vault backup: 2026-10-12 16:59:05
This commit is contained in:
parent
bf9bed6383
commit
8117db02c6
63 changed files with 2228 additions and 593 deletions
|
|
@ -14,45 +14,47 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Israeli founder and chief executive of Carbyne, formerly Reporty Homeland Security, whose board included Ehud Barak and a former Unit 8200 commander and in which Jeffrey Epstein invested."
|
||||
location: "Tel Aviv, Israel"
|
||||
created: 2026-09-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[Carbyne]]"
|
||||
start: 2015-12-23
|
||||
role: "director of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., later chief executive"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Amir Elichai is an Israeli entrepreneur, the founder and chief executive of [[Carbyne]], an emergency-call and 911-dispatch technology company incorporated as Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. In December 2015 he sat on Reporty's board with the former Israeli prime minister and defense minister [[Ehud Barak]] and [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]]. [[Jeffrey Epstein]] invested about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement Barak brokered, and increased his stake through an Israeli limited partnership in 2019. In January 2019 Elichai prepared the Carbyne presentation that Barak sent to [[Jabor Al Thani]] of [[Qatar]], with Epstein copied, for security work at the [[2022 FIFA World Cup]]. [[Axon Enterprise]] bought Carbyne for 625 million dollars in February 2026.[^1][^2][^3][^4]
|
||||
Amir Elichai is an Israeli entrepreneur, the founder and chief executive of [[Carbyne]], an emergency-call and 911-dispatch technology company incorporated as Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. In December 2015 he sat on Reporty's board with the former Israeli prime minister and defense minister [[Ehud Barak]] and [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of the signals-intelligence [[Unit 8200]].[^1] [[Jeffrey Epstein]] invested about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015 through an arrangement Barak brokered, and increased his stake through an Israeli limited partnership in 2019. In January 2019 Elichai prepared the Carbyne presentation that Barak sent to [[Jabor Al Thani]] of [[Qatar]], with Epstein copied, for security work at the [[2022 FIFA World Cup]]. [[Axon Enterprise]] bought Carbyne for 625 million dollars in February 2026.[^2][^3][^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Reporty Homeland Security
|
||||
|
||||
The minutes of a meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. held on December 23, 2015 list as directors present "Mr. Amir Elichai, Mr. Alex Dizengof, Mr. Ehud Barak, Mr. Pinchas Bouchris," with the company's lawyer also attending. The board watched a demonstration of "the Reporty system (version 0.7/0.8 noncommercial version)," discussed the company's "current business relationships and partners such as Haifa Municipality, Microsoft, Taldor as well as integrators," and resolved to explore non-exclusive partnerships with integrators and to buy demonstration equipment. The minutes were preserved among Epstein's records.[^1]
|
||||
The minutes of a meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd. held on December 23, 2015 list as directors present "Mr. Amir Elichai, Mr. Alex Dizengof, Mr. Ehud Barak, Mr. Pinchas Bouchris," with the company's lawyer also attending. The board watched a demonstration of "the Reporty system (version 0.7/0.8 noncommercial version)," discussed the company's "current business relationships and partners such as Haifa Municipality, Microsoft, Taldor as well as integrators," and resolved to explore non-exclusive partnerships with integrators and to buy demonstration equipment. The minutes were preserved among Epstein's records.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Buchris later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]]. Barak served on the boards of Reporty and Carbyne and left in 2019.[^2][^4]
|
||||
Buchris, whom Calcalist described in 2019 as "the former director of Israel's Unit 8200," sat on Carbyne's board in 2017 with Barak and Elichai, and later served as director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^1][^6] Barak served on the boards of Reporty and Carbyne and left in 2019.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Epstein Investment
|
||||
|
||||
*[[Forbes]]* reported in February 2026 that Barak helped Epstein invest about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, after Epstein's 2008 guilty plea and his registration as a sex offender in [[Florida]], and that the stake could have grown in value to as much as 100 million dollars.[^2] The stake was held through SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]], wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] that at the time of the initial investment "in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.)" the partnership had received warrants for 61,251 Preferred A shares at an aggregate exercise price of 3.5 million dollars, and that exercising them would raise its holding "from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis." In March 2019 Epstein's Virgin Islands company [[Southern Trust Company]] signed the Additional Investment Agreement and transferred 2.4 million dollars of the 3.6 million dollars raised, and Indyke confirmed to the partnership's bank that Epstein was "the controlling person" of Southern Trust.[^5] On February 18, 2019 [[Nicole Junkermann]], whose firm had taken part in Carbyne's Series A round, wrote to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m."[^6]
|
||||
*[[Forbes]]* reported in February 2026 that Barak helped Epstein invest about one million dollars in Reporty in 2015, after Epstein's 2008 guilty plea and his registration as a sex offender in [[Florida]], and that the stake could have grown in value to as much as 100 million dollars.[^3] The stake was held through SUM (E.B.) Limited Partnership, whose general partner was Ergo (E.B. 2014) Ltd. On February 28, 2019 the partnership's lawyer, [[Tomer Toor]], wrote to Epstein's attorney [[Darren Indyke]] that at the time of the initial investment "in Carbyne Ltd. (formerly Reporty Ltd.)" the partnership had received warrants for 61,251 Preferred A shares at an aggregate exercise price of 3.5 million dollars, and that exercising them would raise its holding "from about 13% to about 26.33%, on a fully diluted basis." In March 2019 Epstein's Virgin Islands company [[Southern Trust Company]] signed the Additional Investment Agreement and transferred 2.4 million dollars of the 3.6 million dollars raised, and Indyke confirmed to the partnership's bank that Epstein was "the controlling person" of Southern Trust.[^7] On February 18, 2019 [[Nicole Junkermann]], whose firm had taken part in Carbyne's Series A round, wrote to Epstein: "Carbyne invested 1.5 m (1m you and 0.5m me) net of fees is3.9m your share, Ehud carry1.5 m and my share 2m."[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed Junkermann as a director until 2020. Elichai said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^2]
