[Shimon Peres]] with [[Ernst David Bergmann]] to [[Paris]] to negotiate for a reactor.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Ben-Gurion was pleased with [[Charles de Gaulle]]'s promises of continued military aid, but he was not willing to trade an Israeli bomb for French warplanes. He did nothing to change the status quo at [[Dimona]] after his meeting with de Gaulle, and privately owned French construction firms continued their vigorous presence at [[Dimona]] until 1966.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 2.
|
||||
[^2]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 3.
|
||||
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Elazar.md
Normal file
13
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Elazar.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- Israel
|
||||
---
|
||||
David Elazar, also known as Dado, was the Chief of Staff of the Israeli Army. He was among [[Golda Meir]]'s closest aides, part of her "kitchen cabinet." During the desperate early days of the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], on Monday, October 8, Elazar was present at a dramatic all-night meeting in Meir's office in [[Tel Aviv]]. Faced with the imminent collapse of Israeli forces, the leadership resolved to implement three critical decisions: rally its collapsing forces for a major counterattack; arm and target its nuclear arsenal in the event of total collapse and subsequent need for the [[Samson Option]]; and inform [[Washington D.C.]] of its unprecedented nuclear action to demand an emergency airlift of replacement arms and ammunition.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Elazar's daily diary, published in Hebrew, blacked out the night of October 8, recording only the phrase: "Crucial meeting." He later told an aide that he was "scared to death" during this period, as he had a child on duty at the front.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 17.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David F. Levi.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David F. Levi.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[David F. Levi]] was a [[United States Attorney|United States Attorney]]. He was named in a Writ of Mandamus filed by [[Ben Wagner]] for refusing to investigate corruption in Mariposa County.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Mayer.md
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8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/David Mayer.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[David Mayer]] was an attorney from Marin County, [[California]]. He represented [[Calvin Robinson]], who was dubbed the "drug tug" captain by local media. Mayer obtained the assistance of attorney [[David Mayer]] to represent him at his 1989 trial. However, on February 6, 1989, the night before Mayer was to appear in court to defend Robinson, he died from a gun-shot wound. His death was ruled a suicide, and a suicide tape was found.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Mayer's attorney/client files reportedly contained documentary evidence from his client, [[Ben Kalka]], regarding Kalka's business ties with [[Michael Riconosciuto]] at [[R & R Research]], at the laboratory facilities at Hercules, [[California]], and [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dick Wilson.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dick Wilson.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Dick Wilson]] was associated with [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. [[Robert Chasen]], Executive Vice President of [[Wackenhut Corporation]], believed that Wilson and [[Robert Frye]] were "dazzled" with [[Robert Booth Nichols]], despite Chasen's own distrust of Nichols. [[George Wackenhut]] reportedly liked Frye and Wilson, but did not trust [[Michael Riconosciuto]] or Nichols.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dino A. Brugioni.md
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17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dino A. Brugioni.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Dino A. Brugioni was a World War II veteran who served as an aerial photographer and later joined the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in 1948. He was enticed by [[Arthur C. Lundahl]] to join his staff in the Photographic Intelligence Division, where he played a key role in analyzing reconnaissance photos, particularly from the [[U-2 Spy Plane]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brugioni recalled seeing the first signs of what would become the Israeli nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]]. He and other photo interpreters observed the fencing off of a large, barren area, the construction of a new road, and significant subterranean digging and concrete pouring. They immediately suspected something unusual was happening, given the scale of the construction in the middle of the desert.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite his fascination with the construction at [[Dimona]], Brugioni noted that the White House never encouraged further briefings on the matter. He prepared presidential briefing materials for Lundahl and knew the intelligence on [[Israel]] was reaching the top, but he never understood whether the White House wanted [[Israel]] to have the bomb or not.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
