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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/George H.W. Bush.md
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@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ aliases:
- Bush 41
category: "Political Figure"
created: 2024-04-25
updated: 2026-10-15
updated: 2026-10-26
tags:
- KeyFigure
- Person
@ -27,40 +27,40 @@ relations:
with: "[[Gerald R. Ford]]"
role: "Director of Central Intelligence"
start: 1976-01-30
fn: 26
fn: 31
- type: director_of
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
role: "Director of Central Intelligence"
start: 1976-01-30
end: 1977-01-20
fn: 26
fn: 31
- type: reported_to
with: "[[Ronald Reagan]]"
role: "Vice President"
start: 1981-01-20
end: 1989-01-20
fn: 108
fn: 113
- type: head_of
with: "[[United States]]"
role: "President of the United States"
start: 1989-01-20
end: 1993-01-20
fn: 108
fn: 113
- type: subject_of
with: "[[October Surprise]]"
start: 1993-01-03
fn: 93
fn: 98
- type: member_of
with: "[[Skull and Bones]]"
fn: 4
- type: employed_by
with: "[[The Carlyle Group]]"
role: "Senior adviser on Asia"
fn: 147
fn: 152
- type: participant_in
with: "[[South Florida Drug Task Force]]"
start: 1982-01-28
fn: 17
fn: 22
---
George H.W. Bush served as the Vice President under President [[Ronald Reagan]] and later as the 41st President of the United States. He was present at a meeting of Reagan's high command following the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor at [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, where he agreed that some sanctions against [[Israel]] were essential.[^1] The same history of Israel's nuclear program includes the Vela incident of September 1979, the double flash recorded by an American Vela satellite over the South Atlantic.[^1]
@ -73,255 +73,259 @@ Bush was the son of [[Prescott Bush]], an investment banker who represented Conn
The George H. W. Bush Presidential Library's response to a 2009 request for records on the [[Skull and Bones]] Society, filed as FOIA 2009-0116-F, describes the society as one "of which George H. W. Bush and his father Prescott Bush were both members."[^4] The same response describes a rumor about the skull of the Apache leader [[Geronimo]] and the society, and does not endorse it.[^4] The file contains correspondence from President Bush to [[William F. Buckley Jr.]] and [[Thomas W. Ludlow Ashley]] about a Buckley article in [[National Review]] answering [[Pat Buchanan]]'s characterization of Bush's foreign policy as "Skull and Bones foreign policy" during the 1992 campaign, and administrative forms for a Skull and Bones tea held at the White House on October 20, 1989.[^4]
On October 20, 1942 at Washington, the [[Alien Property Custodian]], Leo T. Crowley, signed Vesting Order No. 248, which vested the capital stock of the [[Union Banking Corporation]], a New York corporation, in the Custodian. The order was published in the [[Federal Register]] on November 7, 1942. It lists 4,000 shares. [[E. Roland Harriman]] held 3,991 of them and Prescott S. Bush held one. The order states that all of the shares were held for the benefit of [[Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart]], N.V., of Rotterdam, "which bank is owned or controlled by members of the Thyssen family, nationals of Germany and/or Hungary."[^5]
The membership index that [[Antony C. Sutton]] reproduces lists Bush under the class of 1948, and the 1971 membership catalogue entry for him gives his service as a United States congressman from 1966 to 1970.[^5] The Yale class history of 1917 states of Prescott Sheldon Bush: "He belongs to the Whiffenpoofs, Psi Upsilon, and Skull and Bones."[^6] In 2017 a pro se complaint filed in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas (*Madrigal v. Russell Trust Association*) named Bush, with the Russell Trust Association, Willard Mitt Romney and Yale University, as defendants; it alleged that the society holds the skull of [[Pancho Villa]]. The court dismissed it for lack of subject matter jurisdiction because the plaintiff and Bush were both Texas residents and no federal question was presented, entered final judgment on December 18, 2017, and the Fifth Circuit dismissed the appeal on February 28, 2018.[^7]
The Yale Alumni Magazine reported in 2006 that the centennial history of the society by F. O. Matthiessen names Prescott Bush, [[Ellery Sedgwick James|Ellery James]] and [[Neil Mallon]], all of the class of 1917 and at [[Fort Sill]] in early 1918, among the members who unearthed a skull there, and that Jonathan Bush met Ned Anderson of the San Carlos Apache Tribe about it.[^8] On May 9, 2006 the Associated Press reported a 1918 letter, found by the researcher [[Marc Wortman]], that one society member wrote to another. The letter describes the skull and remains as taken from the grave at Fort Sill to a stone tomb in New Haven. The report names the writer as [[Winter Mead]] and states that Mead was not at Fort Sill. According to the report, Skull and Bones legend places Prescott Bush among the members who dug up the grave while Army volunteers from Yale were stationed at the fort during World War I. Wortman said that he was skeptical that the remains were Geronimo's.[^9]
On October 20, 1942 at Washington, the [[Alien Property Custodian]], Leo T. Crowley, signed Vesting Order No. 248, which vested the capital stock of the [[Union Banking Corporation]], a New York corporation, in the Custodian. The order was published in the [[Federal Register]] on November 7, 1942. It lists 4,000 shares. [[E. Roland Harriman]] held 3,991 of them and Prescott S. Bush held one. The order states that all of the shares were held for the benefit of [[Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart]], N.V., of Rotterdam, "which bank is owned or controlled by members of the Thyssen family, nationals of Germany and/or Hungary."[^10]
### Zapata Petroleum and Zapata Off-Shore
Bush moved to Odessa, Texas in 1948, worked for Dresser Industries from 1950, and that year formed an oil development company in Midland that merged with another company three years later to create [[Zapata Petroleum]]. In 1954 he became president of the subsidiary Zapata Off-Shore Company and moved the company and his family to Houston.[^2] WhoWhatWhy reports that Zapata Petroleum began in 1953 "through joint efforts with Thomas J. Devine, a CIA staffer who had resigned his agency position that same year." The article quotes a CIA memorandum of November 29, 1975 that describes Devine as an "oil wild-catting associate of Mr. Bush."[^6] The same article quotes a 1968 memorandum that places Devine back in agency work under commercial cover from 1963.[^7] WhoWhatWhy also reports that the CIA documents were released in 1998 from a batch of records provided to the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]].[^7]
Bush moved to Odessa, Texas in 1948, worked for Dresser Industries from 1950, and that year formed an oil development company in Midland that merged with another company three years later to create [[Zapata Petroleum]]. In 1954 he became president of the subsidiary Zapata Off-Shore Company and moved the company and his family to Houston.[^2] WhoWhatWhy reports that Zapata Petroleum began in 1953 "through joint efforts with Thomas J. Devine, a CIA staffer who had resigned his agency position that same year." The article quotes a CIA memorandum of November 29, 1975 that describes Devine as an "oil wild-catting associate of Mr. Bush."[^11] The same article quotes a 1968 memorandum that places Devine back in agency work under commercial cover from 1963.[^12] WhoWhatWhy also reports that the CIA documents were released in 1998 from a batch of records provided to the [[House Select Committee on Assassinations]].[^12]
The corporation that later carried the Zapata name filed with the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] under the former conformed names Zapata Off Shore Co, dated from January 15, 1969, and Zapata Norness Inc, dated from March 14, 1972. Its fiscal 1994 annual report states that "Zapata Corporation is a Delaware corporation organized in 1954."[^8] Electronic filings on EDGAR begin on February 8, 1994, and the company's record under Central Index Key 109177 starts from that period.[^9]
The corporation that later carried the Zapata name filed with the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] under the former conformed names Zapata Off Shore Co, dated from January 15, 1969, and Zapata Norness Inc, dated from March 14, 1972. Its fiscal 1994 annual report states that "Zapata Corporation is a Delaware corporation organized in 1954."[^13] Electronic filings on EDGAR begin on February 8, 1994, and the company's record under Central Index Key 109177 starts from that period.[^14]
### The 1963 Hoover Memorandum
In 1997 the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] asked the CIA about a memorandum dated November 29, 1963 that carries the name of [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. The Review Board's letter of December 18, 1997 quotes the memorandum's statement that "the substance of the foregoing information [on the assassination of President Kennedy] was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency."[^10] The letter describes the document as "dated November 29,1963, prepared under the name of John Edgar Hoover."[^10]
In 1997 the [[Assassination Records Review Board]] asked the CIA about a memorandum dated November 29, 1963 that carries the name of [[J. Edgar Hoover]]. The Review Board's letter of December 18, 1997 quotes the memorandum's statement that "the substance of the foregoing information [on the assassination of President Kennedy] was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency."[^15] The letter describes the document as "dated November 29,1963, prepared under the name of John Edgar Hoover."[^15]
The routing of the memorandum is recorded in two conflicting ways. A Review Board staff memorandum of January 8, 1998 describes it as concerning Hoover's conversation with President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] about the assassination, and says the memorandum is located in Johnson O&C File 92.[^11] A CIA memorandum by Michelle Combs to T. Jeremy Gunn, dated July 15, 1998, describes it as a memorandum from Hoover to the director of the Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the State Department.[^12]
The routing of the memorandum is recorded in two conflicting ways. A Review Board staff memorandum of January 8, 1998 describes it as concerning Hoover's conversation with President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] about the assassination, and says the memorandum is located in Johnson O&C File 92.[^16] A CIA memorandum by Michelle Combs to T. Jeremy Gunn, dated July 15, 1998, describes it as a memorandum from Hoover to the director of the Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the State Department.[^17]
The Review Board's letter quotes the CIA as having confirmed that "the search query included George Herbert Walker Bush prior to 1970." The letter asks the agency to determine whether George Herbert Walker Bush is the person to whom the memorandum refers.[^10] A CIA memorandum from J. Barry Harrelson to Gunn, dated February 25, 1998, states that the search "determined the Agency has no record of any association with George Herbert Walker Bush during the 1963 time period."[^13]
The Review Board's letter quotes the CIA as having confirmed that "the search query included George Herbert Walker Bush prior to 1970." The letter asks the agency to determine whether George Herbert Walker Bush is the person to whom the memorandum refers.[^15] A CIA memorandum from J. Barry Harrelson to Gunn, dated February 25, 1998, states that the search "determined the Agency has no record of any association with George Herbert Walker Bush during the 1963 time period."[^18]
The Combs memorandum records that the only other "George Bush" serving in the CIA in 1963 was a junior analyst who has repeatedly denied being the "George Bush" referenced in the memorandum. It also cites an entry in the calendar of Director [[Allen Dulles]] for October 4, 1961 that names an Army major general George Bush, with "no indication if this General Bush could be the referenced George Bush."[^12]
The Combs memorandum records that the only other "George Bush" serving in the CIA in 1963 was a junior analyst who has repeatedly denied being the "George Bush" referenced in the memorandum. It also cites an entry in the calendar of Director [[Allen Dulles]] for October 4, 1961 that names an Army major general George Bush, with "no indication if this General Bush could be the referenced George Bush."[^17]
An undated Review Board draft request bearing Gunn's name refers to an affidavit of George William Bush dated September 21, 1988.[^14]
An undated Review Board draft request bearing Gunn's name refers to an affidavit of George William Bush dated September 21, 1988.[^19]
In 1988 Stephen Hart issued a statement answering a report by [[Joseph McBride]] that appeared in The Nation on July 16, 1988. WhoWhatWhy quotes the statement as concluding: "Must be another George Bush."[^15] McBride described the response as "rather detailed for a ritual non-denial."[^15]
In 1988 Stephen Hart issued a statement answering a report by [[Joseph McBride]] that appeared in The Nation on July 16, 1988. WhoWhatWhy quotes the statement as concluding: "Must be another George Bush."[^20] McBride described the response as "rather detailed for a ritual non-denial."[^20]
The CIA's 1998 answer, the Review Board staff's account of it, the 1988 statement and the 1988 affidavit all concern the same name. The records do not establish which George Bush the memorandum means.
### The South Florida Drug Task Force and the Medellín Cartel
As Vice President, Bush oversaw anti-drug efforts as head of the South Florida Drug Task Force while the administration simultaneously protected Contra-connected drug traffickers. The contradiction between Bush's public anti-drug posture and the covert reality of the Contra supply chain became a recurring theme in the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^16]
As Vice President, Bush oversaw anti-drug efforts as head of the South Florida Drug Task Force while the administration simultaneously protected Contra-connected drug traffickers. The contradiction between Bush's public anti-drug posture and the covert reality of the Contra supply chain became a recurring theme in the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^21]
Reagan's statement of January 28, 1982 announced the federal anticrime task force for southern Florida: "To coordinate this effort, I am today announcing the establishment of a special task force, headed by Vice President George Bush, to analyze the problems and determine what steps we must take during the period of aggravated crime incidence."[^17] In a statement to a 1988 Senate subcommittee, Admiral [[Daniel Murphy]] said: "The President appointed Vice President Bush to direct the task force comprised of the Secretaries of State, Defense, Transportation, Treasury, Health and Human Service, and the Attorney General."[^18]
Reagan's statement of January 28, 1982 announced the federal anticrime task force for southern Florida: "To coordinate this effort, I am today announcing the establishment of a special task force, headed by Vice President George Bush, to analyze the problems and determine what steps we must take during the period of aggravated crime incidence."[^22] In a statement to a 1988 Senate subcommittee, Admiral [[Daniel Murphy]] said: "The President appointed Vice President Bush to direct the task force comprised of the Secretaries of State, Defense, Transportation, Treasury, Health and Human Service, and the Attorney General."[^23]
The [[Kerry Committee]] report, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (1988), states: "These cables led to a 1982 meeting between Vice President Bush, Admiral Daniel Murphy and Bahamian Prime Minister [[Lynden Pindling]], at which the Norman's Cay problem was raised. The Vice President chastised the Prime Minister for what was taking place."[^19]
The [[Kerry Committee]] report, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy* (1988), states: "These cables led to a 1982 meeting between Vice President Bush, Admiral Daniel Murphy and Bahamian Prime Minister [[Lynden Pindling]], at which the Norman's Cay problem was raised. The Vice President chastised the Prime Minister for what was taking place."[^24]
The [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín Cartel]] reportedly made a deal with Vice President Bush. Informant Allen Raul Rudd told federal officials that [[Pablo Escobar]] described "an agreement or relationship between Bush and the American government and members of the Medellín cartel which resulted in planes flying guns to the cartel in [[Colombia]]." Escobar claimed to have a picture of Bush posing with Medellín cartel leader [[Jorge Ochoa]] in front of suitcases full of money, held as blackmail to be released at "the appropriate time."[^16]
The [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín Cartel]] reportedly made a deal with Vice President Bush. Informant Allen Raul Rudd told federal officials that [[Pablo Escobar]] described "an agreement or relationship between Bush and the American government and members of the Medellín cartel which resulted in planes flying guns to the cartel in [[Colombia]]." Escobar claimed to have a picture of Bush posing with Medellín cartel leader [[Jorge Ochoa]] in front of suitcases full of money, held as blackmail to be released at "the appropriate time."[^21]
### Contra Connections and the War on Drugs
At the same time Reagan and Bush were publicly whipping the American public into a frenzy over street-corner crack dealers, [[Oliver North]] and other top administration officials were livid that Contra-connected drug trafficker General [[Jose Bueso Rosa]] had even been charged with a crime. North's computer messages about Bueso Rosa illustrated how skewed the Reagan administration's sense of justice had become regarding its "War on Drugs." [[Scott Weekly]], a figure connected to the CIA and the Hasenfus shootdown, claimed on tape that he reported to people who reported to Bush.[^20]
At the same time Reagan and Bush were publicly whipping the American public into a frenzy over street-corner crack dealers, [[Oliver North]] and other top administration officials were livid that Contra-connected drug trafficker General [[Jose Bueso Rosa]] had even been charged with a crime. North's computer messages about Bueso Rosa illustrated how skewed the Reagan administration's sense of justice had become regarding its "War on Drugs." [[Scott Weekly]], a figure connected to the CIA and the Hasenfus shootdown, claimed on tape that he reported to people who reported to Bush.[^25]
### Political Career Before the CIA
Bush became Republican Party chairman in Harris County, Texas, lost the 1964 Senate race to Ralph Yarborough, won the House seat for Houston's Seventh District in 1966 and was reelected in 1968. He lost the 1970 Senate race to [[Lloyd Bentsen]]. In December 1970 President [[Richard Nixon]] nominated him as ambassador to the [[United Nations]]; in 1973 Nixon moved him to the chairmanship of the [[Republican National Committee]], which he held through the Watergate period until Nixon's resignation in August 1974. President [[Gerald R. Ford]] then made him chief of the U.S. Liaison Office in the People's Republic of China, and in 1975 asked him to direct the CIA. After Ford lost in 1976, Bush offered to stay as director and [[Jimmy Carter]] declined.[^2] [[James C. Oberwetter]], the spokesman for [[Hunt Oil Company]] in a 1977 episode involving the FBI, had been press secretary to Congressman Bush.[^21]
Bush became Republican Party chairman in Harris County, Texas, lost the 1964 Senate race to Ralph Yarborough, won the House seat for Houston's Seventh District in 1966 and was reelected in 1968. He lost the 1970 Senate race to [[Lloyd Bentsen]]. In December 1970 President [[Richard Nixon]] nominated him as ambassador to the [[United Nations]]; in 1973 Nixon moved him to the chairmanship of the [[Republican National Committee]], which he held through the Watergate period until Nixon's resignation in August 1974. President [[Gerald R. Ford]] then made him chief of the U.S. Liaison Office in the People's Republic of China, and in 1975 asked him to direct the CIA. After Ford lost in 1976, Bush offered to stay as director and [[Jimmy Carter]] declined.[^2] [[James C. Oberwetter]], the spokesman for [[Hunt Oil Company]] in a 1977 episode involving the FBI, had been press secretary to Congressman Bush.[^26]
### Out of Office, 1977 to 1981
In January 1977, as chairman of the [[National Foreign Intelligence Board]], Bush wrote to Vice Admiral [[Bobby Ray Inman]], then vice director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]], thanking him for a year of advice to the board.[^22] [[U.S. News & World Report]] stated on April 7, 1980 that Bush was a present or former member of the [[Trilateral Commission]]; the magazine reported that he "resigned from the organization in 1978" and quoted him as saying that "to suggest that those that belong to the commission . . . are involved in a conspiracy is absurd."[^23] Bush announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination on May 1, 1979.[^2] [[William H. Draper III]] was national cochairman of the finance committee for Bush's 1980 presidential campaign, according to the White House announcement of March 18, 1981 nominating Draper to head the [[Export-Import Bank of the United States]].[^24] Bush ran on the Reagan ticket and won the vice presidency in the November 1980 election.[^2]
In January 1977, as chairman of the [[National Foreign Intelligence Board]], Bush wrote to Vice Admiral [[Bobby Ray Inman]], then vice director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]], thanking him for a year of advice to the board.[^27] [[U.S. News & World Report]] stated on April 7, 1980 that Bush was a present or former member of the [[Trilateral Commission]]; the magazine reported that he "resigned from the organization in 1978" and quoted him as saying that "to suggest that those that belong to the commission . . . are involved in a conspiracy is absurd."[^28] Bush announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination on May 1, 1979.[^2] [[William H. Draper III]] was national cochairman of the finance committee for Bush's 1980 presidential campaign, according to the White House announcement of March 18, 1981 nominating Draper to head the [[Export-Import Bank of the United States]].[^29] Bush ran on the Reagan ticket and won the vice presidency in the November 1980 election.[^2]
### Director of Central Intelligence, 1976 to 1977
On November 3, 1975 President Gerald R. Ford announced at a news conference that he intended to nominate Ambassador Bush, then the [[United States]] representative to the People's Republic of China, as [[Director of Central Intelligence]], succeeding [[William Colby]].[^25] Bush was sworn in as Director of Central Intelligence on January 30, 1976.[^26] As director of central intelligence in 1976 Bush was briefed on the CIA's remote-viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] after the agency learned that Soviet visitors were "questioning Puthoff and Targ at SRI," and left office before reacting.[^27]
On November 3, 1975 President Gerald R. Ford announced at a news conference that he intended to nominate Ambassador Bush, then the [[United States]] representative to the People's Republic of China, as [[Director of Central Intelligence]], succeeding [[William Colby]].[^30] Bush was sworn in as Director of Central Intelligence on January 30, 1976.[^31] As director of central intelligence in 1976 Bush was briefed on the CIA's remote-viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] after the agency learned that Soviet visitors were "questioning Puthoff and Targ at SRI," and left office before reacting.[^32]
The Senate Armed Services Committee reported the nomination through Senator [[John Tower]]. Hearings were held on December 15 and 16, 1975. Bush told the committee that "I do feel we need a covert capability," and pledged to "faithfully try to testify before the appropriate oversight committees of the U.S. Congress."[^28] The committee's report of December 18, 1975 recommends confirmation "subject to the nominee's commitment to respond to requests to appear and testify before any duly constituted committee."[^28] The committee approved him 12 to four. The full United States Senate followed in January with a 64 to 27 vote, after a two-hour debate, according to [[Studies in Intelligence]].[^29]
The Senate Armed Services Committee reported the nomination through Senator [[John Tower]]. Hearings were held on December 15 and 16, 1975. Bush told the committee that "I do feel we need a covert capability," and pledged to "faithfully try to testify before the appropriate oversight committees of the U.S. Congress."[^33] The committee's report of December 18, 1975 recommends confirmation "subject to the nominee's commitment to respond to requests to appear and testify before any duly constituted committee."[^33] The committee approved him 12 to four. The full United States Senate followed in January with a 64 to 27 vote, after a two-hour debate, according to [[Studies in Intelligence]].[^34]
In a memorandum to the recipients of National Intelligence Estimate 11-3/8-76, Bush called the estimate "the official appraisal of the Director of Central Intelligence." He wrote that "there is a negative aspect that is already clear and which concerns me deeply; namely, the selective leaks regarding the details of the process and, worse, the substantive conclusions developed by the 'Team B' panel that was concerned with Soviet strategic objectives." He added: "There is no truth to such allegations."[^30]
In a memorandum to the recipients of National Intelligence Estimate 11-3/8-76, Bush called the estimate "the official appraisal of the Director of Central Intelligence." He wrote that "there is a negative aspect that is already clear and which concerns me deeply; namely, the selective leaks regarding the details of the process and, worse, the substantive conclusions developed by the 'Team B' panel that was concerned with Soviet strategic objectives." He added: "There is no truth to such allegations."[^35]
The Team B report, "Soviet Strategic Objectives: An Alternative View," describes the experiment as "undertaken by the DCI on behalf of the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]]." It names [[Richard Pipes]] as team leader and lists William Van Cleave, [[Daniel O. Graham]], Thomas Wolfe and John Vogt as members. An advisory panel included Foy Kohler, Paul Nitze, Seymour Weiss, Jasper Welch and Paul Wolfowitz. The report states that its views "do not represent either coordinated National Intelligence or the views of the Director of Central Intelligence."[^31]
The Team B report, "Soviet Strategic Objectives: An Alternative View," describes the experiment as "undertaken by the DCI on behalf of the [[President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board]]." It names [[Richard Pipes]] as team leader and lists William Van Cleave, [[Daniel O. Graham]], Thomas Wolfe and John Vogt as members. An advisory panel included Foy Kohler, Paul Nitze, Seymour Weiss, Jasper Welch and Paul Wolfowitz. The report states that its views "do not represent either coordinated National Intelligence or the views of the Director of Central Intelligence."[^36]
William Beecher broke the Team B story in the [[Boston Globe]] on October 20, 1976, according to the editors' note in the Foreign Relations volume. A story by [[David Binder]] in the [[New York Times]] of December 26, 1976 reported the estimate's findings and drew in part on an interview with Bush.[^30] On January 19, 1977 Bush wrote to Cherne, chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, about Team B's recommendations.[^32]
William Beecher broke the Team B story in the [[Boston Globe]] on October 20, 1976, according to the editors' note in the Foreign Relations volume. A story by [[David Binder]] in the [[New York Times]] of December 26, 1976 reported the estimate's findings and drew in part on an interview with Bush.[^35] On January 19, 1977 Bush wrote to Cherne, chairman of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, about Team B's recommendations.[^37]
On February 11, 1976 Bush announced new guidelines governing the agency's relations with the American press. The guideline states: "Effective immediately, CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station."[^33] The report of the [[Church Committee]], chaired by [[Frank Church]], also states that the CIA had maintained covert relationships with about 50 journalists, and that Bush "undertook as one of his first actions to recognize the 'special status afforded the American media under our Constitution.'"[^34]
On February 11, 1976 Bush announced new guidelines governing the agency's relations with the American press. The guideline states: "Effective immediately, CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station."[^38] The report of the [[Church Committee]], chaired by [[Frank Church]], also states that the CIA had maintained covert relationships with about 50 journalists, and that Bush "undertook as one of his first actions to recognize the 'special status afforded the American media under our Constitution.'"[^39]
On February 10, 1976 the [[Washington Star]] reported that Bush, according to a CIA spokesman, "has urged executives of The New York Times and CBS news to support the agency's efforts to keep secret the names of journalists who have aided intelligence operations."[^35]
On February 10, 1976 the [[Washington Star]] reported that Bush, according to a CIA spokesman, "has urged executives of The New York Times and CBS news to support the agency's efforts to keep secret the names of journalists who have aided intelligence operations."[^40]
In June 1976 the Washington Star reported that U.S. District Judge [[June Green]] ordered CIA Director Bush "not to destroy the files gathered by the CIA." Green also granted an appeal that the files be "protected" pending a civil action by the [[American Civil Liberties Union]]. The files were part of [[Operation CHAOS]] and had been gathered by the CIA at the request of Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon, who feared extensive foreign influence on domestic unrest.[^36]
In June 1976 the Washington Star reported that U.S. District Judge [[June Green]] ordered CIA Director Bush "not to destroy the files gathered by the CIA." Green also granted an appeal that the files be "protected" pending a civil action by the [[American Civil Liberties Union]]. The files were part of [[Operation CHAOS]] and had been gathered by the CIA at the request of Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon, who feared extensive foreign influence on domestic unrest.[^41]
The [[Letelier assassination]] in Washington in September 1976 brought Chile into the Director's correspondence. On September 29, 1976 Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] wrote to Bush thanking him for a briefing, and noted that [[Orlando Letelier]] "was recently discussed at a high-level policy meeting within the Chilean government."[^37] On October 9, 1976 [[U.S. Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Edward Levi]] wrote to Bush that "the Central Intelligence Agency may be in a position to obtain information bearing on these violent activities."[^38] [[Brent Scowcroft]] endorsed the request on October 21, 1976.[^38]
The [[Letelier assassination]] in Washington in September 1976 brought Chile into the Director's correspondence. On September 29, 1976 Senator [[Daniel Inouye]] wrote to Bush thanking him for a briefing, and noted that [[Orlando Letelier]] "was recently discussed at a high-level policy meeting within the Chilean government."[^42] On October 9, 1976 [[U.S. Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Edward Levi]] wrote to Bush that "the Central Intelligence Agency may be in a position to obtain information bearing on these violent activities."[^43] [[Brent Scowcroft]] endorsed the request on October 21, 1976.[^43]
A 1980 radio interview transcript in the CIA reading room quotes a speaker, identified only as "MAN," who refers to "our book" and says: "we've been able to establish that George Bush personally handled the information from Paraguay in this intervening week, and discussed it with [[Vernon Walters]], and together made the decision, first of all, to say, 'No, we have nothing to do with this mission.'"[^39] The transcript does not identify the speaker further.
A 1980 radio interview transcript in the CIA reading room quotes a speaker, identified only as "MAN," who refers to "our book" and says: "we've been able to establish that George Bush personally handled the information from Paraguay in this intervening week, and discussed it with [[Vernon Walters]], and together made the decision, first of all, to say, 'No, we have nothing to do with this mission.'"[^44] The transcript does not identify the speaker further.
The Paraguayan material concerned two Chileans traveling on Paraguayan passports under false names. A later Foreign Relations volume records that in July 1976 presidential adviser Conrado Pappalardo approached Ambassador [[George Landau|George W. Landau]] in Asunción about the two. Pappalardo said they would contact "then-U.S. Deputy Director of Central Intelligence General Vernon Walters."[^40] A memorandum by [[Eugene Propper|Propper]], quoted in the same volume, states that the CIA advised that Walters had retired from the agency on July 2, 1976.[^41]
The Paraguayan material concerned two Chileans traveling on Paraguayan passports under false names. A later Foreign Relations volume records that in July 1976 presidential adviser Conrado Pappalardo approached Ambassador [[George Landau|George W. Landau]] in Asunción about the two. Pappalardo said they would contact "then-U.S. Deputy Director of Central Intelligence General Vernon Walters."[^45] A memorandum by [[Eugene Propper|Propper]], quoted in the same volume, states that the CIA advised that Walters had retired from the agency on July 2, 1976.[^46]
On August 11, 1976 Bush wrote a memorandum headed "The Death of Roselli," concerning the murder of [[Johnny Roselli]]. In it he wrote, "I told him that I would like to see the FBI get into the Roselli case." He wrote that he was "most anxious to see the matter fully investigated so that the CIA would be officially exonerated."[^42]
On August 11, 1976 Bush wrote a memorandum headed "The Death of Roselli," concerning the murder of [[Johnny Roselli]]. In it he wrote, "I told him that I would like to see the FBI get into the Roselli case." He wrote that he was "most anxious to see the matter fully investigated so that the CIA would be officially exonerated."[^47]
The memorandum records that calls to Senators had suggested that the CIA was involved in the murder, and that he had asked Attorney General Levi to bring the FBI into the case.[^42]
The memorandum records that calls to Senators had suggested that the CIA was involved in the murder, and that he had asked Attorney General Levi to bring the FBI into the case.[^47]
On the Letelier investigation, Propper, Assistant Attorney General [[J. Stanley Pottinger]] and Bush met to decide how far the CIA could help with the Cuban exile side of the inquiry.[^43] Newspaper clippings that the defendants in *United States v. Sampol* filed to show prejudicial publicity described "a carefully worded agreement placing the Letelier case in a 'national security' status." Defense counsel for [[Guillermo Novo]] and others told the jury that "the CIA and not the Chilean government masterminded the Letelier assassination," and the appeal brief rested the theory on Michael Townley's CIA contacts and on a Fort Lauderdale firm, [[Audio Intelligence Devices]], where Townley spent the morning of September 21, 1976.[^44] The Washington Post reported on November 1, 1976 a belief at the CIA that Chilean operatives had not carried out the bombing, which Bush was said to have expressed to Secretary of State [[Henry A. Kissinger]] the week before.[^45] On November 5, 1976 Assistant Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]] asked the State Department to arrange interviews in Caracas of [[Orlando Bosch]], [[Luis Posada Carriles]] and two others held in connection with the [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing]], naming Propper and FBI special agents [[Carter Cornick]] and Raul Salinas as the investigators to be sent.[^46]
On the Letelier investigation, Propper, Assistant Attorney General [[J. Stanley Pottinger]] and Bush met to decide how far the CIA could help with the Cuban exile side of the inquiry.[^48] Newspaper clippings that the defendants in *United States v. Sampol* filed to show prejudicial publicity described "a carefully worded agreement placing the Letelier case in a 'national security' status." Defense counsel for [[Guillermo Novo]] and others told the jury that "the CIA and not the Chilean government masterminded the Letelier assassination," and the appeal brief rested the theory on Michael Townley's CIA contacts and on a Fort Lauderdale firm, [[Audio Intelligence Devices]], where Townley spent the morning of September 21, 1976.[^49] The Washington Post reported on November 1, 1976 a belief at the CIA that Chilean operatives had not carried out the bombing, which Bush was said to have expressed to Secretary of State [[Henry A. Kissinger]] the week before.[^50] On November 5, 1976 Assistant Attorney General [[Richard Thornburgh]] asked the State Department to arrange interviews in Caracas of [[Orlando Bosch]], [[Luis Posada Carriles]] and two others held in connection with the [[Cubana Flight 455 bombing]], naming Propper and FBI special agents [[Carter Cornick]] and Raul Salinas as the investigators to be sent.[^51]
When Bosch entered the United States on February 18, 1988, Acting Associate Attorney General [[Joe D. Whitley]] ordered him excluded on January 23, 1989, writing that "For 30 years Bosch has been resolute and unwavering in his advocacy of terrorist violence." In 1990, over the Justice Department's objection, the Bush White House released him.[^47] The Bush administration also agreed in 1990 to lift sanctions on Chile if the new civilian government prosecuted [[Manuel Contreras]] and [[Pedro Espinoza]] for the Letelier murder, in which [[Ronni Moffitt]] also died; the two served their terms at [[Punta Peuco]].[^48]
When Bosch entered the United States on February 18, 1988, Acting Associate Attorney General [[Joe D. Whitley]] ordered him excluded on January 23, 1989, writing that "For 30 years Bosch has been resolute and unwavering in his advocacy of terrorist violence." In 1990, over the Justice Department's objection, the Bush White House released him.[^52] The Bush administration also agreed in 1990 to lift sanctions on Chile if the new civilian government prosecuted [[Manuel Contreras]] and [[Pedro Espinoza]] for the Letelier murder, in which [[Ronni Moffitt]] also died; the two served their terms at [[Punta Peuco]].[^53]
The Foreign Relations volume on Panama prints a memorandum of conversation dated October 6, 1976 that is catalogued among the "DCI (Bush) Files on Noreiga." Its source note records "Three pages not declassified."[^49] The document concerns [[Manuel Noriega]], whose relations with the agency the volume documents.
The Foreign Relations volume on Panama prints a memorandum of conversation dated October 6, 1976 that is catalogued among the "DCI (Bush) Files on Noreiga." Its source note records "Three pages not declassified."[^54] The document concerns [[Manuel Noriega]], whose relations with the agency the volume documents.