|
||||
Forbes reported that Carbyne's website listed Junkermann as a director until 2020. Elichai said that "she is not and was never a board member," attributed the listing to a mistake by the company's marketing team, and said she no longer held a stake.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Qatar Pitch
|
||||
|
||||
On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to [[Peter Thiel]], whose [[Founders Fund]] was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^7] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded to Jabor Al Thani, with Epstein copied, a presentation prepared by Elichai, writing: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^3] Jabor Al Thani replied on January 20 that "Our security services company" wished to begin discussions and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as the contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as his side's contact. Epstein was a recipient of the January 1, February 3 and February 4 messages.[^8]
|
||||
On May 21, 2018 Epstein wrote to [[Peter Thiel]], whose [[Founders Fund]] was a Carbyne investor: "FYI trae is meeting carbyne Ehud Barak co."[^9] On January 1, 2019 Barak forwarded to Jabor Al Thani, with Epstein copied, a presentation prepared by Elichai, writing: "Please find attached short presentation of Carbine. Public safety company of which I'm the chairman and leading investor. We are interested in participating in the security effort for the 2022 Games. We can work through a European company of your choice and minimize Israeli profile."[^4] Jabor Al Thani replied on January 20 that "Our security services company" wished to begin discussions and asked for help with "any anti-drone services or technologies." On February 3 Barak, signing "Ehud Barak, Carbyne, Chairman," named Elichai as the contact and promised a separate email on "the anti-drone issue"; Elichai wrote, "Ehud, thanks for the intro." On February 4 Jabor Al Thani named the country manager of [[Lysys WLL]] as his side's contact. Epstein was a recipient of the January 1, February 3 and February 4 messages.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Axon Sale
|
||||
|
||||
Axon Enterprise, the maker of the [[Taser]] and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, and the purchase closed in February 2026. Axon's founder and chief executive, [[Rick Smith]], described the deal as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience." Carbyne's product has been used by U.S. police and emergency agencies including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department]].[^2][^4][^9]
|
||||
Axon Enterprise, the maker of the [[Taser]] and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, and the purchase closed in February 2026. Axon's founder and chief executive, [[Rick Smith]], described the deal as "uniting cloud infrastructure and AI to redefine the 911 experience." Carbyne's product has been used by U.S. police and emergency agencies including the [[Miami-Dade Police Department]].[^3][^5][^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf
|
||||
[^2]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, "Fwd: Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf
|
||||
[^4]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg
|
||||
[^5]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf
|
||||
[^6]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf
|
||||
[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf
|
||||
[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread among Ehud Barak, Jabor Al Thani, Amir Elichai, and Jeffrey Epstein, "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf
|
||||
[^9]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html
|
||||
[^1]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html
|
||||
[^2]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf
|
||||
[^3]: Brewster, Thomas. "Epstein Could Have Made $100 Million On A Secret Police Tech Investment With Ehud Barak." *Forbes,* February 10, 2026. https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2026/02/10/epstein-police-surveillance-investments-with-ehud-barak/
|
||||
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02607775, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jabor Al Thani, copied to Jeffrey Epstein, "Fwd: Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02607775.pdf
|
||||
[^5]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; *CTech (Calcalist),* on the Axon acquisition. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/rj4vnuokwg
|
||||
[^6]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o
|
||||
[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email chain "Carbyne warrants" among Tomer Toor, NJF Capital, Darren Indyke, and Jeffrey Epstein, February 28 to March 14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf
|
||||
[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf
|
||||
[^9]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01052344, DataSet 9, email from Jeffrey Epstein to Peter Thiel, May 21, 2018. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01052344.pdf
|
||||
[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02628648, DataSet 11, email thread among Ehud Barak, Jabor Al Thani, Amir Elichai, and Jeffrey Epstein, "Qatar Presentation <> Carbyne 911," January 1 to February 4, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02628648.pdf
|
||||
[^11]: Axon Enterprise. "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ summary: "Ehud Barak is the former Israeli prime minister and military intellige
|
|||
born: 1942-02-12
|
||||
location: "Mishmar HaSharon, Mandatory Palestine (born)"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-18
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Aman]]"
|
||||
|
|
@ -125,7 +125,7 @@ On February 18, 2019 the investor [[Nicole Junkermann]] wrote to Epstein, in a m
|
|||
|
||||
### Carbyne After Epstein
|
||||
|
||||
Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death. The company's board also included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of Unit 8200 and former director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]]. [[Axon Enterprise]], the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, a deal that closed in early 2026.[^15][^30]
|
||||
Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death.[^15] The company's board also included [[Pinhas Buchris]], a former commander of Unit 8200 and former director general of the Israeli [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Ministry of Defense]].[^30][^31] Minutes of the December 23, 2015 meeting of Reporty's board list Amir Elichai, [[Alex Dizengof]], Barak and Buchris as directors present, and record Barak's expected additional investment of $500,000 by February 1, 2016.[^32] [[Axon Enterprise]], the maker of Taser weapons and police body cameras, agreed to buy Carbyne for 625 million dollars in cash, a deal that closed in early 2026.[^15][^33]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -158,4 +158,7 @@ Barak left the Carbyne board in 2019, the year of Epstein's arrest and death. Th
|
|||
[^27]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02630791, DataSet 11, email exchange between Jeffrey Epstein and Nicole Junkermann, February 18, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02630791.pdf
|
||||
[^28]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02632339, DataSet 11, email from Ehud Barak to Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 11, 2019, with forwarded correspondence of Tomer Toor, Darren Indyke, and NJF Capital, February 28 to March 11, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02632339.pdf
|
||||
[^29]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA02634615, DataSet 11, email exchange between Darren Indyke and Jeffrey Epstein, "Re: Carbyne warrants," March 12-14, 2019. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%2011/EFTA02634615.pdf
|
||||
[^30]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Axon Enterprise press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html
|
||||
[^30]: "The Ties That Bind: Ehud Barak's Business Network," *CTech (Calcalist)*, July 18, 2019. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctech/articles/0,7340,L-3766639,00.html
|
||||
[^31]: "A Buchris story: The rise, fall, and comeback of an Israeli hero," *CTech (Calcalist)*, December 16, 2022. https://www.calcalistech.com/ctechnews/article/lwigv8m1o
|
||||
[^32]: U.S. Department of Justice, Epstein Library, EFTA01074544, DataSet 9, minutes of the meeting of the board of directors of Reporty Homeland Security Ltd., December 23, 2015. https://www.justice.gov/epstein/files/DataSet%209/EFTA01074544.pdf
|
||||
[^33]: *Coverager,* on Axon's agreement to acquire Carbyne for 625 million dollars. https://coverager.com/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-for-625-million/ ; "Axon to Acquire Carbyne, Uniting Cloud Infrastructure and AI to Redefine the 911 Experience." Axon Enterprise press release, *PR Newswire.* https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/axon-to-acquire-carbyne-uniting-cloud-infrastructure-and-ai-to-redefine-the-911-experience-302604614.html
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,12 +7,12 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Coup1964
|
||||
- ColdWar
|
||||
- LatinAmerica
|
||||
summary: "General Humberto Castelo Branco led the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President Joao Goulart and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967, overseeing mass political purges, the suppression of Petrobrás, and the opening of the Amazon to American corporate investment."
|
||||
summary: "General Humberto Castelo Branco led the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President Joao Goulart and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967."
|
||||
born: 1897-09-20
|
||||
died: 1967-07-18
|
||||
location: "Fortaleza, Brazil"
|
||||
created: 2026-06-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-06-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco (September 20, 1897 - July 18, 1967) commanded the April 1964 military coup that overthrew Brazilian President [[Joao Goulart]] and served as Brazil's first post-coup military president from 1964 to 1967. The intellectual leader of the "Sorbonne Group" of US-aligned Brazilian officers, he had formed a close personal friendship with US Military Attaché [[Vernon Walters]] while the [[Brazilian Expeditionary Force]] fought under US command in Italy during World War II, a relationship that gave Washington direct access to coup planning in the weeks before the military moved.
|
||||
|
|
@ -47,19 +47,19 @@ The Petrobrás nationalization that Goulart had decreed was reversed. American o
|
|||
|
||||
[[Hanna Mining Company]] had acquired controlling interest in Brazil's St. John D'el Rey Mining Company beginning in 1956, gaining access to what was described as one of the world's richest high-grade hematite deposits in Minas Gerais. President Goulart had issued an expropriation decree challenging Hanna's claim, and the case had reached the Federal Court of Appeals before the coup. On December 24, 1964, Castelo Branco issued a presidential decree endorsing private development of Brazil's iron ore reserves and supporting Hanna's plans, including construction of loading facilities at Sepetiba Bay and a railway cutoff to the government-owned Central do Brasil railroad. [[John J. McCloy]], board chairman of [[Chase Manhattan Bank]], made strategic visits to Brazilian officials at critical moments in Hanna's legal struggle over the concession. On June 15, 1966, the reconstituted Federal Court of Appeals ruled in Hanna's favor.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
U.S. aid followed immediately after recognition. The [[Agency for International Development]] provided a $50 million contingency loan in June 1964. A $150 million AID program loan was authorized in December 1964 after Brazil submitted formal self-help commitments to [[CIAP]]. By December 1965, Secretary of State Rusk was requesting President Johnson's approval for a further $150 million AID program loan for 1966, which Johnson approved December 11, 1965, with the agreement signed February 10, 1966. The 1965 package also included a $53.6 million Treasury exchange agreement and a $125 million [[IMF]] standby agreement. Gordon's August 1964 assessment (FRUS Document 215) proposed annual capital inflows of $600-700 million from combined U.S. and international sources to sustain Brazil's development program. Between 1960 and 1966, Brazil received approximately $2.5 billion in total foreign assistance, and by 1970 had become the largest recipient of [[World Bank]] funds.[^14]
|
||||
U.S. aid followed immediately after recognition. The [[Agency for International Development]] provided a $50 million contingency loan in June 1964. Colby and Dennett write that after the coup the Johnson administration released $200 million in aid previously pledged to Goulart and delivered another $50 million AID loan shortly after Roberto Campos announced that he was reconsidering Goulart's 10 percent limit on profit repatriation.[^14] An editorial note in the Foreign Relations of the United States records that AID Administrator [[David E. Bell]] approved on November 2, 1964 a proposal to provide Brazil with $100 million for project loans and $150 million for a program loan "on the most concessionary terms legally available," and that the United States and Brazil signed the agreement on December 14, 1964.[^15] The program loan followed Brazil's submission of formal self-help commitments to [[CIAP]]. By December 1965, Secretary of State Rusk was requesting President Johnson's approval for a further $150 million AID program loan for 1966, which Johnson approved December 11, 1965, with the agreement signed February 10, 1966. The 1965 package also included a $53.6 million Treasury exchange agreement and a $125 million [[IMF]] standby agreement. Gordon's August 1964 assessment (FRUS Document 215) proposed annual capital inflows of $600-700 million from combined U.S. and international sources to sustain Brazil's development program. Between 1960 and 1966, Brazil received approximately $2.5 billion in total foreign assistance, and by 1970 had become the largest recipient of [[World Bank]] funds.[^14]