By the end of 1959, Brugioni and Lundahl had no doubt that [[Israel]] was pursuing nuclear weapons, and that President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] and his advisers were determined to look the other way. Brugioni and his colleagues chose not to raise questions about [[Dimona]], understanding that the hierarchy had decided to "play it cool."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 4.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dodi Fayed.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dodi Fayed.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Dodi Fayed]] was an Egyptian multi-millionaire film producer and the son of [[Samira Khashoggi Fayed]] and [[Mohammed Al-Fayed]]. He was romantically involved with [[Diana, Princess of Wales]]. The couple died in a car crash in a Paris underpass in the early hours of August 31, 1997.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Don Curtis.md
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16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Don Curtis.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Don Curtis
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- physicist
|
||||
- researcher
|
||||
description: Don Curtis was a physicist at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory who experienced unusual apparitions related to the Uri Geller phenomena.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Don Curtis]] was a physicist at [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory]]. He was part of the group that investigated [[Uri Geller]]'s psychokinetic abilities. After the group ceased its research activities with Geller, Curtis and his wife experienced one of the last bizarre apparitions: a hovering, holographic, one-armed man in a gray suit with a hook for a hand. This unsettling experience prompted [[Richard Kennett]] to demand a meeting with [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]] to understand the phenomena.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Don Eyles.md
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16
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Don Eyles.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Don Eyles
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Computer Scientist
|
||||
- NASA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Don Eyles was a computer scientist who designed the guidance system on the Antares lunar lander, part of the [[Apollo Program]]. In January 1971, during the [[Apollo 14]] mission, the Antares's computer guidance system malfunctioned, flashing an "Abort" signal[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Eyles, then twenty-seven years old, was at the instrument laboratory at [[MIT]] when [[NASA]] called him to design a workaround. He had less than two hours to create a solution that would cause the spaceship's computer to override its own Abort signal. Eyles recalled, "We deceived the program by telling it an abort was already in progress." His solution was a sixty-one-keystroke sequence[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
[[Edgar Mitchell]] on Antares copied down these critical keystrokes and entered them into the computer, allowing the mission to proceed despite the malfunction[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald A. Bejcek.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald A. Bejcek.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Donald A. Bejcek]] was a Secret Service agent, aged 29, who was killed in a head-on collision on March 5, 1983 (this became known as the [[Queen's Accident]]). The collision involved a Mariposa County Sheriff's vehicle driven by [[Roderick Sinclair]] and occurred while scouting Queen Elizabeth II's motorcade route in the Yosemite National Park foothills. [[George P. LaBarge]] and [[Donald Robinson]] were also killed in the accident.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald Carr.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald Carr.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Donald Carr]] was writing a biography of [[Elliot Richardson]]. He served with [[William Bradford Reynolds]] in the [[Edwin Meese]] and [[Richard Thornburgh]] [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Departments]] as a Republican political appointee. In 2005, Carr showed [[William Bradford Reynolds]] a document dated May 16, 1985, which Reynolds authenticated. This document advised that the [[PROMIS]] software was being provided to an Arab Sheik for resale and general distribution.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald Robinson.md
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6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donald Robinson.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[Donald Robinson]] was a Secret Service agent, aged 38, who was killed in a head-on collision on March 5, 1983 (this became known as the [[Queen's Accident]]). The collision involved a Mariposa County Sheriff's vehicle driven by [[Roderick Sinclair]] and occurred while scouting Queen Elizabeth II's motorcade route in the Yosemite National Park foothills. [[George P. LaBarge]] and [[Donald A. Bejcek]] were also killed in the accident.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donna Hamilton.md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Donna Hamilton.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Politics