On October 18, 1976 Bush wrote to Defense Secretary [[Donald Rumsfeld]] on the subject of leaks, in a letter that refers to "where these vicious leaks came from."[^50]
On October 18, 1976 Bush wrote to Defense Secretary [[Donald Rumsfeld]] on the subject of leaks, in a letter that refers to "where these vicious leaks came from."[^55]
[[Joseph Trento]] wrote in *Prelude to Terror* that in 1976, after the Church Committee hearings, [[Alexandre de Marenches]] of the French [[SDECE]] organized an informal consortium, the [[Safari Club]], in coordination with Bush. Trento lists its members as the SDECE, Saudi Arabia's General Intelligence Directorate under [[Kamal Adham]], Egypt's [[Mukhabarat]], Morocco's DST under Ahmed Dlimi, and the CIA, with the purpose of continuing anti-Soviet covert operations in Africa and the [[Middle East]] that congressional restrictions had made difficult for the agency; he places Egypt's service in the group as the supplier of Soviet-compatible weapons for operations in the Horn of Africa.[^51] De Marenches maintained personal relationships with American directors including Bush and [[William J. Casey]].[^52]
[[Joseph Trento]] wrote in *Prelude to Terror* that in 1976, after the Church Committee hearings, [[Alexandre de Marenches]] of the French [[SDECE]] organized an informal consortium, the [[Safari Club]], in coordination with Bush. Trento lists its members as the SDECE, Saudi Arabia's General Intelligence Directorate under [[Kamal Adham]], Egypt's [[Mukhabarat]], Morocco's DST under Ahmed Dlimi, and the CIA, with the purpose of continuing anti-Soviet covert operations in Africa and the [[Middle East]] that congressional restrictions had made difficult for the agency; he places Egypt's service in the group as the supplier of Soviet-compatible weapons for operations in the Horn of Africa.[^56] De Marenches maintained personal relationships with American directors including Bush and [[William J. Casey]].[^57]
In Angola the CIA's Operation IAFEATURE (1975 to 1976) supported [[UNITA]] and the [[FNLA]] against the [[MPLA]], with [[Congo|Zaire]] as the logistics base; the Church Committee and later writers record William Colby and then Bush as the directors who managed it. The program was ended by the [[Clark Amendment]], section 404 of Public Law 94-329, enacted June 30, 1976.[^53]
In Angola the CIA's Operation IAFEATURE (1975 to 1976) supported [[UNITA]] and the [[FNLA]] against the [[MPLA]], with [[Congo|Zaire]] as the logistics base; the Church Committee and later writers record William Colby and then Bush as the directors who managed it. The program was ended by the [[Clark Amendment]], section 404 of Public Law 94-329, enacted June 30, 1976.[^58]
[[William Barr|William P. Barr]] worked at the agency from 1973 to 1977 while attending law school, and as assistant legislative counsel under Director Bush in 1976 worked against legislation of Representatives [[Michael Harrington]] and [[Bella Abzug]] that would have required notice to people whose mail the agency had opened under [[HTLINGUAL]]. Barr later joined the White House domestic policy staff, where he worked with [[C. Boyden Gray]], counsel to Vice President Bush, and in 1988 helped screen vice-presidential candidates through [[Robert Kimmitt]].[^54]
[[William Barr|William P. Barr]] worked at the agency from 1973 to 1977 while attending law school, and as assistant legislative counsel under Director Bush in 1976 worked against legislation of Representatives [[Michael Harrington]] and [[Bella Abzug]] that would have required notice to people whose mail the agency had opened under [[HTLINGUAL]]. Barr later joined the White House domestic policy staff, where he worked with [[C. Boyden Gray]], counsel to Vice President Bush, and in 1988 helped screen vice-presidential candidates through [[Robert Kimmitt]].[^59]
### Israel's Nuclear Program and Israeli Channels
In March 1976 [[Carl E. Duckett]] openly discussed Israel's nuclear weapons at an informal seminar, stating that Israel was estimated to have ten to twenty nuclear weapons "available for use." Hersh wrote that the disclosure forced Bush, the newly installed director, to issue a public statement assuming "full responsibility," and that it led to Duckett's retirement. Duckett later acknowledged that rumors of his drinking were the stated reason for his departure but insisted that the real issue was Bush's unwillingness to promote him. Hersh adds that Duckett's 1974 estimate remained the official American estimate until the early 1980s.[^55]
In March 1976 [[Carl E. Duckett]] openly discussed Israel's nuclear weapons at an informal seminar, stating that Israel was estimated to have ten to twenty nuclear weapons "available for use." Hersh wrote that the disclosure forced Bush, the newly installed director, to issue a public statement assuming "full responsibility," and that it led to Duckett's retirement. Duckett later acknowledged that rumors of his drinking were the stated reason for his departure but insisted that the real issue was Bush's unwillingness to promote him. Hersh adds that Duckett's 1974 estimate remained the official American estimate until the early 1980s.[^60]
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that he briefed [[Nachum Admoni]] in July 1986 on the Israeli intelligence network's arms sales to Iran for Vice President Bush.[^56] The Israeli arms dealer [[Al Schwimmer]], a special adviser to Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]] from September 1984 at a salary of one shekel a year, met President Reagan and Vice President Bush in that capacity.[^57] Ben-Menashe also wrote that Israeli intelligence believed [[Amiram Nir]]'s death in 1988 to have been a CIA operation intended to keep his testimony from embarrassing Peres, Reagan or Bush.[^56]
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that he briefed [[Nachum Admoni]] in July 1986 on the Israeli intelligence network's arms sales to Iran for Vice President Bush.[^61] The Israeli arms dealer [[Al Schwimmer]], a special adviser to Prime Minister [[Shimon Peres]] from September 1984 at a salary of one shekel a year, met President Reagan and Vice President Bush in that capacity.[^62] Ben-Menashe also wrote that Israeli intelligence believed [[Amiram Nir]]'s death in 1988 to have been a CIA operation intended to keep his testimony from embarrassing Peres, Reagan or Bush.[^61]
On January 20, 1991 President Bush telephoned Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]] twice from Camp David, at 3 a.m. and 11:30 a.m. Washington time, to thank Israel for its "restraint" in not retaliating for the Iraqi Scud attacks. The spokesman [[Marlin Fitzwater]] quoted the president as telling Shamir: "I understand the anguish of your people and your Government." [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] and [[Paul Wolfowitz]] were sent to Israel, and American crews arrived to operate [[Patriot]] missile batteries.[^58] According to the counterintelligence history "Decade of the Spy," Bush denied clemency to [[Jonathan Pollard]] in January 1993.[^59]
On January 20, 1991 President Bush telephoned Prime Minister [[Yitzhak Shamir]] twice from Camp David, at 3 a.m. and 11:30 a.m. Washington time, to thank Israel for its "restraint" in not retaliating for the Iraqi Scud attacks. The spokesman [[Marlin Fitzwater]] quoted the president as telling Shamir: "I understand the anguish of your people and your Government." [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] and [[Paul Wolfowitz]] were sent to Israel, and American crews arrived to operate [[Patriot]] missile batteries.[^63] According to the counterintelligence history "Decade of the Spy," Bush denied clemency to [[Jonathan Pollard]] in January 1993.[^64]
### Stargate, Center Lane, and the Army
The [[Stargate Project]] appears in the record through the agency's own accounts. [[Kenneth A. Kress]], writing in Studies in Intelligence for the winter of 1977, states that "During November of 1976, Director George Bush became aware that official Soviets were visiting and questioning Puthoff and Targ at SRI about their work in parapsychology. Mr. Bush requested and received a briefing on CIA's investigations into parapsychology. Before there was any official reaction, he left the Agency."[^27]
The [[Stargate Project]] appears in the record through the agency's own accounts. [[Kenneth A. Kress]], writing in Studies in Intelligence for the winter of 1977, states that "During November of 1976, Director George Bush became aware that official Soviets were visiting and questioning Puthoff and Targ at SRI about their work in parapsychology. Mr. Bush requested and received a briefing on CIA's investigations into parapsychology. Before there was any official reaction, he left the Agency."[^32]
Kress also writes that Director [[Stansfield Turner]] stated publicly that the CIA "has had operational interest in parapsychology."[^60]
Kress also writes that Director [[Stansfield Turner]] stated publicly that the CIA "has had operational interest in parapsychology."[^65]
As vice president, in 1983 (the chronology's date reads as March 31 or August 3), Bush "was briefed for thirty minutes concerning [[Center Lane|CENTER LANE]] related activities by Dr. [[Jack Vorona]], DIA," the Army's remote-viewing unit, with "Adm. Murphy, C/S," and "Mr. Gregg" present ([[Donald Gregg]]). The [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command]] (INSCOM) chronology records that "the briefing was well received and the Vice President was interested and impressed."[^61] A memorandum for the record by Major Gerald Fox dated April 1, 1983 lists the three projects used on March 31, 1983 to brief the Vice President, among them Project 8034, described as a "[[KGB]] agent."[^62] Vorona of the DIA is the first-named member of the November 1978 oversight group of the [[Grill Flame]] committee and the first-listed attendee in February 1979.[^63]
As vice president, in 1983 (the chronology's date reads as March 31 or August 3), Bush "was briefed for thirty minutes concerning [[Center Lane|CENTER LANE]] related activities by Dr. [[Jack Vorona]], DIA," the Army's remote-viewing unit, with "Adm. Murphy, C/S," and "Mr. Gregg" present ([[Donald Gregg]]). The [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command]] (INSCOM) chronology records that "the briefing was well received and the Vice President was interested and impressed."[^66] A memorandum for the record by Major Gerald Fox dated April 1, 1983 lists the three projects used on March 31, 1983 to brief the Vice President, among them Project 8034, described as a "[[KGB]] agent."[^67] Vorona of the DIA is the first-named member of the November 1978 oversight group of the [[Grill Flame]] committee and the first-listed attendee in February 1979.[^68]
According to an Air War College research report by Dolan M. McKelvy citing Ronald McRae's *Mind Wars* (1984), CIA director Bush in 1976 enthusiastically gave [[Edgar Mitchell]] "permission to organize high-level seminars at the CIA to discuss possible intelligence applications" of parapsychology; the report says that interest waned in 1977 when Stansfield Turner replaced Bush.[^64]
According to an Air War College research report by Dolan M. McKelvy citing Ronald McRae's *Mind Wars* (1984), CIA director Bush in 1976 enthusiastically gave [[Edgar Mitchell]] "permission to organize high-level seminars at the CIA to discuss possible intelligence applications" of parapsychology; the report says that interest waned in 1977 when Stansfield Turner replaced Bush.[^69]
### The Vice President's Briefings and Travel
On April 2, 1982 Casey sent Secretary of State [[Alexander M. Haig, Jr.]] a "Quick Intelligence Assessment on Falkland Affairs" referring to "the Argentine invasion Friday," with a copy to Vice President Bush.[^65] In a letter to *Time* in January 1982, Assistant Secretary of State [[John H. Holdridge]] wrote that Bush had confirmed during a visit to Australia that there had been no CIA involvement in the [[Nugan Hand Bank]], and that Frank Church had said the Senate committee found no evidence implicating the agency. A CBS broadcast of September 22, 1982 quoted former bank executive [[Neil Evans]], who had immunity, as saying: "We were to become the paymasters for the CIA around the world."[^66] [[Michael Hand]] was the bank's co-founder.
On April 2, 1982 Casey sent Secretary of State [[Alexander M. Haig, Jr.]] a "Quick Intelligence Assessment on Falkland Affairs" referring to "the Argentine invasion Friday," with a copy to Vice President Bush.[^70] In a letter to *Time* in January 1982, Assistant Secretary of State [[John H. Holdridge]] wrote that Bush had confirmed during a visit to Australia that there had been no CIA involvement in the [[Nugan Hand Bank]], and that Frank Church had said the Senate committee found no evidence implicating the agency. A CBS broadcast of September 22, 1982 quoted former bank executive [[Neil Evans]], who had immunity, as saying: "We were to become the paymasters for the CIA around the world."[^71] [[Michael Hand]] was the bank's co-founder.
On April 12, 1986 Vice President Bush flew to Marib in North Yemen and dedicated the refinery of the Alif field that Hunt Oil had found in 1984, the first oil discovered in the country. [[Ray Hunt]], head of the company, sat on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board from 2001.[^67]
On April 12, 1986 Vice President Bush flew to Marib in North Yemen and dedicated the refinery of the Alif field that Hunt Oil had found in 1984, the first oil discovered in the country. [[Ray Hunt]], head of the company, sat on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board from 2001.[^72]
On January 20, 1987 Bush said that an American "in terrorist hands is tortured and, in the case of William Buckley, killed," referring to the CIA's Beirut station chief [[William Buckley]].[^68] On August 17, 1988 he called the death of Pakistan's President [[Zia ul-Haq]] in a [[C-130]] explosion "a great tragedy."[^69] [[Celerino Castillo]] said that on or about January 14, 1986 he tried to alert Vice President Bush at a U.S. embassy party in Guatemala that "something funny" was going on at [[Ilopango Airbase]], and described what followed: "But he just shook my hand, smiled and walked away from me."[^70]
On January 20, 1987 Bush said that an American "in terrorist hands is tortured and, in the case of William Buckley, killed," referring to the CIA's Beirut station chief [[William Buckley]].[^73] On August 17, 1988 he called the death of Pakistan's President [[Zia ul-Haq]] in a [[C-130]] explosion "a great tragedy."[^74] [[Celerino Castillo]] said that on or about January 14, 1986 he tried to alert Vice President Bush at a U.S. embassy party in Guatemala that "something funny" was going on at [[Ilopango Airbase]], and described what followed: "But he just shook my hand, smiled and walked away from me."[^75]
### Gregg, Rodriguez, and the Vice President's Office
At a February 1988 hearing on the testimony of [[Danilo Blandon]], Senator [[John Kerry]] addressed a call to Castro: "while Vice President Bush denied that he made the call, and I do accept his word, it also was learned last night on McNeil-Lehrer that a former NSC staffer admitted that, indeed, there was prior notice given to Castro."[^71]
At a February 1988 hearing on the testimony of [[Danilo Blandon]], Senator [[John Kerry]] addressed a call to Castro: "while Vice President Bush denied that he made the call, and I do accept his word, it also was learned last night on McNeil-Lehrer that a former NSC staffer admitted that, indeed, there was prior notice given to Castro."[^76]
Blandon also described [[Felix Rodriguez]] as "the liaison for providing weapons to the Contras in El Salvador."[^72] Walsh's chapter 29 states that Gregg "arranged for Rodriguez to meet Vice President Bush on January 22, 1985. According to Gregg, the purpose of the meeting was to inform Bush that Rodriguez wanted to work in El Salvador against the guerrillas."[^73] The meeting took place in the Old Executive Office Building, where Rodriguez was "watching a television report on the Bush family."[^73]
Blandon also described [[Felix Rodriguez]] as "the liaison for providing weapons to the Contras in El Salvador."[^77] Walsh's chapter 29 states that Gregg "arranged for Rodriguez to meet Vice President Bush on January 22, 1985. According to Gregg, the purpose of the meeting was to inform Bush that Rodriguez wanted to work in El Salvador against the guerrillas."[^78] The meeting took place in the Old Executive Office Building, where Rodriguez was "watching a television report on the Bush family."[^78]
The 1988 hearing record gives the date of that meeting as February 22, a month later than Walsh's date. In the July 1988 hearings Rodriguez said that he had passed to the FBI and CIA, early in 1985, information from [[Ramon Milian Rodriguez]], whom he called a liar, and in later questioning by Kerry said he met Vice President Bush on February 22.[^74] Rodriguez also answered a question from Kerry: "No, sir. I didn't go there that often as people have publicized."[^74]
The 1988 hearing record gives the date of that meeting as February 22, a month later than Walsh's date. In the July 1988 hearings Rodriguez said that he had passed to the FBI and CIA, early in 1985, information from [[Ramon Milian Rodriguez]], whom he called a liar, and in later questioning by Kerry said he met Vice President Bush on February 22.[^79] Rodriguez also answered a question from Kerry: "No, sir. I didn't go there that often as people have publicized."[^79]
Part IX of Walsh's report states that Gregg "claimed that, notwithstanding the Administration's interest in the success of the contras, he never mentioned any information regarding contra resupply to Vice President Bush."[^75] The Kerry report says that before Murphy's 1987 trips to Panama he met with officials including "the Vice President's National Security Advisor, Donald Gregg."[^76]
Part IX of Walsh's report states that Gregg "claimed that, notwithstanding the Administration's interest in the success of the contras, he never mentioned any information regarding contra resupply to Vice President Bush."[^80] The Kerry report says that before Murphy's 1987 trips to Panama he met with officials including "the Vice President's National Security Advisor, Donald Gregg."[^81]
### Iran-Contra and the Pardons
The executive summary of the final report of the [[Lawrence Walsh|Independent Counsel]] states that the investigation "did not develop evidence that proved that Vice President Bush violated any criminal statute. Contrary to his public pronouncements, however, he was fully aware of the Iran arms sales."[^77] The summary adds that "Bush was regularly briefed, along with the President, on the Iran arms sales, and he participated in discussions to obtain third-country support for the contras." It states that the Independent Counsel "obtained no evidence that Bush was aware of the diversion."[^77] The same summary says that the pardon of [[Caspar Weinberger]] on December 24, 1992 "pre-empted a trial in which defense counsel indicated that they intended to call Bush as a witness."[^77]
The executive summary of the final report of the [[Lawrence Walsh|Independent Counsel]] states that the investigation "did not develop evidence that proved that Vice President Bush violated any criminal statute. Contrary to his public pronouncements, however, he was fully aware of the Iran arms sales."[^82] The summary adds that "Bush was regularly briefed, along with the President, on the Iran arms sales, and he participated in discussions to obtain third-country support for the contras." It states that the Independent Counsel "obtained no evidence that Bush was aware of the diversion."[^82] The same summary says that the pardon of [[Caspar Weinberger]] on December 24, 1992 "pre-empted a trial in which defense counsel indicated that they intended to call Bush as a witness."[^82]
Chapter 28 of the report, headed "George Bush," records that Bush told the FBI in December 1986, and was deposed by the Independent Counsel on January 11, 1988, that he had been regularly informed of events connected with the arms sales, including the 1985 Israeli missile shipments. Walsh writes that these statements "conflicted with his more extreme public assertions that he was 'out of the loop' regarding the operational details of the Iran initiative."[^78] Walsh also writes that "The criminal investigation of Bush was regrettably incomplete."[^78]
Chapter 28 of the report, headed "George Bush," records that Bush told the FBI in December 1986, and was deposed by the Independent Counsel on January 11, 1988, that he had been regularly informed of events connected with the arms sales, including the 1985 Israeli missile shipments. Walsh writes that these statements "conflicted with his more extreme public assertions that he was 'out of the loop' regarding the operational details of the Iran initiative."[^83] Walsh also writes that "The criminal investigation of Bush was regrettably incomplete."[^83]
In 1988 Bush told the [[Washington Post]], "The President and I cooperated fully with the various investigations, turned over thousands of documents and directed our staffs to do the same."[^79] In September 1992 he said, "I have nothing to explain."[^79]
In 1988 Bush told the [[Washington Post]], "The President and I cooperated fully with the various investigations, turned over thousands of documents and directed our staffs to do the same."[^84] In September 1992 he said, "I have nothing to explain."[^84]
Part IX of the report, on the White House investigations, states that the Independent Counsel "concluded that no criminal charges should be brought against President Reagan, Vice President Bush, Meese or Regan because the belated production of notes and other documents delayed the investigation beyond the point where it could be effective."[^80] The same part states that senior advisers including Vice President Bush "were informed in 1985 of presidential approval of the transactions." It also says that the Independent Counsel "found considerable evidence that the President and the Vice President knew about and, in some instances, directly participated in contra-funding efforts during this period."[^80]
Part IX of the report, on the White House investigations, states that the Independent Counsel "concluded that no criminal charges should be brought against President Reagan, Vice President Bush, Meese or Regan because the belated production of notes and other documents delayed the investigation beyond the point where it could be effective."[^85] The same part states that senior advisers including Vice President Bush "were informed in 1985 of presidential approval of the transactions." It also says that the Independent Counsel "found considerable evidence that the President and the Vice President knew about and, in some instances, directly participated in contra-funding efforts during this period."[^85]
The diary is the subject of a separate passage. Walsh writes that "[t]he personal diary of Vice President Bush was disclosed to Independent Counsel only in December 1992, despite early and repeated requests for such documents."[^81] On December 11, 1992 [[Chester Paul Beach]], associate counsel to President Bush, informed the Independent Counsel that a diary kept by Bush from his vice presidency had not been produced. The report describes it as consisting of "Bush's nightly dictation concerning the events of the day."[^81] The first entry, dated November 4, 1986, describes "the beginning of what I hope will be an accurate diary." An entry for November 5, 1986 reads: "I'm one of the few people that know fully the details."[^82]
The diary is the subject of a separate passage. Walsh writes that "[t]he personal diary of Vice President Bush was disclosed to Independent Counsel only in December 1992, despite early and repeated requests for such documents."[^86] On December 11, 1992 [[Chester Paul Beach]], associate counsel to President Bush, informed the Independent Counsel that a diary kept by Bush from his vice presidency had not been produced. The report describes it as consisting of "Bush's nightly dictation concerning the events of the day."[^86] The first entry, dated November 4, 1986, describes "the beginning of what I hope will be an accurate diary." An entry for November 5, 1986 reads: "I'm one of the few people that know fully the details."[^87]
The report records a document request that reached the vice president's office. C. Boyden Gray and John Schmitz told office heads that the request "covers all personal and official records of OVP staff members."[^83]
The report records a document request that reached the vice president's office. C. Boyden Gray and John Schmitz told office heads that the request "covers all personal and official records of OVP staff members."[^88]
After the pardons, Bush refused to be interviewed unless the interview was limited to his non-production of the diary and personal notes. The Independent Counsel declined those conditions. In late February 1993 Bush's counsel set out six professed obstacles to a deposition.[^79] The report states that a grand jury subpoena was not issued because the office did not believe there was an appropriate likelihood of a criminal prosecution.[^81]
After the pardons, Bush refused to be interviewed unless the interview was limited to his non-production of the diary and personal notes. The Independent Counsel declined those conditions. In late February 1993 Bush's counsel set out six professed obstacles to a deposition.[^84] The report states that a grand jury subpoena was not issued because the office did not believe there was an appropriate likelihood of a criminal prosecution.[^86]
On December 24, 1992 Bush issued Proclamation 6518, granting pardons to Caspar Weinberger, [[Robert McFarlane]], [[Elliott Abrams]], [[Dewey Clarridge]], [[Clair George]] and [[Alan Fiers]]. In the proclamation Bush wrote that "the common denominator of their motivation ... was patriotism." He described the prosecutions as "a profoundly troubling development in the political and legal climate of our country: the criminalization of policy differences. ... The proper target is the President, not his subordinates; the proper forum is the voting booth, not the courtroom."[^84]
On December 24, 1992 Bush issued Proclamation 6518, granting pardons to Caspar Weinberger, [[Robert McFarlane]], [[Elliott Abrams]], [[Dewey Clarridge]], [[Clair George]] and [[Alan Fiers]]. In the proclamation Bush wrote that "the common denominator of their motivation ... was patriotism." He described the prosecutions as "a profoundly troubling development in the political and legal climate of our country: the criminalization of policy differences. ... The proper target is the President, not his subordinates; the proper forum is the voting booth, not the courtroom."[^89]
Walsh responded that the pardon of Weinberger "undermines the principle that no man is above the law."[^85] The Fourth Interim Report of February 8, 1993 includes the phrase "prevent full disclosure of some new key fact to the American people," and states that the pardon "thwarted the public airing of new and disturbing facts about the actions of Weinberger and other senior Executive Branch officials."[^86]
Walsh responded that the pardon of Weinberger "undermines the principle that no man is above the law."[^90] The Fourth Interim Report of February 8, 1993 includes the phrase "prevent full disclosure of some new key fact to the American people," and states that the pardon "thwarted the public airing of new and disturbing facts about the actions of Weinberger and other senior Executive Branch officials."[^91]
The [[Tower Commission]] also examined the Vice President's contacts with Israeli channels. Its report records that "The Vice President was in Israel on July 29. While there, he met with Nir." The Vice President told the board that, before the meeting, he had been uneasy and tried to call [[John Poindexter]].[^87] Bush related that his discussion with Amiram Nir "was generally about counterterrorism. There was no discussion of specifics relating to arms going to the Iranians, e.g., the price of TOW missiles was never raised."[^87] The report also contains the phrase that the interests of the United States were "in the grip of the Israelis."[^87]
The [[Tower Commission]] also examined the Vice President's contacts with Israeli channels. Its report records that "The Vice President was in Israel on July 29. While there, he met with Nir." The Vice President told the board that, before the meeting, he had been uneasy and tried to call [[John Poindexter]].[^92] Bush related that his discussion with Amiram Nir "was generally about counterterrorism. There was no discussion of specifics relating to arms going to the Iranians, e.g., the price of TOW missiles was never raised."[^92] The report also contains the phrase that the interests of the United States were "in the grip of the Israelis."[^92]
At the National Security Planning Group meeting of June 25, 1984, the minutes record Casey saying: "We need the legal opinion which makes clear that the US has the authority to facilitate third country funding for the anti-Sandinistas." Vice President Bush asked: "How can anyone object to the US encouraging third parties to provide help to the anti-Sandinistas under the finding? The only problem that might come up is if the United States were to promise to give these third parties something in return so that some people could interpret this as some kind of an exchange." Robert McFarlane proposed "that there be no authority for anyone to seek third party support for the anti-Sandinistas until we have the information we need," and Reagan said: "If such a story gets out, we'll all be hanging by our thumbs in front of the White House until we find out who did it." The meeting took place under the [[Boland Amendment]].[^88]
At the National Security Planning Group meeting of June 25, 1984, the minutes record Casey saying: "We need the legal opinion which makes clear that the US has the authority to facilitate third country funding for the anti-Sandinistas." Vice President Bush asked: "How can anyone object to the US encouraging third parties to provide help to the anti-Sandinistas under the finding? The only problem that might come up is if the United States were to promise to give these third parties something in return so that some people could interpret this as some kind of an exchange." Robert McFarlane proposed "that there be no authority for anyone to seek third party support for the anti-Sandinistas until we have the information we need," and Reagan said: "If such a story gets out, we'll all be hanging by our thumbs in front of the White House until we find out who did it." The meeting took place under the [[Boland Amendment]].[^93]
The [[The Enterprise (Iran-Contra)|Enterprise]] ran the Contra supply operation through the Ilopango Airbase in [[El Salvador]], where CIA Hangar No. 4 was turned over to its operations in 1985; Felix Rodriguez, who had connections to Gregg, then National Security Adviser to the Vice President, coordinated aircraft and logistics there.[^89]
The [[The Enterprise (Iran-Contra)|Enterprise]] ran the Contra supply operation through the Ilopango Airbase in [[El Salvador]], where CIA Hangar No. 4 was turned over to its operations in 1985; Felix Rodriguez, who had connections to Gregg, then National Security Adviser to the Vice President, coordinated aircraft and logistics there.[^94]
In 1992 Bush asked former Attorney General [[Griffin Bell]] to assist in seeking the release of Bush's Iran-Contra deposition, and on December 30, 1992 the White House press secretary issued a statement on the investigation.[^90] Barr later said that at the end of the administration he advised Bush to pardon Weinberger "and about five others," and of the Iran-Contra pardons: "I certainly did not oppose any of them."[^91] [[Christopher Drogoul]], the Atlanta BNL manager, was indicted on February 28, 1991, the day after Bush ordered the ceasefire in the [[Gulf War]].[^92]
In 1992 Bush asked former Attorney General [[Griffin Bell]] to assist in seeking the release of Bush's Iran-Contra deposition, and on December 30, 1992 the White House press secretary issued a statement on the investigation.[^95] Barr later said that at the end of the administration he advised Bush to pardon Weinberger "and about five others," and of the Iran-Contra pardons: "I certainly did not oppose any of them."[^96] [[Christopher Drogoul]], the Atlanta BNL manager, was indicted on February 28, 1991, the day after Bush ordered the ceasefire in the [[Gulf War]].[^97]
### The October Surprise
The October Surprise allegation concerns whether the 1980 Reagan campaign delayed the release of the American hostages held in Iran until after the election. The [[House October Surprise Task Force]] issued its joint report on January 3, 1993 as Calendar No. 634 of the 102d Congress.[^93]
The October Surprise allegation concerns whether the 1980 Reagan campaign delayed the release of the American hostages held in Iran until after the election. The [[House October Surprise Task Force]] issued its joint report on January 3, 1993 as Calendar No. 634 of the 102d Congress.[^98]
In the task force's account of Ari Ben-Menashe's claims about the Paris meetings of October 1980, he remained in the foyer, and "[j]ust prior to the meeting Mehdi Karrubi arrived, followed shortly by George Bush and William Casey by way of an elevator reserved for this purpose."[^94] The report records that Ben-Menashe "had told reporters for [[Newsweek]] magazine that he was positive he had seen George Bush at the Paris meetings on both October 19 and October 20, 1980." The report also notes that Sukkot fell on September 25 in 1980.[^94]
In the task force's account of Ari Ben-Menashe's claims about the Paris meetings of October 1980, he remained in the foyer, and "[j]ust prior to the meeting Mehdi Karrubi arrived, followed shortly by George Bush and William Casey by way of an elevator reserved for this purpose."[^99] The report records that Ben-Menashe "had told reporters for [[Newsweek]] magazine that he was positive he had seen George Bush at the Paris meetings on both October 19 and October 20, 1980." The report also notes that Sukkot fell on September 25 in 1980.[^99]
The task force concludes that Ben-Menashe's account of the October meetings, "like his other October Surprise allegations, is a total fabrication."[^94] On Ben-Menashe's account of a meeting at the L'Enfant Plaza hotel in Washington, which he tied to the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]], the task force wrote that "Ben-Menashe's account is demonstrably false from beginning to end."[^95] It states that the personnel records supplied by the Government of Israel, with Ben-Menashe's contemporaneous handwritten answers to the questions he had to answer for the External Relations Department when traveling abroad, showed that he did not travel outside Israel in October 1980, and that exit stamps on his civilian passport indicated the same.[^94]
The task force concludes that Ben-Menashe's account of the October meetings, "like his other October Surprise allegations, is a total fabrication."[^99] On Ben-Menashe's account of a meeting at the L'Enfant Plaza hotel in Washington, which he tied to the [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]], the task force wrote that "Ben-Menashe's account is demonstrably false from beginning to end."[^100] It states that the personnel records supplied by the Government of Israel, with Ben-Menashe's contemporaneous handwritten answers to the questions he had to answer for the External Relations Department when traveling abroad, showed that he did not travel outside Israel in October 1980, and that exit stamps on his civilian passport indicated the same.[^99]
On Bush's whereabouts the task force reports that Secret Service records place him in Washington on October 19 and campaigning on October 20, 1980. It states that "these records and testimony conclusively prove candidate George Bush's whereabouts in October, 1980," and that "The Task Force has determined that Bush did not travel to Paris during the period of time in question as has been alleged by many October Surprise witnesses."[^96] The report generalizes the point: "In almost all instances, the evidence clearly establishes the presence of major alleged participants in Paris meetings to be someplace else, doing something else."[^97]
On Bush's whereabouts the task force reports that Secret Service records place him in Washington on October 19 and campaigning on October 20, 1980. It states that "these records and testimony conclusively prove candidate George Bush's whereabouts in October, 1980," and that "The Task Force has determined that Bush did not travel to Paris during the period of time in question as has been alleged by many October Surprise witnesses."[^101] The report generalizes the point: "In almost all instances, the evidence clearly establishes the presence of major alleged participants in Paris meetings to be someplace else, doing something else."[^102]
[[Richard Brenneke]] testified that a pilot, Rupp, flew Bush, Casey and others to Paris. The task force records that at Brenneke's trial in Oregon in 1990 he retracted his earlier testimony that he had seen Bush and Allen at the meeting.[^98] The task force states that "Brenneke's testimony that he was in Paris is false." Brenneke's 1980 daily calendar "indicates that he was in the Pacific Northwest when he claimed to have been in Paris."[^99] The report also says that Brenneke "played a central role in falsely propagating the October Surprise allegations for financial and personal reasons."[^99]
[[Richard Brenneke]] testified that a pilot, Rupp, flew Bush, Casey and others to Paris. The task force records that at Brenneke's trial in Oregon in 1990 he retracted his earlier testimony that he had seen Bush and Allen at the meeting.[^103] The task force states that "Brenneke's testimony that he was in Paris is false." Brenneke's 1980 daily calendar "indicates that he was in the Pacific Northwest when he claimed to have been in Paris."[^104] The report also says that Brenneke "played a central role in falsely propagating the October Surprise allegations for financial and personal reasons."[^104]
A 1988 Senate subcommittee report summarizes Brenneke's claims that he had "personally discussed the operation with members of the Vice President's staff." The subcommittee concluded that although Brenneke produced thousands of pages of documents relating to proposed arms deals, "there is no evidence that any of them ever came to fruition." It also found that Brenneke "received completely fabricated information about arms deals from undercover agents of the Customs Service."[^100]
A 1988 Senate subcommittee report summarizes Brenneke's claims that he had "personally discussed the operation with members of the Vice President's staff." The subcommittee concluded that although Brenneke produced thousands of pages of documents relating to proposed arms deals, "there is no evidence that any of them ever came to fruition." It also found that Brenneke "received completely fabricated information about arms deals from undercover agents of the Customs Service."[^105]
The task force examined the calendar of William J. Casey. It records a July 30, 1980 entry for a 6:45 p.m. dinner with George Bush at the Alibi Club.[^101] The report's analysis of Casey's movements states that "The evidence strongly indicates that Casey departed the United States on July 27, arrived in London on July 28, and departed London for the United States on July 29."[^102] Loose calendar pages for July 26 and 27, October 21, October 29, November 3 through 11, and November 13 are listed as missing. The task force states that "[t]he dates July 26th and October 21st are of particular interest to the Task Force."[^103]
The task force examined the calendar of William J. Casey. It records a July 30, 1980 entry for a 6:45 p.m. dinner with George Bush at the Alibi Club.[^106] The report's analysis of Casey's movements states that "The evidence strongly indicates that Casey departed the United States on July 27, arrived in London on July 28, and departed London for the United States on July 29."[^107] Loose calendar pages for July 26 and 27, October 21, October 29, November 3 through 11, and November 13 are listed as missing. The task force states that "[t]he dates July 26th and October 21st are of particular interest to the Task Force."[^108]
[[Robert Parry]] reported in 2011 on a memorandum for the record that Beach wrote on November 4, 1991. The memorandum records that State Department legal adviser Edwin D. Williamson told Beach that the department held material that included "a cable from the Madrid embassy indicating that Bill Casey was in town, for purposes unknown."[^104] Parry writes that "there's no indication that the White House told investigators about Williamson's information," and that the Bush library withholds nearly a quarter of its roughly 4,800 pages.[^104]
[[Robert Parry]] reported in 2011 on a memorandum for the record that Beach wrote on November 4, 1991. The memorandum records that State Department legal adviser Edwin D. Williamson told Beach that the department held material that included "a cable from the Madrid embassy indicating that Bill Casey was in town, for purposes unknown."[^109] Parry writes that "there's no indication that the White House told investigators about Williamson's information," and that the Bush library withholds nearly a quarter of its roughly 4,800 pages.[^109]