|
||||
|
||||
Brazil broke off relations with Cuba in July 1964 and joined the Johnson administration's [[OAS]] condemnation of Cuba in 1965. Castelo Branco supported the U.S. Marine intervention in the [[Dominican Republic]] in 1965, contributing troops to the [[Inter-American Peace Force]] (IAPF), established by OAS resolution on May 23, 1965. The IAPF was commanded by Brazilian General [[Hugo Panasco Alvim]], with U.S. General [[Bruce Palmer]] as deputy commander. The force comprised approximately 1,748 troops from Brazil, Paraguay, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Honduras, operating alongside approximately 12,400 U.S. military personnel.[^15]
|
||||
Brazil broke off relations with Cuba in July 1964 and joined the Johnson administration's [[OAS]] condemnation of Cuba in 1965. Castelo Branco supported the U.S. Marine intervention in the [[Dominican Republic]] in 1965, contributing troops to the [[Inter-American Peace Force]] (IAPF), established by OAS resolution on May 23, 1965. The IAPF was commanded by Brazilian General [[Hugo Panasco Alvim]], with U.S. General [[Bruce Palmer]] as deputy commander. The force comprised approximately 1,748 troops from Brazil, Paraguay, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Honduras, operating alongside approximately 12,400 U.S. military personnel.[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
### Second Institutional Act
|
||||
|
||||
The Second Institutional Act, signed on October 27, 1965, came in response to the military government's poor showing in that year's gubernatorial elections, in which opposition candidates won two state contests. The act banned all existing political parties, provided for indirect election of the president, restricted the time Congress could consider legislation before it automatically became law, stipulated that persons accused of crimes against national security would be subject to military justice, and expanded the [[Supreme Court]] to secure favorable rulings, including the restoration of Hanna Mining's concessions.[^16]
|
||||
The Second Institutional Act, signed on October 27, 1965, came in response to the military government's poor showing in that year's gubernatorial elections, in which opposition candidates won two state contests. The act banned all existing political parties, provided for indirect election of the president, restricted the time Congress could consider legislation before it automatically became law, stipulated that persons accused of crimes against national security would be subject to military justice, and expanded the [[Supreme Court]] to secure favorable rulings, including the restoration of Hanna Mining's concessions.[^17]
|
||||
|
||||
Ambassador Gordon reported on the act in a cable to Washington dated November 3, 1965, describing his private conversation with Castelo Branco about it. According to Gordon's account, Castelo Branco explained that Congress and some Supreme Court justices had misunderstood his commitment to constitutional normality as willingness to reverse the revolution, and determined by mid-October that corrective action was necessary. Gordon expressed concern about "arbitrary powers assumed through the act" and the risks of sliding toward military dictatorship rather than maintaining the armed forces' traditional moderating role.[^17]
|
||||
Ambassador Gordon reported on the act in a cable to Washington dated November 3, 1965, describing his private conversation with Castelo Branco about it. According to Gordon's account, Castelo Branco explained that Congress and some Supreme Court justices had misunderstood his commitment to constitutional normality as willingness to reverse the revolution, and determined by mid-October that corrective action was necessary. Gordon expressed concern about "arbitrary powers assumed through the act" and the risks of sliding toward military dictatorship rather than maintaining the armed forces' traditional moderating role.[^18]
|
||||
|
||||
### Death
|
||||
|
||||
Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presidency, when his Piper PA-23 Aztec aircraft collided mid-air with a [[Brazilian Air Force]] Lockheed T-33 jet trainer near Fortaleza. The circumstances of the crash were never definitively explained; military records attributed it to an accidental mid-air collision, though the episode was widely regarded as suspicious.[^18]
|
||||
Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presidency, when his Piper PA-23 Aztec aircraft collided mid-air with a [[Brazilian Air Force]] Lockheed T-33 jet trainer near Fortaleza. The circumstances of the crash were never definitively explained; military records attributed it to an accidental mid-air collision, though the episode was widely regarded as suspicious.[^19]
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, *Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon*. HarperCollins, 1995. Ch. 28.
|
||||
[^2]: Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29. ESG established by Brazilian Law 785/49, August 20, 1949. Castelo Branco appointed Army Chief of Staff September 13, 1963.
|
||||
|
|
@ -75,7 +75,8 @@ Castelo Branco was killed on July 18, 1967, four months after leaving the presid
|
|||
[^12]: Federation of American Scientists, "Brazil: The National Intelligence Service, 1964-90," irp.fas.org/world/brazil/nis.html. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
|
||||
[^13]: NACLA, "The Hanna Industrial Complex: Part I, Operations in Brazil," nacla.org. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
|
||||
[^14]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224. Memorandum from Secretary of State Rusk to President Johnson, December 3, 1965 (approved December 11, 1965); Document 215, Letter from Ambassador Gordon to Assistant Secretary Mann, August 10, 1964. Aid figures also in Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
|
||||
[^15]: Inter-American Peace Force established by OAS resolution at the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, May 23, 1965. Troop composition (1,500 Brazilian troops of 2,500 total): *New York Times*, "O.A.S. Creates Peace Force," May 24, 1965; FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224.
