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- Contra_War
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summary: Colombian cocaine supplier and money launderer connected to both the Blandon and Meneses organizations, the FDN, and a Guatemalan CIA agent.
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---
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Aparicio Moreno was a [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine supplier and money launderer who worked with both [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses]], had connections to the [[FDN]], and was later linked to a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent in [[Guatemala]].[^1]
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Aparicio Moreno was a [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine supplier and money launderer who worked with both [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses]], had connections to the [[FDN]], and was later linked to a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent in [[Guatemala]].[^1]
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### Role in the Blandón Network
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### Role in the Blandón Network
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Moreno was introduced to Blandón by Norwin Meneses and supplied Blandón with "so many" thousands of kilos of cocaine in 1984 and 1985 that Blandón could not put an exact number on them. Blandón worked with Moreno until 1987. [[Ronald Lister]] told police in 1996 that Moreno was "affiliated with [the] FDN," and Blandón strongly suggested the same during interviews with the CIA Inspector General. Moreno arranged "at least one 1-ton delivery that was delivered by air via Oklahoma," Blandón told the CIA. Blandón said "he and his associates thought the plane might be connected with the CIA because someone had placed a small FDN sticker somewhere on the airplane."[^1]
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Moreno was introduced to Blandón by Norwin Meneses and supplied Blandón with "so many" thousands of kilos of cocaine in 1984 and 1985 that Blandón could not put an exact number on them. Blandón worked with Moreno until 1987. [[Ronald Lister]] told police in 1996 that Moreno was "affiliated with [the] FDN," and Blandón strongly suggested the same during interviews with the CIA Inspector General. Moreno arranged "at least one 1-ton delivery that was delivered by air via Oklahoma," Blandón told the CIA. Blandón said "he and his associates thought the plane might be connected with the CIA because someone had placed a small FDN sticker somewhere on the airplane."[^1]
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A DEA informant described Moreno as a cocaine supplier and money launderer for both Meneses's [[San Francisco]]-based branch and Blandón's [[Los Angeles]] network. Moreno, his wife Aura, and his family hauled millions in drug profits to [[Miami]] hidden in a motor home. Moreno was also living in Ronald Lister's former Mission Viejo residence when the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided it in October 1986. In Lister's handwritten notes, next to the name "Aparicio," he had written "FDN coordinator."[^1]
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A DEA informant described Moreno as a cocaine supplier and money launderer for both Meneses's [[San Francisco]]-based branch and Blandón's [[Los Angeles]] network. Moreno, his wife Aura, and his family hauled millions in drug profits to [[Miami]] hidden in a motor home. Moreno was also living in Ronald Lister's former Mission Viejo residence when the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided it in October 1986. In Lister's handwritten notes, next to the name "Aparicio," he had written "FDN coordinator."[^1]
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### Guatemala Connections
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@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "Budapest, Hungary"
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Arthur Koestler was a Hungarian-born British novelist, journalist, and critic. He was known for his writings on science, parapsychology, and political philosophy. His 1972 book, *The Roots of Coincidence*, explored the concept of synchronicity and other parapsychological phenomena.[^1]
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Koestler's work, particularly *The Roots of Coincidence*, played a role in influencing key figures in the U.S. government's psychic research programs. Major General [[Edmund Thompson]], the Army's assistant chief of staff for intelligence, developed a considerable enthusiasm for psychic spying after reading Koestler's pro-paranormal book. This personal interest contributed to Thompson's approval and support for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] program.[^1]
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Koestler's work, particularly *The Roots of Coincidence*, played a role in influencing key figures in the U.S. government's psychic research programs. Major General [[Edmund Thompson]], the Army's assistant chief of staff for intelligence, developed a considerable enthusiasm for psychic spying after reading Koestler's pro-paranormal book. This personal interest contributed to Thompson's approval and support for the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] program.[^1]
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### Footnotes
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@ -6,15 +6,15 @@ tags:
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- Colombia
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- 1980s
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- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
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summary: Colombian drug trafficker who revolutionized cocaine smuggling for the MedellÃn cartel in the early 1980s.
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summary: Colombian drug trafficker who revolutionized cocaine smuggling for the Medellín cartel in the early 1980s.
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born: 1949-09-07
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location: "Armenia, Colombia"
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---
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Carlos Lehder was a Colombian drug trafficker and key figure in the [[Medellin Cartel|MedellÃn cartel]] who revolutionized the cocaine import/export business in the early 1980s.[^1]
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Carlos Lehder was a Colombian drug trafficker and key figure in the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]] who revolutionized the cocaine import/export business in the early 1980s.[^1]
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### Revolutionizing Cocaine Smuggling
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By early 1982, Lehder and his associates in MedellÃn had gotten their act together and, using special airplanes, radar avoidance techniques, and specially designed speedboats, began bringing in unheard-of amounts of cocaine, mostly through the [[Bahamas]]. The result was a massive increase in supply that caused wholesale prices to begin dropping. Ten days before [[Ricky Ross|Ricky Ross]]'s auto theft arrest in March 1982, Customs agents in [[Miami]] searched an airplane owned by a tiny Colombian air cargo company that had flown in from MedellÃn. When an inspector stuck a screwdriver into boxes labeled "jeans," white powder came pouring out. The seizure topped out at 3,906 pounds, nearly four times the size of the previous U.S. cocaine seizure record. Authors Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen wrote in *Kings of Cocaine* that it was the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast."[^1]
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By early 1982, Lehder and his associates in Medellín had gotten their act together and, using special airplanes, radar avoidance techniques, and specially designed speedboats, began bringing in unheard-of amounts of cocaine, mostly through the [[Bahamas]]. The result was a massive increase in supply that caused wholesale prices to begin dropping. Ten days before [[Ricky Ross|Ricky Ross]]'s auto theft arrest in March 1982, Customs agents in [[Miami]] searched an airplane owned by a tiny Colombian air cargo company that had flown in from Medellín. When an inspector stuck a screwdriver into boxes labeled "jeans," white powder came pouring out. The seizure topped out at 3,906 pounds, nearly four times the size of the previous U.S. cocaine seizure record. Authors Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen wrote in *Kings of Cocaine* that it was the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast."[^1]
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### Footnotes
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@ -7,6 +7,14 @@ tags:
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- SRI
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- RemoteViewing
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summary: "Parapsychologist at Maimonides Medical Center and director of the Psychophysical Research Laboratories, whose ganzfeld meta-analyses were subcontracted by SRI's government-funded remote-viewing program."
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relations:
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- type: employed_by
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with: "[[Maimonides Medical Center]]"
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fn: 1
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- type: contractor_to
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with: "[[Stanford Research Institute]]"
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role: "director, Psychophysical Research Laboratories; ganzfeld meta-analyses"
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fn: 2
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created: 2026-09-22
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updated: 2026-09-22
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---
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@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ Chris Moore was a former reserve Laguna Beach police officer who served as offic
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### Role at Pyramid International
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"I think I was actually an officer in Pyramid International. Ron put my name down as treasurer or director or something because he needed to have some directors for the incorporation papers," Moore confirmed. He said Lister had extensive business dealings in [[Central America]], specifically in El Salvador. Lister explained his travels there to Moore as involving gun running and "helping the [[Contras]], supposedly on behalf of the [U.S.] government. I remember the longest conversations with him — 'I'm protected. You're working for the government. Don't worry about anything. I'm protected, I'm protected.' I don't know if that was true or not, but I do know that we stopped worrying about domestic security jobs and started concentrating on foreign ones."[^1]
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"I think I was actually an officer in Pyramid International. Ron put my name down as treasurer or director or something because he needed to have some directors for the incorporation papers," Moore confirmed. He said Lister had extensive business dealings in [[Central America]], specifically in El Salvador. Lister explained his travels there to Moore as involving gun running and "helping the [[Contras]], supposedly on behalf of the [U.S.] government. I remember the longest conversations with him, 'I'm protected. You're working for the government. Don't worry about anything. I'm protected, I'm protected.' I don't know if that was true or not, but I do know that we stopped worrying about domestic security jobs and started concentrating on foreign ones."[^1]
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### El Salvador Trip
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- United_States
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- 1990s
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- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
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summary: DEA agent who served as Danilo Blandón's primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug trafficking history during a contentious meeting with Gary Webb.
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summary: DEA agent who served as Danilo Blandón's primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug trafficking history during a contentious meeting with Gary Webb.
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---
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Chuck Jones was a [[DEA]] agent who served as [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and participated in the October 1995 meeting with [[Gary Webb]] at the DEA's National City regional office.[^1]
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Chuck Jones was a [[DEA]] agent who served as [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and participated in the October 1995 meeting with [[Gary Webb]] at the DEA's National City regional office.[^1]
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### Denial of Contra Knowledge
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During the meeting, Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's history of selling [[cocaine]] to fund the [[Contras]]. "I can tell you that I have never, ever heard anything about Blandón being involved with that," Jones said. "Not once. His only involvement with the Contras was that his father was a general or something down there." When Webb informed Jones that Blandón had testified under oath before a federal grand jury about selling cocaine for the Contras, Jones's face turned red and his voice rose: "I cannot believe that those two U.S. attorneys up there, if they had him saying that before a grand jury, that they would ever, ever, ever put him on a witness stand!" When Webb pointed out that the government had pulled Blandón from the witness stand at the last minute, Jones blurted: "That's because the judge ordered them to turn over all that unredacted material!" before catching himself and falling silent.[^1]
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During the meeting, Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's history of selling [[Cocaine]] to fund the [[Contras]]. "I can tell you that I have never, ever heard anything about Blandón being involved with that," Jones said. "Not once. His only involvement with the Contras was that his father was a general or something down there." When Webb informed Jones that Blandón had testified under oath before a federal grand jury about selling cocaine for the Contras, Jones's face turned red and his voice rose: "I cannot believe that those two U.S. attorneys up there, if they had him saying that before a grand jury, that they would ever, ever, ever put him on a witness stand!" When Webb pointed out that the government had pulled Blandón from the witness stand at the last minute, Jones blurted: "That's because the judge ordered them to turn over all that unredacted material!" before catching himself and falling silent.[^1]
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Jones's outburst confirmed to Webb that the DEA knew all about Blandón's Contra connection and had nixed his testimony because [[Rafael Cornejo]]'s attorney had discovered it and the government had been ordered to turn over the files.[^1]
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Jones's outburst confirmed to Webb that the DEA knew all about Blandón's Contra connection and had nixed his testimony because [[Rafael Cornejo]]'s attorney had discovered it and the government had been ordered to turn over the files.[^1]
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### Response to Webb's Story
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### Prior Grand Jury Testimony
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Jones had previously testified before a federal grand jury in 1995, where Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale asked him whether Blandón was "considered to be probably the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States." Jones replied: "I believe so, sir."[^2]
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Jones had previously testified before a federal grand jury in 1995, where Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale asked him whether Blandón was "considered to be probably the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States." Jones replied: "I believe so, sir."[^2]
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### Trial Attendance
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Jones attended [[Ricky Ross|Ross]]'s 1996 trial in [[San Diego]], sitting with prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. During cross-examination of Blandón by defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]], who was using questions secretly supplied by Gary Webb, Jones repeatedly turned and gave Webb what the reporter described as "the evil eye." Jones knew the cross-examination questions were coming from Webb.[^3]
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Jones attended [[Ricky Ross|Ross]]'s 1996 trial in [[San Diego]], sitting with prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. During cross-examination of Blandón by defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]], who was using questions secretly supplied by Gary Webb, Jones repeatedly turned and gave Webb what the reporter described as "the evil eye." Jones knew the cross-examination questions were coming from Webb.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ Typically, investigations conducted by federal Organized Crime Drug Enforcement
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### Connection to Clinton and Mena
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Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights Seal was involved in, Governor Clinton replied, "That's Lasater's deal." Historian [[Roger Morris]] wrote that "whatever the limits or extent of Lasater's cocaine trafficking or the nature of his other dealings, most believed that beyond him the larger corruption in Little Rock and elsewhere pointed unmistakably to organized crime, not to mention the vast crimes of Mena — none of which would be pursued."[^1]
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Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights Seal was involved in, Governor Clinton replied, "That's Lasater's deal." Historian [[Roger Morris]] wrote that "whatever the limits or extent of Lasater's cocaine trafficking or the nature of his other dealings, most believed that beyond him the larger corruption in Little Rock and elsewhere pointed unmistakably to organized crime, not to mention the vast crimes of Mena, none of which would be pursued."[^1]
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Clinton's supporters maintained that Lasater was no drug dealer, simply a high-flying businessman who got a little too caught up in the fast life. Clinton pardoned Lasater in 1990.[^1]
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tags:
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- person
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- contra-war
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summary: David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Rafael Cornejo and warned Gary Webb that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger Danilo Blandón's life.
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summary: David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Rafael Cornejo and warned Gary Webb that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger Danilo Blandón's life.