The task force also records Reagan's statements. In a June 15, 1991 interview Reagan said, "I did some things actually the other way, to try and be of help in getting those hostages." In a sworn written answer dated October 23, 1992 he wrote that "I and Reagan/Bush campaign officials made it clear by our conduct and statements during the campaign that we were supportive of the Carter administration efforts to secure the release of American hostages held in Iran."[^105]
The task force also records Reagan's statements. In a June 15, 1991 interview Reagan said, "I did some things actually the other way, to try and be of help in getting those hostages." In a sworn written answer dated October 23, 1992 he wrote that "I and Reagan/Bush campaign officials made it clear by our conduct and statements during the campaign that we were supportive of the Carter administration efforts to secure the release of American hostages held in Iran."[^110]
Ben-Menashe's account of the Paris meeting names others besides Bush and Casey. He wrote that [[George Cave]], Robert McFarlane and Donald Gregg attended; that [[Simon Gabbay]] coordinated the October 1980 meeting between Israeli and Iranian delegations that included Bush, Casey and [[Mehdi Karrubi]], with the aim of eliminating direct contact between Israeli and Iranian embassy personnel; and that [[Uri Simchoni]] was part of the Israeli delegation.[^56] Cave also attended a meeting in [[Santiago]] in late 1986, according to Ben-Menashe, where American officials reaffirmed their intention to maintain arms channels to Iraq.[^56] [[Barbara Honegger]] published *October Surprise* (Tudor Publishing, 1989), one of the first extended accounts of the allegations; she alleged meetings in Madrid in July 1980 and in Paris in October 1980 involving Casey, Bush and European intermediaries including de Marenches.[^106]
Ben-Menashe's account of the Paris meeting names others besides Bush and Casey. He wrote that [[George Cave]], Robert McFarlane and Donald Gregg attended; that [[Simon Gabbay]] coordinated the October 1980 meeting between Israeli and Iranian delegations that included Bush, Casey and [[Mehdi Karrubi]], with the aim of eliminating direct contact between Israeli and Iranian embassy personnel; and that [[Uri Simchoni]] was part of the Israeli delegation.[^61] Cave also attended a meeting in [[Santiago]] in late 1986, according to Ben-Menashe, where American officials reaffirmed their intention to maintain arms channels to Iraq.[^61] [[Barbara Honegger]] published *October Surprise* (Tudor Publishing, 1989), one of the first extended accounts of the allegations; she alleged meetings in Madrid in July 1980 and in Paris in October 1980 involving Casey, Bush and European intermediaries including de Marenches.[^111]
[[Cheri Seymour]] wrote in *The Last Circle* that the attorney [[Paul Wilcher]] believed his client [[Gunther Karl Russbacher]] to be a political prisoner persecuted because he allegedly flew former President Bush to Paris to meet leading Iranians to make a deal to supply Iran with weapons in exchange for keeping the 52 American hostages until after the November election. On or about May 21, 1993 Wilcher hand-delivered a 100-page letter to Attorney General [[Janet Reno]] claiming that holdover Justice Department employees from the Reagan-Bush era were responsible for government cover-ups; he was interviewed by [[Carl Stern]], Reno's public relations officer, on or about June 11, and his body was found in his apartment on June 23, 1993. [[Sarah McClendon]], a White House correspondent and friend of Wilcher, wrote that Wilcher held the Russbacher belief.[^107] Seymour also wrote that [[Michael Riconosciuto]], a source of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s investigation of [[The Octopus]], claimed that he and an associate named Brian personally carried $40 million to Iranian officials for that purpose.[^107]
[[Cheri Seymour]] wrote in *The Last Circle* that the attorney [[Paul Wilcher]] believed his client [[Gunther Karl Russbacher]] to be a political prisoner persecuted because he allegedly flew former President Bush to Paris to meet leading Iranians to make a deal to supply Iran with weapons in exchange for keeping the 52 American hostages until after the November election. On or about May 21, 1993 Wilcher hand-delivered a 100-page letter to Attorney General [[Janet Reno]] claiming that holdover Justice Department employees from the Reagan-Bush era were responsible for government cover-ups; he was interviewed by [[Carl Stern]], Reno's public relations officer, on or about June 11, and his body was found in his apartment on June 23, 1993. [[Sarah McClendon]], a White House correspondent and friend of Wilcher, wrote that Wilcher held the Russbacher belief.[^112] Seymour also wrote that [[Michael Riconosciuto]], a source of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s investigation of [[The Octopus]], claimed that he and an associate named Brian personally carried $40 million to Iranian officials for that purpose.[^112]
### The Presidency: Panama, Appointees and Executive Actions
Bush was inaugurated as the 41st President on January 20, 1989.[^108] [[Dick Cheney]] recalled in the Miller Center oral history of the Bush presidency that "Panama was a great training experience for us as an administration. We had the opportunity to have an objective, have to use force, coordinate with the Congress, deal with the public, all of those things that come with using the force." The invasion of [[Panama]] in December 1989 removed Manuel Noriega; [[Colin Powell]], then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in the same project: "Nobody even remembers the Panama war. You don't ever hear of it. But I viewed it as the template of how we should do things."[^109] Seymour wrote that the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] was contrasted with the Medellin Cartel, which Noriega chose to support, ultimately leading to his ousting by Bush; she wrote that the DEA's Centac 21 task force, which had targeted [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono]] in the 1978 indictments, was dismantled under the Reagan and Bush administrations, leaving disgruntled agents to suspect a CIA connection.[^107] Seymour added that Bush reportedly made secret visits to Damascus for hostage negotiations, and that after Desert Storm Bush and Secretary of State [[James A. Baker III]] encouraged [[Syria]] and Israel to recognize each other's Lebanese occupation zones under a 1990 accord that left Syria in control of the Bekaa Valley.[^107]
Bush was inaugurated as the 41st President on January 20, 1989.[^113] [[Dick Cheney]] recalled in the Miller Center oral history of the Bush presidency that "Panama was a great training experience for us as an administration. We had the opportunity to have an objective, have to use force, coordinate with the Congress, deal with the public, all of those things that come with using the force." The invasion of [[Panama]] in December 1989 removed Manuel Noriega; [[Colin Powell]], then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in the same project: "Nobody even remembers the Panama war. You don't ever hear of it. But I viewed it as the template of how we should do things."[^114] Seymour wrote that the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] was contrasted with the Medellin Cartel, which Noriega chose to support, ultimately leading to his ousting by Bush; she wrote that the DEA's Centac 21 task force, which had targeted [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono]] in the 1978 indictments, was dismantled under the Reagan and Bush administrations, leaving disgruntled agents to suspect a CIA connection.[^112] Seymour added that Bush reportedly made secret visits to Damascus for hostage negotiations, and that after Desert Storm Bush and Secretary of State [[James A. Baker III]] encouraged [[Syria]] and Israel to recognize each other's Lebanese occupation zones under a 1990 accord that left Syria in control of the Bekaa Valley.[^112]
The Cox Committee counted twelve national-interest determinations for launches of commercial satellites on Chinese rockets between 1989 and early 1998, three by President Bush and nine by [[Bill Clinton]]; the last, of February 18, 1998, applied to the Loral-built [[Chinasat-8]] satellite, a company then headed by [[Bernard L. Schwartz]].[^110] [[National Security Directive 67]], signed by Bush on March 30, 1992, replaced the lettered programs of the [[National Reconnaissance Office]] with three functional directorates, and the existence of the office was declassified on September 18, 1992.[^111] Bush's report to Congress of September 1991 under the [[Iraq Sanctions Act of 1990]] stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability." Gonzalez said that after Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, [[SerVaas Inc.]] renegotiated a brass-plant contract with its Iraqi counterparts and sold it through a foreign holding company to escape the president's order freezing Iraqi assets.[^112] The prime minister of [[Jamaica]], [[Michael Manley]], sworn in again on February 13, 1989, said that he planned to travel to Washington to meet Bush, congressional leaders and officials of the [[Drug Enforcement Administration]].[^113]
The Cox Committee counted twelve national-interest determinations for launches of commercial satellites on Chinese rockets between 1989 and early 1998, three by President Bush and nine by [[Bill Clinton]]; the last, of February 18, 1998, applied to the Loral-built [[Chinasat-8]] satellite, a company then headed by [[Bernard L. Schwartz]].[^115] [[National Security Directive 67]], signed by Bush on March 30, 1992, replaced the lettered programs of the [[National Reconnaissance Office]] with three functional directorates, and the existence of the office was declassified on September 18, 1992.[^116] Bush's report to Congress of September 1991 under the [[Iraq Sanctions Act of 1990]] stated that "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability." Gonzalez said that after Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, [[SerVaas Inc.]] renegotiated a brass-plant contract with its Iraqi counterparts and sold it through a foreign holding company to escape the president's order freezing Iraqi assets.[^117] The prime minister of [[Jamaica]], [[Michael Manley]], sworn in again on February 13, 1989, said that he planned to travel to Washington to meet Bush, congressional leaders and officials of the [[Drug Enforcement Administration]].[^118]
Richard Thornburgh continued as Attorney General under Bush through 1991, resigning in August 1991 to run for the Senate.[^114] [[Kenneth Starr]] was the 39th Solicitor General from 1989 to 1993 under Bush.[^115] [[Steve Forbes|Malcolm S. Forbes Jr.]], president of [[Forbes]] magazine, was renominated to the Board for International Broadcasting, which oversees [[Radio Free Europe]], by the Bush White House on January 4, 1990 and again on June 19, 1992, each time with designation as chairman.[^116] [[Jay Lefkowitz]] served under Bush as deputy executive secretary of the [[Domestic Policy Council]] and director of cabinet affairs.[^117] [[Loretta Preska]] was appointed a judge of the [[U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York]] by Bush in 1992.[^118] Lawrence Eagleburger, president of [[Kissinger Associates]] from 1984 to 1989, was deputy secretary of state under Baker and secretary of state in the last weeks of the administration; Brent Scowcroft, vice chairman of the firm's Washington office, became national security adviser in January 1989.[^119]
Richard Thornburgh continued as Attorney General under Bush through 1991, resigning in August 1991 to run for the Senate.[^119] [[Kenneth Starr]] was the 39th Solicitor General from 1989 to 1993 under Bush.[^120] [[Steve Forbes|Malcolm S. Forbes Jr.]], president of [[Forbes]] magazine, was renominated to the Board for International Broadcasting, which oversees [[Radio Free Europe]], by the Bush White House on January 4, 1990 and again on June 19, 1992, each time with designation as chairman.[^121] [[Jay Lefkowitz]] served under Bush as deputy executive secretary of the [[Domestic Policy Council]] and director of cabinet affairs.[^122] [[Loretta Preska]] was appointed a judge of the [[U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York]] by Bush in 1992.[^123] Lawrence Eagleburger, president of [[Kissinger Associates]] from 1984 to 1989, was deputy secretary of state under Baker and secretary of state in the last weeks of the administration; Brent Scowcroft, vice chairman of the firm's Washington office, became national security adviser in January 1989.[^124]
### Iraq, Osirak, and the Teicher Declaration
The Teicher declaration of January 31, 1995, on the [[Iran-Iraq War]], filed in the Florida prosecution of [[Carlos Cardoen]] and others, states in paragraph 7 that a secret 1986 message from Reagan to [[Saddam Hussein]], urging a stepped-up air war against Iran, was delivered by Vice President Bush to [[Hosni Mubarak]], who passed it to Saddam Hussein. The declaration also states that Teicher wrote Bush's talking points for the 1986 meeting with Mubarak.[^120] A corrective declaration filed in October 1996 addresses paragraphs 15 through 18.[^121]
The Teicher declaration of January 31, 1995, on the [[Iran-Iraq War]], filed in the Florida prosecution of [[Carlos Cardoen]] and others, states in paragraph 7 that a secret 1986 message from Reagan to [[Saddam Hussein]], urging a stepped-up air war against Iran, was delivered by Vice President Bush to [[Hosni Mubarak]], who passed it to Saddam Hussein. The declaration also states that Teicher wrote Bush's talking points for the 1986 meeting with Mubarak.[^125] A corrective declaration filed in October 1996 addresses paragraphs 15 through 18.[^126]
### The BNL and Iraqgate Record
The Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro extended credits to [[Iraq]] that the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] examined in February 1993. The committee reports that a National Security Council Deputies Committee meeting on May 29, 1990 was held "to resolve the issue of the second $500 million tranche," and that [[Robert M. Gates]] chaired it.[^122] Barr and Richard opposed going forward with the second tranche, citing the prosecutor's intent to indict Iraqi officials who were involved in "significant criminal violations." The meeting's conclusion was "that the Iraqi government simply be advised that the U.S. would not go forward with the second tranche until the investigation in Atlanta was completed."[^122] The indictment in Atlanta was returned on February 28, 1991.[^122]
The Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro extended credits to [[Iraq]] that the [[Senate Select Committee on Intelligence]] examined in February 1993. The committee reports that a National Security Council Deputies Committee meeting on May 29, 1990 was held "to resolve the issue of the second $500 million tranche," and that [[Robert M. Gates]] chaired it.[^127] Barr and Richard opposed going forward with the second tranche, citing the prosecutor's intent to indict Iraqi officials who were involved in "significant criminal violations." The meeting's conclusion was "that the Iraqi government simply be advised that the U.S. would not go forward with the second tranche until the investigation in Atlanta was completed."[^127] The indictment in Atlanta was returned on February 28, 1991.[^127]
On October 2, 1989 Bush signed [[National Security Directive 26]], classified SECRET. It states that the government "should propose economic and political incentives for Iraq to moderate its behavior and to increase our influence with Iraq," and that "any illegal use of chemical and/or biological weapons will lead to economic and political sanctions."[^123]
On October 2, 1989 Bush signed [[National Security Directive 26]], classified SECRET. It states that the government "should propose economic and political incentives for Iraq to moderate its behavior and to increase our influence with Iraq," and that "any illegal use of chemical and/or biological weapons will lead to economic and political sanctions."[^128]
The [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program]] ran alongside the BNL loans. On October 6, 1989 Secretary of State Baker assured [[Tariq Aziz]] that American concern over proliferation was worldwide and not directed at Iraq; the department then offered Iraq 500 million dollars in guarantees, with a second 500 million to follow "after successful conclusion of the BNL investigation," a condition Iraq rejected.[^124] Friedman wrote in *Spider's Web* on the [[BNL Scandal]] that the House Banking Committee under Gonzalez documented the Reagan administration's and the early Bush administration's consistent support for Iraq's weapons procurement networks, including knowledge of chemical weapons use.[^125]
The [[Commodity Credit Corporation Iraq Program]] ran alongside the BNL loans. On October 6, 1989 Secretary of State Baker assured [[Tariq Aziz]] that American concern over proliferation was worldwide and not directed at Iraq; the department then offered Iraq 500 million dollars in guarantees, with a second 500 million to follow "after successful conclusion of the BNL investigation," a condition Iraq rejected.[^129] Friedman wrote in *Spider's Web* on the [[BNL Scandal]] that the House Banking Committee under Gonzalez documented the Reagan administration's and the early Bush administration's consistent support for Iraq's weapons procurement networks, including knowledge of chemical weapons use.[^130]
In a 1992 statement in the House, Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] quoted the sentence "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability." He added that "[s]everal Bush administration officials in a position to know the truth have testified before Congress about the United States role in enhancing Iraq's military capability."[^126] The White House's unclassified summary of September 1991 uses different language on the same question.[^127]
In a 1992 statement in the House, Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez]] quoted the sentence "United States suppliers did not contribute directly to Iraq's conventional or nonconventional weapons capability." He added that "[s]everal Bush administration officials in a position to know the truth have testified before Congress about the United States role in enhancing Iraq's military capability."[^131] The White House's unclassified summary of September 1991 uses different language on the same question.[^132]
### BCCI and the Gulf Finance Network
The Senate report on the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, prepared by Senators John Kerry and [[Hank Brown]] and published in December 1992, describes a figure named Lake who "received $200,000 in payments from Abu Dhabi last fall in connection with this work." The report says he was performing, "as a volunteer, in an unpaid position," the job of "deputy manager to President Bush's re-election campaign."[^128] Kerry, then subcommittee chairman, said at a hearing on March 18, 1992: "I do not believe that Mr. Lake should be sitting in on White House campaign strategy meetings while he is also providing strategy to Sheikh Zayed on how to deal with problems arising out of his ownership of BCCI."[^128]
The Senate report on the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, prepared by Senators John Kerry and [[Hank Brown]] and published in December 1992, describes a figure named Lake who "received $200,000 in payments from Abu Dhabi last fall in connection with this work." The report says he was performing, "as a volunteer, in an unpaid position," the job of "deputy manager to President Bush's re-election campaign."[^133] Kerry, then subcommittee chairman, said at a hearing on March 18, 1992: "I do not believe that Mr. Lake should be sitting in on White House campaign strategy meetings while he is also providing strategy to Sheikh Zayed on how to deal with problems arising out of his ownership of BCCI."[^133]
The report's chapter on [[Ed Rogers]] quotes Rogers's resignation letter, which states that "The ethics atmosphere at the Bush White House was to go the extra mile...."[^129] The report places [[Sam Bamieh]] in Bush's Team 100 fundraising program in 1988.[^130] It also records that [[Richard Helms]] wrote to Vice President Bush on behalf of [[Mohammed Rahim Motaghi Irvani|Irvani]] on October 29, 1987.[^131]
The report's chapter on [[Ed Rogers]] quotes Rogers's resignation letter, which states that "The ethics atmosphere at the Bush White House was to go the extra mile...."[^134] The report places [[Sam Bamieh]] in Bush's Team 100 fundraising program in 1988.[^135] It also records that [[Richard Helms]] wrote to Vice President Bush on behalf of [[Mohammed Rahim Motaghi Irvani|Irvani]] on October 29, 1987.[^136]
The Justice Department's response to Kerry's inquiry about its February 1990 letters states that "The first letter by Mr. Saphos is obviously worded poorly."[^132] A July 24, 1990 letter from Deputy Assistant Attorney General [[Bruce Navarro]] to Kerry also appears in the record.[^133] The report asks whether the Customs undercover investigation of BCCI "is the kind of investigation that President Bush and the Congress desire."[^134]
The Justice Department's response to Kerry's inquiry about its February 1990 letters states that "The first letter by Mr. Saphos is obviously worded poorly."[^137] A July 24, 1990 letter from Deputy Assistant Attorney General [[Bruce Navarro]] to Kerry also appears in the record.[^138] The report asks whether the Customs undercover investigation of BCCI "is the kind of investigation that President Bush and the Congress desire."[^139]
### Stephens, Bath and the Gulf Financiers
[[Jackson Stephens]] of [[Stephens Inc.]] gave to Reagan, Bush and Clinton, and in 1977 introduced the Bank of Credit and Commerce International to the American bank it would secretly acquire.[^135] [[Peter Truell]] and [[Larry Gurwin]] wrote in 1992 that Stephens backed Bush that year while employees of Stephens Inc. gave more money to the Clinton campaign than the employees of all but two other firms; they also wrote that [[Hillary Clinton]], then Hillary Rodham, did legal work in 1978 for Systematics Inc. when it was sued over the stock accumulation for [[Agha Hasan Abedi]].[^136] The firm gave 100,000 dollars to a dinner for President Bush in May 1991, and family members and employees gave more than 83,000 dollars to Clinton by the summer of 1992; [[Worthen Bank]], whose chairman [[Curt Bradbury]] had been a Stephens officer, extended the Clinton campaign a 3.5 million dollar line of credit.[^137]
[[Jackson Stephens]] of [[Stephens Inc.]] gave to Reagan, Bush and Clinton, and in 1977 introduced the Bank of Credit and Commerce International to the American bank it would secretly acquire.[^140] [[Peter Truell]] and [[Larry Gurwin]] wrote in 1992 that Stephens backed Bush that year while employees of Stephens Inc. gave more money to the Clinton campaign than the employees of all but two other firms; they also wrote that [[Hillary Clinton]], then Hillary Rodham, did legal work in 1978 for Systematics Inc. when it was sued over the stock accumulation for [[Agha Hasan Abedi]].[^141] The firm gave 100,000 dollars to a dinner for President Bush in May 1991, and family members and employees gave more than 83,000 dollars to Clinton by the summer of 1992; [[Worthen Bank]], whose chairman [[Curt Bradbury]] had been a Stephens officer, extended the Clinton campaign a 3.5 million dollar line of credit.[^142]
[[James R. Bath]] told *Time* in 1991 that his friendship with Bush dated from their service in the Guard and that he was only "slightly" acquainted with the then-President.[^138] [[Craig Unger]] wrote in *Salon* in 2004 that the second name on a Guard order, released earlier under the Freedom of Information Act to the researcher Marty Heldt, was Bath's, and that the White House redacted it when it released George W. Bush's military records in March 2004; Bath confirmed that he was the man named and said: "Geo did not use drugs."[^139] [[Lucy Komisar]] wrote in 2007 that in 1976, when Bush headed the CIA, the agency sold some planes of its proprietary airline [[Air America]] to Skyway, "a company owned by Bath and Bin Mahfouz"; she wrote that [[Khalid bin Mahfouz]]'s family bought 20 to 30 percent of BCCI for nearly one billion dollars, and that when [[Harken Energy]] got into financial trouble in 1987 Stephens helped it obtain 25 million dollars from [[Union Bank of Switzerland]] and a board seat went to the Harken shareholder [[Abdullah Taha Bakhsh]], "whose chief banker was BCCI shareholder Bin Mahfouz." Harken's proxy statement of April 25, 1994 listed Bakhsh with 6,935,364 shares, 11.66 percent of its common stock.[^140] *Time* described Bakhsh as the reclusive Saudi who bought an 11 percent stake in Harken, of which George W. Bush was a director.[^141]
[[James R. Bath]] told *Time* in 1991 that his friendship with Bush dated from their service in the Guard and that he was only "slightly" acquainted with the then-President.[^143] [[Craig Unger]] wrote in *Salon* in 2004 that the second name on a Guard order, released earlier under the Freedom of Information Act to the researcher Marty Heldt, was Bath's, and that the White House redacted it when it released George W. Bush's military records in March 2004; Bath confirmed that he was the man named and said: "Geo did not use drugs."[^144] [[Lucy Komisar]] wrote in 2007 that in 1976, when Bush headed the CIA, the agency sold some planes of its proprietary airline [[Air America]] to Skyway, "a company owned by Bath and Bin Mahfouz"; she wrote that [[Khalid bin Mahfouz]]'s family bought 20 to 30 percent of BCCI for nearly one billion dollars, and that when [[Harken Energy]] got into financial trouble in 1987 Stephens helped it obtain 25 million dollars from [[Union Bank of Switzerland]] and a board seat went to the Harken shareholder [[Abdullah Taha Bakhsh]], "whose chief banker was BCCI shareholder Bin Mahfouz." Harken's proxy statement of April 25, 1994 listed Bakhsh with 6,935,364 shares, 11.66 percent of its common stock.[^145] *Time* described Bakhsh as the reclusive Saudi who bought an 11 percent stake in Harken, of which George W. Bush was a director.[^146]
### Hinckley
John W. Hinckley Jr. shot President Reagan on March 30, 1981. The [[Houston Post]] reported that Neil Bush, a son of Vice President Bush, had been scheduled to have dinner the day after the shooting with [[Scott Hinckley]], the brother of the gunman. WhoWhatWhy reports that the story was picked up by the Associated Press and UPI.[^142]
John W. Hinckley Jr. shot President Reagan on March 30, 1981. The [[Houston Post]] reported that Neil Bush, a son of Vice President Bush, had been scheduled to have dinner the day after the shooting with [[Scott Hinckley]], the brother of the gunman. WhoWhatWhy reports that the story was picked up by the Associated Press and UPI.[^147]
At a press conference the day after the shooting, Neil Bush acknowledged that Scott Hinckley had also been at his house "a couple of months earlier, at his surprise birthday party." Neil Bush said, "I have no idea."[^142]
At a press conference the day after the shooting, Neil Bush acknowledged that Scott Hinckley had also been at his house "a couple of months earlier, at his surprise birthday party." Neil Bush said, "I have no idea."[^147]
The vice president's press secretary, [[Peter Teeley]], told a UPI reporter, as WhoWhatWhy quotes him: "I don't know a damn thing about it. All I know is what you're telling me." Teeley said that the vice president "made no mention of it whatsoever."[^142]
The vice president's press secretary, [[Peter Teeley]], told a UPI reporter, as WhoWhatWhy quotes him: "I don't know a damn thing about it. All I know is what you're telling me." Teeley said that the vice president "made no mention of it whatsoever."[^147]
The diary of [[Chase Untermyer]], a Bush aide, records that "Neil and Sharon do know Hinckley's brother (in Denver) and were planning to have dinner with them tomorrow night."[^142]
The diary of [[Chase Untermyer]], a Bush aide, records that "Neil and Sharon do know Hinckley's brother (in Denver) and were planning to have dinner with them tomorrow night."[^147]
WhoWhatWhy also reports, citing an Associated Press item of April 1, 1981, that the Department of Energy told the Hinckley family's oil business that it might be penalized about $2 million.[^143]
WhoWhatWhy also reports, citing an Associated Press item of April 1, 1981, that the Department of Energy told the Hinckley family's oil business that it might be penalized about $2 million.[^148]
### Franklin Cover-Up Allegations
[[John DeCamp]] wrote on the Franklin matter in Nebraska. An advertisement for his book, reproduced in a compilation of material gathered by [[Ted Gunderson]], states that the book "contains numerous references to President George Bush."[^144]
[[John DeCamp]] wrote on the Franklin matter in Nebraska. An advertisement for his book, reproduced in a compilation of material gathered by [[Ted Gunderson]], states that the book "contains numerous references to President George Bush."[^149]
The same compilation relays a 1989 report in the [[Washington Times]] by [[George Archibald]] that key Reagan and Bush administration officials were ensnared in a federal probe tied to an escort service and [[Craig Spence]].[^145]
The same compilation relays a 1989 report in the [[Washington Times]] by [[George Archibald]] that key Reagan and Bush administration officials were ensnared in a federal probe tied to an escort service and [[Craig Spence]].[^150]
### Allegations in the Casolaro and Mind-Control Literature
Seymour wrote that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police inquirer [[Sean McDade]] told her that Canadian officials might have bought the PROMIS software unlawfully from officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations, that the RCMP had traced banking transactions supporting this, and that a successful inquiry "could cause the entire U.S. Republican Party to be dismantled."[^107] In September 2001 Admiral Daniel Murphy, who had served as chief of staff to Vice President Bush during the first Reagan term when the PROMIS misappropriations began, told [[Bill Hamilton]] of [[INSLAW]] that he had a "hunch" that there was still another use of PROMIS that INSLAW had not yet discovered; Murphy died on September 21, 2001.[^107]
Seymour wrote that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police inquirer [[Sean McDade]] told her that Canadian officials might have bought the PROMIS software unlawfully from officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations, that the RCMP had traced banking transactions supporting this, and that a successful inquiry "could cause the entire U.S. Republican Party to be dismantled."[^112] In September 2001 Admiral Daniel Murphy, who had served as chief of staff to Vice President Bush during the first Reagan term when the PROMIS misappropriations began, told [[Bill Hamilton]] of [[INSLAW]] that he had a "hunch" that there was still another use of PROMIS that INSLAW had not yet discovered; Murphy died on September 21, 2001.[^112]
[[Project Monarch]] is described in a 1996 PROBE article by A.B.H. Alexander, which reports the claim of Cathy O'Brien that she delivered messages to foreign leaders including Mexican President [[Carlos Salinas]] on behalf of Vice President Bush, using keyword-triggered personality compartments.[^146]
[[Project Monarch]] is described in a 1996 PROBE article by A.B.H. Alexander, which reports the claim of Cathy O'Brien that she delivered messages to foreign leaders including Mexican President [[Carlos Salinas]] on behalf of Vice President Bush, using keyword-triggered personality compartments.[^151]
### The Carlyle Group
In March 2002 Tim Shorrock wrote in [[The Nation]] that "Bush is Carlyle's senior adviser on Asia and makes his money by giving speeches at Carlyle's investment conferences."[^147] The article quotes [[William Conway]] of [[The Carlyle Group]] describing "the cast of ex-Presidents and former officials, including George H.W. Bush, James Baker III and Frank Carlucci, on its payroll."[^147]
In March 2002 Tim Shorrock wrote in [[The Nation]] that "Bush is Carlyle's senior adviser on Asia and makes his money by giving speeches at Carlyle's investment conferences."[^152] The article quotes [[William Conway]] of [[The Carlyle Group]] describing "the cast of ex-Presidents and former officials, including George H.W. Bush, James Baker III and Frank Carlucci, on its payroll."[^152]
### Appointees in the Epstein Record
Lefkowitz, who served under Bush at the Domestic Policy Council, was later the principal defense negotiator of the September 2007 [[Epstein non-prosecution agreement]] between [[Jeffrey Epstein]] and the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida; he retired from [[Kirkland & Ellis]] in March 2026, saying he would not have taken the Epstein matter "knowing what we all know now."[^148] Starr was a partner at Kirkland before and after his service as Solicitor General.[^148] Preska, whom Bush appointed in 1992, took over [[Giuffre v. Maxwell]] after the death of Judge Robert W. Sweet in 2019 and ruled until 2026 on the release of its sealed discovery.[^149] Federal Election Commission records show a 1988 contribution to Bush by [[Philip Scaturro]], whose contributions otherwise went mostly to Democratic candidates.[^150]
Lefkowitz, who served under Bush at the Domestic Policy Council, was later the principal defense negotiator of the September 2007 [[Epstein non-prosecution agreement]] between [[Jeffrey Epstein]] and the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida; he retired from [[Kirkland & Ellis]] in March 2026, saying he would not have taken the Epstein matter "knowing what we all know now."[^153] Starr was a partner at Kirkland before and after his service as Solicitor General.[^153] Preska, whom Bush appointed in 1992, took over [[Giuffre v. Maxwell]] after the death of Judge Robert W. Sweet in 2019 and ruled until 2026 on the release of its sealed discovery.[^154] Federal Election Commission records show a 1988 contribution to Bush by [[Philip Scaturro]], whose contributions otherwise went mostly to Democratic candidates.[^155]
### Unidentified Aerial Phenomena and the FBI Vault
A letter to FBI Director [[William S. Sessions]], held in the Bureau's vault, is quoted by [[Larry Holzwarth]] in a HistoryCollection article. The letter states that "President Bush (George H. W. Bush), when asked about UFOs, told the person asking 'You don't know the half of it.'" The letter writer reminds the director that Bush "was formerly with the CIA." Because the letter calls Bush "President," it can date only from January 1989 onward.[^151]
A letter to FBI Director [[William S. Sessions]], held in the Bureau's vault, is quoted by [[Larry Holzwarth]] in a HistoryCollection article. The letter states that "President Bush (George H. W. Bush), when asked about UFOs, told the person asking 'You don't know the half of it.'" The letter writer reminds the director that Bush "was formerly with the CIA." Because the letter calls Bush "President," it can date only from January 1989 onward.[^156]
The astrophysicist [[Eric Davis]] recalled Bush telling him that humans made contact with aliens at a secretive New Mexico air base in 1964. The account was published by OK! Magazine on November 24, 2025 and carried by AOL, and is tied to the documentary *The Age of Disclosure*. When Bush asked for more details, he was told that he did not have a need-to-know.[^152]
The astrophysicist [[Eric Davis]] recalled Bush telling him that humans made contact with aliens at a secretive New Mexico air base in 1964. The account was published by OK! Magazine on November 24, 2025 and carried by AOL, and is tied to the documentary *The Age of Disclosure*. When Bush asked for more details, he was told that he did not have a need-to-know.[^157]
### Footnotes
@ -329,151 +333,156 @@ The astrophysicist [[Eric Davis]] recalled Bush telling him that humans made con
[^2]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "George H. W. Bush: Life Before the Presidency." Phillips Academy, Navy service 1942 to 1945, marriage of January 6, 1945, Yale economics degree by 1948, baseball captain, Skull and Bones, Prescott Bush's Senate service 1952 to 1963, the Texas oil years, the 1964 to 1974 political offices, the CIA appointment, the May 1, 1979 announcement, and the children's names and birth years. https://millercenter.org/president/bush/life-before-the-presidency
[^3]: White House, "Biography of President George W. Bush" (archived, georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov). Born July 6, 1946, in New Haven; sworn in January 20, 2001 and January 20, 2005.
[^4]: George H. W. Bush Presidential Library, FOIA response 2009-0116-F, records relating to the Skull and Bones Society. https://bush41library.gov/download/file/4777
[^5]: Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order No. 248, Washington, October 20, 1942, *Federal Register*, November 7, 1942, pp. 9097-9098.
[^6]: Russ Baker, "CIA Helped Bush Senior In Oil Venture," WhoWhatWhy, January 7, 2007, quoting a CIA memorandum of November 29, 1975. https://whowhatwhy.org/2007/01/07/cia-bush-senior-oil-venture/
[^7]: Russ Baker, "CIA Helped Bush Senior In Oil Venture," WhoWhatWhy, January 7, 2007, citing a 1968 memorandum and the 1998 release of CIA documents. https://whowhatwhy.org/2007/01/07/cia-bush-senior-oil-venture/
[^8]: Zapata Corporation, annual report on Form 10-K for fiscal 1994, filed December 29, 1994, accession 0000899243-94-000388, Item 1 and filer header (former conformed names), CIK 109177.
[^9]: SEC EDGAR filing history for CIK 109177 (Zapata Corporation and successor names); start of electronic filings February 8, 1994.
[^10]: Assassination Records Review Board, letter to John Pereira, December 18, 1997, CIA release 104-10336-10008.
[^11]: Assassination Records Review Board staff memorandum by Haron, January 8, 1998 (FBIMEM.002).
[^12]: CIA memorandum from Michelle Combs to T. Jeremy Gunn, July 15, 1998 (CIA-IR09).
[^13]: CIA memorandum from J. Barry Harrelson to T. Jeremy Gunn, February 25, 1998, within release 104-10336-10008.
[^14]: Assassination Records Review Board draft request, "George Bush," undated, bearing Gunn's name.
[^15]: WhoWhatWhy, "Classic Who: GHW Bush and the JFK Assassination," October 24, 2017, reporting Stephen Hart's 1988 statement and Joseph McBride's report in *The Nation*, July 16, 1988. https://whowhatwhy.org/2017/10/24/classic-ghw-bush-jfk-assassination/
[^16]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance* (Seven Stories Press, 1998), ch. 13, "The wrong kind of friends."
[^17]: Ronald Reagan, "Statement Announcing the Establishment of a Federal Anticrime Task Force for Southern Florida," January 28, 1982. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/statement-announcing-the-establishment-federal-anticrime-task-force-for-southern-florida
[^18]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 4 (July 1988), statement of Adm. Daniel J. Murphy, pp. 224-225. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41152832_0009
[^19]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), p. 19. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^20]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance* (Seven Stories Press, 1998), ch. 20, "It is a sensitive matter."
[^21]: FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977, https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2 ; Marie Fagnant (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures," memorandum, July 31, 1997; Bill Porterfield, "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly*, March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^22]: George Bush, Chairman, National Foreign Intelligence Board, letter to Vice Admiral Bobby R. Inman, January 1977 (DCI/IC 77-0402), CIA CREST copy CIA-RDP80M00165A002600030024-8. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80M00165A002600030024-8
[^23]: "We've Been Asked: What Is the Trilateral Commission?" *U.S. News & World Report*, April 7, 1980, p. 37, reprinted in Congressional Research Service, *The Trilateral Commission*, Issue Packet IP0092 (Library of Congress, 1981).
[^24]: Ronald Reagan, "Nomination of William H. Draper III To Be President and Chairman of the Export-Import Bank of the United States," March 18, 1981, The American Presidency Project. https://presidency.ucsb.edu/node/247393
[^25]: "The President's News Conference," November 3, 1975. The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/the-presidents-news-conference-60
[^26]: "Remarks at the Swearing In of George Bush as Director of Central Intelligence," January 30, 1976. The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-swearing-george-bush-director-central-intelligence
[^27]: Kenneth A. Kress, "Parapsychology in Intelligence: A Personal Review and Conclusions," *Studies in Intelligence* 21, no. 4 (winter 1977), p. 15. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00791R000200030040-0. Reprinted with the author's January 1999 postscript in *Journal of Scientific Exploration* 13, no. 1 (1999).