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Donna Hamilton]] was the [[USA|U.S.]] consul general in [[Peru]]. She sought the help of [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] in securing the release of [[Cynthia McNamara]], an [[USA|American]] citizen who had been rearrested in [[Peru]] on charges of aiding the [[Shining Path]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. Arthur Dahlem.md
Normal file
8
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. Arthur Dahlem.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
|
|||
[[Dr. Arthur Dahlem]] was the Mariposa doctor and close friend of [[Roderick Sinclair]]. He had been prescribing heavy sedatives to Sinclair for years. Assistant [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] [[James White]] in Fresno ordered Dahlem's files seized to prove Sinclair's alleged drug use in connection with the "[[Queen's accident]]."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Shaula Brent]], a manager at B. Dalton Bookseller who had worked at Fremont Hospital when Sinclair was brought in, recounted that Sinclair had been receiving huge daily shots of Demerol, "enough to kill most men," by order of Dr. Arthur Dahlem. After the Queen's accident, all drugs were withdrawn from Sinclair, and employees could hear him suffering aloud for days from his hospital room.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. Harry Fair.md
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12
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. Harry Fair.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
|
|||
[[Dr. Harry Fair]] was the Chief of Propulsion Technology, Applied Sciences Division, at [[ARRADCOM]] (U.S. Army Armament Research & Development Command, Large Caliber Weapons Systems Laboratory) at [[Picatinny Arsenal]] in Dover, [[New Jersey]]. He was involved in the Railgun Project.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Fair met with [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Frye]] (Vice President of [[Wackenhut Corporation]]) in May 1981 at Picatinny Arsenal. Riconosciuto conducted an extensive and highly technical theoretical blackboard exercise on a Railgun for Army personnel. Fair commented that he was extremely impressed with Riconosciuto's scientific and technical knowledge and termed him a "potential national resource," despite being apprised by [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]] that Riconosciuto had been convicted and served time for stabbing a [[Drug Enforcement Administration|DEA]] agent.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dr. John Philip Nichols]] also addressed a letter to Dr. Harry Fair on January 20, 1983, on [[Wackenhut Corporation|Wackenhut]]/[[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]] letterhead, stating that he would be forwarding a "unique list of agents and production techniques related to biological warfare." The letter mentioned that the [[Storemont Laboratories]] business plan Nichols mailed to Fair was to prepare him for what was to be sent in the area of biological warfare, noting that these products could be used in "small countries bordering [[Albania]] or large countries bordering the [[Soviet Union]]."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Booth Nichols]] also wrote a letter to [[Joseph F. Preloznik]] on April 13, 1983, recapitulating the same weapons proposal outlined by [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]] to Dr. Harry Fair. [[Robert Booth Nichols]] also mentioned Fair in a February 10, 1984, letter on [[Meridian Arms]] letterhead, referring to the [[Wackenhut Corporation]] visit to Picatinny Arsenal in May 1981 and Riconosciuto's demonstration of electrostatic heat transfer augmentation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
30
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. John Philip Nichols.md
Normal file
30
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dr. John Philip Nichols.md
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|
|
@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
|
|||
[[Dr. John Philip Nichols]] was the administrator of the [[Cabazon Band of Mission Indians|Cabazon Indian tribe]] and a former [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] agent. He played a central role in the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon]]/[[Wackenhut Corporation]] Joint Venture and was deeply involved in various covert operations, arms dealing, and alleged criminal activities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cabazon/Wackenhut Joint Venture
|
||||
|
||||
Nichols formalized a joint venture with [[Wackenhut Corporation]] on April 1, 1981, to establish "Cabazon Arms" on the reservation. This venture aimed to manufacture high-tech arms and explosives for export, leveraging the reservation's sovereign status to bypass federal regulations. Nichols obtained a [[United States Department of Defense|Department of Defense]] secret facility clearance for the reservation and proposed the manufacture of various weapons systems, including 120mm combustible cartridge cases, 9mm machine pistols, laser-sighted assault weapons, sniper rifles, and portable rocket systems. He also sought to develop biological weapons.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Nichols introduced [[Michael Riconosciuto]] to [[Robert Frye]], Vice President of [[Wackenhut Corporation]], and Riconosciuto conducted a theoretical blackboard exercise on a Railgun for [[Dr. Harry Fair]] at Picatinny Arsenal. Nichols was aware of Riconosciuto's past conviction for stabbing a [[Drug Enforcement Administration|DEA]] agent but still sought his expertise.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Alleged Criminal Activities and Connections