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---
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David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[San Francisco]] who prosecuted [[Rafael Cornejo]] and warned [[Gary Webb]] that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s life. Hall's role in the prosecution and his subsequent warning to Webb raised questions about the government's interest in protecting Blandón as a continuing asset.[^1]
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David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[San Francisco]] who prosecuted [[Rafael Cornejo]] and warned [[Gary Webb]] that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s life. Hall's role in the prosecution and his subsequent warning to Webb raised questions about the government's interest in protecting Blandón as a continuing asset.[^1]
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### The Cornejo Prosecution
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Hall prosecuted Cornejo, a major [[cocaine]] trafficker in the San Francisco Bay Area and a distributor for the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] network. During the grand jury proceedings, Hall questioned Blandón about whether his drug proceeds went to the [[Contras|Contra]] war, asking pointedly: "From the government?" Hall's aggressive questioning suggested awareness of the Contra connection, but the prosecution focused on Cornejo rather than the broader network. Federal judge Saundra Brown Armstrong referred Hall to the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for investigation, though the nature of the referral was not specified.[^2]
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Hall prosecuted Cornejo, a major [[Cocaine]] trafficker in the San Francisco Bay Area and a distributor for the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] network. During the grand jury proceedings, Hall questioned Blandón about whether his drug proceeds went to the [[Contras|Contra]] war, asking pointedly: "From the government?" Hall's aggressive questioning suggested awareness of the Contra connection, but the prosecution focused on Cornejo rather than the broader network. Federal judge Saundra Brown Armstrong referred Hall to the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for investigation, though the nature of the referral was not specified.[^2]
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### Warning to Webb
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In October 1995, Hall called Webb unsolicited and warned that "there is a distinct possibility that real harm, possibly death, would come to Mr. Blandón" if Webb published his story. The warning came from the same prosecutor who had used Blandón as a witness, suggesting the government's concern was less about Blandón's safety than about preventing the exposure of the Contra-cocaine connection.[^3]
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In October 1995, Hall called Webb unsolicited and warned that "there is a distinct possibility that real harm, possibly death, would come to Mr. Blandón" if Webb published his story. The warning came from the same prosecutor who had used Blandón as a witness, suggesting the government's concern was less about Blandón's safety than about preventing the exposure of the Contra-cocaine connection.[^3]
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### Footnotes
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### Remote Viewing Training and Service
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Morehouse underwent [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) training and served in the unit during the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] and STAR GATE phases. He was one of the viewers working with a more formal administrative structure than the unit's early years, when the program was operating under [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship through the Cognitive Sciences Laboratory direction of [[Edwin May]].
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Morehouse underwent [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) training and served in the unit during the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] and STAR GATE phases. He was one of the viewers working with a more formal administrative structure than the unit's early years, when the program was operating under [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship through the Cognitive Sciences Laboratory direction of [[Edwin May]].
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His service in the unit was complicated by personal conduct issues. Fellow viewer [[Lyn Buchanan]] and others in the unit noticed Morehouse operating a construction business on the side while on active duty and observed what they characterized as erratic behavior. A formal military investigation led to a court-martial proceeding. The case attracted some attention because of its connection to the remote viewing program; [[Angela Dellafiora]] served as a witness in the proceeding. Morehouse received a discharge that was later characterized as a general discharge under honorable conditions after plea arrangements.[^1]
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summary: "Assistant Secretary of Defense who served as chairman of the oversight panel for the Sun Streak program, the renamed Stargate Project."
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Donald C. Latham was the Assistant Secretary of Defense. He served as the chairman of the oversight panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, the new code name given to the U.S. government's psychic research program on January 31, 1986[^1].
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Donald C. Latham was the Assistant Secretary of Defense. He served as the chairman of the oversight panel for the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] program, the new code name given to the U.S. government's psychic research program on January 31, 1986[^1].
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### Footnotes
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[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
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### Sun Streak
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Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^2].
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Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^2].
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### Footnotes
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[[Edward Meyer]] (Edward C. "Shy" Meyer) was the [[U.S. Army]] Chief of Staff during the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Secretary of the Army [[Clifford Alexander]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
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[[Edward Meyer]] (Edward C. "Shy" Meyer) was the [[U.S. Army]] Chief of Staff during the early years of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Secretary of the Army [[Clifford Alexander]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
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### Intelligence Programs and Remote Viewing
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Gene became deeply involved in the military's psychic espionage programs. He allegedly recruited [[Luis Elizondo]] to the [[Great Skill Program]] to practice [[Remote Viewing]]. According to Elizondo, Gene claimed that "Great Skills" was also called "Grey Fox," though this appears to reference the different [[GRAY FOX]] program within the [[United States Army Intelligence Support Activity]] (USAISA or ISA) under the [[Joint Special Operations Command]] (JSOC).[^1]
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Gene became deeply involved in the military's psychic espionage programs. He allegedly recruited Luis Elizondo to the [[Great Skill Program]] to practice [[Remote Viewing]]. According to Elizondo, Gene claimed that "Great Skills" was also called "Grey Fox," though this appears to reference the different [[GRAY FOX]] program within the [[United States Army Intelligence Support Activity]] (USAISA or ISA) under the [[Joint Special Operations Command]] (JSOC).[^1]
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Elizondo further claims that Gene was tasked with recruiting soldiers into the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], the program that was a predecessor to Great Skills and focused on training individuals as "psychic spies."[^1]
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Elizondo further claims that Gene was tasked with recruiting soldiers into the [[Stargate Project]], the program that was a predecessor to Great Skills and focused on training individuals as "psychic spies."[^1]
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### Work with Angela Dellafiora
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### Recruitment and Training of Luis Elizondo
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Lessman recruited Elizondo into the Great Skills program after identifying him as a promising young soldier with special talents. He personally trained Elizondo in [[Remote Viewing]], teaching him how to enter a trance-like state and acquire information about a distant or unseen target using extrasensory perception.[^1]
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Lessman recruited Elizondo into the Great Skills program after identifying him as a promising young soldier with special talents. He personally trained Elizondo in Remote Viewing, teaching him how to enter a trance-like state and acquire information about a distant or unseen target using extrasensory perception.[^1]
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Lessman believed that Elizondo had a natural gift for [[Remote Viewing]] and encouraged him to develop his abilities. The skills that Elizondo learned from Lessman would prove to be valuable throughout his career as an intelligence officer.[^1]
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Lessman believed that Elizondo had a natural gift for Remote Viewing and encouraged him to develop his abilities. The skills that Elizondo learned from Lessman would prove to be valuable throughout his career as an intelligence officer.[^1]
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### Blog
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### Confirmation of Contra Drug Links
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Hodel confirmed the tip that had started Webb's investigation, verifying that [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and Norwin Meneses were friends, business partners, and Contra founders whose families were close to the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime. He checked the information with former Contra commander [[Eden Pastora]], former Contra lawyer [[Carlos Icaza]], and others who knew both men. Hodel also confirmed that Meneses's chief aide, [[Enrique Miranda]], had admitted at trial that Meneses sold [[cocaine]] for the [[Contras]], flying it out of an air base in [[El Salvador]] into a military airfield in [[Texas]].[^1]
|
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Hodel confirmed the tip that had started Webb's investigation, verifying that [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and Norwin Meneses were friends, business partners, and Contra founders whose families were close to the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime. He checked the information with former Contra commander [[Eden Pastora]], former Contra lawyer [[Carlos Icaza]], and others who knew both men. Hodel also confirmed that Meneses's chief aide, [[Enrique Miranda]], had admitted at trial that Meneses sold [[Cocaine]] for the [[Contras]], flying it out of an air base in [[El Salvador]] into a military airfield in [[Texas]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Interview with Miranda
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ died: 1980
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jackie Keith]] was an [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] civilian who worked in special operations at Arlington Hall, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was selected for the original [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] team. Keith was known for being involved in numerous "cloak-and-dagger schemes."[^1]
|
||||
[[Jackie Keith]] was an [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] civilian who worked in special operations at Arlington Hall, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was selected for the original [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] team. Keith was known for being involved in numerous "cloak-and-dagger schemes."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Keith dropped out of the original Gondola Wish team not long after being selected, but he continued to task the remote viewers with targets related to his own operations. He was involved in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration's plans for a second hostage rescue mission in Iran, working with the remote viewers to locate the dispersed hostages. In 1980, while in the control room during a remote viewing session, Keith suffered a fatal heart attack. His death was a tragedy for the unit, as he was only in his late thirties, recently married, and his young widow was pregnant with his first child.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Morris worked with Norm Everheart, who tasked Ken Bell and Mel Riley t
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jim Morris]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] counterintelligence officer. He sought assistance from the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] psychics for a case involving a [[KGB]] "illegal" (a deep-cover officer) who had been arrested in South Africa. The KGB agent was not cooperating with interrogations, and Morris hoped the remote viewers could provide information on how the agent was decoding his messages.[^1]
|
||||
[[Jim Morris]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] counterintelligence officer. He sought assistance from the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] psychics for a case involving a [[KGB]] "illegal" (a deep-cover officer) who had been arrested in South Africa. The KGB agent was not cooperating with interrogations, and Morris hoped the remote viewers could provide information on how the agent was decoding his messages.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Morris worked with [[Norm Everheart]], who tasked [[Ken Bell]] and [[Mel Riley]] to remote-view the KGB agent. Bell's "telepathic interrogation" revealed details about the agent's family and a hidden pocket calculator, which was later confirmed to have been used for coding messages. Morris confirmed the accuracy of the remote viewers' descriptions, including the agent's upstairs room, gray clothes, and the presence of two interrogators. This successful operation helped close the case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,17 +10,35 @@ summary: "Former security director of the Cabazon tribe's casino and bingo opera
|
|||
location:
|
||||
- "Indio, California"
|
||||
- "Honduras"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Cabazon Indian Reservation]]"
|
||||
end: 1984
|
||||
role: "security director, casino and bingo operations"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International]]"
|
||||
start: 1987
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[John Powers]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: relative_of
|
||||
with: "[[Rod Pacheco]]"
|
||||
role: "distant cousin"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
James "Jimmy" Hughes was the security director of the casino and bingo operations of the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Band of Mission Indians]] for four years, until 1984.[^1] In a statement to investigators reported by the *Los Angeles Times* in 1985, he said that in the summer of 1981 he had been instructed, in the presence of the tribe's financial adviser [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], to take 25,000 dollars to Idyllwild and give it to a man as partial payment for the killing of [[Fred Alvarez]].[^1] He later described himself as a former Army Ranger who had become a "Mafia hit-man," said he had worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] abroad and been protected by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in exchange for information, and alleged that Nichols issued murder contracts and that the tribe's gambling enterprises were fronts for government-sanctioned covert military activity and arms shipments to Central and [[South America]].[^2]
|
||||
James "Jimmy" Hughes was the security director of the casino and bingo operations of the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Band of Mission Indians]] for four years, until 1984.[^1] In a statement to investigators reported by the *[[Los Angeles Times]]* in 1985, he said that in the summer of 1981 he had been instructed, in the presence of the tribe's financial adviser [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], to take 25,000 dollars to Idyllwild and give it to a man as partial payment for the killing of [[Fred Alvarez]].[^1] He later described himself as a former Army Ranger who had become a "Mafia hit-man," said he had worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] abroad and been protected by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in exchange for information, and alleged that Nichols issued murder contracts and that the tribe's gambling enterprises were fronts for government-sanctioned covert military activity and arms shipments to Central and [[South America]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Alvarez Murders
|
||||
|
||||
Fred Alfred Alvarez, 32, a Cabazon tribal leader, [[Ralph Boger|Ralph Arthur Boger]], 42, and [[Patricia Castro|Patricia Roberta Castro]], 44, were shot dead at 35040 Bob Hope Drive in Rancho Mirage, [[California]], in 1981.[^3] Alvarez's sister Linda said her brother "was afraid for his life because his mailbox had been shot out and his motorcycle had many unexplained breakdowns and missing parts." Alvarez told Paul Zalis of the *Indio Daily News*, "I'm living in a hovel while all these guys are getting rich off the casino," and told its editor, Jim Lycett, twice, "I just know too much, and they're going to kill me." He was killed before a meeting at which he was to hand evidence to the attorney Stephen Rios.[^1][^4]
|
||||
Fred Alfred Alvarez, 32, a Cabazon tribal leader, [[Ralph Boger|Ralph Arthur Boger]], 42, and [[Patricia Castro|Patricia Roberta Castro]], 44, were shot dead at 35040 Bob Hope Drive in Rancho Mirage, [[California]], in 1981.[^3] Alvarez's sister Linda said her brother "was afraid for his life because his mailbox had been shot out and his motorcycle had many unexplained breakdowns and missing parts." Alvarez told [[Paul Zalis]] of the *Indio Daily News*, "I'm living in a hovel while all these guys are getting rich off the casino," and told its editor, Jim Lycett, twice, "I just know too much, and they're going to kill me." He was killed before a meeting at which he was to hand evidence to the attorney Stephen Rios.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The tribe had entered a joint venture with the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. [[Peter Zokosky]], former president of a nearby munitions plant, said Wackenhut asked him to write a proposal "to build an arsenal and manufacture tank ammunition on tribal land"; a former Wackenhut spokesman, Patrick Cannan, said the venture was formed "to win government security contracts," "fizzled when it failed to get bids," and to his knowledge "did not involve weapons." [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] (no relation to John Philip Nichols) alleged in separate filings that it was meant to develop night-vision goggles, machine guns and chemical and biological weapons for the [[Contras]]; Booth Nichols said he withdrew "because Wackenhut didn't provide State Department approval." A 1995 tribal history portrayed Alvarez as "a renegade involved in criminal activity" and denied tribal involvement in his death.[^4]
|
||||
The tribe had entered a joint venture with the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. [[Peter Zokosky]], former president of a nearby munitions plant, said Wackenhut asked him to write a proposal "to build an arsenal and manufacture tank ammunition on tribal land"; a former Wackenhut spokesman, Patrick Cannan, said the venture was formed "to win government security contracts," "fizzled when it failed to get bids," and to his knowledge "did not involve weapons." [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] (no relation to John Philip Nichols) alleged in separate filings that it was meant to develop night-vision goggles, machine guns and chemical and biological weapons for the [[Contras]]; Booth Nichols said he withdrew "because Wackenhut didn't provide [[State Department]] approval." A 1995 tribal history portrayed Alvarez as "a renegade involved in criminal activity" and denied tribal involvement in his death.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and Dismissal
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ born: 1946-01-10
|
|||
location: "Miami, Florida"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Joseph McMoneagle (born January 10, 1946) was a U.S. Army Chief Warrant Officer and one of the original six remote viewers recruited into the [[STARGATE PROJECT]] when the Army established the program at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, in 1977. Known within the program as "Viewer 518," he is widely considered the most operationally successful remote viewer in the program's history, with credited sessions including a substantially confirmed description of a Soviet Typhoon-class submarine under construction and the location of a Soviet surveillance device in a U.S. consulate. He received the Legion of Merit at his Army retirement in 1984, partly for his contributions to remote viewing operations, and continued as a civilian consultant to the program until its declassification in 1995.