|
||||
[^16]: Second Institutional Act (Ato Institucional No. 2), October 27, 1965. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
|
||||
[^17]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 221. Telegram from Ambassador Gordon to Department of State, November 3, 1965. Secret; Priority.
|
||||
[^18]: Birth date September 20, 1897; death date July 18, 1967. Midair collision details: Piper PA-23 Aztec and Brazilian Air Force T-33. Find a Grave memorial no. 48088183.
|
||||
[^15]: Memorandum from Robert M. Sayre of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy), September 30, 1964, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, vol. XXXI, document 216, editorial note on the November 2, 1964 approval by AID Administrator Bell (citing the October 29 memorandum from Mann to Bell) and the December 14 signing. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v31/d216
|
||||
[^16]: Inter-American Peace Force established by OAS resolution at the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, May 23, 1965. Troop composition (1,500 Brazilian troops of 2,500 total): *New York Times*, "O.A.S. Creates Peace Force," May 24, 1965; FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 224.
|
||||
[^17]: Second Institutional Act (Ato Institucional No. 2), October 27, 1965. Colby and Dennett, Ch. 29.
|
||||
[^18]: FRUS 1964-68, Vol. XXXI, Document 221. Telegram from Ambassador Gordon to Department of State, November 3, 1965. Secret; Priority.
|
||||
[^19]: Birth date September 20, 1897; death date July 18, 1967. Midair collision details: Piper PA-23 Aztec and Brazilian Air Force T-33. Find a Grave memorial no. 48088183.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -5,6 +5,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Israel
|
||||
- Soviet
|
||||
summary: "In 1972, Brezhnev met with Golda Meir, then Prime Minister of Israel, in Finland."
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
born: 1906-12-19
|
||||
died: 1982-11-10
|
||||
location: "Kamenskoye, Ukraine (Russian Empire)"
|
||||
|
|
@ -14,15 +15,15 @@ location: "Kamenskoye, Ukraine (Russian Empire)"
|
|||
|
||||
### 1972 Meeting with Golda Meir
|
||||
|
||||
In 1972, Brezhnev met with [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of [[Israel]], in [[Finland]]. During this meeting, [[Golda Meir|Meir]] rejected his proposal for a comprehensive peace settlement in the [[Middle East]].[^1]
|
||||
In 1972, Brezhnev met with [[Golda Meir]], then Prime Minister of Israel, in [[Finland]]. During this meeting, Meir rejected his proposal for a comprehensive peace settlement in the [[Middle East]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Intelligence Operations and War Implications
|
||||
|
||||
This meeting, along with the [[Soviet Union|Soviets]] bugging [[Golda Meir|Meir's]] office (discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]), informed [[Anwar Sadat]] of [[Israel|Israel's]] attitude and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1]
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that this meeting, along with the Soviets bugging Meir's office (which he said was discovered by [[Reuben Yirador]] of [[Unit 8200]]), informed [[Anwar Sadat]] of Israel's attitude and may have prompted the 1973 war.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1973 Yom Kippur War Threats
|
||||
|
||||
During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptian Third Army by Israeli forces escalated, Soviet party leader [[Leonid Brezhnev]] increased the alert status of his airborne divisions and warned the [[White House]] that unless [[Israel]] stopped violating the cease-fire, "we should be faced with the necessity urgently to consider the question of taking appropriate steps unilaterally." The implication was that Brezhnev would send troops as a blocking force behind the front lines in [[Egypt]] to prevent the Israelis from advancing on [[Cairo]].[^2]
|
||||
During the 1973 [[Yom Kippur War]], as the continued encirclement of the Egyptian Third Army by Israeli forces escalated, Soviet party leader Leonid Brezhnev increased the alert status of his airborne divisions and warned the [[White House]] that unless Israel stopped violating the cease-fire, "we should be faced with the necessity urgently to consider the question of taking appropriate steps unilaterally." The implication was that Brezhnev would send troops as a blocking force behind the front lines in [[Egypt]] to prevent the Israelis from advancing on [[Cairo]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -5,7 +5,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Rafi Eitan
|
||||
- Rafi the Stinker
|
||||
created: 2024-04-25
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -17,42 +17,70 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Intelligence
|
||||
- 1970s
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
summary: "Rafael Eitan was a veteran Israeli intelligence operative who led the LAKAM science intelligence bureau, ran Jonathan Pollard as an intelligence asset against the United States, and was alleged by multiple sources to have acquired and internationally distributed PROMIS software with a hidden surveillance backdoor."
|
||||
summary: "Rafael Eitan was an Israeli intelligence operative who led the LAKAM bureau, ran Jonathan Pollard as an agent against the United States, and was alleged by several sources to have distributed backdoored PROMIS software."