[^28]: Senate nomination record for George H. W. Bush as Director of Central Intelligence, hearings of December 15-16, 1975, and committee report of December 18, 1975. CIA reading room CIA-RDP91-00901R000100050001-3.
[^29]: Center for the Study of Intelligence, "Intelligence and Congress: The Nomination of George H. W. Bush as DCI," *Studies in Intelligence* 65, no. 4 (December 2021). https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Article_Intel_Congress_Nomination_ofGHWBush_as_DCI_Studies_65_4_December2021.pdf
[^30]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, doc. 170, memorandum from Director of Central Intelligence Bush to recipients of National Intelligence Estimate 11-3/8-76, with editorial note citing William Beecher, *Boston Globe*, October 20, 1976, and David Binder, *New York Times*, December 26, 1976.
[^31]: "Soviet Strategic Objectives: An Alternative View, Report of Team B." CIA reading room CIA-RDP91M00696R001000110006-8.
[^32]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, doc. 174, Bush to Cherne, January 19, 1977.
[^33]: Church Committee, *Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities*, Book I, p. 455 (1976). https://archive.org/details/finalreportofsel01unit
[^34]: Church Committee, *Final Report*, Book I, p. 193. https://archive.org/details/finalreportofsel01unit
[^35]: Norman Kempster, *Washington Star*, February 10, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP99-00498R000100040124-3.
[^36]: "'Operation Chaos' Files Ordered Held," *Washington Star*, June 16, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP90-01208R000100170029-4.
[^37]: Letter from Daniel K. Inouye to George Bush, September 29, 1976. CIA reading room 03303946.
[^38]: Letter from Edward H. Levi to George Bush, October 9, 1976, with Scowcroft's endorsement of October 21, 1976. *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. E-11, pt. 2, doc. 250.
[^39]: CIA reading room document 05535911, 1980 radio interview transcript (speaker identified as "MAN").
[^40]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977-1980*, vol. XXIV, doc. 209.
[^41]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977-1980*, vol. XXIV, doc. 217, memorandum quoted in the volume.
[^42]: Memorandum by George Bush, "The Death of Roselli," August 11, 1976. CIA reading room 00508811.
[^43]: Timothy S. Robinson, "The Letelier Case," *The Washington Post*, May 21, 1978, p. A4, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100050048-7, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp99-00498r000100050048-7.
[^44]: Brief for Appellants, *United States v. Sampol*, Nos. 79-1541 and 79-1542 (D.C. Cir. 1979), https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Letelier-appeal.pdf ; Petition of the United States for Rehearing and Suggestion for Rehearing En Banc, *United States v. Sampol* (D.C. Cir., October 29, 1980), https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Letelier-rehearing.pdf.
[^45]: "No New Leads Uncovered by Letelier Probe," *The Washington Post*, November 1, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100020097-6. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp99-00498r000100020097-6
[^46]: Secretary of State to American Embassy Caracas, "Interrogation of Bosch," telegram 1976STATE277225, November 11, 1976, quoting Richard L. Thornburgh's letter of November 5, 1976, Department of State, released 2006; Zach Dorfman, "Codename: Chilbom," *The Atavist Magazine*, no. 59, June 21, 2016. https://magazine.atavist.com/2016/codename-chilbom
[^47]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Associate Attorney General, *In the Matter of Orlando Bosch-Avila*, decision of Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley in exclusion proceedings, January 23, 1989; National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006.
[^48]: Peter Kornbluh, "A Modicum of Justice for Ronni Karpen Moffitt," *The Nation*, September 2026.
[^49]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXII, Panama, doc. 133, memorandum of conversation, October 6, 1976, source note.
[^50]: Letter from George Bush to Donald H. Rumsfeld, October 18, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP79-00498A000600090009-7.
[^51]: Joseph Trento, *Prelude to Terror: The Rogue CIA and the Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network* (Carroll & Graf, 2005), pp. 52-108; Alexandre de Marenches and David Andelman, *The Fourth World War* (Random House, 1992); Church Committee, S. Rept. 94-755, 1976.
[^52]: Roger Faligot and Pascal Krop, *La Piscine: Les Services Secrets Français, 1944-1984* (Seuil, 1985); Alexandre de Marenches and Christine Ockrent, *Dans le Secret des Princes* (Stock, 1986).
[^53]: Church Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465, 1975; Ludo De Witte, *The Assassination of Lumumba* (Verso, 2001); International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act of 1976, Public Law 94-329, 90 Stat. 729 (June 30, 1976), sec. 404.
[^54]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "William P. Barr Oral History," interview of April 5, 2001, George H. W. Bush Oral History Project. https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/william-p-barr-oral-history
[^55]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), ch. 18.
[^56]: Ari Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network* (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015).
[^57]: *The Tower Commission Report: The Full Text of the President's Special Review Board* (New York: Bantam Books and Times Books, 1987), pp. 24-25, 30-31; Tom Tugend, "Al Schwimmer, Israel Air Force pioneer, dies at 94," *Jewish Journal* (Los Angeles), June 12, 2011; JTA Staff, "Pardoned American served Israel in 1948," Jewish Telegraphic Agency, February 28, 2001.
[^58]: Maureen Dowd, "War in the Gulf: The President; Bush Urges Israeli Restraint in Phone Appeals to Shamir," *The New York Times*, January 20, 1991, p. 16. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/01/20/world/war-gulf-president-bush-urges-israeli-restraint-phone-appeals-shamir.html
[^59]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf
[^60]: Kress, "Parapsychology in Intelligence," *Studies in Intelligence* 21, no. 4 (winter 1977), p. 16. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00791R000200030040-0.
[^61]: US Army Intelligence and Security Command, "List of Events from September 1977 to January 1986," entry for 1983. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00788R001100020001-8.
[^62]: Memorandum for the record, "Briefing," Major Gerald Fox, April 1, 1983, CIA-RDP96-00788R001700270002-4. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp96-00788r001700270002-4
[^63]: Defense Intelligence Agency, S-1004/DT-1, "Minutes of the Meeting, DoD Grill Flame Committee," November 28, 1978, CIA-RDP96-00788R002000130006-1; "Minutes of the Grill Flame Committee Meeting, 14 Feb 79," CIA-RDP96-00788R002000130002-5.
[^64]: Dolan M. McKelvy, *Psychic Warfare: Exploring the Mind Frontier*, Air War College research report, Air University, CIA-RDP96-00789R001001420001-3, citing Ronald M. McRae, *Mind Wars* (1984), p. 103. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp96-00789r001001420001-3
[^65]: William J. Casey to Alexander M. Haig, Jr., April 2, 1982, with "Quick Intelligence Assessment on Falkland Affairs (April 2, 1982)," CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP84B00049R000701780017-6. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp84b00049r000701780017-6
[^66]: John H. Holdridge, letter, "Australian Intrigue," *Time*, January 3, 1982, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820017-1, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820017-1 ; CBS, "The Nugan Hand Bank," Evening News transcript, September 22, 1982, CIA-RDP90-00552R000201840002-6, https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP90-00552R000201840002-6
[^67]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," United Press International, April 12, 1986, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/ ; "Top-secret cronies," *Salon*, November 17, 2005, https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/
[^68]: Bill Gertz, "Vice President confirms Buckley was tortured and killed," *Washington Times*, January 21, 1987, CIA-RDP90-00965R000302310058-3. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302310058-3
[^69]: Denholm Barnetson, "President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel and...," United Press International, August 17, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/17/President-Mohammad-Zia-ul-Haq-US-Ambassador-Arnold-Raphel-and/3467587793600/
[^70]: Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight (Pacific News Service), report published by *Salon*, October 8, 1996. https://www.salon.com/1996/10/08/news_555/
[^71]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 2 (February 1988), Senator Kerry, pp. 265-266.
[^72]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 2 (February 1988), testimony of Danilo Blandon, pp. 136-137.
[^73]: Lawrence E. Walsh, *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 29, citing Gregg grand jury testimony of October 9, 1987 and Rodriguez grand jury testimony of December 4, 1987. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_29.htm
[^74]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 4 (July 1988), Rodriguez testimony, p. 344.
[^75]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Part IX, p. 443. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/part_ix.htm
[^76]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), p. 96. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^77]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Executive Summary, p. xviii. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/execsum.htm
[^78]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, "George Bush," pp. 473-474. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_28.htm
[^79]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 479 and note 67 (*Los Angeles Times*, September 11, 1992; *Washington Post*, 1988).
[^80]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Part IX, "Investigations of the White House," pp. 443-444. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/part_ix.htm
[^81]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, pp. 474-475, on the diary, the pardons and the grand jury.
[^82]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 480 and note 74 (diary entries of November 4 and 5, 1986).
[^83]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 478.
[^84]: Proclamation 6518, Granting Pardons, December 24, 1992, 107 *Stat.* 2606-2607.
[^85]: Brown University, Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, Iran-Contra materials, "The Pardons," quoting Walsh's response to the pardon of Caspar Weinberger. https://webhelper.brown.edu/cheit/
[^86]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. II, Fourth Interim Report to Congress, February 8, 1993, pp. 585-587.
[^87]: *The Tower Commission Report*, February 26, 1987, pp. 383-384. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit
[^88]: National Security Planning Group minutes, June 25, 1984, "Central America," National Security Archive, *The Iran-Contra Affair 20 Years On*, EBB 210, document 2 (IC 00463), pp. 12, 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/2-NSPG%20minutes%206-25-84%20(IC%2000463).pdf ; Iran-Contra report, ch. 26, pp. 403-404.
[^89]: Walsh, *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 29 (Gregg and Rodriguez); Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1989), p. 96.
[^90]: George Bush, "Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Iran-Contra Investigation," December 30, 1992, The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/statement-press-secretary-fitzwater-the-iran-contra-investigation ; U.S. Department of Justice, "Griffin Boyette Bell," Attorneys General biographies.
[^91]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "William P. Barr Oral History," interview of April 5, 2001, George H. W. Bush Oral History Project (remarks on Bua, Lacey, Civiletti, inherent authority, and the pardons). https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/william-p-barr-oral-history
[^92]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair*, S. Prt. 103-12 (February 1993), pp. 4-5, 10; Lacey, Report of the Independent Counsel, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 344-345; "Drogoul gets 37 months in BNL bank scandal," United Press International, December 9, 1993; *United States v. Drogoul*, 1 F.3d 1546 (11th Cir. 1993).
[^93]: *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*, 102d Cong., 2d sess., January 3, 1993, Calendar No. 634. https://archive.org/details/6199732-Joint-Report-of-the-October-Surprise-Task-Force
[^94]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 148.
[^95]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 110.
[^96]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 172-173.
[^97]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 175.
[^98]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 149, citing the Rupp sentencing (D. Colo., September 23, 1988) and the Brenneke trial (D. Or., May 3, 1990).
[^99]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 150-151.
[^100]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), pp. 131-132. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^101]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 90, Casey calendar.
[^102]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 102.
[^103]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 20-21, missing calendar pages.
[^104]: Robert Parry, "October Surprise Evidence Surfaces," *Consortium News*, July 14, 2011. https://consortiumnews.com/2011/07/14/october-surprise-evidence-surfaces/
[^105]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 173-174, Reagan statements.
[^106]: Barbara Honegger, *October Surprise* (New York: Tudor Publishing, 1989).
[^107]: Cheri Seymour, *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal* (TrineDay, 2010).
[^108]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "George H. W. Bush: Key Events." https://millercenter.org/president/bush/key-events
[^109]: Miller Center, "Statecraft: The Bush 41 Team," "Proving ground: How the December 1989 invasion of Panama shaped the Bush 41 foreign policy team," quoting Richard Cheney and Colin Powell in the George H. W. Bush Oral History Project. https://millercenter.org/statecraftmovie/proving-ground
[^110]: U.S. House of Representatives, Select Committee on U.S. National Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the People's Republic of China, Report (H. Rept. 105-851), vol. III, ch. 9, p. 50. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRPT-105hrpt851/pdf/GPO-CRPT-105hrpt851.pdf
[^111]: Bruce Berkowitz, *The National Reconnaissance Office at 50 Years: A Brief History* (Center for the Study of National Reconnaissance, September 2011), pp. 20-21, 23-26.
[^112]: Henry B. Gonzalez, "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record*, House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502; Gonzalez floor statement of August 10, 1992.
[^113]: Gayle Young, "Socialists Take the Helm in Jamaica. Manley hopes to strengthen US ties by aiding war on drugs," *The Christian Science Monitor*, February 14, 1989. https://www.csmonitor.com/1989/0214/ojam.html
[^114]: "Richard Lewis Thornburgh," Office of the Attorney General, U.S. Department of Justice, *Attorneys General of the United States*; Miller Center, "Richard Thornburgh."
[^115]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Solicitor General, "Solicitor General: Kenneth W. Starr," historical biography (updated September 18, 2023). https://www.justice.gov/osg/bio/kenneth-w-starr
[^116]: George Bush, "Nomination of Malcolm S. Forbes, Jr., To Be a Member of the Board for International Broadcasting, and Designation as Chairman," January 4, 1990, The American Presidency Project, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/264564 ; George Bush, "Digest of Other White House Announcements," June 19, 1992, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/391789
[^117]: U.S. Department of State, "Jay Lefkowitz, Special Envoy, Human Rights in North Korea," biography, released May 25, 2006. https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ei/biog/66929.htm ; The White House (George W. Bush archives), "Personnel Announcement," January 31, 2002.
[^118]: Federal Judicial Center, "Preska, Loretta A.," Biographical Directory of Article III Federal Judges. https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/preska-loretta
[^119]: Henry B. Gonzalez, "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record*, House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920428g.htm
[^120]: Declaration of Howard R. Teicher, *United States v. Carlos Cardoen et al.*, No. 93-241-CR-Highsmith (S.D. Fla., January 31, 1995), para. 7. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/iraq61.pdf
[^121]: Corrective declaration of Howard R. Teicher, docket 679, *United States v. Cardoen* (October 31, 1996). Archive.org item utf-893cr-241-de-679.
[^122]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair*, S. Prt. 103-12 (February 1993). https://intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/publications/10312.pdf
[^123]: National Security Directive 26, "U.S. Policy Toward the Persian Gulf," October 2, 1989, classified SECRET. George H. W. Bush Presidential Library copy.
[^124]: General Accounting Office, report on Iraq's participation in the Commodity Credit Corporation's GSM-102 and GSM-103 export credit guarantee programs, GAO/NSIAD-91-76, November 1990, appendix I; Henry B. Gonzalez, "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record*, House, May 18, 1992, pp. H3370-H3373; "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun*, April 28, 1992.
[^125]: Alan Friedman, *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq* (Bantam Books, 1993).
[^126]: Representative Henry B. Gonzalez, *Congressional Record*, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920925g.htm
[^127]: White House, unclassified summary of Iraq sanctions and weapons exports, September 1991.
[^128]: Senate Foreign Relations Committee, *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140 (December 1992), p. 461. https://archive.org/details/thebcciaffair_202003
[^129]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 542, chapter on Ed Rogers.
[^130]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 538.
[^131]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, Helms letters to Vice President Bush, October 29, 1987.
[^132]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, Justice Department response on the February 1990 letters by Mr. Saphos.
[^133]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, letter of Deputy Assistant Attorney General Bruce Navarro to Senator Kerry, July 24, 1990.
[^134]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 508.
[^135]: "Jackson Thomas Stephens (1923-2005)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas*; *Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger*, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981); 680 F.2d 768 (D.C. Cir. 1982).
[^136]: Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin, *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire* (Houghton Mifflin, 1992), ch. 18 and p. 428. https://archive.org/details/bypetertruellauthorlarrygurwinauthorfalseprofitsth
[^137]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times*, January 31, 1993, https://archive.seattletimes.com/archive/?date=19930131&slug=1682819 ; House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law*, H. Rept. 105-829 (1998), vol. 2; Roger Morris, *Partners in Power* (Henry Holt, 1996); Truell and Gurwin, *False Profits*, pp. 41 and 428.
[^138]: Jonathan Beaty, "A Mysterious Mover of Money and Planes," *Time*, October 28, 1991. https://time.com/archive/6718843/a-mysterious-mover-of-money-and-planes/
[^139]: Craig Unger, "Mystery man," *Salon*, April 28, 2004. https://www.salon.com/2004/04/28/james_bath/
[^140]: Lucy Komisar, "Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI," Inter Press Service, April 4, 2007, https://www.ipsnews.net/2007/04/finance-questions-linger-about-bushes-and-bcci/ ; Harken Energy Corporation, proxy statement (Schedule 14A), filed April 25, 1994, https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/313478/0000950134-94-000454.txt
[^141]: Richard Behar, "Global Intrigue: The Wackiest Rig in Texas," *Time*, October 28, 1991. https://time.com/archive/6718865/global-intrigue-the-wackiest-rig-in-texas/
[^142]: WhoWhatWhy, "Bush Angle to Reagan Shooting Still Unresolved as Hinckley Walks," August 16, 2016, reporting the *Houston Post* story, Neil Bush's press conference, Peter Teeley's statement to UPI, and the Untermyer diary. https://whowhatwhy.org/2016/08/16/bush-angle-reagan-shooting-still-unresolved-hinckley-walks/
[^143]: WhoWhatWhy (2016), citing an Associated Press item of April 1, 1981, on the Department of Energy notice to the Hinckley family business.
[^144]: Ted L. Gunderson compilation, *FBI The Finders*, advertisement for John DeCamp's book. https://archive.org/details/ted-gunderson-fbi-the-finders
[^145]: Ted L. Gunderson compilation, *FBI The Finders*, relaying a *Washington Times* report by George Archibald (1989).
[^146]: A.B.H. Alexander, "Sex, Drugs, the CIA, MIND CONTROL and Your Children," *PROBE*, c. 1996.
[^147]: Tim Shorrock, "Crony Capitalism Goes Global," *The Nation*, March 14, 2002. https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/crony-capitalism-goes-global/
[^148]: "Jeffrey Epstein's Disgraced Lawyer Jay Lefkowitz Who Secured Sweetheart Deal Leaves Firm," *The Daily Beast*, March 2026; U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Solicitor General, "Solicitor General: Kenneth W. Starr"; U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02847284.
[^149]: *Brown v. Maxwell; Dershowitz v. Giuffre*, 929 F.3d 41 (2d Cir. 2019), Nos. 18-2868, 16-3945-cv(L) (July 3, 2019). https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/4636340/brown-v-maxwell-dershowitz-v-giuffre/
[^150]: Federal Election Commission, Schedule A individual contributions, API query contributor_name "SCATURRO, PHILIP" (41 results). https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=SCATURRO%2C%20PHILIP
[^151]: Larry Holzwarth, "FBI Files: Unexplained Phenomenon Files from the FBI's Vault," HistoryCollection, quoting an anonymous letter to FBI Director William S. Sessions. https://historycollection.com/unexplained-phenomenon-files-from-the-fbis-vault/6/
[^152]: Allie Fasanella, "George H. W. Bush 'Knew' Humans Made Contact With Aliens in 1964," *OK! Magazine*, November 24, 2025, carried by AOL. https://www.aol.com/articles/george-h-w-bush-knew-161144400.html
[^5]: Antony C. Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment* (1983), 1971 membership catalogue entry "BUSH, 1948, George Herbert Walker," and index of members by class year, class of 1948. https://archive.org/details/americas_secret_establishment-skull_and_bones
[^6]: *History of the Class of Nineteen Hundred and Seventeen, Yale College*, vol. 1 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1917), entry for Prescott Sheldon Bush, pp. 105 to 106. https://archive.org/details/historyofclassof00murr
[^7]: *Madrigal v. Russell Trust Association*, No. 2:17-cv-00340 (S.D. Tex.), docket entries 1, 6, 8 and 17. https://archive.org/details/gov.uscourts.txsd.1463674
[^8]: Kathrin Day Lassila and Mark Alden Branch, "Whose Skull and Bones?," *Yale Alumni Magazine*, May/June 2006. https://web.archive.org/web/20060614215733/http://www.yalealumnimagazine.com/issues/2006_05/notebook.html
[^9]: Associated Press, reprinted by CBS News, "Letter May Back Yale Claim On Geronimo," May 9, 2006: "according to the letter, written by Winter Mead"; "But Mead was not at Fort Sill"; "According to Skull and Bones legend, members, including President George W. Bush's grandfather, Prescott Bush, dug up Geronimo's grave when a group of Army volunteers from Yale were stationed at the fort during World War I." https://www.cbsnews.com/news/letter-may-back-yale-claim-on-geronimo/
[^10]: Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order No. 248, Washington, October 20, 1942, *Federal Register*, November 7, 1942, pp. 9097-9098.
[^11]: Russ Baker, "CIA Helped Bush Senior In Oil Venture," WhoWhatWhy, January 7, 2007, quoting a CIA memorandum of November 29, 1975. https://whowhatwhy.org/2007/01/07/cia-bush-senior-oil-venture/
[^12]: Russ Baker, "CIA Helped Bush Senior In Oil Venture," WhoWhatWhy, January 7, 2007, citing a 1968 memorandum and the 1998 release of CIA documents. https://whowhatwhy.org/2007/01/07/cia-bush-senior-oil-venture/
[^13]: Zapata Corporation, annual report on Form 10-K for fiscal 1994, filed December 29, 1994, accession 0000899243-94-000388, Item 1 and filer header (former conformed names), CIK 109177.
[^14]: SEC EDGAR filing history for CIK 109177 (Zapata Corporation and successor names); start of electronic filings February 8, 1994.
[^15]: Assassination Records Review Board, letter to John Pereira, December 18, 1997, CIA release 104-10336-10008.
[^16]: Assassination Records Review Board staff memorandum by Haron, January 8, 1998 (FBIMEM.002).
[^17]: CIA memorandum from Michelle Combs to T. Jeremy Gunn, July 15, 1998 (CIA-IR09).
[^18]: CIA memorandum from J. Barry Harrelson to T. Jeremy Gunn, February 25, 1998, within release 104-10336-10008.
[^19]: Assassination Records Review Board draft request, "George Bush," undated, bearing Gunn's name.
[^20]: WhoWhatWhy, "Classic Who: GHW Bush and the JFK Assassination," October 24, 2017, reporting Stephen Hart's 1988 statement and Joseph McBride's report in *The Nation*, July 16, 1988. https://whowhatwhy.org/2017/10/24/classic-ghw-bush-jfk-assassination/
[^21]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance* (Seven Stories Press, 1998), ch. 13, "The wrong kind of friends."
[^22]: Ronald Reagan, "Statement Announcing the Establishment of a Federal Anticrime Task Force for Southern Florida," January 28, 1982. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/statement-announcing-the-establishment-federal-anticrime-task-force-for-southern-florida
[^23]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 4 (July 1988), statement of Adm. Daniel J. Murphy, pp. 224-225. https://archive.org/details/micro_IA41152832_0009
[^24]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), p. 19. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^25]: Gary Webb, *Dark Alliance* (Seven Stories Press, 1998), ch. 20, "It is a sensitive matter."
[^26]: FBI Headquarters file on H.L. Hunt, part 2 (FOIA release), Hunt Oil Company and Estate of H.L. Hunt press releases, March 4 and April 1, 1977, https://archive.org/details/foia_Hunt_H.L.-HQ-2 ; Marie Fagnant (Assassination Records Review Board staff), "Summary of Dallas Figures," memorandum, July 31, 1997; Bill Porterfield, "H.L. Hunt's Long Goodbye," *Texas Monthly*, March 1975. https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/h-l-hunts-long-goodbye/
[^27]: George Bush, Chairman, National Foreign Intelligence Board, letter to Vice Admiral Bobby R. Inman, January 1977 (DCI/IC 77-0402), CIA CREST copy CIA-RDP80M00165A002600030024-8. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80M00165A002600030024-8
[^28]: "We've Been Asked: What Is the Trilateral Commission?" *U.S. News & World Report*, April 7, 1980, p. 37, reprinted in Congressional Research Service, *The Trilateral Commission*, Issue Packet IP0092 (Library of Congress, 1981).
[^29]: Ronald Reagan, "Nomination of William H. Draper III To Be President and Chairman of the Export-Import Bank of the United States," March 18, 1981, The American Presidency Project. https://presidency.ucsb.edu/node/247393
[^30]: "The President's News Conference," November 3, 1975. The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/the-presidents-news-conference-60
[^31]: "Remarks at the Swearing In of George Bush as Director of Central Intelligence," January 30, 1976. The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-swearing-george-bush-director-central-intelligence
[^32]: Kenneth A. Kress, "Parapsychology in Intelligence: A Personal Review and Conclusions," *Studies in Intelligence* 21, no. 4 (winter 1977), p. 15. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00791R000200030040-0. Reprinted with the author's January 1999 postscript in *Journal of Scientific Exploration* 13, no. 1 (1999).
[^33]: Senate nomination record for George H. W. Bush as Director of Central Intelligence, hearings of December 15-16, 1975, and committee report of December 18, 1975. CIA reading room CIA-RDP91-00901R000100050001-3.
[^34]: Center for the Study of Intelligence, "Intelligence and Congress: The Nomination of George H. W. Bush as DCI," *Studies in Intelligence* 65, no. 4 (December 2021). https://www.cia.gov/resources/csi/static/Article_Intel_Congress_Nomination_ofGHWBush_as_DCI_Studies_65_4_December2021.pdf
[^35]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, doc. 170, memorandum from Director of Central Intelligence Bush to recipients of National Intelligence Estimate 11-3/8-76, with editorial note citing William Beecher, *Boston Globe*, October 20, 1976, and David Binder, *New York Times*, December 26, 1976.
[^36]: "Soviet Strategic Objectives: An Alternative View, Report of Team B." CIA reading room CIA-RDP91M00696R001000110006-8.
[^37]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXXV, doc. 174, Bush to Cherne, January 19, 1977.
[^38]: Church Committee, *Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities*, Book I, p. 455 (1976). https://archive.org/details/finalreportofsel01unit
[^39]: Church Committee, *Final Report*, Book I, p. 193. https://archive.org/details/finalreportofsel01unit
[^40]: Norman Kempster, *Washington Star*, February 10, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP99-00498R000100040124-3.
[^41]: "'Operation Chaos' Files Ordered Held," *Washington Star*, June 16, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP90-01208R000100170029-4.
[^42]: Letter from Daniel K. Inouye to George Bush, September 29, 1976. CIA reading room 03303946.
[^43]: Letter from Edward H. Levi to George Bush, October 9, 1976, with Scowcroft's endorsement of October 21, 1976. *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. E-11, pt. 2, doc. 250.
[^44]: CIA reading room document 05535911, 1980 radio interview transcript (speaker identified as "MAN").
[^45]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977-1980*, vol. XXIV, doc. 209.
[^46]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977-1980*, vol. XXIV, doc. 217, memorandum quoted in the volume.
[^47]: Memorandum by George Bush, "The Death of Roselli," August 11, 1976. CIA reading room 00508811.
[^48]: Timothy S. Robinson, "The Letelier Case," *The Washington Post*, May 21, 1978, p. A4, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100050048-7, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp99-00498r000100050048-7.
[^49]: Brief for Appellants, *United States v. Sampol*, Nos. 79-1541 and 79-1542 (D.C. Cir. 1979), https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Letelier-appeal.pdf ; Petition of the United States for Rehearing and Suggestion for Rehearing En Banc, *United States v. Sampol* (D.C. Cir., October 29, 1980), https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/MNC/Letelier-rehearing.pdf.
[^50]: "No New Leads Uncovered by Letelier Probe," *The Washington Post*, November 1, 1976, CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP99-00498R000100020097-6. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp99-00498r000100020097-6
[^51]: Secretary of State to American Embassy Caracas, "Interrogation of Bosch," telegram 1976STATE277225, November 11, 1976, quoting Richard L. Thornburgh's letter of November 5, 1976, Department of State, released 2006; Zach Dorfman, "Codename: Chilbom," *The Atavist Magazine*, no. 59, June 21, 2016. https://magazine.atavist.com/2016/codename-chilbom
[^52]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Associate Attorney General, *In the Matter of Orlando Bosch-Avila*, decision of Acting Associate Attorney General Joe D. Whitley in exclusion proceedings, January 23, 1989; National Security Archive, "Bombing of Cuban Jetliner 30 Years Later," Electronic Briefing Book 202, October 5, 2006.
[^53]: Peter Kornbluh, "A Modicum of Justice for Ronni Karpen Moffitt," *The Nation*, September 2026.
[^54]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976*, vol. XXII, Panama, doc. 133, memorandum of conversation, October 6, 1976, source note.
[^55]: Letter from George Bush to Donald H. Rumsfeld, October 18, 1976. CIA reading room CIA-RDP79-00498A000600090009-7.
[^56]: Joseph Trento, *Prelude to Terror: The Rogue CIA and the Legacy of America's Private Intelligence Network* (Carroll & Graf, 2005), pp. 52-108; Alexandre de Marenches and David Andelman, *The Fourth World War* (Random House, 1992); Church Committee, S. Rept. 94-755, 1976.
[^57]: Roger Faligot and Pascal Krop, *La Piscine: Les Services Secrets Français, 1944-1984* (Seuil, 1985); Alexandre de Marenches and Christine Ockrent, *Dans le Secret des Princes* (Stock, 1986).
[^58]: Church Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465, 1975; Ludo De Witte, *The Assassination of Lumumba* (Verso, 2001); International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act of 1976, Public Law 94-329, 90 Stat. 729 (June 30, 1976), sec. 404.
[^59]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "William P. Barr Oral History," interview of April 5, 2001, George H. W. Bush Oral History Project. https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/william-p-barr-oral-history
[^60]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), ch. 18.
[^61]: Ari Ben-Menashe, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network* (Sheridan Square Press, 1992; TrineDay reprint, 2015).
[^62]: *The Tower Commission Report: The Full Text of the President's Special Review Board* (New York: Bantam Books and Times Books, 1987), pp. 24-25, 30-31; Tom Tugend, "Al Schwimmer, Israel Air Force pioneer, dies at 94," *Jewish Journal* (Los Angeles), June 12, 2011; JTA Staff, "Pardoned American served Israel in 1948," Jewish Telegraphic Agency, February 28, 2001.
[^63]: Maureen Dowd, "War in the Gulf: The President; Bush Urges Israeli Restraint in Phone Appeals to Shamir," *The New York Times*, January 20, 1991, p. 16. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/01/20/world/war-gulf-president-bush-urges-israeli-restraint-phone-appeals-shamir.html
[^64]: "Decade of the Spy," undated counterintelligence history extract, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book 407, Doc. 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc14.pdf
[^65]: Kress, "Parapsychology in Intelligence," *Studies in Intelligence* 21, no. 4 (winter 1977), p. 16. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00791R000200030040-0.
[^66]: US Army Intelligence and Security Command, "List of Events from September 1977 to January 1986," entry for 1983. CIA reading room CIA-RDP96-00788R001100020001-8.
[^67]: Memorandum for the record, "Briefing," Major Gerald Fox, April 1, 1983, CIA-RDP96-00788R001700270002-4. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp96-00788r001700270002-4
[^68]: Defense Intelligence Agency, S-1004/DT-1, "Minutes of the Meeting, DoD Grill Flame Committee," November 28, 1978, CIA-RDP96-00788R002000130006-1; "Minutes of the Grill Flame Committee Meeting, 14 Feb 79," CIA-RDP96-00788R002000130002-5.
[^69]: Dolan M. McKelvy, *Psychic Warfare: Exploring the Mind Frontier*, Air War College research report, Air University, CIA-RDP96-00789R001001420001-3, citing Ronald M. McRae, *Mind Wars* (1984), p. 103. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp96-00789r001001420001-3
[^70]: William J. Casey to Alexander M. Haig, Jr., April 2, 1982, with "Quick Intelligence Assessment on Falkland Affairs (April 2, 1982)," CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP84B00049R000701780017-6. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp84b00049r000701780017-6
[^71]: John H. Holdridge, letter, "Australian Intrigue," *Time*, January 3, 1982, CIA-RDP90-00806R000200820017-1, https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00806r000200820017-1 ; CBS, "The Nugan Hand Bank," Evening News transcript, September 22, 1982, CIA-RDP90-00552R000201840002-6, https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP90-00552R000201840002-6
[^72]: "Vice President George Bush, completing a 10-day trip aimed...," United Press International, April 12, 1986, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1986/04/12/Vice-President-George-Bush-completing-a-10-day-trip-aimed/5692513666000/ ; "Top-secret cronies," *Salon*, November 17, 2005, https://www.salon.com/2005/11/17/pfiab/
[^73]: Bill Gertz, "Vice President confirms Buckley was tortured and killed," *Washington Times*, January 21, 1987, CIA-RDP90-00965R000302310058-3. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302310058-3
[^74]: Denholm Barnetson, "President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel and...," United Press International, August 17, 1988. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1988/08/17/President-Mohammad-Zia-ul-Haq-US-Ambassador-Arnold-Raphel-and/3467587793600/
[^75]: Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight (Pacific News Service), report published by *Salon*, October 8, 1996. https://www.salon.com/1996/10/08/news_555/
[^76]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 2 (February 1988), Senator Kerry, pp. 265-266.
[^77]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 2 (February 1988), testimony of Danilo Blandon, pp. 136-137.
[^78]: Lawrence E. Walsh, *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 29, citing Gregg grand jury testimony of October 9, 1987 and Rodriguez grand jury testimony of December 4, 1987. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_29.htm
[^79]: *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Hrg. 100-773, pt. 4 (July 1988), Rodriguez testimony, p. 344.
[^80]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Part IX, p. 443. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/part_ix.htm
[^81]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), p. 96. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^82]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Executive Summary, p. xviii. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/execsum.htm
[^83]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, "George Bush," pp. 473-474. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap_28.htm
[^84]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 479 and note 67 (*Los Angeles Times*, September 11, 1992; *Washington Post*, 1988).
[^85]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, Part IX, "Investigations of the White House," pp. 443-444. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/part_ix.htm
[^86]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, pp. 474-475, on the diary, the pardons and the grand jury.
[^87]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 480 and note 74 (diary entries of November 4 and 5, 1986).
[^88]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. I, ch. 28, p. 478.
[^89]: Proclamation 6518, Granting Pardons, December 24, 1992, 107 *Stat.* 2606-2607.
[^90]: Brown University, Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, Iran-Contra materials, "The Pardons," quoting Walsh's response to the pardon of Caspar Weinberger. https://webhelper.brown.edu/cheit/
[^91]: Walsh, *Final Report*, vol. II, Fourth Interim Report to Congress, February 8, 1993, pp. 585-587.
[^92]: *The Tower Commission Report*, February 26, 1987, pp. 383-384. https://archive.org/details/towercommission00unit
[^93]: National Security Planning Group minutes, June 25, 1984, "Central America," National Security Archive, *The Iran-Contra Affair 20 Years On*, EBB 210, document 2 (IC 00463), pp. 12, 14. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/2-NSPG%20minutes%206-25-84%20(IC%2000463).pdf ; Iran-Contra report, ch. 26, pp. 403-404.
[^94]: Walsh, *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters*, vol. I, ch. 29 (Gregg and Rodriguez); Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1989), p. 96.
[^95]: George Bush, "Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Iran-Contra Investigation," December 30, 1992, The American Presidency Project. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/statement-press-secretary-fitzwater-the-iran-contra-investigation ; U.S. Department of Justice, "Griffin Boyette Bell," Attorneys General biographies.