|
||||
Joseph McMoneagle (born January 10, 1946) was a U.S. Army Chief Warrant Officer and one of the original six remote viewers recruited into the [[Stargate Project]] when the Army established the program at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, in 1977. Known within the program as "Viewer 518," he is widely considered the most operationally successful remote viewer in the program's history, with credited sessions including a substantially confirmed description of a Soviet Typhoon-class submarine under construction and the location of a Soviet surveillance device in a U.S. consulate. He received the Legion of Merit at his Army retirement in 1984, partly for his contributions to remote viewing operations, and continued as a civilian consultant to the program until its declassification in 1995.
|
||||
|
||||
### Early Life and Military Career
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ Kerry received money from [[Clark Clifford]] and [[Robert Altman]], members of t
|
|||
|
||||
### Contra Drug Trafficking Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1987 and 1988, Kerry's subcommittee investigated links between the [[Contras]] and [[cocaine]] trafficking, with chief investigator [[Jack Blum]] uncovering direct connections.[^7] The committee took videotaped depositions from Contra leaders who acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north.[^7]
|
||||
In 1987 and 1988, Kerry's subcommittee investigated links between the [[Contras]] and [[Cocaine]] trafficking, with chief investigator Jack Blum uncovering direct connections.[^7] The committee took videotaped depositions from Contra leaders who acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Norwin Meneses]] was an early target of the investigation, but the Justice Department stonewalled the committee's requests for information. Blum told Webb that he eventually gave up trying to obtain the records.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,6 +10,17 @@ summary: "Army Materiel Systems Analysis Activity engineer who was its Grill Fla
|
|||
born: 1935-10-30
|
||||
died: 2026-01-19
|
||||
location: "Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Army Materiel Systems Analysis Activity]]"
|
||||
role: "Grill Flame project officer; chief, Ground Warfare Division"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: participant_in
|
||||
with: "[[Stargate Project]]"
|
||||
start: 1978
|
||||
end: 1980
|
||||
role: "AMSAA Grill Flame project officer"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,9 +29,9 @@ John Winston Kramar was born in [[Chicago]] and moved with his parents to Edgewo
|
|||
|
||||
### Grill Flame
|
||||
|
||||
Kramar and Colonel Albert De Prospero of AMSAA were named as discussants, with [[Dale Graff]] of the Foreign Technology Division, in the "Sensory Technology Assessment" of November 14, 1978.[^2] AMSAA's interim note of July 1979 on its [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] phase I efforts listed "Mr. John Kramar" among its participants, with [[Evan Harris Walker]] and [[Lewis Walt]].[^3]
|
||||
Kramar and Colonel Albert De Prospero of AMSAA were named as discussants, with [[Dale Graff]] of the Foreign Technology Division, in the "Sensory Technology Assessment" of November 14, 1978.[^2] AMSAA's interim note of July 1979 on its [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] phase I efforts listed "Mr. John Kramar" among its participants, with [[Evan Harris Walker]] and [[Lewis Walt]].[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
As AMSAA's Grill Flame project officer, Kramar wrote for the record on February 13, 1980, that the report of the [[Grill Flame Scientific Evaluation Committee]], "transmitted to AMSAA January 1980, was found to be somewhat ambiguous and confusing," and took "exception" to its recommendation to "Terminate all AMSAA GRILL FLAME efforts": "This recommendation, as best as can be determined, is based only on a partial understanding of AMSAA's initial effort, which was terminated before the SEC came into being. There is an apparent mistake by the SEC in considering the AMSAA challenge/validation efforts to be an integral part of the SRI contract." He copied [[Manfred Gale]] and DARCOM.[^4]
|
||||
As AMSAA's Grill Flame project officer, Kramar wrote for the record on February 13, 1980, that the report of the [[Grill Flame Scientific Evaluation Committee]], "transmitted to AMSAA January 1980, was found to be somewhat ambiguous and confusing," and took "exception" to its recommendation to "Terminate all AMSAA GRILL FLAME efforts": "This recommendation, as best as can be determined, is based only on a partial understanding of AMSAA's initial effort, which was terminated before the SEC came into being. There is an apparent mistake by the SEC in considering the AMSAA challenge/validation efforts to be an integral part of the [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] contract." He copied [[Manfred Gale]] and DARCOM.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "East Norwalk, Connecticut"
|
|||
|
||||
[[John McMahon]] was the Deputy Director for Operations at the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. He also served as the head of the [[Office of Technical Service|Office of Technical Service]] (OTS), indicating his significant role in technical and covert operations, including those involving psychic intelligence.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
McMahon, along with [[Norm Everheart]], had been involved in psychic spying experiments since the early days of the CIA-sponsored work at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. They were willing to give remote viewing a try in operational situations. McMahon was the superior of [[Norm Everheart]], who served as the chief coordinator for [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
McMahon, along with [[Norm Everheart]], had been involved in psychic spying experiments since the early days of the CIA-sponsored work at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. They were willing to give remote viewing a try in operational situations. McMahon was the superior of Norm Everheart, who served as the chief coordinator for [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,6 +8,11 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DelphiAssociates
|
||||
summary: "Partner of Russell Targ in Delphi Associates, the remote-viewing silver-futures venture, who later disputed Targ's account of its trials."
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: partner_of
|
||||
with: "[[Russell Targ]]"
|
||||
role: "Delphi Associates"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Kress flew to SRI to brief Hal Puthoff and [[Russell Targ]] on URDF-3 and to get
|
|||
|
||||
Despite the accuracy of some of Price's information, Kress noted that Price also produced bad data. He also became concerned about the possibility of a [[KGB]] disinformation campaign, suggesting that Price could have been supplied data for disinformation purposes. This led Kress to question his own objectivity, as he observed that individuals who supported pro-paranormal data often had "conversion" experiences[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Kress played a crucial role in the early stages of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, particularly as a handler for Pat Price. He was involved in presenting Price with targets and evaluating his remote viewing data. Kress, along with [[Peter Maris]], was the Central Intelligence Agency official who tasked Price with remote viewing the secret Soviet military research facility at Semipalatinsk (URDF-3), a session that yielded remarkably accurate details later confirmed by satellite photography. Kress and Maris initially didn't know what to make of Price's descriptions of a large crane and metal spheres, but later confirmed them with satellite photos, which became a key piece of evidence for the program's effectiveness[^1].
|
||||
Kress played a crucial role in the early stages of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, particularly as a handler for Pat Price. He was involved in presenting Price with targets and evaluating his remote viewing data. Kress, along with [[Peter Maris]], was the Central Intelligence Agency official who tasked Price with remote viewing the secret Soviet military research facility at Semipalatinsk (URDF-3), a session that yielded remarkably accurate details later confirmed by satellite photography. Kress and Maris initially didn't know what to make of Price's descriptions of a large crane and metal spheres, but later confirmed them with satellite photos, which became a key piece of evidence for the program's effectiveness[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
He also worked closely with [[Norm Everheart]], encouraging him to explore how remote viewing could assist Staff D operations. Kress was present during Price's three tests for Staff D, witnessing Price's accurate remote viewing of the Chinese Embassy in Africa and the Chinese consular building in Rome. He also served as a liaison for [[Uri Geller]]'s visits to SRI, and was the recipient of information from Hal Puthoff regarding Geller's activities and potential security concerns[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ created: 2026-09-22
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Letitia A. Long entered civilian federal service with the [[United States Navy|Navy]] in 1978 as a project engineer in training at the David Taylor Research Center, took her electrical engineering degree at [[Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University|Virginia Tech]] in 1982, worked six years "on various submarine acoustic sensor programs," and joined the staff of the Director of Naval Intelligence in 1988 to manage its research and development programs. Selected into the Senior Intelligence Executive Service in July 1994, she was "on rotational assignment from ONI to the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]" from 1994 to 1996 as director of the Military Intelligence Staff, in which capacity she signed, as "Director, DMI Staff," DIA's response of March 1995 to the Senate's directed action on [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]], transmitting its retrospective review, technical analysis and declassification status to the CIA ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). She joined DIA in 1996 as deputy director for information systems and services and its first chief information officer; was the Director of Central Intelligence's Executive Director for Intelligence Community Affairs from January 1998 to June 2000, Deputy Director of Naval Intelligence from 2000 to 2003, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (Policy, Requirements and Resources) from 2003 to 2006, Deputy Director of DIA from May 2006 to July 2010, and fifth director of the [[National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency]] from August 9, 2010, to 2014.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Letitia A. Long entered civilian federal service with the [[United States Navy|Navy]] in 1978 as a project engineer in training at the David Taylor Research Center, took her electrical engineering degree at [[Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University|Virginia Tech]] in 1982, worked six years "on various submarine acoustic sensor programs," and joined the staff of the Director of Naval Intelligence in 1988 to manage its research and development programs. Selected into the Senior Intelligence Executive Service in July 1994, she was "on rotational assignment from ONI to the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]" from 1994 to 1996 as director of the Military Intelligence Staff, in which capacity she signed, as "Director, DMI Staff," DIA's response of March 1995 to the Senate's directed action on [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]], transmitting its retrospective review, technical analysis and declassification status to the CIA ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). She joined DIA in 1996 as deputy director for information systems and services and its first chief information officer; was the Director of Central Intelligence's Executive Director for Intelligence Community Affairs from January 1998 to June 2000, Deputy Director of Naval Intelligence from 2000 to 2003, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (Policy, Requirements and Resources) from 2003 to 2006, Deputy Director of DIA from May 2006 to July 2010, and fifth director of the [[National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency]] from August 9, 2010, to 2014.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Boards
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,8 +4,19 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Norwin Meneses
|
||||
- Norwin Meneses Cantarero
|
||||
- El Rey de la Droga
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: informant_for
|
||||
with: "[[DEA]]"
|
||||
start: 1986-07
|
||||
end: 1990-08-16
|
||||
role: "source of information from July 1986; registered informant 1987-1989 and May-August 1990"
|
||||
fn: 13
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Contras]]"
|
||||
role: "recruiter, arms supplier and benefactor"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -20,7 +31,7 @@ summary: "Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as 'El Rey de la Droga,' was Nicaragua
|
|||
born: 1943-06-21
|
||||
location: "Nicaragua"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as "El Rey de la Droga" (The King of Drugs) and "El Perico," was the leader of the Meneses drug organization and is believed to have been the [[Cali Drug Cartel|Cali cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]]. A drug trafficker since the early 1970s, Meneses lived in the [[United States]] from 1979 to 1985 and worked for the [[Contras]] as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor throughout the entire Contra war.[^2] He simultaneously worked as a [[DEA]] informant from 1985 to 1991.[^2]
|
||||
Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as "El Rey de la Droga" (The King of Drugs) and "El Perico," was the leader of the Meneses drug organization and is believed to have been the [[Cali Drug Cartel|Cali cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]]. A drug trafficker since the early 1970s, Meneses lived in the [[United States]] from 1979 until he left for Costa Rica after his nephew's arrest in November 1984,[^13] and worked for the [[Contras]] as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor throughout the entire Contra war.[^2] The [[DEA]] office in Costa Rica used him as a source of information from July 1986 and registered him as an informant from July 24, 1987, to December 23, 1989, and again from May 10 to August 16, 1990.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background and Family
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -28,7 +39,7 @@ Meneses had close connections to the Cuban anti-Communist movement and to the pr
|
|||
|
||||
### Early Criminal Career
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses had been selling [[cocaine]] since before there were any cartels. His association with [[Colombia|Colombian]] drug lords began during the marijuana era of the early 1970s. According to [[Roger Mayorga]], a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who headed investigations for the Nicaraguan National Police narcotics unit, Meneses's first big deal occurred after an airplane full of marijuana made an emergency landing at a ranch owned by one of the Somozas. Colonel Edmundo Meneses, who commanded the Managua police, released the Colombian pilots and airplane but kept the marijuana, which was turned over to Norwin.
|
||||
Meneses had been selling [[Cocaine]] since before there were any cartels. His association with [[Colombia|Colombian]] drug lords began during the marijuana era of the early 1970s. According to [[Roger Mayorga]], a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who headed investigations for the Nicaraguan National Police narcotics unit, Meneses's first big deal occurred after an airplane full of marijuana made an emergency landing at a ranch owned by one of the Somozas. Colonel Edmundo Meneses, who commanded the Managua police, released the Colombian pilots and airplane but kept the marijuana, which was turned over to Norwin.
|
||||
|
||||
Under Edmundo's protection, Managua became an open city for Norwin. By the late 1970s he owned discotheques (the Frisco Disco and the VIP Club), drive-in brothels with waterbeds and porno tapes, and a thriving drug business. A "highly reliable" [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] informant reported that Meneses used his influence within the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime to smuggle cocaine from Colombia to the U.S. and "had even used a Nicaraguan Air Force plane once for such a shipment." [[Rafael Cornejo]] described prerevolution visits to Managua where "you'd walk down the street with Mundo, and everyone would salute you."