|
||||
|
||||
Nichols was arrested in January 1985 for hiring a man to solicit the murder of five people for drug-related reasons, though the murders were not carried out due to his arrest. He was convicted of felony murder solicitation and served 18 months in prison. His son, [[John Paul Nichols]], took over his position as acting administrator during his incarceration.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Police reports indicate that Nichols previously did business in [[Saudi Arabia]], [[South Africa]], [[Panama]], [[Nicaragua]], [[Guatemala]], [[Mexico]], [[Chile]], [[Brazil]], the [[Netherlands]], [[England]], [[Canada]], [[France]], [[Spain]], [[Japan]], [[Korea]], and [[Taiwan]]. In 1960, he managed a Coca-Cola bottling plant in Sao Paolo, [[Brazil]], and later became a Pentecostal leader in the Chilean Pentecostal movement.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Nichols wrote himself a 10-year contract with the Cabazon tribe in 1978, granting him 50 percent of the profits from any business he brought to the reservation. He embarked on international security and military ventures, including proposals to provide security for [[Crown Prince Fahd]]'s Saudi Arabia palace and to manufacture weapons on the reservation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Surveillance reports from the Indio Police Department in August 1981 observed Nichols meeting with various [[La Cosa Nostra]] underworld figures, including [[Tommy Marson]], a known [[Gambino Crime Family]] associate, [[Vincent Caci Bologna]], [[Anthony Fratianno]], and [[Daniel Magano]]. These meetings were believed to involve financial transactions, suggesting Nichols acted as an intermediary between the Cabazons and the Mob.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Murders and Cover-ups
|
||||
|
||||
Nichols was implicated in the [[Fred Alvarez]] triple murders. [[Peter Zokosky]]'s time-line indicated that Nichols was in [[Canada]] with Zokosky from June 22 to June 30, 1981, providing him with an alibi for the murders of [[Fred Alvarez]], [[Ralph Boger]], and [[Patricia Castro]] on June 29, 1981. However, [[John Belton]], a Canadian source, claimed that Nichols used people in [[Canada]] to ensure he had an alibi.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jimmy Hughes]], security director of the Cabazon casino, reported that he was instructed in Nichols' presence to take $5,000 as partial payment for the Alvarez killings. Hughes later alleged that Nichols was involved in criminal activities, including issuing contracts to commit murder, and that the gambling enterprises were fronts for U.S. government-sanctioned covert military activities and arms shipments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that Nichols' office was broken into to retrieve [[Phyllis Riconosciuto]]'s diary, which contained passwords for [[Tyme Shares]] online financial clearing house, used for accessing bank accounts. Riconosciuto also stated that Nichols and [[Peter Zokosky]] claimed that Riconosciuto was responsible for the torture and murder of [[Paul Morasca]], and that Riconosciuto had discussed torture techniques with Nichols prior to Morasca's death.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Duane Elgin.md
Normal file
20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Duane Elgin.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Duane Elgin
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- futurologist
|
||||
- psychic
|
||||
description: Duane Elgin was a futurologist at Stanford Research Institute (SRI) who demonstrated strong psychic abilities and experienced profound personal transformation through his involvement in psi research.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Duane Elgin]] was a futurologist at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]], known for his work as an economic and cultural trend watcher. He was considered creative and levelheaded, and his reports were respected by policy makers. In late 1973 and early 1974, [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]] focused their research on Elgin and three other individuals, exploring their psychic abilities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Elgin demonstrated strong psychic abilities, performing well in remote viewing tests and even trying his hand at psychokinesis. He claimed to have made a pendulum swing wildly just by concentrating on it. His interest in [[Parapsychology|psi]] phenomena intensified and began to profoundly change his life. He wrote a futurological report declaring that if psi were not taken more seriously by mainstream science, there might soon be a "civil war" between psychics and non-psychics.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Elgin eventually left SRI and took up with a Tibetan guru. He remained sane and functional, later becoming a successful author. His psi experiences at SRI were deeply transformative for him, leading him to believe that "Once you discover that space doesn't matter, or that time can be travelled through at will so that time doesn't matter, and that matter can be moved by consciousness so that matter doesn't matter—well, you can't go home again."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