[^96]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "William P. Barr Oral History," interview of April 5, 2001, George H. W. Bush Oral History Project (remarks on Bua, Lacey, Civiletti, inherent authority, and the pardons). https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/william-p-barr-oral-history
[^97]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair*, S. Prt. 103-12 (February 1993), pp. 4-5, 10; Lacey, Report of the Independent Counsel, Serial No. 103-95, pp. 344-345; "Drogoul gets 37 months in BNL bank scandal," United Press International, December 9, 1993; *United States v. Drogoul*, 1 F.3d 1546 (11th Cir. 1993).
[^98]: *Joint Report of the Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980*, 102d Cong., 2d sess., January 3, 1993, Calendar No. 634. https://archive.org/details/6199732-Joint-Report-of-the-October-Surprise-Task-Force
[^99]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 148.
[^100]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 110.
[^101]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 172-173.
[^102]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 175.
[^103]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 149, citing the Rupp sentencing (D. Colo., September 23, 1988) and the Brenneke trial (D. Or., May 3, 1990).
[^104]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 150-151.
[^105]: Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy*, S. Prt. 100-165 (1988), pp. 131-132. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
[^106]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 90, Casey calendar.
[^107]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, p. 102.
[^108]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 20-21, missing calendar pages.
[^109]: Robert Parry, "October Surprise Evidence Surfaces," *Consortium News*, July 14, 2011. https://consortiumnews.com/2011/07/14/october-surprise-evidence-surfaces/
[^110]: Joint Report of the October Surprise Task Force, pp. 173-174, Reagan statements.
[^111]: Barbara Honegger, *October Surprise* (New York: Tudor Publishing, 1989).
[^112]: Cheri Seymour, *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal* (TrineDay, 2010).
[^113]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "George H. W. Bush: Key Events." https://millercenter.org/president/bush/key-events
[^114]: Miller Center, "Statecraft: The Bush 41 Team," "Proving ground: How the December 1989 invasion of Panama shaped the Bush 41 foreign policy team," quoting Richard Cheney and Colin Powell in the George H. W. Bush Oral History Project. https://millercenter.org/statecraftmovie/proving-ground
[^115]: U.S. House of Representatives, Select Committee on U.S. National Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the People's Republic of China, Report (H. Rept. 105-851), vol. III, ch. 9, p. 50. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRPT-105hrpt851/pdf/GPO-CRPT-105hrpt851.pdf
[^116]: Bruce Berkowitz, *The National Reconnaissance Office at 50 Years: A Brief History* (Center for the Study of National Reconnaissance, September 2011), pp. 20-21, 23-26.
[^117]: Henry B. Gonzalez, "Brass Factory in Iraq," *Congressional Record*, House, September 25, 1992, p. H9502; Gonzalez floor statement of August 10, 1992.
[^118]: Gayle Young, "Socialists Take the Helm in Jamaica. Manley hopes to strengthen US ties by aiding war on drugs," *The Christian Science Monitor*, February 14, 1989. https://www.csmonitor.com/1989/0214/ojam.html
[^119]: "Richard Lewis Thornburgh," Office of the Attorney General, U.S. Department of Justice, *Attorneys General of the United States*; Miller Center, "Richard Thornburgh."
[^120]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Solicitor General, "Solicitor General: Kenneth W. Starr," historical biography (updated September 18, 2023). https://www.justice.gov/osg/bio/kenneth-w-starr
[^121]: George Bush, "Nomination of Malcolm S. Forbes, Jr., To Be a Member of the Board for International Broadcasting, and Designation as Chairman," January 4, 1990, The American Presidency Project, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/264564 ; George Bush, "Digest of Other White House Announcements," June 19, 1992, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/391789
[^122]: U.S. Department of State, "Jay Lefkowitz, Special Envoy, Human Rights in North Korea," biography, released May 25, 2006. https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ei/biog/66929.htm ; The White House (George W. Bush archives), "Personnel Announcement," January 31, 2002.
[^123]: Federal Judicial Center, "Preska, Loretta A.," Biographical Directory of Article III Federal Judges. https://www.fjc.gov/history/judges/preska-loretta
[^124]: Henry B. Gonzalez, "Kissinger Associates, Scowcroft, Eagleburger, Stoga, Iraq, and BNL," *Congressional Record*, House, April 28, 1992, pp. H2694-H2701. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920428g.htm
[^125]: Declaration of Howard R. Teicher, *United States v. Carlos Cardoen et al.*, No. 93-241-CR-Highsmith (S.D. Fla., January 31, 1995), para. 7. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/iraq61.pdf
[^126]: Corrective declaration of Howard R. Teicher, docket 679, *United States v. Cardoen* (October 31, 1996). Archive.org item utf-893cr-241-de-679.
[^127]: Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, *The Intelligence Community's Involvement in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) Affair*, S. Prt. 103-12 (February 1993). https://intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/publications/10312.pdf
[^128]: National Security Directive 26, "U.S. Policy Toward the Persian Gulf," October 2, 1989, classified SECRET. George H. W. Bush Presidential Library copy.
[^129]: General Accounting Office, report on Iraq's participation in the Commodity Credit Corporation's GSM-102 and GSM-103 export credit guarantee programs, GAO/NSIAD-91-76, November 1990, appendix I; Henry B. Gonzalez, "Continuing Saga of Attempts to Thwart BNL Investigation," *Congressional Record*, House, May 18, 1992, pp. H3370-H3373; "Bush's embarrassing Lavoro scandal," *The Baltimore Sun*, April 28, 1992.
[^130]: Alan Friedman, *Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq* (Bantam Books, 1993).
[^131]: Representative Henry B. Gonzalez, *Congressional Record*, 1992. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/1992_cr/h920925g.htm
[^132]: White House, unclassified summary of Iraq sanctions and weapons exports, September 1991.
[^133]: Senate Foreign Relations Committee, *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140 (December 1992), p. 461. https://archive.org/details/thebcciaffair_202003
[^134]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 542, chapter on Ed Rogers.
[^135]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 538.
[^136]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, Helms letters to Vice President Bush, October 29, 1987.
[^137]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, Justice Department response on the February 1990 letters by Mr. Saphos.
[^138]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, letter of Deputy Assistant Attorney General Bruce Navarro to Senator Kerry, July 24, 1990.
[^139]: *The BCCI Affair*, S. Prt. 102-140, p. 508.
[^140]: "Jackson Thomas Stephens (1923-2005)," *Encyclopedia of Arkansas*; *Financial General Bankshares, Inc. v. Metzger*, 523 F. Supp. 744 (D.D.C. 1981); 680 F.2d 768 (D.C. Cir. 1982).
[^141]: Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin, *False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World's Most Corrupt Financial Empire* (Houghton Mifflin, 1992), ch. 18 and p. 428. https://archive.org/details/bypetertruellauthorlarrygurwinauthorfalseprofitsth
[^142]: "Meet The Family That Bankrolled Clinton," *The Seattle Times*, January 31, 1993, https://archive.seattletimes.com/archive/?date=19930131&slug=1682819 ; House Committee on Government Reform and Oversight, *Investigation of Political Fundraising Improprieties and Possible Violations of Law*, H. Rept. 105-829 (1998), vol. 2; Roger Morris, *Partners in Power* (Henry Holt, 1996); Truell and Gurwin, *False Profits*, pp. 41 and 428.
[^143]: Jonathan Beaty, "A Mysterious Mover of Money and Planes," *Time*, October 28, 1991. https://time.com/archive/6718843/a-mysterious-mover-of-money-and-planes/
[^144]: Craig Unger, "Mystery man," *Salon*, April 28, 2004. https://www.salon.com/2004/04/28/james_bath/
[^145]: Lucy Komisar, "Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI," Inter Press Service, April 4, 2007, https://www.ipsnews.net/2007/04/finance-questions-linger-about-bushes-and-bcci/ ; Harken Energy Corporation, proxy statement (Schedule 14A), filed April 25, 1994, https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/313478/0000950134-94-000454.txt
[^146]: Richard Behar, "Global Intrigue: The Wackiest Rig in Texas," *Time*, October 28, 1991. https://time.com/archive/6718865/global-intrigue-the-wackiest-rig-in-texas/
[^147]: WhoWhatWhy, "Bush Angle to Reagan Shooting Still Unresolved as Hinckley Walks," August 16, 2016, reporting the *Houston Post* story, Neil Bush's press conference, Peter Teeley's statement to UPI, and the Untermyer diary. https://whowhatwhy.org/2016/08/16/bush-angle-reagan-shooting-still-unresolved-hinckley-walks/
[^148]: WhoWhatWhy (2016), citing an Associated Press item of April 1, 1981, on the Department of Energy notice to the Hinckley family business.
[^149]: Ted L. Gunderson compilation, *FBI The Finders*, advertisement for John DeCamp's book. https://archive.org/details/ted-gunderson-fbi-the-finders
[^150]: Ted L. Gunderson compilation, *FBI The Finders*, relaying a *Washington Times* report by George Archibald (1989).
[^151]: A.B.H. Alexander, "Sex, Drugs, the CIA, MIND CONTROL and Your Children," *PROBE*, c. 1996.
[^152]: Tim Shorrock, "Crony Capitalism Goes Global," *The Nation*, March 14, 2002. https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/crony-capitalism-goes-global/
[^153]: "Jeffrey Epstein's Disgraced Lawyer Jay Lefkowitz Who Secured Sweetheart Deal Leaves Firm," *The Daily Beast*, March 2026; U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Solicitor General, "Solicitor General: Kenneth W. Starr"; U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02847284.
[^154]: *Brown v. Maxwell; Dershowitz v. Giuffre*, 929 F.3d 41 (2d Cir. 2019), Nos. 18-2868, 16-3945-cv(L) (July 3, 2019). https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/4636340/brown-v-maxwell-dershowitz-v-giuffre/
[^155]: Federal Election Commission, Schedule A individual contributions, API query contributor_name "SCATURRO, PHILIP" (41 results). https://api.open.fec.gov/v1/schedules/schedule_a/?contributor_name=SCATURRO%2C%20PHILIP
[^156]: Larry Holzwarth, "FBI Files: Unexplained Phenomenon Files from the FBI's Vault," HistoryCollection, quoting an anonymous letter to FBI Director William S. Sessions. https://historycollection.com/unexplained-phenomenon-files-from-the-fbis-vault/6/
[^157]: Allie Fasanella, "George H. W. Bush 'Knew' Humans Made Contact With Aliens in 1964," *OK! Magazine*, November 24, 2025, carried by AOL. https://www.aol.com/articles/george-h-w-bush-knew-161144400.html

7
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/George W. Bush.md
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@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ aliases:
- "George Walker Bush"
summary: "George W. Bush was the 43rd President of the United States from 2001 to 2009; his administration launched the Iraq invasion, authorized the CIA detention and interrogation program and the NSA's Stellar Wind surveillance program."
created: 2026-05-15
updated: 2026-10-07
updated: 2026-10-26
born: 1946-07-06
location: "New Haven, Connecticut"
relations:
@ -107,6 +107,8 @@ The [[Carlyle Group]] co-founder [[David Rubenstein]] addressed the Los Angeles
Bush was a member of [[Skull and Bones]], the Yale senior society. Leslie wrote in Salon in March 2000 that "Bush, on the other hand, joined Bones."[^3] Leslie reported that [[Bill Minutaglio]], in his biography *First Son*, recorded that Bush considered joining a society called "Gin and Tonic" but was swayed when his father, then a congressman, conducted the tapping ritual himself.[^3] Leslie wrote that the elder Bush's membership in Bones "probably was the sole reason George W. was chosen," a view he presented as his own.[^3]
The 1971 membership catalogue, which [[Antony C. Sutton]] reproduces, lists George Walker Bush under the class of 1968, with his service as a lieutenant and pilot in the United States Air Force from June 1968 to June 1970.[^38]
### September 11 and the August 6, 2001 briefing
The September 11, 2001 attacks were carried out by hijackers of [[al-Qaeda]]. On August 6, 2001, Bush received a [[President's Daily Brief]] item titled "Bin Ladin Determined To Strike in US." The [[National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States]] reported that it was the 36th item briefed that year relating to Bin Ladin or al Qaeda, and "the first devoted to the possibility of an attack in the United States." The Commission wrote: "The President told us the August 6 report was historical in nature."[^18]
@ -149,6 +151,8 @@ The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's second report, on whether public s
Mark Danner wrote in 2006 that the memorandum of a July 2002 meeting with [[Tony Blair]] recorded the head of British intelligence, "C," reporting on his Washington visit, and that Washington was engaged in a campaign to see to it that "the intelligence and facts" would be "fixed around the policy."[^36] The memorandum, dated July 23, 2002 and written by [[Matthew Rycroft]], was first published by [[The Sunday Times]] on May 1, 2005 and records: "Bush wanted to remove Saddam, through military action, justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD. But the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy."[^37]
### Footnotes
[^1]: White House, "Biography of President George W. Bush" (archived, georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov). Sworn in January 20, 2001 and January 20, 2005; 46th Governor of Texas; born July 6, 1946, in New Haven; bachelor's degree in history from Yale University in 1968; F-102 fighter pilot in the Texas Air National Guard; Master of Business Administration from Harvard Business School in 1975; moved back to Midland to begin a career in the energy business; assembled the partners who bought the Texas Rangers in 1989; elected Governor of Texas on November 8, 1994 and re-elected on November 3, 1998. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/president/biography.html
[^2]: Biography.com, "George W. Bush." Eldest son of George H.W. and Barbara Bush, presidency, Yale enrollment in 1964, Delta Kappa Epsilon presidency, Texas Air National Guard enlistment in 1968, Air Force Reserve discharge on November 21, 1974. https://www.biography.com/us-president/george-w-bush
[^3]: Jacques Leslie, "Yale," Salon, March 1, 2000. Leslie identifies himself as a member of the Yale Class of 1968 who was asked to join Skull and Bones, and cites Bill Minutaglio's biography *First Son* for the account of Bush's tapping. https://www.salon.com/2000/03/01/yale/
@ -186,3 +190,4 @@ Mark Danner wrote in 2006 that the memorandum of a July 2002 meeting with [[Tony
[^35]: Congressional Record, Senate, June 5, 2008, pp. S5133-S5135 (Sen. Rockefeller on prewar Iraq intelligence). https://irp.fas.org/congress/2008_cr/rock060508.html
[^36]: Mark Danner, "The Secret Way to War," *The New York Review of Books*, April 6, 2006. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2006/04/06/the-secret-way-to-war/
[^37]: Matthew Rycroft to David Manning, "Iraq: Prime Minister's meeting, 23 July," as published in "The secret Downing Street memo," *The Sunday Times*, May 1, 2005 (archived copy). https://web.archive.org/web/2005id_/http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,2087-1593607,00.html
[^38]: Antony C. Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones* (1983), 1971 membership catalogue entry "BUSH, 1968" (George Walker Bush, Armed Services), and index of members by class year, class of 1968. https://archive.org/details/americas_secret_establishment-skull_and_bones

103
10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/John Foster Dulles.md
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@ -9,116 +9,121 @@ born: 1888-02-25
died: 1959-05-24
location: "Washington, D.C."
created: 2025-08-05
updated: 2026-10-15
updated: 2026-10-26
relations:
- type: member_of
role: "trustee"
with: "[[Rockefeller Foundation]]"
start: 1935
end: 1952
fn: rfar
fn: 18
- type: head_of
role: "chairman of the board"
with: "[[Rockefeller Foundation]]"
start: 1950
end: 1952-12-02
fn: rfar
fn: 18
---
John Foster Dulles served as the Secretary of State under President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]]. He, along with his brother [[Allen Dulles]], the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, were infuriated by [[Israel]]'s attempt to mask the extent of its military buildup prior to the 1956 [[Suez Crisis]]. He was regularly present at [[White House]] briefings where intelligence from [[U-2 Spy Plane|U-2]] flights, including early information on [[Dimona]], was presented.[^1]
### Biographical Record
John Foster Dulles was born on February 25, 1888, in Washington, D.C. He died on May 24, 1959, at [[Walter Reed Army Medical Center]], Washington, D.C., from colon cancer. Funeral services were held on May 27, 1959, at [[Washington National Cathedral]]. He is buried at [[Arlington National Cemetery]].[^bio1]
John Foster Dulles was born on February 25, 1888, in Washington, D.C. He died on May 24, 1959, at [[Walter Reed Army Medical Center]], Washington, D.C., from colon cancer. Funeral services were held on May 27, 1959, at [[Washington National Cathedral]]. He is buried at [[Arlington National Cemetery]].[^2]
He graduated from [[Princeton University]] in 1908, a member of Phi Beta Kappa. As an undergraduate he attended the Second Hague Conference in 1907 with his grandfather [[John Watson Foster]], who had served as Secretary of State under President Benjamin Harrison. After a year at the [[Sorbonne]], he completed a law degree at [[George Washington University Law School]] in two years, graduating in 1911.[^mc016] He was admitted to the New York bar the same year and joined [[Sullivan and Cromwell]], then New York's preeminent international corporate law firm, where he would remain for over four decades.[^bio2]
He graduated from [[Princeton University]] in 1908, a member of Phi Beta Kappa. As an undergraduate he attended the Second Hague Conference in 1907 with his grandfather [[John Watson Foster]], who had served as Secretary of State under President Benjamin Harrison. After a year at the [[Sorbonne]], he completed a law degree at [[George Washington University Law School]] in two years, graduating in 1911.[^3] He was admitted to the New York bar the same year and joined [[Sullivan and Cromwell]], then New York's preeminent international corporate law firm, where he would remain for over four decades.[^4]
At the [[Paris Peace Conference]] of 1919, Dulles served as chief legal adviser to [[Bernard Baruch]] on the [[Reparations Commission]], drafting treaty clauses that sought to limit German compensation obligations. He predicted the punishing reparations imposed by the European powers would produce another war. Baruch later paid Dulles $10,000 to ghostwrite his account of the negotiations, *The Making of the Reparation and Economic Sections of the Treaty*.[^bio3]
At the [[Paris Peace Conference]] of 1919, Dulles served as chief legal adviser to [[Bernard Baruch]] on the [[Reparations Commission]], drafting treaty clauses that sought to limit German compensation obligations. He predicted the punishing reparations imposed by the European powers would produce another war. Baruch later paid Dulles $10,000 to ghostwrite his account of the negotiations, *The Making of the Reparation and Economic Sections of the Treaty*.[^5]
Dulles was appointed to the [[United States Senate]] from New York by Governor [[Thomas E. Dewey]] on July 7, 1949, to fill the seat vacated by the ailing Senator Robert F. Wagner. He served until November 8, 1949, losing the special election to the Democratic nominee [[Herbert H. Lehman]]. His four-month Senate tenure was his only elected office.[^bio4]
Dulles was appointed to the [[United States Senate]] from New York by Governor [[Thomas E. Dewey]] on July 7, 1949, to fill the seat vacated by the ailing Senator Robert F. Wagner. He served until November 8, 1949, losing the special election to the Democratic nominee [[Herbert H. Lehman]]. His four-month Senate tenure was his only elected office.[^6]
He served as Secretary of State under President Dwight D. Eisenhower from January 21, 1953, to April 22, 1959, the longest tenure in that position since [[Cordell Hull]]. He was the first Secretary of State to hold regular departmental press conferences. Diagnosed with colon cancer in 1956, he underwent abdominal surgery at Walter Reed in February 1959 when the disease recurred. He resigned on April 22, 1959, and died thirty-two days later.[^bio5]
He served as Secretary of State under President Dwight D. Eisenhower from January 21, 1953, to April 22, 1959, the longest tenure in that position since [[Cordell Hull]]. He was the first Secretary of State to hold regular departmental press conferences. Diagnosed with colon cancer in 1956, he underwent abdominal surgery at Walter Reed in February 1959 when the disease recurred. He resigned on April 22, 1959, and died thirty-two days later.[^7]
### Sullivan and Cromwell: United Fruit and Latin American Clients
Dulles became a partner at Sullivan and Cromwell in 1920 and was elevated to managing partner in 1927 at age thirty-eight, a position he held until becoming Secretary of State. During that period the firm represented [[United Fruit Company]] as a corporate client for roughly thirty-eight years, and both Foster and Allen Dulles held substantial blocks of United Fruit stock. Sullivan and Cromwell also represented two affiliated entities that together formed the structural core of United Fruit's power in [[Guatemala]]: [[American and Foreign Power Company]], which owned the [[Empresa Electrica de Guatemala]] and controlled most of the country's electricity supply, and [[International Railways of Central America]], which controlled the national rail network.[^ufc1]
Dulles became a partner at Sullivan and Cromwell in 1920 and was elevated to managing partner in 1927 at age thirty-eight, a position he held until becoming Secretary of State. During that period the firm represented [[United Fruit Company]] as a corporate client for roughly thirty-eight years, and both Foster and Allen Dulles held substantial blocks of United Fruit stock. Sullivan and Cromwell also represented two affiliated entities that together formed the structural core of United Fruit's power in [[Guatemala]]: [[American and Foreign Power Company]], which owned the [[Empresa Electrica de Guatemala]] and controlled most of the country's electricity supply, and [[International Railways of Central America]], which controlled the national rail network.[^8]
Thomas McCann, a former United Fruit vice president and company historian, wrote that Dulles "was reputed to be the author of the actual concessions which the firm negotiated on our behalf" in Guatemala. The concession framework most relevant to McCann's description was the 1936 agreement with Guatemalan dictator [[General Jorge Ubico]], under which United Fruit received a ninety-nine-year lease over tracts comprising one-seventh of the country's arable land, along with control of its only Atlantic port. Sullivan and Cromwell also negotiated comparable land-grant concessions for United Fruit in [[Honduras]].[^ufc2]
Thomas McCann, a former United Fruit vice president and company historian, wrote that Dulles "was reputed to be the author of the actual concessions which the firm negotiated on our behalf" in Guatemala. The concession framework most relevant to McCann's description was the 1936 agreement with Guatemalan dictator [[General Jorge Ubico]], under which United Fruit received a ninety-nine-year lease over tracts comprising one-seventh of the country's arable land, along with control of its only Atlantic port. Sullivan and Cromwell also negotiated comparable land-grant concessions for United Fruit in [[Honduras]].[^9]
### Consolidated Silesian Steel, 1933
[[Ben Aris]] and [[Duncan Campbell]] reported in the Guardian in 2004 on a January 1933 letter from [[Knight Woolley]], whom the newspaper described as another partner at [[Brown Brothers Harriman]], to [[W. Averell Harriman]] about the [[Consolidated Silesian Steel Company]], after Polish moves to nationalize the plant. The letter says that Woolley had brought in Sullivan and Cromwell to protect the company's interests. It also states: "After studying the situation Foster Dulles is insisting that their man in Berlin get into the picture and obtain the information which the directors here should have. You will recall that Foster is a director and he is particularly anxious to be certain that there is no liability attaching to the American directors." The Guardian identifies "Foster" as Dulles and describes the letter as concerning the Polish government's drive to nationalize the plant.[^10]
### Guatemala 1954: PBSUCCESS
The [[Eisenhower administration]]'s decision to overthrow elected Guatemalan President [[Jacobo Arbenz]] in 1954 was designated [[Operation PBSUCCESS]]. The conflict of interest involving Secretary of State Dulles and his brother Allen Dulles (Director of Central Intelligence) was direct: both had been on the United Fruit payroll through Sullivan and Cromwell, and the Arbenz government's land reform program had expropriated 40 percent of United Fruit's Guatemalan landholdings.
A declassified CIA dispatch from the PBSUCCESS operations center in Florida, dated June 2, 1954 (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 169), records that Dulles had publicly protested the arrival of an Eastern European arms shipment at Guatemalan ports at a news conference on May 25, 1954, and that his State Department had formally supported United Fruit's land expropriation claim. The dispatch, written under the pseudonym William D. Playdon (Tracy Barnes), requested that the State Department issue a formal protest and publish a "White Paper" linking the arms shipment to communist influence, serving simultaneously as anti-Arbenz propaganda and operational cover for PBSUCCESS.[^pb1]
A declassified CIA dispatch from the PBSUCCESS operations center in Florida, dated June 2, 1954 (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 169), records that Dulles had publicly protested the arrival of an Eastern European arms shipment at Guatemalan ports at a news conference on May 25, 1954, and that his State Department had formally supported United Fruit's land expropriation claim. The dispatch, written under the pseudonym William D. Playdon (Tracy Barnes), requested that the State Department issue a formal protest and publish a "White Paper" linking the arms shipment to communist influence, serving simultaneously as anti-Arbenz propaganda and operational cover for PBSUCCESS.[^11]
A telephone conversation memorandum (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 252), dated June 28, 1954, records John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles coordinating directly on the coup's operational status. John Foster Dulles stated that "our side must use more air power" and that CIA air operations were "excellent and effective." Regarding the accidental sinking of a British vessel by CIA-supported forces, John Foster Dulles said "No authority was given for this. However, we can't say it," documenting both operational awareness and deliberate deniability.[^pb2]
A telephone conversation memorandum (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 252), dated June 28, 1954, records John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles coordinating directly on the coup's operational status. John Foster Dulles stated that "our side must use more air power" and that CIA air operations were "excellent and effective." Regarding the accidental sinking of a British vessel by CIA-supported forces, John Foster Dulles said "No authority was given for this. However, we can't say it," documenting both operational awareness and deliberate deniability.[^12]
A second telephone memorandum (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 189), dated June 16, 1954, records Allen Dulles telling John Foster Dulles that he was seeing "men from Standard of NJ" that morning, who would "lay before him their position with regard to the small country down south," and that besides finding out their position he would "possibly slow things up without formalized action"; the Secretary asked whether [[Bourke B. Hickenlooper]] might introduce a sanctions bill in the Senate.[^pb3]
A second telephone memorandum (FRUS 1952-54 Guatemala, Document 189), dated June 16, 1954, records Allen Dulles telling John Foster Dulles that he was seeing "men from Standard of NJ" that morning, who would "lay before him their position with regard to the small country down south," and that besides finding out their position he would "possibly slow things up without formalized action"; the Secretary asked whether [[Bourke B. Hickenlooper]] might introduce a sanctions bill in the Senate.[^13]
After Arbenz's resignation and the installation of a new government, Dulles delivered a national radio address in June 1954 framing the coup as a spontaneous Guatemalan rejection of Soviet infiltration. He asserted that communists had "dominated the social security organization and ran the agrarian land reform program," and praised the restoration of "peace and freedom to that sister Republic." The address made no reference to U.S. covert involvement. The full text was published in the *Department of State Bulletin*.[^pb4]
After Arbenz's resignation and the installation of a new government, Dulles delivered a national radio address in June 1954 framing the coup as a spontaneous Guatemalan rejection of Soviet infiltration. He asserted that communists had "dominated the social security organization and ran the agrarian land reform program," and praised the restoration of "peace and freedom to that sister Republic." The address made no reference to U.S. covert involvement. The full text was published in the *Department of State Bulletin*.[^14]
### Iran 1953: TPAJAX
The U.S.-UK operation to overthrow Iranian Prime Minister [[Mohammad Mossadegh]] in August 1953 preceded the Guatemala operation by one year and involved Dulles in a parallel coordinating role.
On March 1, 1953 (FRUS 1951-54 Iran, Document 169), Dulles submitted a memorandum to President Eisenhower assessing the Iran situation. On April 4, 1953 (Document 184), CIA officer [[Kermit Roosevelt]] sent Dulles a proposal for operational action; the document records that "Wisner recommended approval and Dulles approved." The same month, CIA Station Tehran received authorization to spend up to $1 million in any way that would bring about the fall of Mossadegh, including funding for propaganda, street demonstrations, and the cultivation of Iranian military officers. On April 21, 1953 (Document 194), Dulles received briefing notes to present to the National Security Council the following day, at which he characterized the Iranian political situation as "perpetual crisis" and described declining prestige of the Shah alongside growing Mossadegh influence.[^iran1]
On March 1, 1953 (FRUS 1951-54 Iran, Document 169), Dulles submitted a memorandum to President Eisenhower assessing the Iran situation. On April 4, 1953 (Document 184), CIA officer [[Kermit Roosevelt]] sent Dulles a proposal for operational action; the document records that "Wisner recommended approval and Dulles approved." The same month, CIA Station Tehran received authorization to spend up to $1 million in any way that would bring about the fall of Mossadegh, including funding for propaganda, street demonstrations, and the cultivation of Iranian military officers. On April 21, 1953 (Document 194), Dulles received briefing notes to present to the National Security Council the following day, at which he characterized the Iranian political situation as "perpetual crisis" and described declining prestige of the Shah alongside growing Mossadegh influence.[^15]
British intelligence and Dulles jointly argued the U.S. position to Eisenhower by framing Mossadegh's continuation in power as a route to Soviet domination of Iran's oil resources. The coup succeeded on August 19, 1953. A CIA post-operation assessment dated August 28, 1953 (FRUS 1951-54 Iran, Document 306) recorded that "Secretary Dulles' and President Eisenhower's comments concerning the Tudeh were of great help" in shifting Iranian public sentiment against Mossadegh, citing Dulles's public anti-communist messaging as a component of the psychological operations preceding the coup. Following the coup's success, Dulles approved an emergency grant of $45 million to the new Iranian government.[^iran2]
British intelligence and Dulles jointly argued the U.S. position to Eisenhower by framing Mossadegh's continuation in power as a route to Soviet domination of Iran's oil resources. The coup succeeded on August 19, 1953. A CIA post-operation assessment dated August 28, 1953 (FRUS 1951-54 Iran, Document 306) recorded that "Secretary Dulles' and President Eisenhower's comments concerning the Tudeh were of great help" in shifting Iranian public sentiment against Mossadegh, citing Dulles's public anti-communist messaging as a component of the psychological operations preceding the coup. Following the coup's success, Dulles approved an emergency grant of $45 million to the new Iranian government.[^16]
### Personal Rockefeller Connection
John Foster Dulles had a long personal relationship with the [[Rockefeller family]] predating his political career. In the 1920s, he defended Rev. [[Harry Emerson Fosdick]] (the Rockefellers' minister at [[Riverside Church]]) during the Fundamentalist Controversy, emerging as a leader of Presbyterian modernists. He served on the Rockefeller-backed [[Federal Council of Churches' Commission on a Just and Durable Peace]]. [[John D. Rockefeller Jr.]] trusted and respected Dulles, making his criticism of [[Nelson Rockefeller]] at the San Francisco UN conference in 1945 particularly stinging.[^rock1]
John Foster Dulles had a long personal relationship with the [[Rockefeller family]] predating his political career. In the 1920s, he defended Rev. [[Harry Emerson Fosdick]] (the Rockefellers' minister at [[Riverside Church]]) during the Fundamentalist Controversy, emerging as a leader of Presbyterian modernists. He served on the Rockefeller-backed [[Federal Council of Churches' Commission on a Just and Durable Peace]]. [[John D. Rockefeller Jr.]] trusted and respected Dulles, making his criticism of [[Nelson Rockefeller]] at the San Francisco UN conference in 1945 particularly stinging.[^17]
### Rockefeller Foundation Chairmanship
Dulles was elected a trustee of the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] in 1935 and became chairman of its board in 1950. On December 5, 1951, the board invited [[Dean Rusk]], then Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, to become the foundation's president; Rusk served as assistant to the president from March 4, 1952, and took office on July 1, 1952. On December 2, 1952, after President-elect Eisenhower designated him Secretary of State, Dulles resigned the chairmanship, and the trustees elected John D. Rockefeller 3rd, a trustee since 1931, to succeed him.[^rfar] Rusk resigned as trustee and president in January 1961 to become [[John F. Kennedy]]'s Secretary of State.[^rfar][^rock2]
Dulles was elected a trustee of the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] in 1935 and became chairman of its board in 1950. On December 5, 1951, the board invited [[Dean Rusk]], then Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, to become the foundation's president; Rusk served as assistant to the president from March 4, 1952, and took office on July 1, 1952. On December 2, 1952, after President-elect Eisenhower designated him Secretary of State, Dulles resigned the chairmanship, and the trustees elected John D. Rockefeller 3rd, a trustee since 1931, to succeed him.[^18] Rusk resigned as trustee and president in January 1961 to become [[John F. Kennedy]]'s Secretary of State.[^18][^19]
### San Francisco UN Conference Confrontation
Dulles was a leader in the U.S. delegation at the San Francisco founding conference of the [[United Nations]] in 1945. He was adamant that the UN charter reflect Wilsonian internationalism and attacked Rockefeller's effort to exempt the [[Act of Chapultepec]] and the [[Monroe Doctrine]] from UN oversight, telling Rockefeller that the letter he had engineered through Senator Vandenberg "might wreck the conference." He called it "a most dangerous and damaging thing." Their confrontation at Stettinius's penthouse suite was a direct clash between Rockefeller's regionalism and Dulles's internationalism.[^rock3]
Dulles was a leader in the U.S. delegation at the San Francisco founding conference of the [[United Nations]] in 1945. He was adamant that the UN charter reflect Wilsonian internationalism and attacked Rockefeller's effort to exempt the [[Act of Chapultepec]] and the [[Monroe Doctrine]] from UN oversight, telling Rockefeller that the letter he had engineered through Senator Vandenberg "might wreck the conference." He called it "a most dangerous and damaging thing." Their confrontation at Stettinius's penthouse suite was a direct clash between Rockefeller's regionalism and Dulles's internationalism.[^20]
### Conflict with Nelson over Open Skies
As Secretary of State, Dulles repeatedly clashed with Nelson Rockefeller over Cold War strategy. Nelson's [[Open Skies]] proposal originated from a working group Rockefeller convened at [[Quantico Marine Corps Base]] between June 5 and 10, 1955. Dulles rejected the plan and, together with Under Secretary [[Herbert Hoover Jr.]], blocked most Rockefeller foreign policy initiatives on the grounds that Rockefeller represented outside interference in State Department prerogatives. When Eisenhower nonetheless incorporated Open Skies into his presentation at the [[1955 Geneva Summit]] on July 21, 1955, Dulles told colleagues he might have to resign if the Soviets accepted the offer; he dreaded having to be "the Devil at Geneva." Eisenhower overruled him and delivered the proposal.[^rock4]
As Secretary of State, Dulles repeatedly clashed with Nelson Rockefeller over Cold War strategy. Nelson's [[Open Skies]] proposal originated from a working group Rockefeller convened at [[Quantico Marine Corps Base]] between June 5 and 10, 1955. Dulles rejected the plan and, together with Under Secretary [[Herbert Hoover Jr.]], blocked most Rockefeller foreign policy initiatives on the grounds that Rockefeller represented outside interference in State Department prerogatives. When Eisenhower nonetheless incorporated Open Skies into his presentation at the [[1955 Geneva Summit]] on July 21, 1955, Dulles told colleagues he might have to resign if the Soviets accepted the offer; he dreaded having to be "the Devil at Geneva." Eisenhower overruled him and delivered the proposal.[^21]
### Key Policy Instruments
Dulles was the primary architect of the [[Southeast Asia Treaty Organization]] (SEATO), signed in Manila on September 8, 1954, establishing collective defense obligations among the United States, United Kingdom, France, Australia, [[New Zealand]], the Philippines, Thailand, and Pakistan, with a separate protocol designating Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam as protected territories. He contributed to the conclusion of the [[Austrian State Treaty]] (1955), the [[Formosa Resolution]] (signed January 29, 1955, Public Law 4), and the [[Eisenhower Doctrine]] of 1957.[^policy1]
Dulles was the primary architect of the [[Southeast Asia Treaty Organization]] (SEATO), signed in Manila on September 8, 1954, establishing collective defense obligations among the United States, United Kingdom, France, Australia, [[New Zealand]], the Philippines, Thailand, and Pakistan, with a separate protocol designating Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam as protected territories. He contributed to the conclusion of the [[Austrian State Treaty]] (1955), the [[Formosa Resolution]] (signed January 29, 1955, Public Law 4), and the [[Eisenhower Doctrine]] of 1957.[^22]
On January 12, 1954, Dulles delivered an address before the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York articulating the doctrine of "massive retaliation": the United States would "depend primarily upon a great capacity to retaliate, instantly, by means and at places of our choosing" rather than maintain large conventional forces at every potential flashpoint. The speech was published in the *Department of State Bulletin*, January 25, 1954, pages 107-110.[^policy2]
On January 12, 1954, Dulles delivered an address before the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] in New York articulating the doctrine of "massive retaliation": the United States would "depend primarily upon a great capacity to retaliate, instantly, by means and at places of our choosing" rather than maintain large conventional forces at every potential flashpoint. The speech was published in the *Department of State Bulletin*, January 25, 1954, pages 107-110.[^23]
On December 14, 1953, Dulles warned the North Atlantic Council that a French failure to ratify the [[European Defense Community]] (EDC) would require "an agonizing reappraisal" of U.S. relations with France. The EDC failed in 1954 when the French National Assembly rejected it, and Dulles's threat was not executed.[^policy3]
On December 14, 1953, Dulles warned the North Atlantic Council that a French failure to ratify the [[European Defense Community]] (EDC) would require "an agonizing reappraisal" of U.S. relations with France. The EDC failed in 1954 when the French National Assembly rejected it, and Dulles's threat was not executed.[^24]
### Archival Holdings
The John Foster Dulles Papers at the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library]] (Abilene, Kansas) total over 88,000 pages across eleven series, spanning 1950 to 1961 with the bulk in the period 1953-1959. Key series include: the JFD Chronological Series (approximately 13,600 pages of correspondence, memoranda, and memoranda of conversations); the Telephone Conversations Series (13,000 pages of telephone memoranda covering Guatemala, Iran, Korea, Berlin, and other crises); the White House Memoranda Series (including memoranda of Dulles's conversations with Eisenhower and a file of conversations between John Foster and Allen Dulles on intelligence matters); and the Subject Series and General Correspondence and Memoranda Series. A separate collection of Dulles papers (1860-1988) is held at the [[Mudd Manuscript Library]], Princeton University.[^arch1]
The John Foster Dulles Papers at the [[Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library]] (Abilene, Kansas) total over 88,000 pages across eleven series, spanning 1950 to 1961 with the bulk in the period 1953-1959. Key series include: the JFD Chronological Series (approximately 13,600 pages of correspondence, memoranda, and memoranda of conversations); the Telephone Conversations Series (13,000 pages of telephone memoranda covering Guatemala, Iran, Korea, Berlin, and other crises); the White House Memoranda Series (including memoranda of Dulles's conversations with Eisenhower and a file of conversations between John Foster and Allen Dulles on intelligence matters); and the Subject Series and General Correspondence and Memoranda Series. A separate collection of Dulles papers (1860-1988) is held at the [[Mudd Manuscript Library]], Princeton University.[^25]
The FRUS volume *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala* (edited by Susan Holly, published 2003, 287 documents) is the primary State Department documentary record of PBSUCCESS. The FRUS volume *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran* is the primary record of TPAJAX. Both are available at history.state.gov.[^arch2]
The FRUS volume *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala* (edited by Susan Holly, published 2003, 287 documents) is the primary State Department documentary record of PBSUCCESS. The FRUS volume *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran* is the primary record of TPAJAX. Both are available at history.state.gov.[^26]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 4.