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -42,7 +53,7 @@ Norwin was arrested but cleared after a "rigorous and exhaustive" investigation
|
|||
|
||||
### Entry into the United States
|
||||
|
||||
In 1979, the FBI office in [[Mexico City]] asked that Meneses be included in the Bureau's "top thief" program and requested an arrest warrant to prevent him from entering the United States. The U.S. Attorney's office in San Francisco, citing Meneses's "political connections" in Nicaragua, refused. Despite an extensive criminal record dating to the 1960s (statutory rape, shoplifting, misuse of slot machines in San Francisco in the early 1960s; suspected murder of a money changer in 1968), Meneses entered the United States freely in early 1980, applied for political asylum, and began buying property - a used car lot, commercial buildings, a travel agency, a restaurant, and two houses in [[Pacifica, California|Pacifica]]. He drove a gray Jaguar sedan registered in his own name.[^3]
|
||||
In 1979, the FBI office in [[Mexico City]] asked that Meneses be included in the Bureau's "top thief" program and requested an arrest warrant to prevent him from entering the United States. The [[U.S. Attorney's office]] in San Francisco, citing Meneses's "political connections" in Nicaragua, refused. Despite an extensive criminal record dating to the 1960s (statutory rape, shoplifting, misuse of slot machines in San Francisco in the early 1960s; suspected murder of a money changer in 1968), Meneses entered the United States freely in early 1980, applied for political asylum, and began buying property - a used car lot, commercial buildings, a travel agency, a restaurant, and two houses in [[Pacifica, California|Pacifica]]. He drove a gray Jaguar sedan registered in his own name.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses told the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] he met with CIA agents shortly after the Sandinista takeover to teach them how to cross Nicaragua's borders undetected.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -78,13 +89,13 @@ Meneses expanded beyond drug trafficking into weapons dealing through his partne
|
|||
|
||||
An FBI informant told Justice Department inspectors that Meneses had spoken of obtaining night vision scopes from Lister in 1982, which the drug lord planned to sell to the Salvadoran government. Meneses intended to "use the proceeds from the night scopes to aid the Contras," the informant reported, but the deal fell through.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses's involvement in Contra gun running was confirmed in 1996 by the New York Times, which quoted an unnamed Clinton administration official as saying that Meneses had "contacts with the Contras in Honduras in 1982 or 1983 and 1984, and that he was believed then to have had some involvement in arms smuggling as well as money laundering and drugs."[^5]
|
||||
Meneses's involvement in Contra gun running was confirmed in 1996 by the [[New York Times]], which quoted an unnamed Clinton administration official as saying that Meneses had "contacts with the Contras in Honduras in 1982 or 1983 and 1984, and that he was believed then to have had some involvement in arms smuggling as well as money laundering and drugs."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Counterfeiting
|
||||
|
||||
A former associate of Blandón, a Puerto Rican man convicted of counterfeiting U.S. currency, believed that Blandón and Meneses's silk-screen company JDM Artwork Inc. also printed fake twenty-dollar bills that provided operating cash for the FDN. The associate produced Polaroid photographs showing him at work in an office with FDN banners and slogans on the wall, and a picture of Blandón in the same office with a blue-and-white FDN flag visible. According to CIA cables filed in federal court, the CIA had information by 1984 that Norwin Meneses was involved in counterfeiting - both American dollars and Costa Rican colones. In a 1986 interview, Meneses said he allowed FDN members to use his wife's Los Angeles T-shirt factory as a meeting place.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses was introduced to Danilo Blandón through Donald Barrios, a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua living in [[Miami]] who was a relative of former Nicaraguan president Violeta Barrios de Chamorro. Meneses proposed that Blandón sell cocaine in Los Angeles to raise money for the Contras. After a trip to Honduras for a meeting with Bermúdez, where the Contra commander told them "the ends justify the means," Blandón agreed. Meneses gave Blandón a two-day seminar on drug dealing, showing him how to assess quality, transport cocaine in pickup truck door panels, and avoid common mistakes. Meneses provided Blandón with two kilos of cocaine (worth about $60,000 each) and customer contacts in Los Angeles.
|
||||
Meneses was introduced to Danilo Blandón through [[Donald Barrios]], a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua living in [[Miami]] who was a relative of former Nicaraguan president Violeta Barrios de Chamorro. Meneses proposed that Blandón sell cocaine in Los Angeles to raise money for the Contras. After a trip to Honduras for a meeting with Bermúdez, where the Contra commander told them "the ends justify the means," Blandón agreed. Meneses gave Blandón a two-day seminar on drug dealing, showing him how to assess quality, transport cocaine in pickup truck door panels, and avoid common mistakes. Meneses provided Blandón with two kilos of cocaine (worth about $60,000 each) and customer contacts in Los Angeles.
|
||||
|
||||
According to Blandón, the Meneses organization moved 900 kilos of cocaine, almost a ton, into the United States in 1981, about $54 million worth at wholesale prices.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -98,7 +109,7 @@ Former Meneses aide Renato Peña told the Justice Department in 1997 that Menese
|
|||
|
||||
### Investigation and Arrest
|
||||
|
||||
The potential exposure of Meneses in the spring of 1985 came at a devastating time for the Contras. Had he been indicted on federal cocaine trafficking charges - after all his meetings with FDN directors Adolfo Calero, Enrique Bermúdez, Edgar Chamorro, and Frank Arana - the resultant scandal would likely have wiped out what little congressional support remained. Meneses was in a position to expose the [[FDN]]'s long involvement with drug merchants and lead investigators to Danilo Blandón's operation in South Central Los Angeles. A 1998 CIA Inspector General's report confirmed that as early as 1984, the agency had information tying Meneses to a drug and arms network in Costa Rica in partnership with top Contra official [[Sebastian Gonzalez|Sebastian "Guachan" Gonzalez]]. Former assistant U.S. attorney [[Eric Swenson]] confirmed that the Justice Department knew about Meneses's Contra activities because he had personally reported them.[^6]
|
||||
The potential exposure of Meneses in the spring of 1985 came at a devastating time for the Contras. Had he been indicted on federal cocaine trafficking charges - after all his meetings with FDN directors Adolfo Calero, Enrique Bermúdez, Edgar Chamorro, and Frank Arana - the resultant scandal would likely have wiped out what little congressional support remained. Meneses was in a position to expose the [[FDN]]'s long involvement with drug merchants and lead investigators to Danilo Blandón's operation in [[South Central Los Angeles]]. The CIA Inspector General's report of 1998 recorded a June 1986 cable stating that in August or September 1984 "Costa Rican drug trafficker Norvin [sic] Meneses sought the cooperation of 'El Negro' [Fernando Chamorro] to move drugs" to the United States, and found no record that the CIA followed it up; a separate cable of September 1984 alleged that the [[ARDE]] commander [[Sebastian Gonzalez|Sebastián "Wachan" González]] ran cocaine from Panama to Costa Rica.[^14] Former assistant U.S. attorney [[Eric Swenson]] confirmed that the Justice Department knew about Meneses's Contra activities because he had personally reported them.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite one of Meneses's top lieutenants having pleaded guilty to cocaine charges and publicly implicated him, the drug lord was not prosecuted in the spring of 1985. Allowing Meneses to take the witness stand was out of the question - he knew too much. The cozy relationship between the CIA and San Francisco's U.S. attorney [[Joseph Russoniello]] coincided with the decision not to charge Meneses.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -110,11 +121,11 @@ At Tipitapa Prison, Meneses was shown a 1992 FBI report in which the [[Torres Br
|
|||
|
||||
After the arrests of his nephew Jairo and Renato Peña in late 1984, Meneses wound up his affairs in San Francisco, selling his gray Jaguar, used car lot, and Mission District office building, and moved to his beachfront ranch in Costa Rica. Meneses owned several houses and large ranches in northern Costa Rica near the war zone. The L.A. Times reported that "beginning in November 1982 Meneses was spending much of his time in Costa Rica and commuting back to San Francisco." An informant told the DEA that "Norwin receives political protection from Jose Marti Figueres, the son of former Costa Rican President Jose 'Pepe' Figueres."[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses was arrested and jailed in Nicaragua in 1991 and sentenced to twelve years in prison. At Tipitapa Prison, the old Guardia prison where FDN founder Ricardo Lau once held court as warden and chief torturer, Meneses strolled freely through the grounds and the guards murmured "Señor" when he passed. His cell door was closed only when he wanted it that way. [[Georg Hodel]] and Gary Webb interviewed Meneses there in January 1996.[^1]
|
||||
Meneses was arrested in Nicaragua on November 3, 1991, sentenced in August 1992 to 300 months, a term later reduced to twelve years, and released on November 14, 1997.[^13] At Tipitapa Prison, the old Guardia prison where FDN founder [[Ricardo Lau]] once held court as warden and chief torturer, Meneses strolled freely through the grounds and the guards murmured "Señor" when he passed. His cell door was closed only when he wanted it that way. [[Georg Hodel]] and Gary Webb interviewed Meneses there in January 1996.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Secret 1989 Indictment
|
||||
|
||||
About two weeks after former CIA director George Bush was sworn in as president, the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Francisco brought a secret indictment against Meneses, charging him with conspiracy to import cocaine between 1984 and 1985 and possession of one kilo in 1985. Both the warrant and indictment were locked away in courthouse vaults and sealed from public view for nine years. Meneses called the indictment "a phony," suggesting it was filed to protect the U.S. government in case its relationship with him was ever revealed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson said the case was filed because it was approaching the statute of limitations.[^11]
|
||||
About two weeks after former CIA director George Bush was sworn in as president, the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Francisco brought a secret indictment against Meneses, charging him with conspiracy to import cocaine between 1984 and 1985 and possession of one kilo in 1985. Both the warrant and indictment were locked away in courthouse vaults and sealed from public view for nine years. Meneses called the indictment "a phony," suggesting it was filed to protect the [[U.S. government]] in case its relationship with him was ever revealed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson said the case was filed because it was approaching the statute of limitations.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Nicaragua Return and Drug Network
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -122,13 +133,13 @@ In 1990, after the Sandinistas were voted out, Meneses moved back into his mansi
|
|||
|
||||
### Arrest and Trial in Nicaragua
|
||||
|
||||
In November 1991, Nicaraguan police under Commander Rene Vivas and criminal investigations chief Roger Mayorga raided Meneses's drug ring, seizing 725 kilos of cocaine, the largest seizure in Nicaraguan history. Meneses was relaxed when Vivas interrogated him. "He said he wasn't worried about me because he had the backing of a higher power, a superpower," Vivas recalled. "He said he was working for the United States to get Sandinista officials on drug charges." DEA agent Federico Villarreal had been secretly meeting with Meneses in Managua. At trial, Miranda testified about drug flights from El Salvador and meetings with CIA pilot Marcos Aguado and FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez. Meneses was convicted and sentenced to thirty years. He was released in 1997 after serving only six years. Three weeks after the verdicts, the U.S. State Department pressured the Chamorro government to fire Vivas; Mayorga was fired soon after.[^11]
|
||||
In November 1991, Nicaraguan police under Commander Rene Vivas and criminal investigations chief Roger Mayorga raided Meneses's drug ring, seizing 725 kilos of cocaine, the largest seizure in Nicaraguan history. Meneses was relaxed when Vivas interrogated him. "He said he wasn't worried about me because he had the backing of a higher power, a superpower," Vivas recalled. "He said he was working for the United States to get Sandinista officials on drug charges." DEA agent Federico Villarreal had been secretly meeting with Meneses in Managua. At trial, Miranda testified about drug flights from El Salvador and meetings with CIA pilot Marcos Aguado and FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez. Meneses was convicted on August 16, 1992, and sentenced to 300 months; the term was later reduced to twelve years, and he was released on November 14, 1997, six years after his arrest.[^13] In April 1997 he told the Justice Department's investigators in prison that he had "never been a drug dealer" and had been "set up" by the Sandinistas.[^13] Three weeks after the verdicts, the U.S. [[State Department]] pressured the Chamorro government to fire Vivas; Mayorga was fired soon after.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### DEA Informant in Costa Rica
|
||||
|
||||
According to the official account, Meneses walked into the U.S. Embassy in San Jose, Costa Rica, in July 1986 and announced he wanted to help the Reagan Administration's war on drugs. DEA agent [[Sandalio Gonzalez]] recorded the official reasons: Meneses's desire to clear up an IRS problem, terminate his involvement in drug trafficking, and help the U.S. fight drugs. But there are reasons to doubt this account. Meneses said he had helped the DEA gather intelligence on the February 1985 torture-murder of DEA agent [[Kiki Camarena|Enrique "Kiki" Camarena]] in Mexico, and had met with DEA attaché Robert J. Nieves in late 1985 concerning the case - months before the official date he supposedly walked into the embassy.[^7]
|
||||
According to the official account, Meneses walked into the U.S. Embassy in [[San Jose]], Costa Rica, in July 1986 and announced he wanted to help the Reagan Administration's war on drugs. DEA agent [[Sandalio Gonzalez]] recorded the official reasons: Meneses's desire to clear up an IRS problem, terminate his involvement in drug trafficking, and help the U.S. fight drugs. But there are reasons to doubt this account. Meneses said he had helped the DEA gather intelligence on the February 1985 torture-murder of DEA agent [[Kiki Camarena|Enrique "Kiki" Camarena]] in Mexico, and had met with DEA attaché Robert J. Nieves in late 1985 concerning the case - months before the official date he supposedly walked into the embassy.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
The DEA made no official record that Meneses was an informant for at least a year. His name did not appear in the DEA's database until 1987. Gonzalez explained that Meneses "initially refused to sign DEA's informant registration," an unusual arrangement Gonzalez allowed "because of Meneses' background and potential to make cases." The result was that "other DEA offices could not get information on Meneses' use by the DEA through this database." The Justice Department's Inspector General found the accusations Meneses made against other traffickers were "vague and sometimes wildly misleading," including the claim that Blandón "was a Sandinista sympathizer."[^7]
|
||||
The DEA made no official record that Meneses was an informant for at least a year. His name did not appear in the DEA's database until 1987. Gonzalez explained that Meneses "initially refused to sign DEA's informant registration," an unusual arrangement Gonzalez allowed "because of Meneses' background and potential to make cases." The result was that "other DEA offices could not get information on Meneses' use by the DEA through this database." The Justice Department's Inspector General found the accusations Meneses made against other traffickers were "vague and sometimes wildly misleading," including the claim that Blandón "was a Sandinista sympathizer."[^7] Meneses named about twenty-one major traffickers to Gonzalez, among them Blandón, "whom Meneses described as a Sandinista sympathizer who distributed hundred kilogram quantities of cocaine in the Los Angeles area." Because Meneses was not in the DEA database, the San Francisco office, which was building a case of its own, did not know of the arrangement; on January 29, 1987, it cabled headquarters that the FBI in San Francisco had "an indictable case against the CI" and asked whether an indictment "will result in national security problems with other agencies." The inspector general noted that the San Francisco FBI had source information that Meneses may have worked for the CIA and that the Iran-Contra independent counsel's inquiry was just beginning. In February 1987 the U.S. Attorney's office and the FBI in San Francisco agreed to defer prosecution of Meneses pending the Los Angeles investigation of Blandón's organization.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1986 Media Expose
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -190,3 +201,5 @@ The DEA's public affairs office in Washington later attempted to arrange an inte
|
|||
[^10]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 20: "It is a sensitive matter"
|
||||
[^11]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 23: "He had the backing of a superpower"
|
||||
[^12]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