18
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dwight D. Eisenhower.md
Normal file
18
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Dwight D. Eisenhower.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- President
|
||||
- Military
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
Dwight D. Eisenhower was the 34th President of the [[United States]], serving from 1953 to 1961. His reliance on aerial photography as Allied Commander in Chief in World War II was reaffirmed by postwar bombing surveys, which concluded that a significant portion of useful intelligence came from overhead reconnaissance. Upon becoming president, he was concerned about the lack of aerial intelligence on the [[Soviet Union]] and ordered the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] to address this.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eisenhower authorized a daring reconnaissance program, primarily targeting the [[Soviet Union]], and assigned the development of the revolutionary [[U-2 Spy Plane]] jointly to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and the Air Force. The U-2 became operational in July 1956, providing crucial intelligence on Soviet military and nuclear programs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eisenhower and his administration, including [[John Foster Dulles]] and [[Allen Dulles]], were angered by [[Israel]]'s attempt to mask its military buildup before the 1956 [[Suez Crisis]]. The U-2 continued to monitor sensitive areas, including the [[Middle East]], and by 1958, CIA photo interpreters observed significant activity at an Israeli Air Force practice bombing range south of [[Beersheba]], which turned out to be the early signs of the [[Dimona]] nuclear reactor.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite being sympathetic to [[Israel]]'s precarious international position in 1958, Eisenhower secretly authorized the U.S. Air Force to provide fighter pilot training and courses in aerial reconnaissance and photo interpretation to the Israelis. However, when presented with clear evidence of the secret nuclear reactor at [[Dimona]] in late 1958 or early 1959, Eisenhower showed no interest in a follow-up investigation, a decision that puzzled intelligence officials like [[Arthur C. Lundahl]] and [[Dino A. Brugioni]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 4.
|
||||
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr..md
Normal file
10
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr..md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Legal
|
||||
- USA
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[E. Lawrence Barcella, Jr.]] was a former federal prosecutor who served as the chief counsel for the [[October Surprise Task Force]]. This task force was funded by the [[USA|U.S.]] [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] to investigate allegations related to the [[October Surprise]], including those made by [[Gary Sick]] and [[Ari Ben-Menashe]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992. (Hereafter, "Profits of War")
|
||||
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/E.B. Cartinhour.md
Normal file
6
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/E.B. Cartinhour.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
|
|||
[[E.B. Cartinhour]] was an [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent from Lexington, Kentucky. According to [[Ari Ben-Menashe]], Cartinhour was one of two [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agents who had been en route to Martinsburg to meet [[Danny Casolaro]] as part of their investigation into the sale of the [[PROMIS]] software to [[Israel]] and other intelligence agencies. Ben-Menashe claimed that Cartinhour was disaffected because his superiors had refused to indict high [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] officials for their role in the [[October Surprise]]. Ben-Menashe further alleged that the agents were prepared to give Casolaro proof that the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] was illegally using [[PROMIS]] software.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Earl Brian.md
Normal file
20
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Earl Brian.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
|
|||
[[Earl Brian]] was a businessman and an associate of [[Edwin Meese]]. He served in Governor [[Ronald Reagan]]'s cabinet in California. Brian became a central figure in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]], alleged to have played a key role in the pirating and distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in PROMIS Software Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