[^bio1]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "John Foster Dulles," *People - Department History*, https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/people/dulles-john-foster. Arlington National Cemetery, "John Foster Dulles," https://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/jfdulles.htm.
[^bio2]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "John Foster Dulles (1953-1959)," https://millercenter.org/president/eisenhower/essays/dulles-1953-secretary-of-state. Dulles admitted to the New York bar 1911; managing partner of Sullivan and Cromwell from 1927.
[^bio3]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1919*, Paris Peace Conference, Vol. XI, Document 79, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1919Parisv11/d79. On the ghostwriting arrangement: Stephen Kinzer, *The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War* (Times Books, 2013), drawing on the Sullivan and Cromwell career record.
[^bio4]: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, "DULLES, John Foster," https://bioguideretro.congress.gov/Home/MemberDetails?memIndex=d000522. Senate appointment July 7, 1949; special election defeat November 8, 1949, to Herbert H. Lehman.
[^bio5]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "John Foster Dulles," *People - Department History*, https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/people/dulles-john-foster. Secretary of State January 21, 1953 to April 22, 1959. Cancer surgery February 1959, Walter Reed Army Medical Center.
[^ufc1]: Stephen Kinzer, *The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War* (Times Books, 2013). Sullivan and Cromwell represented United Fruit, American and Foreign Power Company, and International Railways of Central America as clients.
[^ufc2]: Thomas McCann, *An American Company: The Tragedy of United Fruit* (Crown, 1976), quoted in multiple secondary accounts of the Sullivan and Cromwell-United Fruit relationship. The 1936 Ubico concession: Sullivan and Cromwell represented United Fruit in the negotiations.
[^pb1]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala*, Document 169, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d169. CIA dispatch from PBSUCCESS headquarters (Tracy Barnes, alias William D. Playdon), June 2, 1954. Published 2003, ed. Susan Holly.
[^pb2]: *FRUS 1952-54, Guatemala*, Document 252, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d252. Memorandum of telephone conversation, John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, June 28, 1954, 9:39 a.m.
[^pb3]: *FRUS 1952-54, Guatemala*, Document 189, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d189. Memorandum of telephone conversation, John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, June 16, 1954, 11:20 a.m.
[^pb4]: John Foster Dulles, radio address, June 1954. Full text published in *Department of State Bulletin*, 1954. Transcribed and discussed in "Document 9: John F. Dulles, Secretary of State John F. Dulles, Radio Address, 1954," College of Wooster, https://ufcguatemala.voices.wooster.edu/documents/document-9/.
[^iran1]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran*, Document 169 (March 1, 1953, memorandum Dulles to Eisenhower); Document 184 (April 4, 1953, Kermit Roosevelt to Dulles, with notation "Wisner recommended approval and Dulles approved"); Document 194 (April 21, 1953, briefing notes for Dulles, NSC briefing April 22). All at https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran.
[^iran2]: *FRUS 1951-54, Iran*, Document 306, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran/d306. CIA Station Tehran memorandum, August 28, 1953. The $45 million emergency grant to the post-coup government is documented in secondary accounts drawing on the same FRUS series.
[^rock1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon* (HarperCollins, 1995), Ch. 12.
[^rock2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 18. Its dating of Dulles's chairmanship to 1935-1952 is contradicted by the foundation's own reports, which date his trusteeship from 1935 and his chairmanship from 1950.
[^rock3]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 12.
[^rock4]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 19. Eisenhower Library, "The Cold War in the Early Fifties: Open Skies and the 1955 Geneva Summit," subject guide, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/research/subject-guides/pdf/cold-war-open-skies-1955-geneva-conference.pdf. Quantico meeting June 5-10, 1955; Geneva Summit proposal July 21, 1955.
[^policy1]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, signed Manila, September 8, 1954. FRUS 1955-57, Vol. II, Document 56, Formosa Resolution, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v02/d56. On the Austrian State Treaty and Eisenhower Doctrine: Miller Center, "John Foster Dulles (1953-1959)."
[^policy2]: John Foster Dulles, address before the Council on Foreign Relations, New York, January 12, 1954. Published in *Department of State Bulletin*, January 25, 1954, pp. 107-110. Key passage: "The basic decision was to depend primarily upon a great capacity to retaliate, instantly, by means and at places of our choosing."
[^policy3]: Dulles address, North Atlantic Council, December 14, 1953, on the European Defense Community. Discussed in: "Agonizing Reappraisals: Anthony Eden, John Foster Dulles and the Crisis of European Defence, 1953-54," *Diplomacy and Statecraft*, Vol. 13, No. 4 (2002), https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/714000354.
[^arch1]: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, "John Foster Dulles Papers: Scope and Content Note," finding aid, Abilene, Kansas, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/finding-aids/pdf/dulles-john-foster-papers/scope-and-content.pdf. Telephone Conversations Series finding aid, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/finding-aids/pdf/dulles-john-foster-papers/telephone-conversations-series.pdf.
[^arch2]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala*, ed. Susan Holly (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2003), 287 documents, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat. *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran*, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran.
[^rfar]: The Rockefeller Foundation. *Annual Report 1951,* "President's Review," pp. 95-96, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1951; *Annual Report 1952,* "President's Review," https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1952; *Annual Report 1960,* on Rusk's resignation, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1960; *Annual Report 1935,* list of trustees, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1935. The 1947 report lists Walter W. Stewart as chairman of the board, with Dulles a trustee, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1947.
[^mc016]: Princeton University Library, John Foster Dulles papers, Mudd Manuscript Library, finding aid MC016, biographical note (LL.B., George Washington University Law School, 1911; Sullivan and Cromwell 1911 to 1949; secretary to his grandfather John Watson Foster at the Second Hague Conference, 1907). https://findingaids.library.upenn.edu/records/PRIN_MUDD_MC016
[^2]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "John Foster Dulles," *People - Department History*, https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/people/dulles-john-foster. Arlington National Cemetery, "John Foster Dulles," https://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/jfdulles.htm.
[^3]: Princeton University Library, John Foster Dulles papers, Mudd Manuscript Library, finding aid MC016, biographical note (LL.B., George Washington University Law School, 1911; Sullivan and Cromwell 1911 to 1949; secretary to his grandfather John Watson Foster at the Second Hague Conference, 1907). https://findingaids.library.upenn.edu/records/PRIN_MUDD_MC016
[^4]: Miller Center, University of Virginia, "John Foster Dulles (1953-1959)," https://millercenter.org/president/eisenhower/essays/dulles-1953-secretary-of-state. Dulles admitted to the New York bar 1911; managing partner of Sullivan and Cromwell from 1927.
[^5]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1919*, Paris Peace Conference, Vol. XI, Document 79, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1919Parisv11/d79. On the ghostwriting arrangement: Stephen Kinzer, *The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War* (Times Books, 2013), drawing on the Sullivan and Cromwell career record.
[^6]: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, "DULLES, John Foster," https://bioguideretro.congress.gov/Home/MemberDetails?memIndex=d000522. Senate appointment July 7, 1949; special election defeat November 8, 1949, to Herbert H. Lehman.
[^7]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, "John Foster Dulles," *People - Department History*, https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/people/dulles-john-foster. Secretary of State January 21, 1953 to April 22, 1959. Cancer surgery February 1959, Walter Reed Army Medical Center.
[^8]: Stephen Kinzer, *The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War* (Times Books, 2013). Sullivan and Cromwell represented United Fruit, American and Foreign Power Company, and International Railways of Central America as clients.
[^9]: Thomas McCann, *An American Company: The Tragedy of United Fruit* (Crown, 1976), quoted in multiple secondary accounts of the Sullivan and Cromwell-United Fruit relationship. The 1936 Ubico concession: Sullivan and Cromwell represented United Fruit in the negotiations.
[^10]: Ben Aris and Duncan Campbell, "How Bush's grandfather helped Hitler's rise to power," *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004, quoting a letter of January 1933 from Knight Woolley to W. Averell Harriman from the National Archives files the newspaper cites. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^11]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala*, Document 169, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d169. CIA dispatch from PBSUCCESS headquarters (Tracy Barnes, alias William D. Playdon), June 2, 1954. Published 2003, ed. Susan Holly.
[^12]: *FRUS 1952-54, Guatemala*, Document 252, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d252. Memorandum of telephone conversation, John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, June 28, 1954, 9:39 a.m.
[^13]: *FRUS 1952-54, Guatemala*, Document 189, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat/d189. Memorandum of telephone conversation, John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, June 16, 1954, 11:20 a.m.
[^14]: John Foster Dulles, radio address, June 1954. Full text published in *Department of State Bulletin*, 1954. Transcribed and discussed in "Document 9: John F. Dulles, Secretary of State John F. Dulles, Radio Address, 1954," College of Wooster, https://ufcguatemala.voices.wooster.edu/documents/document-9/.
[^15]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran*, Document 169 (March 1, 1953, memorandum Dulles to Eisenhower); Document 184 (April 4, 1953, Kermit Roosevelt to Dulles, with notation "Wisner recommended approval and Dulles approved"); Document 194 (April 21, 1953, briefing notes for Dulles, NSC briefing April 22). All at https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran.
[^16]: *FRUS 1951-54, Iran*, Document 306, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran/d306. CIA Station Tehran memorandum, August 28, 1953. The $45 million emergency grant to the post-coup government is documented in secondary accounts drawing on the same FRUS series.
[^17]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon* (HarperCollins, 1995), Ch. 12.
[^18]: The Rockefeller Foundation. *Annual Report 1951,* "President's Review," pp. 95-96, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1951; *Annual Report 1952,* "President's Review," https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1952; *Annual Report 1960,* on Rusk's resignation, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1960; *Annual Report 1935,* list of trustees, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1935. The 1947 report lists Walter W. Stewart as chairman of the board, with Dulles a trustee, https://archive.org/details/the-rockefeller-foundation-annual-report-1947.
[^19]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 18. Its dating of Dulles's chairmanship to 1935-1952 is contradicted by the foundation's own reports, which date his trusteeship from 1935 and his chairmanship from 1950.
[^20]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 12.
[^21]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 19. Eisenhower Library, "The Cold War in the Early Fifties: Open Skies and the 1955 Geneva Summit," subject guide, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/research/subject-guides/pdf/cold-war-open-skies-1955-geneva-conference.pdf. Quantico meeting June 5-10, 1955; Geneva Summit proposal July 21, 1955.
[^22]: U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, signed Manila, September 8, 1954. FRUS 1955-57, Vol. II, Document 56, Formosa Resolution, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v02/d56. On the Austrian State Treaty and Eisenhower Doctrine: Miller Center, "John Foster Dulles (1953-1959)."
[^23]: John Foster Dulles, address before the Council on Foreign Relations, New York, January 12, 1954. Published in *Department of State Bulletin*, January 25, 1954, pp. 107-110. Key passage: "The basic decision was to depend primarily upon a great capacity to retaliate, instantly, by means and at places of our choosing."
[^24]: Dulles address, North Atlantic Council, December 14, 1953, on the European Defense Community. Discussed in: "Agonizing Reappraisals: Anthony Eden, John Foster Dulles and the Crisis of European Defence, 1953-54," *Diplomacy and Statecraft*, Vol. 13, No. 4 (2002), https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/714000354.
[^25]: Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, "John Foster Dulles Papers: Scope and Content Note," finding aid, Abilene, Kansas, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/finding-aids/pdf/dulles-john-foster-papers/scope-and-content.pdf. Telephone Conversations Series finding aid, https://www.eisenhowerlibrary.gov/sites/default/files/finding-aids/pdf/dulles-john-foster-papers/telephone-conversations-series.pdf.
[^26]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Guatemala*, ed. Susan Holly (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2003), 287 documents, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54Guat. *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951-1954, Iran*, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1951-54Iran.

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10 - PEOPLE/(A-G)/McGeorge Bundy.md
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@ -35,7 +35,7 @@ relations:
start: 1961
end: 1966
role: "chaired the Special Group, renamed the 303 Committee in June 1964, as Special Assistant for National Security Affairs"
fn: 9
fn: 13
- type: participant_in
with: "[[Operation Mongoose]]"
role: "took part in the planning that led to the creation of Operation Mongoose and sat on the Special Group (Augmented)"
@ -44,11 +44,11 @@ relations:
with: "[[Harvard University]]"
start: 1949
role: "lecturer in government; Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences from August 1953"
fn: 6
fn: 10
- type: member_of
with: "[[Council on Foreign Relations]]"
start: 1946
fn: 5
fn: 7
- type: member_of
with: "[[Skull and Bones]]"
fn: 4
@ -56,94 +56,105 @@ relations:
with: "[[Ford Foundation]]"
start: 1966
role: "President"
fn: 36
fn: 40
- type: relative_of
with: "[[William P. Bundy]]"
role: "brother"
fn: 37
fn: 41
- type: partner_of
with: "[[Henry L. Stimson]]"
start: 1947
role: "co-author of On Active Service in Peace and War (1948); Bundy's note describes a joint method"
fn: 8
created: 2026-10-07
updated: 2026-10-09
updated: 2026-10-26
---
McGeorge Bundy served as Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs under [[John F. Kennedy]] and remained in that post under [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], chaired the interagency committee that reviewed [[CIA]] covert operations, and in 1966 became president of the [[Ford Foundation]].[^1][^2]
### Yale, Skull and Bones, and the Council on Foreign Relations
Bundy majored in mathematics at [[Yale University]] and returned to [[Harvard University]] and its Society of Fellows after the war.[^3] [[Ron Rosenbaum]]'s 1977 [[Esquire]] article on [[Skull and Bones]] names Bundy among the society's members, together with [[Averell Harriman]], [[Henry L. Stimson]], [[Henry Luce]] and Supreme Court Justice [[Potter Stewart]], and places Bundy's brother [[William P. Bundy]] and [[William F. Buckley]] in the CIA after their years in the society.[^4] The [[Council on Foreign Relations]] lists Bundy among the members who joined in 1946.[^5]
Bundy majored in mathematics at [[Yale University]] and returned to [[Harvard University]] and its Society of Fellows after the war.[^3] [[Ron Rosenbaum]]'s 1977 [[Esquire]] article on [[Skull and Bones]] names Bundy among the society's members, together with [[Averell Harriman]], [[Henry L. Stimson]], [[Henry Luce]] and Supreme Court Justice [[Potter Stewart]], and places Bundy's brother [[William P. Bundy]] and [[William F. Buckley]] in the CIA after their years in the society.[^4] The membership index that [[Antony C. Sutton]] reproduces lists Bundy under the class of 1940 and his brother William P. Bundy under the class of 1939.[^5] Sutton writes that while McGeorge Bundy was in the White House, William P. Bundy "was in key positions relating to the Far East in Defense and State Departments," and that by acting jointly "the Bundy brothers could have controlled absolutely the flow of information relating to Vietnam from Intelligence, State and DOD." Sutton adds: "We are not saying this happened. We believe it to be a hypothesis worthy of examination."[^6] The [[Council on Foreign Relations]] lists Bundy among the members who joined in 1946.[^7]
### On Active Service in Peace and War
Bundy is co-author of *On Active Service in Peace and War* (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948), the memoir of Henry L. Stimson. The book's introduction, written by Stimson, states that "The writing of the book has been the work of Mr. McGeorge Bundy. Its style and composition are his; but, where he writes of what I have thought and felt, he does so after we have worked together for eighteen months in an earnest effort to make an accurate and balanced account."[^8] Bundy's own note at the end of the book says that the work was a joint effort: "If I have held the laboring oar, Mr. Stimson has held the tiller rope, and the judgments and opinions expressed are always his." He describes the method as "an attempt to substitute a joint effort for the singlehanded autobiography he might have undertaken if he were a little younger," and states that "the major sources of the book are two: Mr. Stimson himself and his records."[^9]
Bundy's note describes the diary that the book draws on as beginning in 1910, with "a long account of the period May, 1911 to March, 1913, written in the spring of the latter year," sporadic entries between 1913 and 1926, and a separate manuscript volume of entries made overseas in 1918.[^9]
### Harvard
Bundy began teaching government and world affairs at Harvard in 1949 and was named Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences in August 1953, at age 34.[^3][^6] [[Kai Bird]], Bundy's biographer, wrote that Harvard negotiated with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] a policy under which the university would terminate the contracts of untenured scholars who refused to name names, would share information, sometimes from its confidential personnel files, with the FBI, and would use confidential FBI information to screen its employees.[^6]
Bundy began teaching government and world affairs at Harvard in 1949 and was named Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences in August 1953, at age 34.[^3][^10] [[Kai Bird]], Bundy's biographer, wrote that Harvard negotiated with the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] a policy under which the university would terminate the contracts of untenured scholars who refused to name names, would share information, sometimes from its confidential personnel files, with the FBI, and would use confidential FBI information to screen its employees.[^10]
[[Sigmund Diamond]] stated in 1977 that in 1954, about three weeks after Bundy considered him for the post of Counsellor for Foreign Students and Dean of Special Students, the FBI asked him about his prior Communist Party membership and his associates, and that days later Bundy told him the appointment would be withdrawn if he refused to name names. Bundy responded that he was justified in withdrawing the recommendation because the post was administrative, and that only academic appointments "carried all the immunities of academic freedom."[^7] [[Robert Bellah]] wrote that in 1954 Bundy told him an "officer of the university" had informed Bundy of his political past, that he owed "complete candor," and that his fellowship would be cancelled if he failed to cooperate; the FBI then questioned Bellah, and he later declined a Harvard instructorship conditioned on his answering committees such as the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]].[^7] [[Leon Kamin]], subpoenaed by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee under William Jenner and by [[Joseph McCarthy]]'s subcommittee, said Bundy urged him to name names and let him know that Bundy was in close contact with the FBI.[^7]
[[Sigmund Diamond]] stated in 1977 that in 1954, about three weeks after Bundy considered him for the post of Counsellor for Foreign Students and Dean of Special Students, the FBI asked him about his prior Communist Party membership and his associates, and that days later Bundy told him the appointment would be withdrawn if he refused to name names. Bundy responded that he was justified in withdrawing the recommendation because the post was administrative, and that only academic appointments "carried all the immunities of academic freedom."[^11] [[Robert Bellah]] wrote that in 1954 Bundy told him an "officer of the university" had informed Bundy of his political past, that he owed "complete candor," and that his fellowship would be cancelled if he failed to cooperate; the FBI then questioned Bellah, and he later declined a Harvard instructorship conditioned on his answering committees such as the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]].[^11] [[Leon Kamin]], subpoenaed by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee under William Jenner and by [[Joseph McCarthy]]'s subcommittee, said Bundy urged him to name names and let him know that Bundy was in close contact with the FBI.[^11]
### Special Group and 303 Committee
The Cuba Study Group's June 13, 1961 narrative for President Kennedy described the Special Group (also called the 5412 Committee) as consisting of a Deputy Under Secretary of State, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence and the Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.[^8] The [[Church Committee]] recorded that with the inauguration of Kennedy in January 1961 Special Group meetings were transferred to the White House under the chairmanship of Bundy; that [[Maxwell Taylor]] chaired for a brief period, until Taylor became Chairman of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], after which Bundy resumed the chair; and that in January 1963 NSAM 124 created the Special Group (Counterinsurgency), chaired by Taylor, on which Bundy and [[Robert Kennedy]] served.[^9] A CIA paper prepared in February 1967 for the [[Katzenbach Committee]] lists the chairmen as "first McGeorge Bundy, then General Maxwell Taylor, then back to Bundy, and finally to Walt Rostow."[^10] The Church Committee's account of the 1963 Cuba operations states that review and approval of covert operations against Cuba were the responsibility of the Special Group "chaired by McGeorge Bundy."[^11]
The Cuba Study Group's June 13, 1961 narrative for President Kennedy described the Special Group (also called the 5412 Committee) as consisting of a Deputy Under Secretary of State, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence and the Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.[^12] The [[Church Committee]] recorded that with the inauguration of Kennedy in January 1961 Special Group meetings were transferred to the White House under the chairmanship of Bundy; that [[Maxwell Taylor]] chaired for a brief period, until Taylor became Chairman of the [[Joint Chiefs of Staff]], after which Bundy resumed the chair; and that in January 1963 NSAM 124 created the Special Group (Counterinsurgency), chaired by Taylor, on which Bundy and [[Robert Kennedy]] served.[^13] A CIA paper prepared in February 1967 for the [[Katzenbach Committee]] lists the chairmen as "first McGeorge Bundy, then General Maxwell Taylor, then back to Bundy, and finally to Walt Rostow."[^14] The Church Committee's account of the 1963 Cuba operations states that review and approval of covert operations against Cuba were the responsibility of the Special Group "chaired by McGeorge Bundy."[^15]
On May 19, 1964, Peter Jessup of the [[National Security Council]] staff sent Bundy a memorandum proposing a drab new name for the Special Group, warning that if it were surfaced its members would be exposed to speculative publicity such as "Bundy’s Secret Task Force"; a handwritten marginal note, probably by Bundy, reads "McC[one] v. any change."[^12] National Security Action Memorandum 303 of June 2, 1964 provided that "Henceforth, the Special Group 5412 will be known as the 303 Committee"; an undated list in the file names its members as Bundy, [[John McCone]], Acting Deputy Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thompson, and Deputy Secretary of Defense [[Cyrus Vance]].[^13]
On May 19, 1964, Peter Jessup of the [[National Security Council]] staff sent Bundy a memorandum proposing a drab new name for the Special Group, warning that if it were surfaced its members would be exposed to speculative publicity such as "Bundy’s Secret Task Force"; a handwritten marginal note, probably by Bundy, reads "McC[one] v. any change."[^16] National Security Action Memorandum 303 of June 2, 1964 provided that "Henceforth, the Special Group 5412 will be known as the 303 Committee"; an undated list in the file names its members as Bundy, [[John McCone]], Acting Deputy Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thompson, and Deputy Secretary of Defense [[Cyrus Vance]].[^17]
Bundy testified before the [[House Select Committee on Intelligence]] on December 10, 1975 that senior officials outside the CIA understood that no covert operation would be undertaken without the explicit approval of "higher authority," and that there was "a general expectation within the Agency that it was its proper business to generate attractive proposals and to stretch them, in operation, to the furthest limit of any authorization actually received."[^9]
Bundy testified before the [[House Select Committee on Intelligence]] on December 10, 1975 that senior officials outside the CIA understood that no covert operation would be undertaken without the explicit approval of "higher authority," and that there was "a general expectation within the Agency that it was its proper business to generate attractive proposals and to stretch them, in operation, to the furthest limit of any authorization actually received."[^13]
On March 24, 1966, [[Bromley Smith]], Executive Secretary of the National Security Council, drafted a memorandum for President Johnson describing the 303 Committee, whose members were Vance, [[U. Alexis Johnson|Alexis Johnson]], Admiral [[William Raborn]] and formerly Bundy, as "the small four-man group" that had been "meeting weekly since 1963," and asking for a White House representative.[^14] When Johnson named [[Walt Rostow]] Special Assistant on March 31, 1966, he designated Rostow and [[Bill Moyers]] within four days as Bundy's replacement on the 303 Committee; The [[New York Times]] reported on April 1 that the President seemed "reluctant to put in the hands of one man the kind of power within Government that Mr. Bundy had."[^15]
On March 24, 1966, [[Bromley Smith]], Executive Secretary of the National Security Council, drafted a memorandum for President Johnson describing the 303 Committee, whose members were Vance, [[U. Alexis Johnson|Alexis Johnson]], Admiral [[William Raborn]] and formerly Bundy, as "the small four-man group" that had been "meeting weekly since 1963," and asking for a White House representative.[^18] When Johnson named [[Walt Rostow]] Special Assistant on March 31, 1966, he designated Rostow and [[Bill Moyers]] within four days as Bundy's replacement on the 303 Committee; The [[New York Times]] reported on April 1 that the President seemed "reluctant to put in the hands of one man the kind of power within Government that Mr. Bundy had."[^19]
### Bay of Pigs
On the evening of April 16, 1961, Bundy telephoned the CIA deputy director [[Charles P. Cabell|C.P. Cabell]]. The Cuba Study Group's June 13, 1961 narrative for President Kennedy states that at about 9:30 p.m. Bundy "telephoned General C.P. Cabell of CIA to inform him that the dawn air strikes the following morning should not be launched until they could be conducted from a strip within the beachhead," and that further consultation "should be with the Secretary of State."[^8] Cabell's own memorandum of May 9, 1961 records that "I was called in the CIA headquarters for the Cuban operation by the Special Assistant to the President, Mr. McGeorge Bundy," who "notified me that we would not be permitted to launch air strikes the next morning until they could be conducted from a strip within the beachhead." [[Richard Bissell]] joined Cabell at the office of Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], where both arrived at about 10:15 p.m.[^16] In a memorandum to Kennedy of September 1, 1961, Bundy wrote: "I made it very clear to Cabell and Bissell on Sunday evening that if they disagreed, you would be willing to hear arguments from them."[^16]
On the evening of April 16, 1961, Bundy telephoned the CIA deputy director [[Charles P. Cabell|C.P. Cabell]]. The Cuba Study Group's June 13, 1961 narrative for President Kennedy states that at about 9:30 p.m. Bundy "telephoned General C.P. Cabell of CIA to inform him that the dawn air strikes the following morning should not be launched until they could be conducted from a strip within the beachhead," and that further consultation "should be with the Secretary of State."[^12] Cabell's own memorandum of May 9, 1961 records that "I was called in the CIA headquarters for the Cuban operation by the Special Assistant to the President, Mr. McGeorge Bundy," who "notified me that we would not be permitted to launch air strikes the next morning until they could be conducted from a strip within the beachhead." [[Richard Bissell]] joined Cabell at the office of Secretary of State [[Dean Rusk]], where both arrived at about 10:15 p.m.[^20] In a memorandum to Kennedy of September 1, 1961, Bundy wrote: "I made it very clear to Cabell and Bissell on Sunday evening that if they disagreed, you would be willing to hear arguments from them."[^20]
### Operation Mongoose
The Church Committee recorded that Bundy "participated in the planning that led to the creation of [[Operation Mongoose|Operation MONGOOSE]]." He was also a member of the [[NSC Special Group|Special Group (Augmented)]], the body that oversaw the program.[^1] The March 1962 guidelines for the program were "revised slightly in response to suggestions made by McGeorge Bundy and McCone," and they stated that "The Special Group (5412 augmented) is responsible for providing policy guidance to the project, for approving important operations and for monitoring progress."[^17]
The Church Committee recorded that Bundy "participated in the planning that led to the creation of [[Operation Mongoose|Operation MONGOOSE]]." He was also a member of the [[NSC Special Group|Special Group (Augmented)]], the body that oversaw the program.[^1] The March 1962 guidelines for the program were "revised slightly in response to suggestions made by McGeorge Bundy and McCone," and they stated that "The Special Group (5412 augmented) is responsible for providing policy guidance to the project, for approving important operations and for monitoring progress."[^21]
Bundy's handwritten notes of a Special Group (Augmented) meeting on February 26 read, at one point, "[[Edward Lansdale|Lansdale]] Project: Consensus is that we are in no position to say when U.S. commitment."[^18] On October 5, 1961, Bundy issued NSAM 100, "Contingency Planning for [[Cuba]]," addressed to the Secretary of State.[^19]
Bundy's handwritten notes of a Special Group (Augmented) meeting on February 26 read, at one point, "[[Edward Lansdale|Lansdale]] Project: Consensus is that we are in no position to say when U.S. commitment."[^22] On October 5, 1961, Bundy issued NSAM 100, "Contingency Planning for [[Cuba]]," addressed to the Secretary of State.[^23]
On March 29, 1962, Bundy met members of the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council]], [[José Miró Cardona]] and [[Antonio de Varona]], who urged that the council be given the means to invade Cuba. Bundy replied that if the United States supported any military action against [[Fidel Castro|Castro]], "such action must be decisive and complete."[^20]
On March 29, 1962, Bundy met members of the [[Cuban Revolutionary Council]], [[José Miró Cardona]] and [[Antonio de Varona]], who urged that the council be given the means to invade Cuba. Bundy replied that if the United States supported any military action against [[Fidel Castro|Castro]], "such action must be decisive and complete."[^24]
Bundy testified before the Church Committee that it was his "conviction" that "no one in the Kennedy Administration, in the White House, or in the cabinet, ever gave any authorization, approval, or instruction of any kind for any effort to assassinate anyone by the CIA." The committee's account records that Bissell and Bundy were personal friends, and that Bissell testified he never told Bundy about the plot, a fact Bundy confirmed.[^21] Earlier in the administration Bissell had discussed with Bundy a "capability" for "executive action," a term Bissell said included various means of "eliminating the effectiveness" of foreign leaders, including assassination.[^22] In later testimony Bissell said he "merely informed Bundy of the capability," and Bundy "said he received a briefing and gave no urging, though he raised no objections."[^23]
Bundy testified before the Church Committee that it was his "conviction" that "no one in the Kennedy Administration, in the White House, or in the cabinet, ever gave any authorization, approval, or instruction of any kind for any effort to assassinate anyone by the CIA." The committee's account records that Bissell and Bundy were personal friends, and that Bissell testified he never told Bundy about the plot, a fact Bundy confirmed.[^25] Earlier in the administration Bissell had discussed with Bundy a "capability" for "executive action," a term Bissell said included various means of "eliminating the effectiveness" of foreign leaders, including assassination.[^26] In later testimony Bissell said he "merely informed Bundy of the capability," and Bundy "said he received a briefing and gave no urging, though he raised no objections."[^27]
### Middle East
[[Seymour M. Hersh]] wrote that Bundy tried to cut [[Myer Feldman]] out of the flow of [[Middle East]] paperwork because of Feldman's strong pro-Israel bias, which Hersh said often produced bureaucratic chaos within the [[White House]] staff. Hersh also wrote that Bundy was suspicious of Feldman and anxious about other Jewish National Security Council staff members who handled Israeli issues.[^24] Hersh reported that [[Robert W. Komer]] recalled that Bundy had a standing rule not to send anything to Feldman, because Feldman was involved in issues where he had no business, and that it was hard to tell the difference between what Feldman said and what the Israeli ambassador said.[^24]
[[Seymour M. Hersh]] wrote that Bundy tried to cut [[Myer Feldman]] out of the flow of [[Middle East]] paperwork because of Feldman's strong pro-Israel bias, which Hersh said often produced bureaucratic chaos within the [[White House]] staff. Hersh also wrote that Bundy was suspicious of Feldman and anxious about other Jewish National Security Council staff members who handled Israeli issues.[^28] Hersh reported that [[Robert W. Komer]] recalled that Bundy had a standing rule not to send anything to Feldman, because Feldman was involved in issues where he had no business, and that it was hard to tell the difference between what Feldman said and what the Israeli ambassador said.[^28]
In a December 22, 1969 oral history for the [[John F. Kennedy Presidential Library]], Komer said: "Bundy, I have reason to believe, always played it square with Mike in clueing him when he was going to send up a recommendation from State." He said Feldman "didn't have any of the intelligence clearances" and that "Kennedy and Bundy didn't give them to him," and, asked whether Feldman was used to communicate with the American Jewish community, answered that "That was a constant maneuver on Bundy's part as well as mine."[^25]
In a December 22, 1969 oral history for the [[John F. Kennedy Presidential Library]], Komer said: "Bundy, I have reason to believe, always played it square with Mike in clueing him when he was going to send up a recommendation from State." He said Feldman "didn't have any of the intelligence clearances" and that "Kennedy and Bundy didn't give them to him," and, asked whether Feldman was used to communicate with the American Jewish community, answered that "That was a constant maneuver on Bundy's part as well as mine."[^29]