[^13]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapters II and III and appendix E. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
[^14]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General. *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,* Volume II: *The Contra Story,* October 8, 1998, section on the southern front. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ A memorandum from the Under Secretary of the Army's office to Gale of July 17, 1
|
|||
|
||||
### The 1995 Evaluation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1995 the [[American Institutes for Research]], under contract to the CIA, engaged Hyman and the statistician [[Jessica Utts]] to review the research of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate program]] ([[1995 AIR evaluation of Star Gate]]). His report of September 11, 1995, took the ten [[Science Applications International Corporation|SAIC]] experiments as "the only ones for which we have adequate documentation," agreed with Utts that they "were free of the methodological weaknesses that plagued the early SRI research" and that "the effect sizes reported in the SAIC experiments are too large and consistent to be dismissed as statistical flukes," and then answered no to three questions: whether the effects established anomalous cognition, whether "the possibility of methodological flaws" had been "completely eliminated," and whether the results were consistent with other laboratories. "Ten experiments, especially from one laboratory," he wrote, "is far too few to establish reliable relationships in almost any area of inquiry." He compared the field's negatively defined anomaly with the discovery of Neptune from the perturbations of Uranus, and told anyone relying on operational hits to read [[David Marks]] and [[Richard Kammann]] on subjective validation. Of operations he recorded [[Edwin May]]'s estimate that "approximately 20 percent of the information supplied by a viewer is accurate": "If May is correct, then 80% of all the information supplied by this talented viewer will be erroneous."[^2]
|
||||
In 1995 the [[American Institutes for Research]], under contract to the CIA, engaged Hyman and the statistician [[Jessica Utts]] to review the research of the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate program]] ([[1995 AIR evaluation of Star Gate]]). His report of September 11, 1995, took the ten [[Science Applications International Corporation|SAIC]] experiments as "the only ones for which we have adequate documentation," agreed with Utts that they "were free of the methodological weaknesses that plagued the early SRI research" and that "the effect sizes reported in the SAIC experiments are too large and consistent to be dismissed as statistical flukes," and then answered no to three questions: whether the effects established anomalous cognition, whether "the possibility of methodological flaws" had been "completely eliminated," and whether the results were consistent with other laboratories. "Ten experiments, especially from one laboratory," he wrote, "is far too few to establish reliable relationships in almost any area of inquiry." He compared the field's negatively defined anomaly with the discovery of Neptune from the perturbations of Uranus, and told anyone relying on operational hits to read [[David Marks]] and [[Richard Kammann]] on subjective validation. Of operations he recorded [[Edwin May]]'s estimate that "approximately 20 percent of the information supplied by a viewer is accurate": "If May is correct, then 80% of all the information supplied by this talented viewer will be erroneous."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Writing in the *[[Skeptical Inquirer]]* in 1996, he said the CIA "abandoned this program in the late 1970s because it showed no promise," that under the DIA it "consisted of three components," one tracking foreign work, an operations program of "six, and later three, psychics on the government payroll," and the laboratory research at SRI and SAIC; that "because of some controversies within the program, a Senate committee decided to transfer the program from the DIA back to the CIA"; that "May helped identify the ten best studies for Utts and me to evaluate"; and that the panel "all agreed that any scientifically meaningful evaluation of these operational psychic intelligence uses was impossible." He ended: "It is premature to draw any conclusions. We will simply have to wait and see. If history is a guide, then this will be a long wait, indeed."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,35 +1,42 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- X1
|
||||
- X1
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- Belgium
|
||||
- Dutroux
|
||||
summary: "Regina Louf, born in Ghent, Belgium, testified as witness Regina Louf in the Marc Dutroux investigation, providing accounts of child prostitution from the 1970s onward."
|
||||
- Witness
|
||||
summary: "Ghent woman who, as the anonymous witness X1 in the Dutroux inquiry, described childhood prostitution and murders at elite parties; prosecutors closed the related files in April 1998."
|
||||
born: 1969
|
||||
location: "Ghent, Belgium"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: subject_of
|
||||
with: "[[X-Dossier]]"
|
||||
start: 1996
|
||||
end: 1998-04-23
|
||||
role: "witness X1"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-04-28
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Regina Louf, born in Ghent, Belgium, testified as witness [[Regina Louf]] in the [[Marc Dutroux]] investigation, providing accounts of child prostitution from the 1970s onward. Raised by her grandmother [[Cecile Beernaert]], Louf claimed Beernaert operated a brothel at a hotel-villa in Knokke-Heist, using Louf and other girls for sexual acts with clients including politicians and businessmen. Beernaert, a former police commissioner's widow, ran the brothel at Elizabetlaan 83, [[Knokke-Heist]], behind Golfpad 4, near the [[Royal Zoute Golf Club]], where Louf was forced into services from age two, performing with other children under threat of beatings with a metal ruler or gun. Louf stated her grandmother filmed acts and used the basement studio for pornography production. At age 12, Louf was sold to pimp [[Tony Van den Boggaert]], a family acquaintance, who leased her to [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]]'s parties in Brussels, where Dutroux supplied girls and drugs. Louf's memories surfaced during therapy in the 1990s, leading her to contact authorities after Dutroux's arrest in 1996, under pseudonym to protect her identity.[^1]
|
||||
Regina Louf, born in Ghent in 1969, was the witness known as X1 in the investigation opened at Neufchâteau after the arrest of [[Marc Dutroux]] in August 1996. The investigating judge [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] had set up a free telephone line for information on child abuse; a Dutch-speaking caller, Tania, a friend of Louf's, reached the gendarme Patrick De Baets, who was in Connerotte's office at the time, and after some days Louf herself contacted him. A special cell of the Brussels BSR under De Baets questioned her, with every interview videotaped and summarized in French for Neufchâteau, while senior gendarmerie officers and magistrates watched from behind glass. Her statements opened a series of "related files," the [[X-Dossier]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Louf described childhood at the Knokke brothel, where Beernaert hosted clients at the Royal Zoute Golf Club, including [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]], who raped her in a bedroom, and Counts [[Count Leopold Lippens]] and [[Count Maurice Auguste Lippens]], who participated in hunts in the Ardennes where children were chased naked through woods. She claimed witnessing the 1984 murder of [[Christine Van Hees]] at a Brussels factory farm, describing the 19-year-old's torture with wire ligatures from neck to ankles and burns from a blowtorch before being set on fire by Dutroux, Nihoul, [[Bernard Weinstein|Weinstein]], and lawyer [[Michel Vander Elst]]. Louf identified "Clo" as [[Carine Dellaert]], raped and murdered in 1983 after giving birth at a house, with Louf assisting the delivery before assaults by Nihoul, Dumont, and Lippens, matching Dellaert's autopsy findings of laminaria sticks and gauze for cervical dilation. Louf detailed another victim, "Katrien," as [[Katrien de Cuyper]], strangled at a castle in 1991 during a party. She described parties at [[Avenue Louise]] mansion with built-in cameras capturing sex and violence for blackmail, where contracts were signed over meals or post-act, binding participants in business and politics.[^1]
|
||||
### Her Account
|
||||
|
||||
Louf's testimonies emerged in September 1996 interviews with [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and [[Michel Bourlet]], where she provided maps and descriptions matching unreleased police files. Diagnosed with dissociative identity disorder, Louf recalled memories through therapy, detailing over a dozen murders at parties escalating to snuff films at the [[ASCO]] factory owned by [[Roger Boas]]. She identified X2 as a party mistress and [[Chantal Storme]] as a childhood friend also abused at the brothel, confirmed by Storme in 1997 testimony of mutual sexual acts and threats from [[Cecile Beernaert]]. Louf claimed her grandmother's WW2-era brothel catered to Nazi officers, continuing post-war with elites, where Louf was branded and forced into acts with dogs. She identified a 1982 snuff film victim as [[Veronique Dubrulle]], whose father administered a cinema company, [[Decatron NV]], with Louf naming attendees including her father and the Bert brothers. Louf described her DID as a coping mechanism, with personalities switching under stress, but her details on Van Hees included the ligature method and burn locations not publicly known.[^1]
|
||||
Louf said that from early childhood she had been prostituted by her grandmother, [[Cecile Beernaert]], at a villa in [[Knokke-Heist]] near the [[Royal Zoute Golf Club]], that at about twelve she was handed to a pimp, [[Tony Van den Boggaert]], who took her to parties in Brussels attended by [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]], and that the parties moved from sex to torture and murder. Among those she named as clients or participants were the former prime minister [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]] and members of the Lippens family, [[Count Leopold Lippens]] and [[Count Maurice Auguste Lippens]]. She said she had witnessed the 1984 murder of [[Christine Van Hees]] in the abandoned mushroom farm at Auderghem, naming Dutroux, Nihoul, [[Bernard Weinstein]] and the lawyer [[Michel Vander Elst]], and the 1983 death of [[Carine Dellaert]] after childbirth. She described a factory site that investigators connected to [[ASCO Industries NV]], a villa at Faulx-les-Tombes and parties on the Avenue Louise.[^2] She published her account as *Zwijgen is voor daders* in 1998.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### X-Dossier Testimony
|
||||
Louf's statements to Bourlet's team detailed the progression of parties from sex to violence, with children used as incentives for contracts among businessmen and politicians. She described being trafficked to Amsterdam brothels and [[G-Force nightclub]] nightclub, where Nihoul's partner [[Marleen De Cokere]] worked, and witnessing deliveries to clients via Dutroux. The X-Dossier, compiled from September 1996, included Louf's maps leading to the Sterrebeek factory near Brussels, where she described a cleaning product smell and blood spots from snuff productions. Bourlet's investigators verified the location as ASCO Industries NV. Louf identified photographs of abuse venues and participants, including a villa in Faulx-les-Tombes used for orgies. She recounted a 1981 incident where she and Dellaert were driven to a house for rape after childbirth, with the baby taken, aligning with Dellaert's disappearance from Ghent.[^1]
|
||||
### The Investigation of Her Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Louf identified a fourth victim from photos as Veronique Dubrulle, murdered in 1982, whose father Jacques Dubrulle administered Decatron NV, with Louf naming Joost and Albert Bert as participants. Dubrulle's death certificate listed neurologists Louf identified as abusers. Louf described hunts at Lippens' estates, where children stripped progressively before final abuse or killing, with two to three deaths per event in October-November. She claimed these occurred in wooded areas near Namur and Bouillon, with guards preventing escape. Louf's pimp Tony introduced her to Nihoul's circuit, where she performed at the Dolo nightclub and chateau events, with drugs and escalating violence binding attendees through mutual compromise.[^1]
|
||||
Her account of Van Hees led the Brussels gendarme Aimé Bille to the unsolved file, and he found that the earlier investigation under the investigating judge [[Jean-Claude Van Espen]] had "multiple gaps." Her statements led to the reopening of the murders of Van Hees, Dellaert, [[Veronique Dubrulle]], [[Katrien de Cuyper]] and Hanim Ayse Mazibas. A psychiatric report on her by Professor Igodt of the Catholic University of Leuven was read so differently by others that its author publicly urged "extreme caution" about the concrete details of her testimony while calling them "useful data" for further investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The X-Dossier team noted Louf's DID but proceeded with verification, finding her Van Hees description matched closed files, including a basement room with a bicycle matching witness accounts. Louf identified Nihoul and Vander Elst from photos as present at the murder, with Weinstein and Dutroux as actors. For Dellaert, Louf described the house and participants, confirmed by autopsy details of recent birth and rape trauma. Her testimony included a 1984 party where Christine was killed, with Louf locked in another room during the act. Louf's book "Zwijgen is voor daders" published in 1998 detailed these experiences, asserting the network's existence.[^1]
|
||||
After Connerotte was removed from the Dutroux case in October 1996 and replaced by Judge Jacques Langlois, the cell came under a Mr. Duterme, who from April 1997 had De Baets's colleagues reread the interviews and report on her credibility and on possible manipulation by De Baets's team; the first report, very negative for De Baets, "totally lacked credibility," and a second was ordered. In the summer of 1997 Langlois ordered a complete rereading of all the related files and removed De Baets and Bille from the investigation. A criminal investigation of the two gendarmes by Judge Pignolet was dropped and a gendarmerie disciplinary inquiry acquitted them completely; they then filed more than eighty complaints alleging that reports in the rereading had been falsified.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Aftermath and Criticism
|
||||
Louf's identity was leaked as Regina Louf in 1997, leading to public discreditation as a fantasist suffering from false memory syndrome, with media portraying her as unreliable due to DID. The 2004 trial barred X-witness testimonies, citing lack of corroboration, though Bourlet's summary leaked in 2009 via Wikileaks detailed her claims. Louf's details matched elements like the Van Hees ligature and Dellaert's tools, but the court favored the syndrome theory. She identified X4 as another child prostitute and Chantal as abused with her at the Knokke brothel, where they were forced into acts before clients. Louf claimed threats to her life if she spoke, and post-leak, she faced harassment, continuing advocacy through her book and interviews.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bourlet's team exonerated of fabrication in 1999, but the damage persisted, with the X-Dossier's 1997 leak to journalists leading to the 1999 book "The X-Files." Louf's accounts connected to [[Spartacus International]] via Dumont and CRIES, with Heylens listing Brongersma and Meier. Post-trial, Louf lived under protection, her testimony influencing independent probes into cold cases. The 2004 acquittal of Nihoul on kidnapping despite evidence from [[Michelle Martin]] and Lelievre highlighted barriers for witnesses like Louf. Her revelations detailed a network using hypnosis and trauma, tying to [[Project MKUltra]] concepts of mind control through dissociation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Louf's later life involved therapy and public speaking on trauma recovery, with no criminal charges against her. Her DID diagnosis came under scrutiny in the trial, but she maintained her recollections' accuracy, corroborated by elements like the Van Hees wrist nail and Dellaert's pregnancy. The case closed without prosecuting named elites, leaving Louf's testimony as key to the X-Dossier's legacy in exposing alleged protections for figures like [[Melchior Wathelet]] and Vanden Boeynants.[^1]
|
||||
In January 1998 Louf gave up her anonymity, in part to protest the stalling of the inquiry, amid a press campaign against her fed by leaks from police and judicial circles. On April 23, 1998, the day Dutroux briefly escaped, the prosecutors-general of Antwerp, Ghent and Brussels decided that "no proof could be found that Regina Louf could make any contribution whatsoever to these investigations" and closed the related files. The same day, in a confrontation with Louf, the man described as her "so-called protector" admitted that he had had sex with her when she was twelve, with her parents' knowledge, and had once lent her to others; the admission was not pursued, the acts being time-barred.[^1] The Van Hees case was closed unsolved in 2014 under the statute of limitations.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). Eye of the Chickenhawk. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Sénat de Belgique. Proposition visant à instituer une commission d'enquête parlementaire chargée d'enquêter sur l'éloignement de deux enquêteurs de la cellule d'enquête bruxelloise « Neufchâteau », déposée par M. Frans Lozie, Doc. 2-563/1, October 9, 2000, développements. https://www.senate.be
|
||||
[^2]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023. Sole source for the passages so cited; the underlying accounts are Louf, Regina, *Zwijgen is voor daders* (1998), and Bulté, Annemie, Douglas De Coninck and Marie-Jeanne Van Heeswyck, *De X-dossiers: wat België niet mocht weten over de zaak-Dutroux* (Houtekiet, 1999), neither of which was seen.