|
||||
born: 1926-11-23
|
||||
died: 2019-03-23
|
||||
location: "Tel Aviv, Israel"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: reported_to
|
||||
with: "[[Jonathan Pollard]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1984-11
|
||||
end: 1985-11
|
||||
role: "Controller of the Pollard operation"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1987-01
|
||||
role: "Named in the government's sentencing filings; granted immunity"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
---
|
||||
Rafael Eitan, also known as "Rafi the stinker," was an ambitious Israeli clandestine operative and a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]]. He was appointed the new head of [[LAKAM]] (Science Liaison Bureau) and also served as [[Menachem Begin]]'s special assistant for counterterrorism. Eitan had participated in the 1960 kidnapping of [[Adolf Eichmann]] in [[Buenos Aires]] and was a veteran of many operations inside the Arab world. He had been forced to resign from [[Mossad]] years earlier and was bitter about his stunted career and the failure of [[Mossad]] and [[Israel]]'s other intelligence agencies to cooperate with his counterterrorism office.[^1]
|
||||
Rafael Eitan, also known as "Rafi the stinker," was an ambitious Israeli clandestine operative and a crony of [[Ariel Sharon]]. He was appointed the new head of [[LAKAM]] (Science Liaison Bureau) and also served as [[Menachem Begin]]'s special assistant for counterterrorism. Eitan had participated in the 1960 kidnapping of [[Adolf Eichmann]] in [[Buenos Aires]] and was a veteran of many operations inside the Arab world. He had been forced to resign from [[Mossad]] years earlier and was bitter about his stunted career and the failure of Mossad and [[Israel]]'s other intelligence agencies to cooperate with his counterterrorism office.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials, agreeing with [[Ariel Sharon]] that the [[United States]] was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography. He recruited [[Jonathan Pollard]] in October 1981, a move viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^1]
|
||||
Eitan decided to change the rules after unproductive meetings with U.S. officials, agreeing with Ariel Sharon that the [[United States]] was holding back on intelligence essential to Israeli security, such as [[KH-11]] photography. He recruited [[Jonathan Pollard]] in October 1981, a move viewed by military intelligence as "the worst fucking thing Rafi could have done."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan's LAKAM operations in the [[United States]] produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents. Illicitly obtained intelligence flew so voluminously from LAKAM into Israeli intelligence that a special code name, JUMBO, was added to the security markings on the documents. There were strict orders that anything marked JUMBO was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1]
|
||||
The 1987 damage assessment records that Pollard himself dated his volunteering to late June 1984 and that he met Eitan in Paris in November 1984. Eitan is described there as the adviser on counterterrorism to the prime minister and the senior Israeli in charge of the case. The assessment records that at this meeting Eitan emphasized that Pollard should resign from naval intelligence rather than undergo a polygraph examination.[^2] This account stands beside Hersh's October 1981 date for the recruitment.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Reuven Yerdor]], then in charge of [[Unit 8200]], had little respect for Eitan and worried about the long-range implications of Israeli intelligence activities in the [[United States]]. Yerdor was convinced Eitan was driven by personal ambition and a need to settle old scores with [[Yitzhak Hofi]], the head of [[Mossad]], and [[Avraham Shalom]], Shin Beth's director. Yerdor also believed that Eitan had recruited two or more Americans, and was dismayed by the fact that [[Jonathan Pollard]]'s material, marked JUMBO, was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1]
|
||||
According to the defense's second sentencing memorandum, Eitan asked Pollard for documents on American knowledge of Israeli arms dealings with other countries, particularly China, and on United States knowledge of Israeli intelligence efforts in the United States. Each time Pollard did not provide such documents or information, the memorandum states, Eitan responded with threats of recrimination.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
After the [[Sabra and Shatila massacres]], Eitan remained in [[Menachem Begin]]'s cabinet as a minister without portfolio. The Israeli officials most tarnished by the [[Jonathan Pollard|Pollard]] scandal were Eitan and [[Aviem Sella]]. However, Eitan did not suffer financially and was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], authorized by [[Ariel Sharon]].[^1]
|
||||
The [[Washington Post]] reported in January 1987 that, according to Pollard's account, Eitan assured him that he would be "taken care of" if arrested, and that any U.S. investigation of Eitan could be "contained." Eitan was one of three Israelis granted immunity from prosecution in the case.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan's LAKAM operations in the United States produced a steady stream of routinely transferred scientific and technical documents. Illicitly obtained intelligence flew so voluminously from LAKAM into Israeli intelligence that a special code name, JUMBO, was added to the security markings on the documents. There were strict orders that anything marked JUMBO was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Reuven Yerdor]], then in charge of [[Unit 8200]], had little respect for Eitan and worried about the long-range implications of Israeli intelligence activities in the United States. Yerdor was convinced Eitan was driven by personal ambition and a need to settle old scores with [[Yitzhak Hofi]], the head of Mossad, and [[Avraham Shalom]], Shin Beth's director. Yerdor also believed that Eitan had recruited two or more Americans, and was dismayed by the fact that Jonathan Pollard's material, marked JUMBO, was not supposed to be discussed with American counterparts.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
After the [[Sabra and Shatila massacres]], Eitan remained in Menachem Begin's cabinet as a minister without portfolio. The Israeli officials most tarnished by the Pollard scandal were Eitan and [[Aviem Sella]]. However, Eitan did not suffer financially and was subsequently named to a high administrative position with the [[Israel Chemicals Company]], authorized by Ariel Sharon.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
On December 21, 1985 Israeli officials told the [[New York Times]] that Eitan had been removed from his post as head of an intelligence-gathering unit of the Ministry of Defense and was expected to retire quietly in the near future. The report said that the Liaison Bureau for Scientific Affairs was being dismantled.[^5] The Knesset intelligence subcommittee chaired by [[Abba Eban]], which reported on May 26, 1987, accused Eitan of "a gross excess of authority." The Post also reported that Eitan had become chairman of the country's largest state-owned company.[^6] The [[Christian Science Monitor]] reported that Eitan had been forced to resign as head of the Scientific Liaison Unit and that the unit was disbanded.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### PROMIS and LAKAM Intelligence Operations