On June 7, 1967, after the [[Six-Day War]] began, Johnson named Bundy, who took a leave of absence from the Ford Foundation, Executive Secretary of a Special Committee of the National Security Council to coordinate United States policy in the Middle East; the committee ended its formal work in mid-August.[^26]
On June 7, 1967, after the [[Six-Day War]] began, Johnson named Bundy, who took a leave of absence from the Ford Foundation, Executive Secretary of a Special Committee of the National Security Council to coordinate United States policy in the Middle East; the committee ended its formal work in mid-August.[^30]
### NSAM 273
On November 20, 1963, officials met in [[Honolulu]] on Vietnam. Bundy wrote the first draft of National Security Action Memorandum 273 and sent copies to [[Roger Hilsman]] and William P. Bundy; the editors of the Foreign Relations series state that his draft was almost identical to the final paper, the major exception being paragraph 7, which in Bundy's draft read: "With respect to action against North Vietnam, there should be a detailed plan for the development of additional Government of Vietnam resources, especially for sea-going activity, and such planning should indicate the time and investment necessary to achieve a wholly new level of effectiveness in this field of action. (Action: DOD and CIA)." Hilsman answered on November 23 that the draft was "fine."[^27]
On November 20, 1963, officials met in [[Honolulu]] on Vietnam. Bundy wrote the first draft of National Security Action Memorandum 273 and sent copies to [[Roger Hilsman]] and William P. Bundy; the editors of the Foreign Relations series state that his draft was almost identical to the final paper, the major exception being paragraph 7, which in Bundy's draft read: "With respect to action against North Vietnam, there should be a detailed plan for the development of additional Government of Vietnam resources, especially for sea-going activity, and such planning should indicate the time and investment necessary to achieve a wholly new level of effectiveness in this field of action. (Action: DOD and CIA)." Hilsman answered on November 23 that the draft was "fine."[^31]
At 3 p.m. on November 24, 1963, Johnson met Rusk, [[Robert S. McNamara]], [[George Ball]], Bundy, McCone and Ambassador [[Henry Cabot Lodge]] on South Vietnam.[^28] The memorandum issued on November 26, 1963 over Bundy's signature to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence, the Administrator of the [[Agency for International Development|AID]] and the Director of the United States Information Agency stated that the President had reviewed the Honolulu discussions and "has discussed the matter further with Ambassador Lodge." Its paragraph 7 read: "Planning should include different levels of possible increased activity, and in each instance there should be estimates of such factors as: A. Resulting damage to North Vietnam; B. The plausibility of denial; C. Possible North Vietnamese retaliation; D. Other international reaction."[^27]
At 3 p.m. on November 24, 1963, Johnson met Rusk, [[Robert S. McNamara]], [[George Ball]], Bundy, McCone and Ambassador [[Henry Cabot Lodge]] on South Vietnam.[^32] The memorandum issued on November 26, 1963 over Bundy's signature to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence, the Administrator of the [[Agency for International Development|AID]] and the Director of the United States Information Agency stated that the President had reviewed the Honolulu discussions and "has discussed the matter further with Ambassador Lodge." Its paragraph 7 read: "Planning should include different levels of possible increased activity, and in each instance there should be estimates of such factors as: A. Resulting damage to North Vietnam; B. The plausibility of denial; C. Possible North Vietnamese retaliation; D. Other international reaction."[^31]
### Assassination of Kennedy
The Church Committee recorded that on the morning of November 23, 1963, McCone met with Johnson and Bundy to brief them on information that CIA Headquarters had received from its Mexico Station about [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]'s September 1963 visit to [[Mexico City]], and that McCone met the President and Bundy again on December 1 and December 2, 1963; the memorandum of the December 1 meeting indicates they again discussed the story of "D."[^11]
The Church Committee recorded that on the morning of November 23, 1963, McCone met with Johnson and Bundy to brief them on information that CIA Headquarters had received from its Mexico Station about [[Lee Harvey Oswald]]'s September 1963 visit to [[Mexico City]], and that McCone met the President and Bundy again on December 1 and December 2, 1963; the memorandum of the December 1 meeting indicates they again discussed the story of "D."[^15]
### Brazil
At a meeting on March 28, 1964, which discussed Ambassador [[Lincoln Gordon]]'s message of March 27 on [[Brazil]], the group discussed the situation involving [[Joao Goulart]] and the Brazilian military, and Bundy said "we should be worrying that the military will not react." The participants included [[Richard Helms]] and [[Desmond FitzGerald]].[^29]
At a meeting on March 28, 1964, which discussed Ambassador [[Lincoln Gordon]]'s message of March 27 on [[Brazil]], the group discussed the situation involving [[Joao Goulart]] and the Brazilian military, and Bundy said "we should be worrying that the military will not react." The participants included [[Richard Helms]] and [[Desmond FitzGerald]].[^33]
### Vietnam
On February 7, 1965, writing en route from [[Saigon]] to [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], Bundy sent President Johnson a memorandum on the situation in [[Vietnam]]; he met the President from 10:48 to 11:25 p.m. that day. Its annex, "A Policy of Sustained Reprisal," opened: "We believe that the best available way of increasing our chance of success in Vietnam is the development and execution of a policy of sustained reprisal against North Vietnam." The annex added that "we may wish at the outset to relate our reprisals to those acts of relatively high visibility."[^2][^30]
On February 7, 1965, writing en route from [[Saigon]] to [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], Bundy sent President Johnson a memorandum on the situation in [[Vietnam]]; he met the President from 10:48 to 11:25 p.m. that day. Its annex, "A Policy of Sustained Reprisal," opened: "We believe that the best available way of increasing our chance of success in Vietnam is the development and execution of a policy of sustained reprisal against North Vietnam." The annex added that "we may wish at the outset to relate our reprisals to those acts of relatively high visibility."[^2][^34]
### FBI and CIA domestic programs
In 1961 [[J. Edgar Hoover]] sent Bundy a report of the Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference on the status of internal security programs.[^31] In April 1965 Bundy asked the FBI for information concerning the Communist role in criticism of American policy in Vietnam; the following day Hoover met the President, and Hoover's account of the meeting refers to "the request he had made through Honorable McGeorge Bundy at the White House" for an over-all memorandum on the Vietnam demonstrations and communist influence in the same.[^32]
In 1961 [[J. Edgar Hoover]] sent Bundy a report of the Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference on the status of internal security programs.[^35] In April 1965 Bundy asked the FBI for information concerning the Communist role in criticism of American policy in Vietnam; the following day Hoover met the President, and Hoover's account of the meeting refers to "the request he had made through Honorable McGeorge Bundy at the White House" for an over-all memorandum on the Vietnam demonstrations and communist influence in the same.[^36]
In 1965, after the Long Subcommittee hearings on mail covers raised concern at the CIA about discovery of its New York mail-opening project, [[Thomas Karamessines]], then Acting Deputy Director for Plans, "gave instructions that steps should be taken to arrange to pass through McGeorge Bundy to the President after the subcommittee has completed its investigation." The Church Committee found that Bundy "does not recall ever having been informed of the project," that neither Karamessines nor Helms knew of any attempt to inform him, and that there is no documentary record of one.[^33]
In 1965, after the Long Subcommittee hearings on mail covers raised concern at the CIA about discovery of its New York mail-opening project, [[Thomas Karamessines]], then Acting Deputy Director for Plans, "gave instructions that steps should be taken to arrange to pass through McGeorge Bundy to the President after the subcommittee has completed its investigation." The Church Committee found that Bundy "does not recall ever having been informed of the project," that neither Karamessines nor Helms knew of any attempt to inform him, and that there is no documentary record of one.[^37]
### Ford Foundation
[[John J. McCloy]] offered Bundy the Ford Foundation presidency on November 7, 1965, and Bundy reported the offer to Johnson the next day. A report by Garnett D. Horner in the Washington Star of December 8, 1965 gave the presidency's salary as 75,000 dollars a year, against his White House salary of 28,500 dollars.[^34] In a memorandum of December 4, 1965, Bundy told Johnson that he had asked the Ford trustees to let him accept "on the understanding that I shall always be free to accept any special assignments from you," that [[Julius A. Stratton|Jay Stratton]], McCloy's successor, had agreed in the name of the trustees,[^35] and that he would stay in the White House through February 1966; McCloy, for the foundation, had accepted the delay on November 29.[^36] On November 13, 1965, Johnson asked Under Secretary of State [[Thomas C. Mann]] about "Bill Bundy to succeed his brother."[^37] The [[Harvard Crimson]] reported on November 15, 1965 that McCloy, the foundation's chairman, approached Bundy in Washington about succeeding [[Henry T. Heald]] as president beginning January 1, and that Stratton, MIT's president, would succeed McCloy as chairman; as a trustee Stratton had been consulted on the selection of presidential candidates and had supported Bundy as the best man for the job.[^38]
[[John J. McCloy]] offered Bundy the Ford Foundation presidency on November 7, 1965, and Bundy reported the offer to Johnson the next day. A report by Garnett D. Horner in the Washington Star of December 8, 1965 gave the presidency's salary as 75,000 dollars a year, against his White House salary of 28,500 dollars.[^38] In a memorandum of December 4, 1965, Bundy told Johnson that he had asked the Ford trustees to let him accept "on the understanding that I shall always be free to accept any special assignments from you," that [[Julius A. Stratton|Jay Stratton]], McCloy's successor, had agreed in the name of the trustees,[^39] and that he would stay in the White House through February 1966; McCloy, for the foundation, had accepted the delay on November 29.[^40] On November 13, 1965, Johnson asked Under Secretary of State [[Thomas C. Mann]] about "Bill Bundy to succeed his brother."[^41] The [[Harvard Crimson]] reported on November 15, 1965 that McCloy, the foundation's chairman, approached Bundy in Washington about succeeding [[Henry T. Heald]] as president beginning January 1, and that Stratton, MIT's president, would succeed McCloy as chairman; as a trustee Stratton had been consulted on the selection of presidential candidates and had supported Bundy as the best man for the job.[^42]
In October 1966 the FBI learned that [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] had met with Bundy, "then Director of the Ford Foundation," and had received a tentative offer of a grant for the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]]. The FBI's Domestic Intelligence Division decided that if the foundation's officials were briefed on King's advisers "this might preclude any assistance being granted," and Hoover approved a plan to have a former FBI agent, then a vice-president of the [[Ford Motor Company]], approach Bundy. In a memorandum of October 26, 1966, [[Cartha DeLoach]] reported that Bundy had refused to talk with the former agent about King, saying he would only talk with a person having first-hand knowledge; Hoover wrote on the memorandum, "Yes. We would get no where with Bundy."[^39]
In October 1966 the FBI learned that [[Martin Luther King Jr.]] had met with Bundy, "then Director of the Ford Foundation," and had received a tentative offer of a grant for the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]]. The FBI's Domestic Intelligence Division decided that if the foundation's officials were briefed on King's advisers "this might preclude any assistance being granted," and Hoover approved a plan to have a former FBI agent, then a vice-president of the [[Ford Motor Company]], approach Bundy. In a memorandum of October 26, 1966, [[Cartha DeLoach]] reported that Bundy had refused to talk with the former agent about King, saying he would only talk with a person having first-hand knowledge; Hoover wrote on the memorandum, "Yes. We would get no where with Bundy."[^43]
On September 23, 1966 Bundy wrote to Julius A. Stratton, then chairman of the board of trustees, that the foundation would make a grant of 7,000,000 dollars to the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] over six years. "It may raise a few eyebrows among those who know or think they know the previous financial history of the Congress," he wrote, "but it is the right thing to do at the right time."[^40] The foundation's annual report for 1966 records a grant of 1.5 million dollars in further support of the Congress, with a new board of trustees headed by [[Raymond Aron]].[^41]
On September 23, 1966 Bundy wrote to Julius A. Stratton, then chairman of the board of trustees, that the foundation would make a grant of 7,000,000 dollars to the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] over six years. "It may raise a few eyebrows among those who know or think they know the previous financial history of the Congress," he wrote, "but it is the right thing to do at the right time."[^44] The foundation's annual report for 1966 records a grant of 1.5 million dollars in further support of the Congress, with a new board of trustees headed by [[Raymond Aron]].[^45]
### William P. Bundy
William P. Bundy, McGeorge Bundy's brother, was Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs in November 1965.[^42] He joined the Central Intelligence Agency's Office of National Estimates in 1951 as chief of staff and liaison to the National Security Council staff, and served on the board of directors of the Council on Foreign Relations from 1964 to 1972.[^43]
William P. Bundy, McGeorge Bundy's brother, was Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs in November 1965.[^46] He joined the Central Intelligence Agency's Office of National Estimates in 1951 as chief of staff and liaison to the National Security Council staff, and served on the board of directors of the Council on Foreign Relations from 1964 to 1972.[^47]
### Footnotes
@ -151,42 +162,46 @@ William P. Bundy, McGeorge Bundy's brother, was Assistant Secretary of State for
[^2]: McGeorge Bundy, memorandum to President Lyndon B. Johnson, "The Situation in Vietnam," with Annex A, "A Policy of Sustained Reprisal," February 7, 1965, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. II, doc. 84 (source note: Bundy met the President from 10:48 to 11:25 p.m. on February 7), https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v02/d84
[^3]: "Mac Bundy," *The Harvard Crimson*, November 10, 1956, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/1956/11/10/mac-bundy-pwhen-mcgeorge-bundy-became/
[^4]: Ron Rosenbaum, "The Last Secrets of Skull and Bones," *Esquire*, September 1977.
[^5]: Council on Foreign Relations, "Celebrating a Century: Changing Membership," entry for McGeorge Bundy ("Joined in 1946"), https://www.cfr.org/celebrating-a-century/changing-membership
[^6]: Kai Bird, excerpt from *The Color of Truth: McGeorge Bundy and William Bundy: Brothers in Arms* (Simon & Schuster, 1998), "Open Book: Dean Bundy Deals with McCarthyism," *Harvard Magazine*, https://www.harvardmagazine.com/so98/browse.open2.html
[^7]: Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, "Harvard's Troubled History with Free Association, Part 2" (summarizing Sigmund Diamond's 1977 and Robert Bellah's accounts in *The New York Review of Books*, including the Bellah quotations, and Leon Kamin's account), https://www.fire.org/harvards-troubled-history-with-free-association-part-2/
[^8]: Memorandum No. 1 from the Cuba Study Group to President Kennedy, "Narrative of the Anti-Castro Cuban Operation Zapata," June 13, 1961, paragraph 43 and footnote on the Special Group, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 231, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d231
[^9]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Final Report*, Book I, *Foreign and Military Intelligence*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), Part II, sections on the National Security Council and the Special Group (chairmanship 1961 to 1966; NSAM 124; Special Group (Augmented)), and the section on maintaining a covert capability quoting Bundy's House Select Committee on Intelligence testimony of December 10, 1975, Hearings, vol. 5, pp. 1794-1795, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_I.pdf
[^10]: Paper prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency, "Coordination and Policy Approval of Covert Operations," February 23, 1967 (Appendix C to the report of the Katzenbach Committee), paragraph A.7, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 263, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d263
[^11]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Final Report*, Book V, *The Investigation of the Assassination of President Kennedy: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), sections on the CIA's Cuba operations in 1963, the November 23 McCone briefing, and the chronology for December 1 and 2, 1963, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_V.pdf
[^12]: Memorandum from Peter Jessup of the National Security Council staff to Bundy, "Proposed Name Change for Special Group (5412)," May 19, 1964, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 203, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d203
[^13]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 303, June 2, 1964, with editorial footnote on the undated membership list, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 204, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d204
[^14]: Draft memorandum from the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Smith) to President Johnson, "Need for White House Representation on 303 Committee," March 24, 1966, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 249, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d249
[^15]: Editorial note on the appointment of Walt W. Rostow, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 164, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d164
[^16]: Memorandum from the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence (Cabell) to General Maxwell D. Taylor, "Cuban Operation," May 9, 1961, paragraphs 1 to 3, with editorial footnote quoting Bundy's memorandum to Kennedy of September 1, 1961, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 108, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d108
[^17]: "Guidelines for Operation Mongoose," with editorial note, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 314, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d314
[^18]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 307, footnote citing Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Meetings and Memoranda Series, Special Group (Augmented), Operation Mongoose, 2/62 to 4/62, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d307
[^19]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 136 (NSAM 100, October 5, 1961), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^20]: Memorandum of conversation, March 29, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 317, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d317
[^21]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 119 (Bundy testimony of July 11, 1975, pp. 41, 54, 63; Bissell testimony), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^22]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 121 (Bissell testimony of July 22, 1975, p. 32), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^23]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), pp. 182 to 183, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^24]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), ch. 8.
[^25]: Robert W. Komer, recorded interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, December 22, 1969, JFK #5, pp. 38 to 39 (Feldman as minorities adviser; Bundy "played it square"), p. 81 (intelligence clearances), p. 82 (communicating with the Jewish community), John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program, https://www.jfklibrary.org/asset-viewer/archives/jfkoh-rowk-05
[^26]: Editorial note on the Special Committee of the National Security Council, June 7, 1967, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 178, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d178
[^27]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 273, November 26, 1963, with editorial note on the Bundy draft and Hilsman's reply of November 23, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. IV, doc. 331, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/d331
[^28]: Memorandum for the Record of meeting, November 24, 1963, 3 p.m. (drafted by McCone), *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. IV, doc. 330, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/d330
[^29]: Memorandum of conversation, March 28, 1964, National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 465, document 11, https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB465/docs/Document%2011%20brazilnscdocument.pdf
[^30]: *Pentagon Papers*, Part IV.C.3, reproduction of the February 7, 1965 Bundy memorandum with Annex A, https://archive.org/details/204285-pentagon-papers-part-iv-c-3
[^31]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, *Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 465 (Hoover to Bundy, July 25, 1961, enclosing Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference report), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^32]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 483 (April 1965 request and Hoover's account), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^33]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), chapter on CIA mail opening, section "1965 Proposal to Inform President Johnson" (citing Karamessines testimony of October 8, 1975 and a staff summary of a Bundy interview of April 19, 1976), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^34]: Garnett D. Horner, Star staff writer, Washington Star, December 8, 1965, on Johnson's acceptance of Bundy's resignation effective February 28, 1966 and Bundy's move to the Ford Foundation presidency at $75,000 a year, against his $28,500 White House salary (CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP75-00149R000100560005-8). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp75-00149r000100560005-8
[^35]: Ford Foundation, "Annual Report 1965," opening review (McCloy retiring December 31, 1965; Julius A. Stratton, president of MIT and a trustee since 1955, elected chairman) https://www.fordfoundation.org/media/2435/1965-annual-report.pdf; Langenkamp, note 67 (Julius A. Stratton, chair of the Board of Trustees, September 23, 1966); FRUS 1964-1968, vol. XXXIII, document 159 (December 4, 1965, "his successor, Jay Stratton"). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d159
[^36]: Memorandum from Bundy to President Johnson, "Letter of resignation," December 4, 1965, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 159, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d159
[^37]: Memorandum of telephone conversation between President Johnson and Under Secretary of State Mann, November 13, 1965, 12:15 p.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 157, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d157
[^38]: "Bundy, Bell Up for Key Posts," *The Harvard Crimson*, November 15, 1965, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/1965/11/15/bundy-bell-up-for-key-posts/
[^39]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 178 (October 1966 FBI plan concerning a Ford Foundation grant to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference; DeLoach memorandum of October 26, 1966), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^40]: Langenkamp, "A Most Interesting and Complex Involvement," Rockefeller Archive Center Research Reports (2021), p. 16 and note 67, citing Bundy to Julius A. Stratton, chair of the Board of Trustees, September 23, 1966 (Rockefeller Archive Center, Francis X. Sutton Papers, FA1141, Box 50, Folder 465). https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resources/38323/38323.pdf
[^41]: Ford Foundation, "Annual Report 1966" (fiscal year ended September 30, 1966), International Affairs section, p. 34. https://www.fordfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/1966-annual-report.pdf
[^42]: Memorandum from Gordon Chase to Bundy, "World Disarmament Conference," November 20, 1965, footnote identifying "your brother William Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs," *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 373, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d373
[^43]: William P. Bundy Papers (MC189), Biography/History, Public Policy Papers, Princeton University Library, https://findingaids.library.upenn.edu/records/PRIN_MUDD_MC189
[^5]: Antony C. Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones* (1983), index of members by class year, class of 1939 (Bundy, William Putman) and class of 1940 (Bundy, McGeorge). https://archive.org/details/americas_secret_establishment-skull_and_bones
[^6]: Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment* (1983), passage on the Bundy brothers and the Vietnam information environment, where the book states its own hypothesis. https://archive.org/details/americas_secret_establishment-skull_and_bones
[^7]: Council on Foreign Relations, "Celebrating a Century: Changing Membership," entry for McGeorge Bundy ("Joined in 1946"), https://www.cfr.org/celebrating-a-century/changing-membership
[^8]: Henry L. Stimson and McGeorge Bundy, *On Active Service in Peace and War* (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948), Introduction by Henry L. Stimson, p. xi.
[^9]: Stimson and Bundy, *On Active Service in Peace and War* (1948), "A Note of Explanation and Acknowledgment" by McGeorge Bundy, pp. 673 to 674.
[^10]: Kai Bird, excerpt from *The Color of Truth: McGeorge Bundy and William Bundy: Brothers in Arms* (Simon & Schuster, 1998), "Open Book: Dean Bundy Deals with McCarthyism," *Harvard Magazine*, https://www.harvardmagazine.com/so98/browse.open2.html
[^11]: Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, "Harvard's Troubled History with Free Association, Part 2" (summarizing Sigmund Diamond's 1977 and Robert Bellah's accounts in *The New York Review of Books*, including the Bellah quotations, and Leon Kamin's account), https://www.fire.org/harvards-troubled-history-with-free-association-part-2/
[^12]: Memorandum No. 1 from the Cuba Study Group to President Kennedy, "Narrative of the Anti-Castro Cuban Operation Zapata," June 13, 1961, paragraph 43 and footnote on the Special Group, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 231, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d231
[^13]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Final Report*, Book I, *Foreign and Military Intelligence*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), Part II, sections on the National Security Council and the Special Group (chairmanship 1961 to 1966; NSAM 124; Special Group (Augmented)), and the section on maintaining a covert capability quoting Bundy's House Select Committee on Intelligence testimony of December 10, 1975, Hearings, vol. 5, pp. 1794-1795, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_I.pdf
[^14]: Paper prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency, "Coordination and Policy Approval of Covert Operations," February 23, 1967 (Appendix C to the report of the Katzenbach Committee), paragraph A.7, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 263, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d263
[^15]: Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, *Final Report*, Book V, *The Investigation of the Assassination of President Kennedy: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), sections on the CIA's Cuba operations in 1963, the November 23 McCone briefing, and the chronology for December 1 and 2, 1963, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_V.pdf
[^16]: Memorandum from Peter Jessup of the National Security Council staff to Bundy, "Proposed Name Change for Special Group (5412)," May 19, 1964, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 203, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d203
[^17]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 303, June 2, 1964, with editorial footnote on the undated membership list, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 204, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d204
[^18]: Draft memorandum from the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Smith) to President Johnson, "Need for White House Representation on 303 Committee," March 24, 1966, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 249, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d249
[^19]: Editorial note on the appointment of Walt W. Rostow, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 164, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d164
[^20]: Memorandum from the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence (Cabell) to General Maxwell D. Taylor, "Cuban Operation," May 9, 1961, paragraphs 1 to 3, with editorial footnote quoting Bundy's memorandum to Kennedy of September 1, 1961, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 108, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d108
[^21]: "Guidelines for Operation Mongoose," with editorial note, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 314, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d314
[^22]: *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 307, footnote citing Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Meetings and Memoranda Series, Special Group (Augmented), Operation Mongoose, 2/62 to 4/62, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d307
[^23]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 136 (NSAM 100, October 5, 1961), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^24]: Memorandum of conversation, March 29, 1962, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. X, doc. 317, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v10/d317
[^25]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 119 (Bundy testimony of July 11, 1975, pp. 41, 54, 63; Bissell testimony), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^26]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), p. 121 (Bissell testimony of July 22, 1975, p. 32), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^27]: Senate Select Committee, *Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders*, S. Rept. 94-465 (1975), pp. 182 to 183, https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf
[^28]: Seymour M. Hersh, *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy* (Random House, 1991), ch. 8.
[^29]: Robert W. Komer, recorded interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, December 22, 1969, JFK #5, pp. 38 to 39 (Feldman as minorities adviser; Bundy "played it square"), p. 81 (intelligence clearances), p. 82 (communicating with the Jewish community), John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program, https://www.jfklibrary.org/asset-viewer/archives/jfkoh-rowk-05
[^30]: Editorial note on the Special Committee of the National Security Council, June 7, 1967, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 178, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d178
[^31]: National Security Action Memorandum No. 273, November 26, 1963, with editorial note on the Bundy draft and Hilsman's reply of November 23, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. IV, doc. 331, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/d331
[^32]: Memorandum for the Record of meeting, November 24, 1963, 3 p.m. (drafted by McCone), *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963*, vol. IV, doc. 330, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/d330
[^33]: Memorandum of conversation, March 28, 1964, National Security Archive, Electronic Briefing Book 465, document 11, https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB465/docs/Document%2011%20brazilnscdocument.pdf
[^34]: *Pentagon Papers*, Part IV.C.3, reproduction of the February 7, 1965 Bundy memorandum with Annex A, https://archive.org/details/204285-pentagon-papers-part-iv-c-3
[^35]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, *Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans*, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 465 (Hoover to Bundy, July 25, 1961, enclosing Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference report), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^36]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 483 (April 1965 request and Hoover's account), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^37]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), chapter on CIA mail opening, section "1965 Proposal to Inform President Johnson" (citing Karamessines testimony of October 8, 1975 and a staff summary of a Bundy interview of April 19, 1976), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^38]: Garnett D. Horner, Star staff writer, Washington Star, December 8, 1965, on Johnson's acceptance of Bundy's resignation effective February 28, 1966 and Bundy's move to the Ford Foundation presidency at $75,000 a year, against his $28,500 White House salary (CIA Reading Room document CIA-RDP75-00149R000100560005-8). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp75-00149r000100560005-8
[^39]: Ford Foundation, "Annual Report 1965," opening review (McCloy retiring December 31, 1965; Julius A. Stratton, president of MIT and a trustee since 1955, elected chairman) https://www.fordfoundation.org/media/2435/1965-annual-report.pdf; Langenkamp, note 67 (Julius A. Stratton, chair of the Board of Trustees, September 23, 1966); FRUS 1964-1968, vol. XXXIII, document 159 (December 4, 1965, "his successor, Jay Stratton"). https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d159
[^40]: Memorandum from Bundy to President Johnson, "Letter of resignation," December 4, 1965, *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 159, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d159
[^41]: Memorandum of telephone conversation between President Johnson and Under Secretary of State Mann, November 13, 1965, 12:15 p.m., *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 157, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d157
[^42]: "Bundy, Bell Up for Key Posts," *The Harvard Crimson*, November 15, 1965, https://www.thecrimson.com/article/1965/11/15/bundy-bell-up-for-key-posts/
[^43]: Senate Select Committee, *Final Report*, Book III, S. Rept. 94-755 (1976), p. 178 (October 1966 FBI plan concerning a Ford Foundation grant to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference; DeLoach memorandum of October 26, 1966), https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94755_III.pdf
[^44]: Langenkamp, "A Most Interesting and Complex Involvement," Rockefeller Archive Center Research Reports (2021), p. 16 and note 67, citing Bundy to Julius A. Stratton, chair of the Board of Trustees, September 23, 1966 (Rockefeller Archive Center, Francis X. Sutton Papers, FA1141, Box 50, Folder 465). https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resources/38323/38323.pdf
[^45]: Ford Foundation, "Annual Report 1966" (fiscal year ended September 30, 1966), International Affairs section, p. 34. https://www.fordfoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/1966-annual-report.pdf
[^46]: Memorandum from Gordon Chase to Bundy, "World Disarmament Conference," November 20, 1965, footnote identifying "your brother William Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs," *Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968*, vol. XXXIII, doc. 373, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v33/d373
[^47]: William P. Bundy Papers (MC189), Biography/History, Public Policy Papers, Princeton University Library, https://findingaids.library.upenn.edu/records/PRIN_MUDD_MC189

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---
title: Prescott Bush
aliases:
- Prescott Bush
- Prescott S. Bush
- Prescott Sheldon Bush
category: "Political Figure"
tags:
- Person
- UnitedStatesSenate
- Connecticut
- BrownBrothersHarriman
- UnionBankingCorporation
- ThyssenNetwork
- AlienPropertyCustodian
- TradingWithTheEnemyAct
- SkullAndBones
- Geronimo
- PlannedParenthood
- McCarthyCensure
- NationalWarFund
- USO
- CIA
- BushFamily
- Yale
- WorldWarII
summary: "Investment banker and Republican senator from Connecticut from 1952 to 1963, a Yale 1917 member of Skull and Bones named as a shareholder in the 1942 vesting of the Thyssen-linked Union Banking Corporation."