|
||||
[^3]: "On ne percera pas le mystère de la champignonnière." *La Libre Belgique,* January 30, 2014 (not examined; reported in search summaries of the article).
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ Richard Kennett was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] analyst in the Office
|
|||
|
||||
In May 1973, [[Hal Puthoff]] contacted Kennett regarding [[Ingo Swann]]'s coordinate-based clairvoyance scheme. Initially skeptical of the concept of using geographical coordinates for psychic targeting, Kennett challenged Puthoff to remote-view a location unknown even to Kennett himself. This led to the famous Sugar Grove incident, where Swann and [[Pat Price]] accurately described a secret [[NSA]] facility in [[West Virginia]], despite being given coordinates for Kennett's friend's cabin. This incident, while causing a security investigation, ultimately impressed Kennett and the NSA with the accuracy of remote viewing.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kennett became a key figure in the CIA's oversight of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, monitoring the work at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and later at [[Fort Meade]]. He was involved in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems and evaluating their results. He was also the recipient of unusual psychic phenomena himself, including a precognitive experience related to [[Uri Geller]] that involved a shattered glass globe and a white bulldog, and a strange encounter with a one-armed man in a gray suit.[^1]
|
||||
Kennett became a key figure in the CIA's oversight of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, monitoring the work at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and later at [[Fort Meade]]. He was involved in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems and evaluating their results. He was also the recipient of unusual psychic phenomena himself, including a precognitive experience related to [[Uri Geller]] that involved a shattered glass globe and a white bulldog, and a strange encounter with a one-armed man in a gray suit.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The released CIA collection on the program carries no legible mention of Kennett.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,21 +8,93 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Media
|
||||
summary: "New York crisis-communications consultant, formerly press secretary to Chuck Schumer, whose firm has represented Jared Kushner, Harvey Weinstein and Jeff Zucker."
|
||||
location: "New York City"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Jane Harman]]"
|
||||
start: 2004
|
||||
end: 2005
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Chuck Schumer]]"
|
||||
start: 2005
|
||||
role: "New York City press secretary"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[David Paterson]]"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Global Strategy Group]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: spouse_of
|
||||
with: "[[Ryan Toohey]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Anthony Weiner]]"
|
||||
start: 2011
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jared Kushner]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Kushner Companies]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Ivanka Trump]]"
|
||||
start: 2017
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Harvey Weinstein]]"
|
||||
start: 2015
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Kevin Clash]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Mario Batali]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Win Butler]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeffrey Toobin]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeff Zucker]]"
|
||||
start: 2022
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeff Shell]]"
|
||||
start: 2023
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[GPB Capital Holdings]]"
|
||||
start: 2021
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Verkada]]"
|
||||
fn: 7
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Casey Wasserman]]"
|
||||
start: 2026
|
||||
fn: 8
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Risa Heller graduated from the [[University of Michigan]] in 2001, having majored in psychology and in Hebrew and Jewish cultural studies, and later took a master's degree in communications at [[Johns Hopkins University]].[^1][^2] After an internship at the Washington office of the [[Anti-Defamation League]], she worked for Representative [[Jane Harman]] of [[California]] from 2004 to 2005 and then, from 2005, as the [[New York City]] press secretary of Senator [[Chuck Schumer]]; she later held a similar post under Governor [[David Paterson]] of [[New York]].[^1][^2][^3] "I would be nobody, nothing, nowhere without Chuck," she told *New York* magazine in 2023. She also worked at the Democratic consulting firm [[Global Strategy Group]], where she came to know her husband, Ryan Toohey, a former aide to [[Eliot Spitzer]] who became a partner at [[Dentons Global Advisors]].[^1]
|
||||
Risa Heller graduated from the [[University of Michigan]] in 2001, having majored in psychology and in Hebrew and Jewish cultural studies, and later took a master's degree in communications at [[Johns Hopkins University]].[^1][^2] After an internship at the Washington office of the [[Anti-Defamation League]], she worked for Representative [[Jane Harman]] of [[California]] from 2004 to 2005 and then, from 2005, as the [[New York City]] press secretary of Senator [[Chuck Schumer]]; she later held a similar post under Governor [[David Paterson]] of [[New York]].[^1][^2][^3] "I would be nobody, nothing, nowhere without Chuck," she told *New York* magazine in 2023. She also worked at the Democratic consulting firm [[Global Strategy Group]], where she came to know her husband, [[Ryan Toohey]], a former aide to [[Eliot Spitzer]] who became a partner at [[Dentons Global Advisors]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Risa Heller Communications
|
||||
|
||||
Heller founded Risa Heller Communications in 2010. It had eighteen employees in early 2023. It trades as Heller and has offices in New York and Los Angeles.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Heller founded Risa Heller Communications in 2010. It had eighteen employees in early 2023. It trades as Heller and has offices in New York and [[Los Angeles]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Its first crisis client, in 2011, was Representative [[Anthony Weiner]], then under scrutiny for sending an explicit photograph; she continued to advise him through his 2013 mayoral campaign and his 2017 case over messages to a minor.[^1][^4] [[Jared Kushner]] and [[Kushner Companies]] were long-standing clients. The engagement began before the 2016 presidential campaign to handle press on Kushner's divestiture from the family business, and in January 2017 she defended him against a *[[New York Times]]* report on his dealings with a Chinese businessman. She then worked on the public image of [[Ivanka Trump]] as Ivanka Trump took up a White House role. Schumer said: "I told her I didn't approve of that."[^1][^4]
|
||||
Its first crisis client, in 2011, was Representative [[Anthony Weiner]], then under scrutiny for sending an explicit photograph; she continued to advise him through his 2013 mayoral campaign and his 2017 case over messages to a minor.[^1][^4] [[Jared Kushner]] and [[Kushner Companies]] were long-standing clients. The engagement began before the 2016 presidential campaign to handle press on Kushner's divestiture from the family business, and in January 2017 she defended him against a *[[New York Times]]* report on his dealings with a Chinese businessman. She then worked on the public image of [[Ivanka Trump]] as Ivanka Trump took up a [[White House]] role. Schumer said: "I told her I didn't approve of that."[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
In 2015 [[Harvey Weinstein]] retained her against the accusation of the model Ambra Battilana, and she gave the *Times* his statement: "We are pleased this episode is behind us." Other clients recorded by *New York* magazine include Kevin Clash, the puppeteer of Elmo, against allegations of sex with teenagers (the cases were dismissed); the chef Mario Batali, accused of groping women; Win Butler of Arcade Fire; the legal analyst [[Jeffrey Toobin]]; and the former *Times* publisher [[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]] in his divorce.[^1] In January 2022 she represented [[Jeff Zucker]] when his relationship with his deputy, Allison Gollust, ended his presidency of [[CNN]]; he had been introduced to her by Gary Ginsberg, a former adviser to [[Rupert Murdoch]]. In 2023 she represented Jeff Shell on his dismissal as chief executive of [[NBCUniversal]].[^1][^3]
|
||||
In 2015 [[Harvey Weinstein]] retained her against the accusation of the model Ambra Battilana, and she gave the *Times* his statement: "We are pleased this episode is behind us." Other clients recorded by *New York* magazine include [[Kevin Clash]], the puppeteer of Elmo, against allegations of sex with teenagers (the cases were dismissed); the chef [[Mario Batali]], accused of groping women; [[Win Butler]] of Arcade Fire; the legal analyst [[Jeffrey Toobin]]; and the former *Times* publisher [[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]] in his divorce.[^1] In January 2022 she represented [[Jeff Zucker]] when his relationship with his deputy, Allison Gollust, ended his presidency of [[CNN]]; he had been introduced to her by Gary Ginsberg, a former adviser to [[Rupert Murdoch]]. In 2023 she represented [[Jeff Shell]] on his dismissal as chief executive of [[NBCUniversal]].[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
She was reported to have helped [[Elizabeth Holmes]], the convicted founder of [[Theranos]], to place the *New York Times* profile "Liz Holmes Wants You to Forget About Elizabeth," published on May 7, 2023, three weeks before Holmes reported to prison.[^5] In February 2021 the spokesperson for [[GPB Capital Holdings]], whose founder David Gentile had been arrested, was Linden Zakula of Heller's firm; he denied on GPB's behalf any part in 103 million dollars of land purchases in Clearwater, [[Florida]], by limited liability companies owned by [[Scientology|Scientologists]].[^6] The surveillance-camera maker [[Verkada]] retained the firm in about 2021.[^7]
|
||||
She was reported to have helped [[Elizabeth Holmes]], the convicted founder of [[Theranos]], to place the *New York Times* profile "Liz Holmes Wants You to Forget About Elizabeth," published on May 7, 2023, three weeks before Holmes reported to prison.[^5] In February 2021 the spokesperson for [[GPB Capital Holdings]], whose founder David Gentile had been arrested, was [[Linden Zakula]] of Heller's firm; he denied on GPB's behalf any part in 103 million dollars of land purchases in Clearwater, [[Florida]], by limited liability companies owned by [[Scientology|Scientologists]].[^6] The surveillance-camera maker [[Verkada]] retained the firm in about 2021.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
*New York* magazine described her closeness to the reporters who cover her clients: she hosted a book party for [[Maggie Haberman]] of the *Times*, and when a *New Yorker* writer began a profile of Jon Kelly of Puck, Kelly "called up Heller to run interference."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ created: 2026-09-21
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert J. Jachim, a lieutenant colonel of military intelligence, attended the first briefing of the new commander of [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]], [[Albert Stubblebine]], on [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] on June 30, 1981, as "incoming project manager" beside Lieutenant Colonel [[Murray Watt]], and "assumes project manager duties" on July 17. He gave the standard INSCOM briefing to staff of the [[Senate Appropriations Committee]] on June 29, 1982 ("In the fall of 1978, ACSI tasked INSCOM to determine if parapsychology could be used to collect intelligence"), and wrote the record of the briefing of Senator [[Claiborne Pell]] by [[Jack Vorona]] of DIA and INSCOM representatives in his office at the Capitol on September 29, 1982. His memorandum of the full briefing to Stubblebine on September 27, 1982, records the general choosing the 902d Military Intelligence Group's Security Support Detachment as the unit's new home before the options had been read out, and the guidance "Get out of the briefing mode!" and "Prepare a letter to MG [[William Odom|Odom]] notifying him of the decision to continue the project." He remained manager through the change of name to [[Center Lane]] until the summer of 1983.[^1]
|
||||
Robert J. Jachim, a lieutenant colonel of military intelligence, attended the first briefing of the new commander of [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]], [[Albert Stubblebine]], on [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] on June 30, 1981, as "incoming project manager" beside Lieutenant Colonel [[Murray Watt]], and "assumes project manager duties" on July 17. He gave the standard INSCOM briefing to staff of the [[Senate Appropriations Committee]] on June 29, 1982 ("In the fall of 1978, ACSI tasked INSCOM to determine if parapsychology could be used to collect intelligence"), and wrote the record of the briefing of Senator [[Claiborne Pell]] by [[Jack Vorona]] of DIA and INSCOM representatives in his office at the Capitol on September 29, 1982. His memorandum of the full briefing to Stubblebine on September 27, 1982, records the general choosing the 902d Military Intelligence Group's Security Support Detachment as the unit's new home before the options had been read out, and the guidance "Get out of the briefing mode!" and "Prepare a letter to MG [[William Odom|Odom]] notifying him of the decision to continue the project." He remained manager through the change of name to [[Center Lane]] until the summer of 1983.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ location: "Lexington, Kentucky, USA"
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Monroe]] was an American businessman and explorer of human consciousness. He is known for his extensive personal experiences with out-of-body experiences (OBEs) and for founding [[Monroe Institute|The Monroe Institute]], a non-profit organization dedicated to the exploration of human consciousness through various techniques, including Hemi-Sync audio technology. While not directly involved in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], his work and institute became a post-military career path for figures like [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]], who became president of the Institute.[^1]
|
||||
[[Robert Monroe]] was an American businessman and explorer of human consciousness. He is known for his extensive personal experiences with out-of-body experiences (OBEs) and for founding [[Monroe Institute|The Monroe Institute]], a non-profit organization dedicated to the exploration of human consciousness through various techniques, including Hemi-Sync audio technology. While not directly involved in the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], his work and institute became a post-military career path for figures like [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]], who became president of the Institute.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
An INSCOM information paper of January 5, 1984, gave his particulars: "Born on 30 Oct 1915, in [[Wabash, Indiana]], Robert A. Monroe received a BA degree from [[Ohio State University]] in 1937," was "the author of the book *Journeys Out of the Body,* published in 1971," and "has a DoD SECRET security clearance based on a NAC completed on 18 January 1980." The Army's association with his institute dated from 1978, and by 1984 its Hemi-Sync process was in use in the [[Center Lane]] unit's training and collection missions.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ Roger Mayorga was a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who h
|
|||
|
||||
### Tracking Meneses
|
||||
|
||||
Mayorga, a short, stocky man with hard eyes, had been chief of state security in Meneses's hometown of Estelí. He was well acquainted with Norwin and his family and the work they had done for Somoza and the [[Contras]]. Mayorga investigated Meneses's cocaine operation in [[Managua]], which led to the 1991 raid that seized 725 kilos of [[cocaine]] and resulted in Meneses's conviction and thirty-year sentence. Mayorga played a key role in the arrest of [[Enrique Miranda]], Meneses's former aide, whose testimony about Meneses's Contra-connected drug dealings became central to the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