|
||||
|
||||
The writer Gordon Thomas wrote that Eitan played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the [[United States]] posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^2] Eitan then assembled a team of former [[LAKAM]] programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^2]
|
||||
The writer Gordon Thomas wrote that Eitan played a central role in the Israeli acquisition and international distribution of the [[PROMIS]] software. According to Gordon Thomas's account in *Gideon's Spies*, Eitan traveled to the United States posing as an Israeli Ministry of Justice assistant prosecutor and met with [[INSLAW]] founder [[Bill Hamilton]], acquiring a copy of PROMIS through back-channel contacts with the [[Department of Justice]].[^8] Eitan then assembled a team of former LAKAM programmers who deconstructed the software, rearranged its components, and embedded a "trapdoor" - a built-in chip enabling covert remote monitoring of any database queried by a user of the modified program.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone. But not only that, we can find out what our enemies know too."[^3] He reportedly admitted collaborating with CIA officials in selling "more than half a billion dollars worth of INSLAW's PROMIS to foreign intelligence and law enforcement agencies" as part of joint covert operations to steal intelligence from foreign governments.[^3]
|
||||
Eitan stated regarding PROMIS: "We can use that program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone. But not only that, we can find out what our enemies know too."[^9] He reportedly admitted collaborating with CIA officials in selling "more than half a billion dollars worth of INSLAW's PROMIS to foreign intelligence and law enforcement agencies" as part of joint covert operations to steal intelligence from foreign governments.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
Distribution of the backdoored software was handled in part through British media mogul [[Robert Maxwell]], who used his Israeli computer company [[Degem]] and a network of international holdings as vehicles for sales to intelligence and law enforcement agencies worldwide.[^2] Eitan's involvement in what became known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] was never formally adjudicated; U.S. government investigations, including the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993), found no credible evidence that enhanced PROMIS was distributed internationally.[^4]
|
||||
Distribution of the backdoored software was handled in part through British media mogul [[Robert Maxwell]], who used his Israeli computer company [[Degem]] and a network of international holdings as vehicles for sales to intelligence and law enforcement agencies worldwide.[^8] Eitan's involvement in what became known as the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]] was never formally adjudicated; U.S. government investigations, including the [[Nicholas J. Bua|Bua Report]] (1993), found no credible evidence that enhanced PROMIS was distributed internationally.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### Dr. Ben Orr
|
||||
|
||||
The documentary trace of an Israeli visitor to the [[Department of Justice]] is two memoranda of [[Jack Rugh]], the department's deputy project manager on the [[INSLAW]] contract. On May 6, 1983, Rugh wrote that "Brick Brewer recently instructed me to make a copy of an LEAA version of PROMIS available to Dr. Ben Orr, a representative of the Government of Israel. Dr. Orr called me to discuss that request... I have made a copy of the LEM DEC version of PROMIS and will provide it, along with the corresponding documentation, to Dr. Orr before he leaves the United States for Israel on May 16," and on May 12 he recorded delivery of the materials to [[C. Madison Brewer]] for transmittal. The version so recorded was the public-domain [[LEAA]] one. Eitan, in the account he gave Thomas and Dillon, was Dr. Orr, travelling on a forged passport in the identity of a real retired prosecutor, "Dr Benjamin Orr, an assistant public prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice in Tel Aviv," who first flew to the United States on December 19, 1982, met Brewer, and returned in February 1983 to be shown the enhanced PROMIS at INSLAW's own offices by [[Bill Hamilton]] and [[Nancy Hamilton]], after which Brewer handed him a tape from an office cupboard; Hamilton is quoted recalling eyes "like a computer, tracking everything."[^5]
|
||||
The documentary trace of an Israeli visitor to the Department of Justice is two memoranda of [[Jack Rugh]], the department's deputy project manager on the INSLAW contract. On May 6, 1983, Rugh wrote that "Brick Brewer recently instructed me to make a copy of an LEAA version of PROMIS available to Dr. Ben Orr, a representative of the Government of Israel. Dr. Orr called me to discuss that request... I have made a copy of the LEM DEC version of PROMIS and will provide it, along with the corresponding documentation, to Dr. Orr before he leaves the United States for Israel on May 16," and on May 12 he recorded delivery of the materials to [[C. Madison Brewer]] for transmittal. The version so recorded was the public-domain [[LEAA]] one. Eitan, in the account he gave Thomas and Dillon, was Dr. Orr, travelling on a forged passport in the identity of a real retired prosecutor, "Dr Benjamin Orr, an assistant public prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice in Tel Aviv," who first flew to the United States on December 19, 1982, met Brewer, and returned in February 1983 to be shown the enhanced PROMIS at INSLAW's own offices by Bill Hamilton and [[Nancy Hamilton]], after which Brewer handed him a tape from an office cupboard; Hamilton is quoted recalling eyes "like a computer, tracking everything."[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Later Career
|
||||
|
||||
Eitan founded the Pensioners' Party, Gil, which won seven Knesset seats in March 2006 and joined [[Ehud Olmert]]'s coalition, in which he served as minister for pensioner affairs; in October 2008 he told a German magazine that Iran's president should be kidnapped and tried at The Hague. Of the Eichmann capture he told Gordon Thomas that "almost every published fact about the capture of Eichmann is pure bullshit. I know because I personally am the man who captured him."[^6]
|
||||
Eitan founded the Pensioners' Party, Gil, which won seven Knesset seats in March 2006 and joined [[Ehud Olmert]]'s coalition, in which he served as minister for pensioner affairs; in October 2008 he told a German magazine that Iran's president should be kidnapped and tried at The Hague. Of the Eichmann capture he told Gordon Thomas that "almost every published fact about the capture of Eichmann is pure bullshit. I know because I personally am the man who captured him."[^12]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Hersh, Seymour M. *The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy*. Random House, 1991. Chapter 21.
|
||||
[^2]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999.