Brian was accused of spearheading a plan for the worldwide use of the modified [[PROMIS]] software. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that Brian made a copy of the [[PROMIS]] software available to him through [[Wackenhut Corporation]] after acquiring it from [[Peter Videnieks]], a [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] contracting official. Riconosciuto performed modifications to [[PROMIS]] for its global implementation in law enforcement and intelligence agencies, including specific adaptations for the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] in [[Canada]]. It was Riconosciuto's understanding that Brian had sold this modified version of [[PROMIS]] to the [[Canadian Government]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brian was also alleged to have been involved in a scheme to raise off-the-books money for covert government operations through the sale of the stolen [[PROMIS]] software. The text states that $6 million worth of software stolen from [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], co-owners of [[INSLAW]], was allegedly sold by the [[United States Department of Justice|Justice Department]] through Brian for this purpose.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### October Surprise Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that he and [[Earl Brian]] traveled to [[Iran]] in 1980 and paid $40 million to Iranian officials to persuade them not to release the [[United States|U.S.]] hostages before [[Ronald Reagan]]'s presidential inauguration. This allegation linked the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] to the [[October Surprise]] affair, creating a "domino effect" in Washington D.C. and leading to numerous investigations and media attention.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections and Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Brian owned [[Hadron Company]] at the time of [[Michael Riconosciuto]]'s trial. During the trial, [[Peter Videnieks]] testified that he did not know Brian, despite being questioned about his familiarity with Hadron Company and its ownership. Videnieks was evasive about his knowledge of Brian's connection to Hadron.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Earle Jones.md
Normal file
15
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Earle Jones.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Earle Jones
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- researcher
|
||||
description: Earle Jones was a branch chief at Stanford Research Institute (SRI) involved in the early remote viewing experiments.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Earle Jones]] was a branch chief at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. He was involved in the early remote viewing experiments conducted by [[Hal Puthoff]] and [[Russell Targ]]. Jones, along with Puthoff, served as an outbound experimenter for [[Pat Price]] in the first formal test of the "outbound" protocol, where Price accurately described their location at Hoover Tower on the Stanford University campus.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ed Dames.md
Normal file
17
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Ed Dames.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: Ed Dames
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- military
|
||||
- remoteviewer
|
||||
- analyst
|
||||
description: Ed Dames was a U.S. Army officer, remote viewing session monitor and analyst within the Stargate Project, who later became a public figure in remote viewing circles.
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ed Dames]] was a [[U.S. Army]] officer who served as a [[Remote Viewing|remote viewing]] session monitor and analyst within the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He later became a public figure in remote viewing circles, known for his predictions and teachings on the subject. Dames' public profile contributed to the popularization of remote viewing after the program's declassification, though his claims often generated controversy.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Schnabel, Jim. *Remote Viewers*. Dell, 1997.
|
||||
19
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eddie George.md
Normal file
19
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/Eddie George.md
Normal file
|
|
@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
tags: ["Person", "Banker", "Government Official"]
|
||||
---
|
||||
Eddie George was the Deputy Governor of the [[Bank of England]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in BCCI Scandal
|
||||
|
||||
George, along with Governor [[Robin Leigh-Pemberton]], was aware of the disastrous 1990 Price Waterhouse audit of [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International|BCCI]], which revealed that many of BCCI's transactions were "fraudulent and deceitful."[^2] Despite this knowledge, the Bank of England agreed to a plan in spring 1990 to allow BCCI to move its headquarters to [[Abu Dhabi]] and for [[Zayed bin Sultan AL-Nahayan|Sheikh Zayed]] to take over the bank.[^3] This action effectively concealed BCCI's problems from its depositors and creditors.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
On June 28, 1991, George and Leigh-Pemberton decided to act, informing the [[Federal Reserve Bank]] of the impending seizure of BCCI in the [[United Kingdom]].[^5] This decision was influenced by the revelations in the Price Waterhouse audit and the certainty that [[Robert Morgenthau]] and the Fed would take action.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
## Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 9.
|
||||
[^2]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 135.
|
||||
[^3]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 135.
|
||||
[^4]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 135.
|
||||
[^5]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 146.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan and Gwynne, S. C. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI*. New York: Random House, 1993, p. 136.
|
||||
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