Mayorga, a short, stocky man with hard eyes, had been chief of state security in Meneses's hometown of Estelí. He was well acquainted with Norwin and his family and the work they had done for Somoza and the [[Contras]]. Mayorga investigated Meneses's cocaine operation in [[Managua]], which led to the 1991 raid that seized 725 kilos of [[Cocaine]] and resulted in Meneses's conviction and thirty-year sentence. Mayorga played a key role in the arrest of [[Enrique Miranda]], Meneses's former aide, whose testimony about Meneses's Contra-connected drug dealings became central to the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Connections
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Ronald Jay Lister
|
||||
- Ron Lister
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Ronald Jay Lister was a former southern California police officer who became [[D
|
|||
|
||||
Before his criminal career, Lister spent nearly fifteen years as a police officer. He started as a military policeman for the U.S. Army and U.S. Army Reserve, stationed in Orange County with the 414th Military Police company. His service records show he held a degree in political science and was trained in processing prisoners of war captured during the Vietnam conflict. He regularly received excellent fitness reports. While an army reservist, Lister hired on as an officer with the police department of Maywood, a small suburb of [[Los Angeles]] that employed only a handful of uniformed patrolmen. He was also a reserve deputy for the [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office|L.A. County Sheriff's Office]] at the same time.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister was called to active duty in the army for a few months in 1969, and later, when his enlistment ended, he volunteered for the U.S. Coast Guard, serving as a reserve port security officer at Terminal Island in San Pedro, California. In late 1973 he found a home with the [[Laguna Beach Police Department]], which patrols a posh Orange County suburb south of Los Angeles. There he rose through the ranks to become a detective in the burglary division.[^1]
|
||||
Lister was called to active duty in the army for a few months in 1969, and later, when his enlistment ended, he volunteered for the U.S. Coast Guard, serving as a reserve port security officer at Terminal Island in San Pedro, California. In late 1973 he found a home with the [[Laguna Beach Police Department]], which patrols a posh Orange County suburb south of Los Angeles. There he rose through the ranks to become a detective in the burglary division.[^1] Lister's own account to the Justice Department's inspector general was about thirteen years in law enforcement: the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department from 1967, the Maywood police from 1969 to 1973 and the Laguna Beach police from 1973 to 1980. On leaving, he told the inspector general, he became owner of Terman International Security Consultants of Newport Beach, later Mundy's Security Group.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Lieutenant Danielle Adams, who served with Lister, recalled him as "always very successful, very tenacious and got the job done." His former chief, [[Neil Purcell]], who was on the hiring board that gave Lister his job, offered a starkly different assessment: "The man, in my opinion, is a lying, conniving, manipulative person who likes to play with people's minds. He's very evasive and loves living on the edge. He's the biggest bullshitter that has ever been placed on this earth." Both agreed on one point: "Don't ever underestimate him. He's very, very bright and very tenacious," Adams warned.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -46,7 +46,7 @@ Blandón stated that Lister and a partner named Bill Downing "went to the meetin
|
|||
|
||||
### Weapons Manufacturing in El Salvador
|
||||
|
||||
Through Pyramid International Security Consultants, Lister conducted extensive business in El Salvador during the early 1980s civil war. Arms manufacturer [[Tim LaFrance|Timothy LaFrance]] described Pyramid as "a private vendor that the CIA used to do things [the agency] couldn't do." LaFrance accompanied Lister to El Salvador at least twice, helping to set up facilities to manufacture pistols for the Contras. When LaFrance applied in Pyramid's name for a State Department permit to take high-powered weapons out of the [[United States]], "It came back approved in two days. Usually it takes three months. We went down to [[Central America]] with two giant boxes full of machine guns and ammunition."[^1]
|
||||
Through Pyramid International Security Consultants, Lister conducted extensive business in El Salvador during the early 1980s civil war. Arms manufacturer [[Tim LaFrance|Timothy LaFrance]] described Pyramid as "a private vendor that the CIA used to do things [the agency] couldn't do." LaFrance accompanied Lister to El Salvador at least twice, helping to set up facilities to manufacture pistols for the Contras. When LaFrance applied in Pyramid's name for a [[State Department]] permit to take high-powered weapons out of the [[United States]], "It came back approved in two days. Usually it takes three months. We went down to [[Central America]] with two giant boxes full of machine guns and ammunition."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
According to LaFrance, the Pyramid team moved into a mass-transit center run by the military in downtown [[San Salvador]]. "That's where we made the weapons. You could have 50 guys working in a machine shop and nobody would know it." After the finished guns were transported to a Salvadoran military airstrip in Morazon province, they were airlifted to Contra camps in Honduras. "We made almost all of our drops by helicopter, buzzing the treetops," LaFrance said. Pyramid was eventually expelled from El Salvador at the urging of the [[U.S. Army]], which took over the weapons plant.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -56,7 +56,7 @@ In October 1982, Pyramid made a security proposal to Salvadoran defense minister
|
|||
|
||||
Lister's former office manager [[Chris Moore]] recalled that Lister claimed to have a "big CIA contact" at [[Fluor Corporation]], an international construction management company based in Orange County. "Ron said the guy was the former Deputy Director of Operations or something, real high up there," Moore said. Blandón "recalled hearing Lister say that he was involved with the CIA and that he knew someone high up in the CIA who was getting him some licenses so he could sell weapons to Iran." Blandón said he "never believed Lister because he lied too much."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]], who once employed [[Richard Wilker]] as a salesman, said he knew Lister and Wilker were involved in some business activity in El Salvador. "It was kind of touchy... as far as getting out of the country and all that kind of stuff." Vandewerker's name was also found in the notebooks of investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] after his death, in connection with the goings-on at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] reservation. LaFrance told journalist Nick Schou that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)]] was also involved in Lister's weapons manufacturing plant in El Salvador, and that the meetings Lister and his associates had with death squad commander [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]] "happened because the DIA wanted them to happen." Records found in Lister's house in the 1986 raid disclosed connections between Lister and "a DIA subcontractor."[^1]
|
||||
Former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]], who once employed [[Richard Wilker]] as a salesman, said he knew Lister and Wilker were involved in some business activity in El Salvador. "It was kind of touchy... as far as getting out of the country and all that kind of stuff." Vandewerker's name was also found in the notebooks of investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] after his death, in connection with the goings-on at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] reservation. LaFrance told journalist [[Nick Schou]] that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)]] was also involved in Lister's weapons manufacturing plant in El Salvador, and that the meetings Lister and his associates had with death squad commander [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]] "happened because the DIA wanted them to happen." Records found in Lister's house in the 1986 raid disclosed connections between Lister and "a DIA subcontractor."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Investigations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ Between 1983 and 1986, the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] opened five separ
|
|||
|
||||
### CIA Denials
|
||||
|
||||
When defense attorneys tried in 1996 to quiz Blandón about Lister's alleged relationship with the CIA, a federal prosecutor immediately objected, and the jury was ordered out of the courtroom. During a whispered conversation with the judge, the prosecutor said that while it was true that "Lister made a claim... that he was an employee of the CIA," the government believed it was false, made only to "impress [his] illegal business partners," and was an attempt "to deter prosecution." Nevertheless the prosecutor asked the judge to halt that line of inquiry because it was "muddying the waters." The judge decided that since Blandón had denied that Lister worked for the government, there was no need for any more questions. An internal CIA investigation in 1997 declared that Lister had no relationship with the agency.[^1]
|
||||
When defense attorneys tried in 1996 to quiz Blandón about Lister's alleged relationship with the CIA, a federal prosecutor immediately objected, and the jury was ordered out of the courtroom. During a whispered conversation with the judge, the prosecutor said that while it was true that "Lister made a claim... that he was an employee of the CIA," the government believed it was false, made only to "impress [his] illegal business partners," and was an attempt "to deter prosecution." Nevertheless the prosecutor asked the judge to halt that line of inquiry because it was "muddying the waters." The judge decided that since Blandón had denied that Lister worked for the government, there was no need for any more questions. An internal CIA investigation in 1997 declared that Lister had no relationship with the agency.[^1] The Justice Department's inspector general concluded that "we have found no credible evidence that Lister ever had a relationship with the CIA. The evidence does indicate, however, that Lister frequently told people that he had an association with the CIA in order to impress them and to hide his illegal activities." The FBI had closed a 1984 investigation of his attempt to sell equipment to foreign nationals because he could not supply it, concluding that he "clearly had intentions of violating U.S. export laws" but lacked the ability, and its [[San Francisco]] office called him the "quintessential con man." The CIA's inspector general confirmed that William Nelson, the retired security consultant Lister named as a contact, had once been the agency's Deputy Director for Operations.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister dismissed any suggestion that he was "knowingly" working for the CIA. In an interview with police in 1996, he claimed "that if he were affiliated with an organization like the CIA, he wouldn't talk about it." The detectives noted that "Lister did display some knowledge of the U.S. intelligence community during our interview." Blandón's attorney [[Brad Brunon]] described Lister as "one of these guys who would boast about having bugging capabilities, would boast about having wiretap capabilities, you could get any information any time, one of those... I-can-uplink-to-the-satellite sort of guy." Brunon said of Lister: "I never knew what his true role was. I mean, he covertly insinuated that he was CIA. At least, if not a sworn member, whatever the hell they do to get to become employees - some sort of operative." Brunon "really didn't have much communication with the guy because he scared me."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -82,49 +82,36 @@ Lister's most significant intelligence connection was [[William Nelson|Bill Nels
|
|||
|
||||
On April 3, 1985, two FBI agents, Richard Smith and David Cook, delivered a grand jury subpoena to Lister's home in Mission Viejo. They questioned him about contacts with Soviet bloc countries. Lister confirmed to police in 1996 that he had been the subject of a "grand jury investigation on my relationship with Soviet agents." He said he had sold an FBI "scrambler system" to someone overseas, and the FBI investigated only to find the equipment was declassified and available commercially.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
FBI agent Smith recalled that Lister was attempting to sell classified electronic equipment to Soviet KGB agents. The FBI conducted a sting operation with agents posing as KGB agents. Smith said Lister's activities were "completely illegal and clearly in violation of United States national security." Chief Purcell recalled the FBI was "absolutely convinced he was selling this stuff to the Russians" and showed him photographs of Lister meeting with Russians in San Francisco, New York, and the Embassy in Washington. But Purcell told the FBI: "Pardon me for laughing, but he's taking you guys for a ride." The FBI discovered Lister was overcharging the Russians four to five times retail for camera equipment. Smith claimed Lister was never prosecuted because he was "full of hot air" and lacked "present capability" to produce the equipment, though the case went to a grand jury.[^2]
|
||||
FBI agent Smith recalled that Lister was attempting to sell classified electronic equipment to Soviet [[KGB]] agents. The FBI conducted a sting operation with agents posing as KGB agents. Smith said Lister's activities were "completely illegal and clearly in violation of United States national security." Chief Purcell recalled the FBI was "absolutely convinced he was selling this stuff to the Russians" and showed him photographs of Lister meeting with Russians in San Francisco, New York, and the Embassy in Washington. But Purcell told the FBI: "Pardon me for laughing, but he's taking you guys for a ride." The FBI discovered Lister was overcharging the Russians four to five times retail for camera equipment. Smith claimed Lister was never prosecuted because he was "full of hot air" and lacked "present capability" to produce the equipment, though the case went to a grand jury.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Seized Documents and National Security Classification
|
||||
|
||||
When L.A. detectives tried to obtain FBI files on the Lister investigation in 1996, FBI Special Agent Tim Bezick stated that "the FBI reports and the transcripts of Lister's grand jury testimony were protected by the National Security Act." Joel Levin, chief of the Criminal Division of the San Francisco U.S. Attorney's office, confirmed a court order would be required. The personnel files from Lister's old employers were also inaccessible: Maywood Police Department files were "sealed by the City of Maywood," and Laguna Beach Police Department files had been purged entirely.[^2]
|
||||
When L.A. detectives tried to obtain FBI files on the Lister investigation in 1996, FBI Special Agent Tim Bezick stated that "the FBI reports and the transcripts of Lister's grand jury testimony were protected by the National Security Act." Joel Levin, chief of the Criminal Division of the San Francisco [[U.S. Attorney's office]], confirmed a court order would be required. The personnel files from Lister's old employers were also inaccessible: Maywood Police Department files were "sealed by the City of Maywood," and Laguna Beach Police Department files had been purged entirely.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Documents seized during a 1986 narcotics raid on Lister's house included a ten-page handwritten document chronicling weapons and equipment deals, including meetings with a customer named "Ivan" at the Fairmont Hotel in San Jose and a visit to the Russian embassy in Washington, D.C. Lister's monthly calendars for 1985 contained "frequent references to the Contras," including notations reading "SF Contras," "LA Contras," "D-Contra" and at least one reference to the DIA. Agents seized weapons code sheets and a handwritten note bearing the names of several CIA operatives working with [[Eden Pastora]]'s [[ARDE]] group.[^2]
|
||||