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^4]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
[^5]: House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992, reproducing Rugh's memoranda of May 6 and 12, 1983, which do not identify Dr. Orr; Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon, *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy,* Carroll and Graf, 2002. https://archive.org/details/robert-maxwell-israels-superspy-2002 The February 1983 visit in the book and the May 1983 transfer in the memoranda are not the same transaction, and no record reconciles them.
|
||||
[^6]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies,* 2009 edition. https://archive.org/details/gideons-spies
|
||||
[^2]: Foreign Denial and Deception Analysis Committee, *The Jonathan Jay Pollard Espionage Case: A Damage Assessment*, October 30, 1987, section on the Paris sessions (November 1984). https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/sites/default/files/documents/7332518/National-Security-Archive-Doc-13b-Foreign-Denial.pdf
|
||||
[^3]: Defendant Jonathan J. Pollard's Second Memorandum in Aid of Sentencing, Crim. No. 86-0207 (D.D.C.), filed March 1987. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB407/docs/EBB-PollardDoc7.pdf
|
||||
[^4]: Howard Kurtz, "Spy Papers Kept by Israel, Court Told," *Washington Post*, January 7, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000403620007-3
|
||||
[^5]: Thomas L. Friedman, *New York Times*, December 22, 1985 (Jerusalem dateline December 21). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302120025-0
|
||||
[^6]: Glenn Frankel, "Israeli Spy Probes Fault Leadership," *Washington Post*, May 27, 1987. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000302080002-0
|
||||
[^7]: "Israel hopes that book is now closed on Pollard spy case," *Christian Science Monitor*, May 28, 1987. https://www.csmonitor.com/1987/0528/omary.html
|
||||
[^8]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad.* St. Martin's Press, 1999.
|
||||
[^9]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair: Investigative Report.* House Report 102-857, 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, September 10, 1992.
|
||||
[^10]: U.S. Department of Justice. *Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations of Inslaw, Inc.* March 1993.
|
||||
[^11]: House Report 102-857, September 10, 1992, reproducing Rugh's memoranda of May 6 and 12, 1983, which do not identify Dr. Orr; Thomas, Gordon, and Martin Dillon, *Robert Maxwell, Israel's Superspy,* Carroll and Graf, 2002. https://archive.org/details/robert-maxwell-israels-superspy-2002 The February 1983 visit in the book and the May 1983 transfer in the memoranda are not the same transaction, and no record reconciles them.
|
||||
[^12]: Thomas, Gordon. *Gideon's Spies,* 2009 edition. https://archive.org/details/gideons-spies
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,12 +6,15 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Israel
|
||||
- General
|
||||
summary: "Major General Shlomo Gazit was the Director of Israeli Military Intelligence."
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
born: 1926-10-22
|
||||
died: 2020-10-08
|
||||
location: "Istanbul, Turkey"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Major General [[Shlomo Gazit]] was the Director of [[Mossad]]. He commended [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] and other members of the [[Unit 8200]] Iranian desk after they successfully broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code.[^1]
|
||||
Major General [[Shlomo Gazit]] (1926 to 2020) was the Director of Israeli Military Intelligence ([[Aman]]). The Jerusalem Post reported that he ran IDF intelligence from 1974 to 1979 and was credited with rehabilitating it as an institution after the agency was discredited for missing Egypt's surprise attack in the [[Yom Kippur War]] of 1973, and that he was involved in peace talks during his term as intelligence chief.[^1] [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that Gazit commended him and other members of the [[Unit 8200]] Iranian desk after they successfully broke the [[Iran|Iranian]] diplomatic code.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015).
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Yonah Jeremy Bob, "Ex-IDF intel. chief Shlomo Gazit dies at age 93," *The Jerusalem Post*, October 8, 2020. https://m.jpost.com/israel-news/ex-idf-intel-chief-shlomo-gazit-dies-at-age-93-645071
|
||||
[^2]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015).
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,13 +6,14 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Israel
|
||||
- General
|
||||
summary: "Colonel Yoel Ben-Porat, known as Buffy, was the unit commander of Unit 8200, an Israeli Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit."
|
||||
updated: 2026-10-12
|
||||
born: 1931
|
||||
died: 2007
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Colonel [[Yoel Ben-Porat]], known as Buffy, was the unit commander of [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. He later became a brigadier general and was appointed official spokesman of the [[Israel|Israeli Defense Forces]].[^1]
|
||||
Colonel [[Yoel Ben-Porat]], known as Buffy, was the unit commander of [[Unit 8200]], an [[Israel|Israeli]] Signals Intelligence (Sigint) unit. He later became a brigadier general and was appointed official spokesman of the Israeli Defense Forces.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Yoel Ben-Porat|Buffy]] was involved in the cover-up of the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribe scandal involving [[Shimon Peres]], after [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] intercepted a telegram detailing the bribe. He ordered the original telegram, translation, and log to be erased and transferred the young woman working with [[Ari Ben-Menashe]] to another unit.[^1]
|
||||
[[Ari Ben-Menashe]] wrote that Buffy was involved in the cover-up of the [[Lockheed Aircraft Company|Lockheed]] bribe scandal involving [[Shimon Peres]], after Ben-Menashe intercepted a telegram detailing the bribe. He wrote that Ben-Porat ordered the original telegram, translation, and log to be erased and transferred the young woman working with him to another unit.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015).
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
Loading…
Add table
Add a link
Reference in a new issue