born: 1895-05-15
died: 1972-10-08
location: "Greenwich, Connecticut"
created: 2026-10-26
updated: 2026-10-26
relations:
- type: member_of
with: "[[Skull and Bones]]"
role: "member, Yale class of 1917"
fn: 3
- type: member_of
with: "[[Yale University]]"
role: "trustee"
fn: 1
- type: member_of
with: "[[United States Senate]]"
role: "Senator from Connecticut"
start: 1952-11-04
end: 1963-01-02
fn: 1
- type: director_of
with: "[[Union Banking Corporation]]"
role: "one of seven directors according to the incorporation documents reported by the Guardian; registered holder of one share in Vesting Order No. 248"
start: 1924-08-04
end: 1942-10-20
fn: 24
- type: director_of
with: "[[Pennsylvania Water and Power Company]]"
role: "chairman of the board, early 1940s"
fn: 39
- type: director_of
with: "[[Dresser Industries]]"
role: "director"
fn: 37
- type: director_of
with: "[[CBS]]"
role: "director, from 1932"
start: 1932
fn: 38
- type: employed_by
with: "[[Brown Brothers Harriman]]"
role: "partner"
fn: 16
- type: partner_of
with: "[[W. Averell Harriman]]"
role: "partner at Brown Brothers Harriman"
fn: 38
- type: partner_of
with: "[[E. Roland Harriman]]"
role: "partner at Brown Brothers Harriman"
fn: 17
- type: partner_of
with: "[[Knight Woolley]]"
role: "partner at Brown Brothers Harriman"
fn: 16
- type: head_of
with: "[[United Service Organizations]]"
role: "national campaign chairman"
fn: 42
- type: member_of
with: "[[National War Fund]]"
role: "vice president and executive committee member; national campaign chairman"
fn: 43
- type: member_of
with: "[[Planned Parenthood Federation of America]]"
role: "treasurer of the 1947 national fund-raising campaign"
start: 1947
fn: 53
- type: spouse_of
with: "[[Dorothy Walker Bush]]"
start: 1921
fn: 4
- type: relative_of
with: "[[George H.W. Bush]]"
role: "son"
fn: 1
- type: relative_of
with: "[[George W. Bush]]"
role: "grandson"
fn: 1
---
Prescott Sheldon Bush (May 15, 1895 to October 8, 1972) was a partner in [[Brown Brothers Harriman]] and a Republican who represented [[Connecticut]] in the [[United States Senate]] from November 4, 1952 to January 2, 1963.[^1] He was the father of President [[George H.W. Bush]] and the grandfather of President [[George W. Bush]].[^1] The [[Federal Register]] of November 7, 1942 lists him among the registered holders of the [[Union Banking Corporation]], a New York bank whose stock the [[Alien Property Custodian]] vested as held for a Dutch bank owned or controlled, in the order's words, by members of the Thyssen family.[^2]
### Yale, the Army and Greenwich
The class history of the [[Yale University]] class of 1917 records that Bush was born May 15, 1895, in [[Columbus, Ohio]], that his father, Samuel Prescott Bush, born on Staten Island in 1863, took an M.E. degree at the [[Stevens Institute of Technology]] in 1884 and was president of the [[Buckeye Steel Castings Company]], and that his mother was Flora Sheldon Bush.[^3] He prepared at [[St. George's School]] in [[Newport, Rhode Island]], sang in the Glee Club, Quartet and Choir, played golf and baseball for Yale and won his "Y," sat on the executive committee of Dwight Hall, the College Student Council and the Junior Prom and Class Day committees, was a football cheer leader and a member of the Yale Battery, and belonged to the [[Whiffenpoofs]], [[Psi Upsilon]] and [[Skull and Bones]]. The entry states that he intended to enter the law.[^3]
The Biographical Directory of the United States Congress records that he enlisted in the [[Connecticut National Guard]] in 1916; served as a captain of field artillery with the [[American Expeditionary Forces]] from 1917 to 1919; worked as a warehouse clerk in the hardware business in [[St. Louis]]; moved to [[Greenwich, Connecticut]] in 1924; entered banking in [[New York City]] in 1926; served as moderator of the Greenwich Representative Town Meeting from 1935 to 1952; and was a trustee of Yale University.[^1] The [[Guardian]] reported in 2004 that he married Dorothy Walker, daughter of the St. Louis investment banker [[George Herbert Walker]], in 1921.[^4]
[[Garry Wills]] wrote in 1992 that Bush served six years as secretary and two as vice president of the [[United States Golf Association]] before becoming its president in 1935, and that in 1951 he shot a 68 in the Senior Championship at [[Apawamis Club]], a course and tournament record.[^5]
### Skull and Bones
The entries for Bush, [[E. Roland Harriman]] ("Bunny," son of [[E. H. Harriman]]), [[Knight Woolley]] and [[Neil Mallon]] in the Yale 1917 class history each state that the man belonged to Psi Upsilon and Skull and Bones. Harriman's entry lists a brother, William Averell Harriman of the class of 1913, among his Yale relatives, and names him to the class Triennial Committee; Bush appears on the Class Day Committee and the senior delegation.[^3][^6] The Guardian described Woolley in 2004 as Bush's "friend and fellow 'bonesman'."[^7]
The [[George H. W. Bush Presidential Library]]'s response to a 2009 request for records on Skull and Bones, filed as FOIA 2009-0116-F, describes its material as relating to the society "of which George H. W. Bush and his father Prescott Bush were both members."[^8] The response says that staff and office files contain newspaper articles on the family's connections to the society, and that several of the articles address the rumor "that Prescott Bush and a group of Skull and Bones members had disinterred and taken Apache leader [[Geronimo]]'s skull."[^8] The file also holds administrative forms for a Skull and Bones tea, dated October 20, 1989, in the records of the [[White House Social Office]].[^9]
On May 9, 2006 the [[Associated Press]] reported a letter that the researcher [[Marc Wortman]] had found in the autumn of 2005. It was written in 1918 by one society member to another and describes the skull and some remains as taken from the grave at [[Fort Sill]], [[Oklahoma]], to a stone tomb in [[New Haven, Connecticut]]: "The skull of the worthy Geronimo the Terrible, exhumed from its tomb at Fort Sill by your club ... is now safe inside the (Tomb) together with his well worn femurs, bit & saddle horn."[^10] The report names the writer as [[Winter Mead]] and states that Mead was not at Fort Sill. It gives the society's legend as the source of the claim that members, "including President George W. Bush's grandfather, Prescott Bush," dug up the grave when a group of Army volunteers from Yale were stationed at the fort during [[World War I]].[^10] Wortman said: "What I think we could probably say is they removed some skull and bones and other materials from a grave at Fort Sill," and added, "Historically, it may be impossible to prove it's Geronimo's."[^10]
[[Antony C. Sutton]] printed a chart in his book on the society, first published in 1983, under the heading "Hypothesis Number One: A Secret Society Dominated By Old Line American Families And New Wealth Has Existed From 1833 To The Present Day." The chart places "The Order" at the center of family spokes that include the Harriman family, labeled with railroads, along with families of Massachusetts settlement and families of Standard Oil, J. P. Morgan, lumber, flour milling and retail wealth. The tiers and settlement dates on the chart are Sutton's hypotheses.[^11]
### Brown Brothers Harriman
The caption to the photograph of Bush in John A. Kouwenhoven's 1968 history of the firm describes him as vice-president and a director of [[W. A. Harriman & Co.]], Inc. and a partner in [[Harriman Brothers & Co.]] at the time of the merger with Brown Brothers & Co., and as secretary of the United States Golf Association at the time of the 1932 championship matches (president from 1935).[^12] The firm's partner table gives January 1, 1930 as his partnership date in Harriman Brothers & Co. and January 1, 1931 in Brown Brothers Harriman.[^13] The history records that in 1942 he became national campaign chairman of the combined fund-raising drives of the USO and other wartime charities, and gives his Senate service as 1952 to 1962; the Senate's Connecticut timeline gives "until 1963."[^14] Antony C. Sutton wrote that Bush was a partner of Brown Brothers Harriman for over forty years.[^15]
Wills wrote that Bush became, with Knight Woolley, the principal expert at Brown Brothers Harriman on which projects to back, and quoted Bush's oral-history interviews: "We [he and Woolley] were running the business, the day-to-day business, all the administrative decisions and the executive decisions. We were the ones that did it."[^16] Wills wrote that Roland Harriman refused in 1946 when Bush first asked permission to seek a seat in the House of Representatives, saying that a race for the House was beneath a Brown Brothers Harriman partner and that the Senate might be different.[^17] According to Wills, Bush's father-in-law Walker was the partner of [[W. Averell Harriman]] in the ownership of race horses.[^5]
[[Ben Aris]] and [[Duncan Campbell]] reported in the Guardian in 2004 that Walker helped set Bush up in business in New York in 1924 with Harriman, "the wealthy son of railroad magnate E H Harriman," and that one of the first jobs Walker gave Bush was to manage the Union Banking Corporation.[^18] They described Bush as a founding member of the bank and wrote that the bank "was set up by Harriman and Bush's father-in-law to provide a US bank for the Thyssens."[^18] The same article states: "While there is no suggestion that Prescott Bush was sympathetic to the Nazi cause, the documents reveal that the firm he worked for, Brown Brothers Harriman (BBH), acted as a US base for the German industrialist, Fritz Thyssen, who helped finance Hitler in the 1930s before falling out with him at the end of the decade."[^19] The Guardian wrote that its account rested on three sets of archives: the Harriman papers at the [[Library of Congress]], the vesting-order files at the [[National Archives]], and the files on [[IG Farben]].[^20]
The Guardian also reported that the Harriman papers contain a wartime profile of Harriman in the New York Journal American and, next to it in the files, a letter from Bush to the paper's financial editor praising the profile, quoting Bush: Harriman's "performance and his whole attitude has been a source of inspiration and pride to his partners and his friends."[^21]
### Union Banking Corporation and Vesting Order No. 248
A Treasury Department memorandum dated August 18, 1941, from E. G. May to [[John W. Pehle]], with the subject "Union Banking Corporation," states that the corporation, incorporated August 4, 1924, was "wholly owned by the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N.V., of Rotterdam, The Netherlands," that the investigation "produced no evidence as to the ownership of this Dutch bank," and that its president, [[Cornelius Lievense|Cornelis Lievense]], believed it possible that Baron [[Heinrich Thyssen]], brother of [[Fritz Thyssen]], might own a substantial interest. It records that in 1931 to 1933 the corporation made gold purchases of over eight million dollars, of which about three million dollars was shipped abroad and $3,085,000 was delivered to the [[Federal Reserve Bank]] on June 15, 1934, and that during the Munich crisis in the fall of 1938 the corporation held two million dollars in currency in a New York safe deposit box, later deposited in its account with Brown Brothers Harriman.[^22] The Guardian dates the same memorandum August 16, 1941.[^22]
The Guardian reported that on July 30, 1942 the New York Herald-Tribune ran an article headed "Hitler's Angel Has $3m in US Bank," and that the Alien Property Custodian then opened an investigation.[^23] On October 20, 1942 the Custodian, [[Leo T. Crowley]], signed Vesting Order No. 248 under the [[Trading with the Enemy Act]]. Part (a) vested all 4,000 shares of $100 par value common stock of the corporation and lists the registered owners: E. Roland Harriman with 3,991 shares; Lievense with 4; and Harold D. Pennington, Ray Morris, Prescott S. Bush, [[H. J. Kouwenhoven]] and Johann G. Groeninger with 1 share each. The order states that the shares "are held for the benefit of Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N. V., Rotterdam, The Netherlands, which bank is owned or controlled by members of the Thyssen family, nationals of Germany and/or Hungary." Part (b) vested all indebtedness owing by the corporation to Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart and to the August Thyssen-Bank of [[Berlin]], including security rights in collateral.[^2]
Aris and Campbell reported that the incorporation documents "list him as one of seven directors" and show that he owned one share worth $125.[^24] They reported that [[Homer Jones]], chief of the Alien Property Custodian's investigation and research division, sent a memorandum to the custodian's executive committee within weeks of the investigation, naming the bank's directors including Bush and describing the shares as "held by the above named individuals, however, solely as nominees for the Bank voor Handel, Rotterdam, Holland, which is owned by one or more of the Thyssen family."[^25]
The Guardian quoted [[John Loftus]], a former federal prosecutor, who disputed that Bush held only a token share, citing sources "in the banking and intelligence communities" and suggesting that the Bush family, "through George Herbert Walker and Prescott," received $1.5 million from the involvement. The article added: "There is, however, no paper trail to this sum."[^26] The Guardian reported that the Bush family and the United States government deny the claims, and quoted a statement by the [[Anti-Defamation League]] that the "charges are untenable and politically motivated" and that Prescott Bush "was neither a Nazi nor a Nazi sympathiser."[^27]
### Holland-American, Seamless Steel and Silesian-American
Vesting Order No. 259, executed October 28, 1942 and published in the Federal Register of December 19, 1942, vested all 500 shares of $100 par value stock of the [[Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation]], a New York corporation, registered in the name of Cornelis Lievense and held for the benefit of Press- und Walzwerk A.G. of [[Düsseldorf]] and of Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart.[^28] Vesting Order No. 261, executed the same day, vested all 500 shares of the [[Holland-American Trading Corporation]], registered to E. Roland Harriman (491), C. Lievense (4), and one share each to H. D. Pennington, Ray Morris, Knight Woolley, H. J. Kouwenhoven and J. G. Groeninger, all held for the benefit of Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart.[^29] The Guardian described these two companies as affiliates against which "further seizures were made" after the Union Banking Corporation seizure.[^30]
In Silesian American Corporation v. Clark, 332 U.S. 469, reargued November 12, 1947 and decided December 8, 1947, Justice [[Stanley Reed]] wrote for the [[Supreme Court of the United States]] that the Alien Property Custodian executed Vesting Order No. 370 on November 17, 1942, finding the property to belong to a national of Germany. The property was a block of common and a block of preferred stock in the Silesian American Corporation, a Delaware corporation, which before August 31, 1939 stood in the stock book in the name of [[Non Ferrum]], a Swiss corporation of Zurich, held, according to the Custodian's order, for [[Bergwerksgesellschaft Georg von Giesche's Erben]], a German corporation. The corporation had been a debtor under Chapter X of the Bankruptcy Act since July 30, 1941; its majority stockholder was the Silesian Holding Company, also a Delaware corporation; the Court affirmed the lower courts' order that the corporation issue new certificates to the Custodian.[^31] The Guardian wrote that "By November, the Silesian-American Company, another of Prescott Bush's ventures, had also been seized."[^32]
The Guardian reported that [[John Buchanan]], a Miami magazine journalist, published findings from the vesting files in the [[New Hampshire Gazette]] in 2003.[^33] The Gazette of November 7, 2003 carried an article headed "Bush: Nazi Dealings Continued Until 1951," which stated that after the seizures of late 1942 of five enterprises he managed for Thyssen, Bush "failed to divest himself of more than a dozen 'enemy national' relationships that continued until as late as 1951, newly-discovered U.S. government documents reveal." It named W. Averell Harriman and E. Roland Harriman as partners in the ventures and gave 1924 to 1951 as the span of transactions conducted by Brown Brothers Harriman.[^34]
### Consolidated Silesian Steel and John Foster Dulles
Aris and Campbell wrote that the [[Consolidated Silesian Steel Company]] (CSSC), a Silesian steel and mining company, was linked to Bush in National Archives documents declassified in 2003. They quoted the writer [[Eva Schweitzer]]: "SAC held coal mines and definitely owned CSSC between 1934 and 1935, but when SAC was vested there was no trace of CSSC." The article cites a New York Times article of March 18, 1934 as stating that [[Friedrich Flick]] owned two-thirds of CSSC while "American interests" held the rest.[^35]
The Guardian quoted a January 1933 letter from Knight Woolley to W. Averell Harriman: "The Consolidated Silesian Steel Company situation has become increasingly complicated, and I have accordingly brought in Sullivan and Cromwell, in order to be sure that our interests are protected." It continues: "After studying the situation Foster Dulles is insisting that their man in Berlin get into the picture and obtain the information which the directors here should have. You will recall that Foster is a director and he is particularly anxious to be certain that there is no liability attaching to the American directors." The Guardian identified the reference as to [[John Foster Dulles]] of [[Sullivan and Cromwell]], and the letter as concerning the Polish government's drive to nationalize the plant.[^36]
### Directorships: Dresser Industries, CBS and Pennsylvania Water and Power
Wills wrote that Bush "ended up on the boards of many firms he underwrote, including CBS." Quoting Bush: "In 1929 we bought Dresser Company of Bradford, Pennsylvania for four million dollars, and we sold securities against that company and refinanced it, you see, so that we retained a substantial measure of control."[^37] Wills reports that Bush served on the board of [[Dresser Industries]] and made his Yale friend Neil Mallon its chief executive, and that when George H.W. Bush went from Yale to Texas in 1948 he was hired by Mallon to work for a Dresser subsidiary. Bush recalled: "I was Neil Mallon's chief adviser and consultant in connection with every move that he made with that business during that period of twenty years."[^37]
Wills places Bush's CBS board seat in 1932, when [[William S. Paley]] came to the firm with Herbert Swope to arrange the purchase of a half interest in the [[CBS]] company, owned by [[Paramount Pictures]], for five million dollars. Paley could raise half, and the Harriman firm raised the other two and a half million; Bush recalled that "Averell put me on it." Wills wrote that Bush "went onto the CBS board to watch what was being done with the investment."[^38]
The [[Hagley Museum and Library]] describes the [[Pennsylvania Water and Power Company]] as a company whose board Bush joined as chairman in the early 1940s: "Joining the company as Chairman of the Board in the early 1940s was Wall Street executive banker and later U.S. senator, Prescott S. Bush."[^39] In a 1942 letter to company president [[John Abbet Walls]], Bush wrote: "Mr. Buckner's death raises, of course, the question of replacement on the board, and I am not forgetting that we should also replace Mr. Gleason this spring."[^40] The company's presidential records are Hagley Accession 2627 and span 1905 to 1946.[^41]
### The USO and the National War Fund
Frank Coffey's official photographic history of the [[United Service Organizations]] states that under national campaign chairman [[Thomas E. Dewey]] the organization had raised over $16 million, and that in 1942 Dewey resigned. The book reproduces a USO appeal letter signed "Prescott S. Bush, National Campaign Chairman," printed with [[John D. Rockefeller Jr.]] as honorary chairman.[^42]
The [[National War Fund]], the federation of war-relief and USO appeals that ran from 1943 to 1947, listed Bush among its vice presidents and on its executive committee. Its Speakers Handbook, issued as of August 13, 1945, names as president [[Winthrop W. Aldrich]] and as vice presidents Jean B. Adoue Jr. of Texas, Prescott S. Bush of New York, Robert M. Hanes of North Carolina, Francis P. Matthews of Nebraska, Walter Rothschild of New York, Edward L. Ryerson of Illinois, Robert G. Sproul of California and Henry M. Wriston of Rhode Island. Its executive committee includes Aldrich, Bush, [[Henry R. Luce]] and Rockefeller; its budget committee chairman was [[Gerard Swope]].[^43] The Fund's official history, by Harold J. Seymour, names Bush "National Campaign Chairman" and describes him as the sixth man picked in the formation of the leadership, "Averill Harriman's banking partner."[^44]
### Allen Dulles and the Central Intelligence Agency
The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] reading-room collection holds correspondence between Bush and the Agency's directors from his first year in the Senate. [[Allen Dulles]] answered a letter of January 27, 1953 from Bush about the employment of a person Bush had recommended on February 3, 1953, addressing him "Dear Pres," and wrote on April 2, 1953 that a person Bush had asked about was not being considered for any appointment and that he did not know in what connection the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] might be inquiring into the person's background.[^45] An internal memorandum approved by Dulles in 1957 records that Bush, recently returned from a trip to Europe on which he gathered information on [[NATO]] and the defenses of Western Europe, was interested in the case of [[John Downey]], and recommends that the Agency debrief him on the trip and brief him on Downey together.[^46]
Dulles replied on September 8, 1959 to a letter in which Bush, a member of the Senate Committee on Armed Services, had forwarded a correspondent's letter about charges made against the Agency in the New York Mirror column of [[Lee Mortimer]]. Dulles wrote that an Agency representative had met Mortimer in August, that all individuals the Agency employed were investigated, and that Mortimer's statement about CIA accountability to Congress was not entirely accurate.[^47] Acting Director [[Charles P. Cabell]] wrote on June 21, 1960 that Dulles had left before seeing Bush's letter of June 3, and thanked him for sending a Hartford Courant editorial and an article by Donald McLachlan.[^48]
On October 18, 1960 Dulles wrote to Bush at Greenwich that he had noted a planned trip to Latin America and offered to brief him before his departure and to receive his observations on his return. Bush answered on October 25, 1960: "Tracy Barnes did call and I shall work out an engagement through him in order that I may get a briefing which, heaven knows, I need," adding "Dorothy and I speak of you many times. We appreciate so much our friendship with you and Clover."[^49] [[John A. McCone]], Dulles's successor, wrote Bush on November 8, 1961 that he had read the correspondence concerning Bogota, Colombia, enclosed in Bush's recent letter, and had forwarded it to the officials concerned with Colombia, and wrote again on January 8, 1962 about a person Bush had brought to his attention.[^50] A September 6, 1961 Senate extension of remarks by Bush is titled "Central Intelligence Agency: A Guardian of the National Security."[^51]
Wills wrote that Bush "was a strong backer of the CIA, of its covert operations, and of its director, Allen Dulles," and that his only criticism of the [[Bay of Pigs]] was that [[John F. Kennedy]] did not "go through with that enterprise" when it bogged down.[^52]
### Planned Parenthood
The [[Margaret Sanger Papers Project]] at [[New York University]] states that Bush "in 1947 served as the treasurer of Planned Parenthood's first nationwide fund-raising campaign" and shared the masthead of the [[Planned Parenthood Federation of America]] with [[Margaret Sanger]] at a time when contraception was illegal in Connecticut.[^53] The Project places columnist [[Drew Pearson]]'s disclosure of the ties, in a national television commentary just days before the election, in the 1950 Senate race, which Bush lost by about a thousand votes, and states that the family vehemently denied any association with the organization.[^54] George H.W. Bush wrote in a 1973 foreword: "Many political observers felt a sufficient number of voters were swayed by his alleged contacts with the birth controllers to cost him the election."[^55] Wills places Pearson's column late in the 1952 campaign, stating that Pearson wrote that Bush was a president of the Birth Control League, that Bush "supported Planned Parenthood" without being an officer of the League, and that Bush bought special broadcast time and distributed fliers after Mass asking Catholics to tune in.[^56]
### Senate, 1950 to 1963
Wills wrote that Bush lost the 1950 special election for the seat vacated by Raymond Baldwin to [[William Benton]] by "a thousand votes," with 862,000 votes cast, after a primary against [[Vivian Kellems]]; that Bush had first deferred to Luce, who had expressed interest in the seat; and that in 1952 [[Clare Boothe Luce]] competed with Bush for the nomination to fill the vacancy created by the death of Senator [[James O'Brien McMahon]].[^57] The Biographical Directory records that Bush was elected on November 4, 1952 to fill that vacancy, was reelected in 1956, was not a candidate in 1962 and resumed banking and investment work.[^1] Wills wrote that Bush won the 1952 special election against [[Abraham Ribicoff]]; that Bush attacked Averell Harriman during the campaign, saying Harriman's "political thinking and judgment have been completely changed since he ceased active participation in our firm years ago to enter government"; and that Bush appeared on a platform with [[Joseph McCarthy]] in Connecticut that year.[^58]
Wills reported that [[Sherman Adams]] arranged the first of many golf matches between Bush and President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], that Bush organized a dinner for the President at [[Burning Tree Club]], that Bush served on the Banking and Currency Committee, and that in 1960 he chaired the platform subcommittee on labor.[^59]
On December 2, 1954 the Senate adopted Senate Resolution 301, censuring Joseph McCarthy, by a vote of 67 to 22. Bush voted yea.[^60] Before the vote Bush spoke in support of a substitute motion, telling the Senate that "No question of free speech is involved. Free speech does not mean unrestrained," and referring to his statement of December 1.[^61] Wills wrote that Bush called Adams to suggest that Eisenhower invite Senator Arthur Watkins, who chaired the censure committee, to dinner at the White House.[^59]
On May 29, 1956 the Senate agreed, 41 to 39, to an amendment offered by Senator [[William F. Knowland]] of [[California]] to the Senate's highway bill. Bush voted in the negative.[^62] On June 26, 1956 the Senate agreed to the conference report on the bill by 89 votes to 1, and Bush voted yea.[^63]
### Footnotes
[^1]: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-2005, H. Doc. 108-222 (Washington: GPO, 2005), PDF p. 762, "BUSH, Prescott Sheldon (father of George Herbert Walker Bush, grandfather of President George W. Bush)": born in Columbus, Ohio, May 15, 1895; Douglas School and St. George's School, Newport, R.I., 1908-1913; Yale 1917; Connecticut National Guard 1916; captain, Field Artillery, AEF 1917-1919; warehouse clerk in the hardware business in St. Louis; Greenwich 1924; banking in New York City 1926; moderator, Greenwich Representative Town Meeting 1935-1952; trustee, Yale University; unsuccessful candidate in 1950; elected November 4, 1952 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of James O'Brien McMahon; reelected 1956; served to January 2, 1963; not a candidate in 1962; died in New York City October 8, 1972; interment in Putnam Cemetery, Greenwich. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CDOC-108hdoc222/pdf/GPO-CDOC-108hdoc222.pdf
[^2]: Office of the Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order No. 248, "All of the Capital Stock of Union Banking Corporation and Certain Indebtedness Owing by It," executed at Washington on October 20, 1942, *Federal Register* 7 (November 7, 1942), pp. 9097-9098 (F.R. Doc. 42-11568, filed November 6, 1942, 11:31 a.m.), registered-owner table and findings (a) and (b). https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-1942-11-07/pdf/FR-1942-11-07.pdf
[^3]: *History of the Class of Nineteen Hundred and Seventeen, Yale College*, vol. I (New Haven: printed for the class under the direction of the Yale University Press, 1917), entry "Prescott Sheldon Bush" (pp. 105-106): born May 15, 1895 in Columbus, Ohio; father Samuel Prescott Bush, president of the Buckeye Steel Castings Company; mother Flora (Sheldon) Bush; St. George's School; Glee Club, Quartet and Choir; golf and baseball; Dwight Hall executive committee; College Student Council; Class Day Committee; Yale Battery; "He belongs to the Whiffenpoofs, Psi Upsilon, and Skull and Bones"; "Bush intends to enter the law." https://archive.org/details/historyofclassofOOmurr
[^4]: Ben Aris and Duncan Campbell, "How Bush's grandfather helped Hitler's rise to power," *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: Prescott Bush "married Dorothy Walker, the daughter of George Herbert Walker, in 1921." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^5]: Garry Wills, "Father Knows Best," *The New York Review of Books*, November 5, 1992: Bush as secretary of the USGA for six years, vice president for two, president in 1935; a 68 in the Senior Championship at Apawamis in 1951; his father-in-law as partner of Averell Harriman in the ownership of race horses. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^6]: *History of the Class of Nineteen Hundred and Seventeen, Yale College*, vol. I (1917), entries for Edward Roland Noel Harriman ("He is a member of Psi Upsilon and Skull and Bones"; Triennial Committee; relatives include William Averell Harriman, '13, a brother), Knight Woolley (pp. 343-344: "He belongs to Psi Upsilon and Skull and Bones") and Henry Neil Mallon ("He is a member of Psi Upsilon and Skull and Bones"), and the committee lists for the Class Day Committee and the senior delegation. https://archive.org/details/historyofclassofOOmurr
[^7]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "Bush's friend and fellow 'bonesman' Knight Woolley, another partner at BBH." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^8]: George H. W. Bush Presidential Library, FOIA 2009-0116-F, "Records on Skull and Bones Society," scope and content note, processed August 2009. https://bush41library.gov/download/file/4777
[^9]: National Archives and Records Administration, Records of the White House Social Office (George H. W. Bush Administration), Cathy Fenton Subject Files, Container 07104, "10/20/89 Skull and Bones Tea," NAID 492080005, as listed in the container list of FOIA 2009-0116-F. https://bush41library.gov/download/file/4777
[^10]: Associated Press, reprinted by CBS News, "Letter May Back Yale Claim On Geronimo," May 9, 2006: letter dated 1918 "written by one member of Skull and Bones to another," found by Marc Wortman "last fall"; "according to the letter, written by Winter Mead"; "But Mead was not at Fort Sill"; "According to Skull and Bones legend, members, including President George W. Bush's grandfather, Prescott Bush, dug up Geronimo's grave when a group of Army volunteers from Yale were stationed at the fort during World War I"; the Wortman quotations. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/letter-may-back-yale-claim-on-geronimo/
[^11]: Antony C. Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones* (1983), chart "Hypothesis Number One: A Secret Society Dominated By Old Line American Families And New Wealth Has Existed From 1833 To The Present Day," with spokes labeled Whitney, Perkins, Stimson, Taft, Phelps, Bundy, Wadsworth, Lord, Gilman, Rockefeller and Payne (Standard Oil), Harriman (railroads), Davison (J. P. Morgan), Weyerhaeuser (lumber), Pillsbury (flour milling) and Sloane (retail).
[^12]: John A. Kouwenhoven, *Partners in Banking: An Historical Portrait of a Great Private Bank, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 1818-1968* (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1968), pp. 12 to 13, caption of the photograph of Prescott S. Bush. https://archive.org/details/partnersinbankinganhistoricalportraitofagreatprivateb
[^13]: Kouwenhoven, *Partners in Banking* (1968), partner table, pp. 231 to 235.
[^14]: Kouwenhoven, *Partners in Banking* (1968), p. 203. United States Senate, Connecticut timeline. https://www.senate.gov/states/CT/timeline.htm
[^15]: Antony C. Sutton, *America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones* (Trine Day, 2002), section on Brown Brothers, Harriman, list of partners initiated into The Order.
[^16]: Garry Wills, "Father Knows Best," *The New York Review of Books*, November 5, 1992, quoting Prescott Bush's oral-history interviews: "We [he and Woolley] were running the business, the day-to-day business, all the administrative decisions and the executive decisions. We were the ones that did it." https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^17]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992: in 1946 Roland Harriman refused Bush's first request to seek a House seat, saying a House race was beneath a Brown Brothers Harriman partner and that it might be different for the Senate. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^18]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: Walker "helped set him up in business in New York with Averill Harriman, the wealthy son of railroad magnate E H Harriman"; "One of the first jobs Walker gave Bush was to manage UBC"; "Bush was a founding member of the bank"; "The bank was set up by Harriman and Bush's father-in-law to provide a US bank for the Thyssens, Germany's most powerful industrial family." The History News Network reprint credits Ben Aris and Duncan Campbell. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^19]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^20]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "Three sets of archives spell out Prescott Bush's involvement": the Harriman papers at the Library of Congress, vesting order number 248 at the National Archives, and the National Archives files on IG Farben. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^21]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004, on documents from the Harriman papers including a letter from Prescott Bush to the financial editor of the New York Journal American. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^22]: Treasury Department memorandum, E. G. May to J. W. Pehle, August 18, 1941 (date line typed and endorsed in Pehle's hand "Aug 18, 1941"), "Re: Union Banking Corporation," ref. 9-151, declassified by NARA: incorporation August 4, 1924; wholly owned by the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N.V.; Cornelis Lievense; Baron Heinrich Thyssen; gold purchases 1931-1933; $3,085,000 delivered to the Federal Reserve Bank June 15, 1934; fall 1938 safe deposit box with two million dollars in currency, later deposited with Brown Brothers Harriman. https://archive.org/details/BushDocuments0008b-LetterJ.W.PebleToMay. The Guardian's article of September 25, 2004 quotes the report as "of August 16 1941."
[^23]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "The trouble started on July 30 1942 when the New York Herald-Tribune ran an article entitled 'Hitler's Angel Has $3m in US Bank.'" https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^24]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "the incorporation documents, which list him as one of seven directors, show he owned one share in UBC worth $125." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^25]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004, describing and quoting a memorandum from Homer Jones to the executive committee of the Alien Property Custodian from National Archives vesting files. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^26]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004, on John Loftus: his sources in "the banking and intelligence communities" and "the Bush family, through George Herbert Walker and Prescott, got $1.5m out of the involvement. There is, however, no paper trail to this sum." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^27]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "The US government and the Bush family deny all the claims against them"; the Anti-Defamation League statement of 2003 that "These charges are untenable and politically motivated ... Prescott Bush was neither a Nazi nor a Nazi sympathiser." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^28]: Office of the Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order No. 259, "All of the Capital Stock of Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation," executed October 28, 1942 (F.R. Doc. 42-13530, filed December 18, 1942), *Federal Register* 7 (December 19, 1942), pp. 10626-10627. https://archive.org/details/sim_federal-register-find_1942-12-19_7_248
[^29]: Office of the Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order No. 261, "All of the Capital Stock of Holland-American Trading Corporation," executed October 28, 1942 (F.R. Doc. 42-13532, filed December 18, 1942), *Federal Register* 7 (December 19, 1942), p. 10627, holder table. https://archive.org/details/sim_federal-register-find_1942-12-19_7_248
[^30]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: "Having gone through the books of the bank, further seizures were made against two affiliates, the Holland-American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation." https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^31]: *Silesian American Corporation v. Clark*, 332 U.S. 469, 68 S.Ct. 179 (reargued November 12, 1947; decided December 8, 1947), opinion of Justice Reed: Vesting Order No. 370 of November 17, 1942; Non Ferrum Gesellschaft, Zurich; Bergwerksgesellschaft Georg von Giesche's Erben; Chapter X debtor since July 30, 1941; Silesian Holding Company; "Judgment affirmed." https://law.resource.org/pub/us/case/reporter/US/332/332.US.469.6.html
[^32]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^33]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: John Buchanan, "a Miami-based magazine journalist who started examining the files while working on a screenplay," published his findings in the *New Hampshire Gazette*. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^34]: "Bush: Nazi Dealings Continued Until 1951," *New Hampshire Gazette*, Vol. 248, No. 3, November 7, 2003, "Federal Documents," as reprinted at raoul-wallenberg.eu. https://www.raoul-wallenberg.eu/2003
[^35]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004: the CSSC passage, the Schweitzer quotation, and the reference to a *New York Times* article of March 18, 1934. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^36]: Aris and Campbell, *The Guardian*, September 25, 2004, quoting the January 1933 letter from Knight Woolley to Averill Harriman. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar
[^37]: Garry Wills, "Father Knows Best," *The New York Review of Books*, November 5, 1992: "Prescott ended up on the boards of many firms he underwrote, including CBS"; the 1929 purchase of the Dresser Company of Bradford, Pennsylvania for four million dollars; Neil Mallon as chief executive; George H.W. Bush hired in 1948 by Mallon for a Dresser subsidiary. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^38]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992, quoting Bush's oral history: "Averell put me on it"; "Prescott went onto the CBS board to watch what was being done with the investment." https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^39]: Hagley Museum and Library, Pennsylvania Water & Power Company presidential records (Acc. 2627), historical introduction. https://hagley.org/node/968
[^40]: Hagley Museum and Library, Acc. 2627, 1942 letter from Prescott S. Bush to John Abbet Walls, as quoted in the Hagley account. https://hagley.org/node/968
[^41]: Hagley Museum and Library, Acc. 2627, Pennsylvania Water & Power Company presidential records, 1905 to 1946. https://hagley.org/node/968
[^42]: Frank Coffey, *Always Home: 50 Years of the USO* (Washington: Brassey's, 1991): under national campaign chairman Thomas Dewey the USO "had raised over $16 million"; "In 1942 Dewey resigned"; appeal letter signed "Prescott S. Bush, National Campaign Chairman, United Service Organizations, Inc." with "Honorary Chairman John D. Rockefeller, Jr." https://archive.org/details/alwayshome50year00coff
[^43]: National War Fund, *Speakers Handbook* (issued as of August 13, 1945), p. 38, "Officers of National War Fund": president Winthrop W. Aldrich; vice presidents including Prescott S. Bush, New York; executive committee including Aldrich, Bush, Henry R. Luce and John D. Rockefeller, Jr.; Gerard Swope, chairman, Budget Committee. https://archive.org/details/SpeakersHandbook001
[^44]: Harold J. Seymour, *Design for Giving: The Story of the National War Fund, Inc., 1943-1947* (New York: Harper, 1947), on the selection of "Prescott S. Bush, Averill Harriman's banking partner" as "the sixth man" and "Prescott S. Bush, National Campaign Chairman." https://archive.org/details/designforgivings0000haro
[^45]: Allen W. Dulles to Prescott Bush, February 3, 1953, replying to Bush's letter of January 27, 1953, CIA-RDP80R01731R001600070003-9; Dulles to Bush, April 2, 1953, CIA-RDP80R01731R001600070139-9. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80R01731R001600070003-9 ; https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80R01731R001600070139-9
[^46]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of General Counsel, memorandum for the Director of Central Intelligence, "Senator Prescott Bush (R., Conn.)," signed by John S. Warner, Legislative Counsel, with Allen W. Dulles's approval, 1957, CIA-RDP80R01731R000200010068-9. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80R01731R000200010068-9
[^47]: Allen W. Dulles to Prescott Bush, September 8, 1959, on the New York Mirror column of Lee Mortimer, CIA-RDP80R01731R000100080046-7. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80R01731R000100080046-7
[^48]: C. P. Cabell, Acting Director, to Prescott Bush, June 21, 1960, CIA-RDP80B01676R000900030010-1. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80B01676R000900030010-1
[^49]: Allen W. Dulles to Prescott Bush, October 18, 1960, CIA-RDP80B01676R000900040026-3; Prescott Bush to Allen Dulles, October 25, 1960, on United States Senate stationery, marked "Personal," CIA-RDP80B01676R000900040027-2. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80B01676R000900040027-2
[^50]: John A. McCone to Prescott Bush, November 8, 1961 (Bogota, Colombia), CIA-RDP80B01676R000700190021-4; McCone to Bush, January 8, 1962, CIA-RDP80B01676R002800230007-2. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP80B01676R000700190021-4
[^51]: "Central Intelligence Agency: A Guardian of the National Security," extension of remarks of Hon. Prescott Bush of Connecticut in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, September 6, 1961, CIA-RDP70-00058R000200120158-2. https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP70-00058R000200120158-2
[^52]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^53]: New York University Sanger Papers Project, Newsletter No. 44 (Winter 2006/2007), "Bush Family Planning": Sanger "shared the Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA) masthead with the current president's grandfather ... Prescott S. Bush, who in 1947 served as the treasurer of Planned Parenthood's first nationwide fund-raising campaign." https://sanger.hosting.nyu.edu/articles/bush_family_planning/
[^54]: New York University Sanger Papers Project, Newsletter No. 44: Drew Pearson's broadcast "just days before the election"; "Bush lost by about a thousand votes in a state with a large Catholic population"; the family "vehemently denied that Prescott Bush had any association with the PPFA." https://sanger.hosting.nyu.edu/articles/bush_family_planning/
[^55]: George H. W. Bush, foreword to Phyllis Tilson Piotrow, *World Population Crisis: The United States Response* (1973), p. vii, as quoted in Newsletter No. 44. https://sanger.hosting.nyu.edu/articles/bush_family_planning/
[^56]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992: "Late in the campaign, Drew Pearson wrote a column saying that Bush was a president of the Birth Control League. Actually, though he supported Planned Parenthood, Bush was not an officer of the Birth Control League." https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^57]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992, quoting Bush: "I lost by a thousand votes to Bill Benton, when there were 862,000 votes cast"; Luce's interest in the seat; the 1952 contest with Clare Boothe Luce after McMahon's death. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^58]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992: the Ribicoff race, Bush's speech on Harriman, and Bush's appearance with McCarthy. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^59]: Wills, "Father Knows Best," 1992: Adams, golf, Burning Tree dinner, Watkins suggestion, Banking and Currency Committee, 1960 platform subcommittee. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1992/11/05/father-knows-best/
[^60]: *Congressional Record*, vol. 100, 83rd Congress, 2d session, Senate proceedings of December 2, 1954, roll-call vote on Senate Resolution 301: yeas 67, nays 22, "Bush" among the yeas. https://archive.org/details/sim_congressional-record-proceedings-and-debates_august-19-december-2-1954_100
[^61]: *Congressional Record*, vol. 100, December 1 and 2, 1954, remarks of Mr. Bush in support of the substitute motion: "No question of free speech is involved. Free speech does not mean unrestrained"; reference to his statement of December 1, "printed in the Congressional Record at page 16270." https://archive.org/details/sim_congressional-record-proceedings-and-debates_august-19-december-2-1954_100
[^62]: *Congressional Record*, vol. 102, 84th Congress, 2d session, May 29, 1956, vote "on agreeing to the amendment offered by the Senator from California [Mr. KNOWLAND]": yeas 41, nays 39, "Bush" among the nays. https://archive.org/details/sim_congressional-record-proceedings-and-debates_may-22-june-11-1956_102
[^63]: *Congressional Record*, vol. 102, 84th Congress, 2d session, June 26, 1956, vote "on agreeing to the conference report": yeas 89, nay 1 (Long), "Bush" among the yeas. https://archive.org/details/sim_congressional-record-proceedings-and-debates_june-12-29-1956_102