Documents seized during a 1986 narcotics raid on Lister's house included a ten-page handwritten document chronicling weapons and equipment deals, including meetings with a customer named "Ivan" at the Fairmont Hotel in [[San Jose]] and a visit to the Russian embassy in [[Washington, D.C.]] Lister's monthly calendars for 1985 contained "frequent references to the Contras," including notations reading "SF Contras," "LA Contras," "D-Contra" and at least one reference to the DIA. Agents seized weapons code sheets and a handwritten note bearing the names of several CIA operatives working with [[Eden Pastora]]'s [[ARDE]] group.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
A flow chart found in Lister's notes contained boxes labeled "Swiss Bank," "U.S. State Department," "H.K.," "X Country," and "Factory USA." U.S. Customs Service analysis concluded it diagrammed a scheme to illegally divert American-made weapons using fraudulent end-user certificates - precisely the method [[Oliver North]] used to arm the Contras after the congressional funding cutoff. "The documents seized from Lister in 1986 largely corroborate his account of his relationship with Blandón and the Contras," the Justice Department concluded in 1997.[^2]
|
||||
A flow chart found in Lister's notes contained boxes labeled "Swiss Bank," "U.S. State Department," "H.K.," "X Country," and "Factory USA." [[U.S. Customs]] Service analysis concluded it diagrammed a scheme to illegally divert American-made weapons using fraudulent end-user certificates - precisely the method [[Oliver North]] used to arm the Contras after the congressional funding cutoff. The Justice Department's inspector general concluded that "whatever the legality of the transactions depicted in the flow chart, nothing indicates that it shows the sale of arms to the Contras, and certainly nothing suggests that it depicts the use of drug money in any of the deals," and that "the documents seized from Lister in 1986 largely corroborate his account of his relationship with Blandon and the Contras. Lister would have liked to sell military and security weaponry and equipment to the Contras and to factions in El Salvador but we found no evidence showing that he did."[^2][^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Expertise
|
||||
|
||||
Lister when he first met Blandón "knew nothing about narcotics and could not tell you coke from flour. I had never seen the shit." But after Lister returned from his Central American travels, his former San Diego attorney said, he appeared to be an expert in the cocaine business: "When he came back, he seemed to know a lot about what was going on in [[Colombia]] with drug trafficking. I thought it was interesting because in the mid-1980s, no one knew very much about these cartels. But he knew quite a bit. And he knew names and dates, places, et cetera." The attorney recalled Lister predicting the rise of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] while the media was focused only on the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]]: "Ron said the Cali cartel is where all the power is concentrated, that's where the power structure is, and no one is even bothering them." The attorney surmised that Lister could have gained "this information from the CIA, or through his work with them."[^1]
|
||||
Lister when he first met Blandón "knew nothing about narcotics and could not tell you coke from flour. I had never seen the shit." But after Lister returned from his Central American travels, his former [[San Diego]] attorney said, he appeared to be an expert in the cocaine business: "When he came back, he seemed to know a lot about what was going on in [[Colombia]] with drug trafficking. I thought it was interesting because in the mid-1980s, no one knew very much about these cartels. But he knew quite a bit. And he knew names and dates, places, et cetera." The attorney recalled Lister predicting the rise of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] while the media was focused only on the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]]: "Ron said the Cali cartel is where all the power is concentrated, that's where the power structure is, and no one is even bothering them." The attorney surmised that Lister could have gained "this information from the CIA, or through his work with them."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister told CIA inspectors that he had been to Colombia with Blandón and observed Blandón negotiating drug deals with the Colombians.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cocaine Distribution Operations
|
||||
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles expanded dramatically. Lister described the logistics to police: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen."[^1]
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles expanded dramatically. Lister described the logistics to police: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen."[^1] The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[Cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón.".[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### October 1986 Raids
|
||||
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided Lister's former Mission Viejo house - where [[Aparicio Moreno]] was now living - and his new residence. At the new house, Deputy Bobby Juarez explained they were executing a drug warrant. Lister responded: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told deputies he "had dealings in South America and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." Deputy Richard Love said Lister warned: "You don't know what you are doing. There's a bigger picture here. I'm working for the CIA. The government is allowing drug sales to go on in the United States." Lister also had "intimate details about a plane loaded with guns that crashed in Nicaragua" and "alluded to the fact that he had been on one of those planes before." No drugs were found. Seized evidence was logged as "miscellaneous CIA info" and included "a lot of Contra rebel correspondence."[^3]
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided Lister's former Mission Viejo house - where [[Aparicio Moreno]] was now living - and his new residence. At the new house, Deputy Bobby Juarez explained they were executing a drug warrant. Lister responded: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told deputies he "had dealings in [[South America]] and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." Deputy Richard Love said Lister warned: "You don't know what you are doing. There's a bigger picture here. I'm working for the CIA. The government is allowing drug sales to go on in the United States." Lister also had "intimate details about a plane loaded with guns that crashed in Nicaragua" and "alluded to the fact that he had been on one of those planes before." No drugs were found. Seized evidence was logged as "miscellaneous CIA info" and included "a lot of Contra rebel correspondence."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Deputies found papers showing Lister had "regular meeting with DIA subcontractor Scott Weekly," handwritten weapons lists including antiaircraft weapons, 1,000 AR-15 rifles, and napalm bombs, and a list of names including William Nelson, Roberto D'Aubuisson, and Scott Weekly. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages of seized documents, then nearly all copies disappeared. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Lister, Blandón, and Meneses. Lister denied the CIA claims, but Sergeant Art Fransen said Lister erupted in a "tirade": "You guys don't know what you are doing. I deal with the CIA. I got power!"[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Blandón
|
||||
|
||||
Ron Lister was a former Laguna Beach police officer who became Danilo Blandón's partner in drug trafficking and weapons procurement, claiming high-level Central Intelligence Agency connections. Lister's activities illustrated the overlap between law enforcement, the drug trade, and intelligence operations in [[California]] during the 1980s.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Partnership
|
||||
|
||||
The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón." Lister operated Mundy Security Group Inc., incorporated in Laguna Beach in mid-1983, which provided cover for his weapons procurement activities. He arranged weapons sales presentations to Contra leaders, with attendees including Eden Pastora and other top Contra figures.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Claims and Arrest
|
||||
|
||||
When arrested, Lister told detectives: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told Detective Juarez "that he had dealings in [[South America]] and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." He claimed his CIA contact was the former Deputy Director of Operations working at Fluor Corporation. After the arrest, a CIA cable marked "Immediate Director" reported that individuals claiming CIA affiliation had been detained. Nearly all seized evidence was returned to Lister and Blandón within days.[^6]
|
||||
Deputies found papers showing Lister had "regular meeting with DIA subcontractor [[Scott Weekly]]," handwritten weapons lists including antiaircraft weapons, 1,000 AR-15 rifles, and napalm bombs, and a list of names including William Nelson, Roberto D'Aubuisson, and Scott Weekly. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages of seized documents, then nearly all copies disappeared. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Lister, Blandón, and Meneses. Lister denied the CIA claims, but Sergeant Art Fransen said Lister erupted in a "tirade": "You guys don't know what you are doing. I deal with the CIA. I got power!"[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 10: "Teach a man a craft and he's liable to practice it"
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 18: "We bust our ass and the government's involved"
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9, Ch. 8.
|
||||
[^6]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
|
||||
[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapter V. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -3,22 +3,37 @@ category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
|||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "McDade's probe was authorized at the highest level of the RCMP and was well-funded."
|
||||
- RCMP
|
||||
- Canada
|
||||
summary: "Ottawa-Carleton police officer seconded to the RCMP who ran Project Abbreviation, the 1999-2000 inquiry into whether Canadian agencies used a compromised version of PROMIS."
|
||||
location: "Ottawa, Canada"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]]"
|
||||
start: 1999
|
||||
end: 2000
|
||||
role: "national security investigator on secondment from the Ottawa-Carleton regional police"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Project Abbreviation]]"
|
||||
start: 1999
|
||||
end: 2000-09-16
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Sean McDade]] was a national security investigator with the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] who secretly entered the [[United States]] in February 2000 to investigate evidence that the [[Canadian Government]] was using a computer software program called [[PROMIS]], which allegedly allowed the [[United States|U.S.]] to eavesdrop on [[Canada|Canadian]] intelligence secrets through a modified "back-door." His investigation was code-named [[Project Abbreviation]], and his email handle, "simorp," was [[PROMIS]] spelled backward.[1]
|
||||
|
||||
McDade's probe was authorized at the highest level of the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and was well-funded. He was deeply committed to ascertaining whether the [[Canadian Government]]'s computer system had been compromised. He learned that a meeting had been held in December 1999 at the [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos facility]] in [[New Mexico]], attended by the heads of intelligence divisions from the [[United States|U.S.]] ([[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]), [[United Kingdom|Britain]] ([[British Intelligence]]), [[Israel]] ([[Mossad]]), and [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]], concerning Y2K computer problems. A source suggested that all four allied countries shared the same computer system, possibly [[PROMIS]], due to its mutual integration capabilities. McDade was also informed by another source that the [[Mossad]] may have modified the [[PROMIS]] software to create a "two-way" backdoor, potentially allowing [[Israel]] access to top [[United States|U.S.]] weapons secrets at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]] and other installations.[1]
|
||||
Sean McDade, an Ottawa-Carleton regional police officer on secondment to the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]], ran [[Project Abbreviation]], the force's inquiry into whether software used by Canadian agencies was a version of [[INSLAW]]'s [[PROMIS]] fitted with a "trap door" for American and Israeli intelligence. His email handle, "simorp," was PROMIS spelled backward.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
During his investigation, McDade met with [[Cheri Seymour]], the author of *The Last Circle*, in Southern California on February 19, 2000. He explained that high-ranking [[Canadian Government|Canadian]] officials might have unlawfully purchased the [[PROMIS]] software from officials in the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]]-[[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administration, and the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] had reportedly traced banking transactions supporting this claim. He believed a successful investigation "could cause the entire [[United States Republican Party|U.S. Republican Party]] to be dismantled and more than one presidential administration would be exposed for their knowledge of the [[PROMIS]] software transaction." [[Sue Todd]], a Police Detective from Hercules, California, accompanied McDade to this meeting, as they had discovered they shared the same source and Todd's investigation into a double homicide was connected to the [[PROMIS]] case.[1]
|
||||
### The Public Record
|
||||
|
||||
McDade spent three days photocopying thousands of supporting documents to *The Last Circle* before returning to [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] headquarters in [[Ottawa]] to set up a "war room." His probe evolved into an eight-month saga of interviews with former investigators, witnesses, undercover informants, and law enforcement personnel across the [[United States]]. He learned that [[United States|U.S.]] predecessors in the [[PROMIS]] investigation had faced obstruction from the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]], with some investigators being fired, suspended, or quitting when directed to cease their inquiries into drugs and money laundering.[1]
|
||||
The *Toronto Star* disclosed the inquiry on August 25, 2000. Reached by telephone, McDade said: "You're putting me in a bad spot here. I can't comment on what's happening right now... I kind of get a chuckle out of how something so small has been blown out of proportion." The RCMP's Sergeant Marc Richer said, "I cannot either confirm or deny what you're looking into"; Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet confirmed the next day that an investigation had been under way "for some time" and had found "absolutely nothing to indicate that national security has been compromised"; the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] spokesman Dan Lambert said the service had reviewed the question in 1991 and never held a copy of the software. Louis Buffardi, lawyer for [[Michael Riconosciuto]], said RCMP officers had interviewed his client "eight or nine months" earlier.[^1][^2] On September 16, 2000, the Star reported the end of the inquiry, with Gaudet saying, "We're saying today that we do not have Promis software." McDade had refused the paper's requests for an interview. [[Bill Hamilton]] of INSLAW said he had spoken with McDade "probably dozens" of times and that McDade had earlier told him the RCMP acquired PROMIS "from a company in Massachusetts" and that it "was modified by a Toronto firm"; [[Cheri Seymour]] told the Star that McDade "said that they had a paper trail on the Promis software being purchased by the RCMP. He told me that."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
McDade also described [[Scott Lawrence]]'s deep-cover drug investigation, code-named [[THE INDO-CHINA PROJECT]], on the Maine/Canadian border. Lawrence's investigation was abruptly shut down after he and his supervisor, [[John (Tim) Kelly]], requested to impanel grand juries to depose [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officials.[1]
|
||||
### McDade's Account
|
||||
|
||||
McDade found himself a target of [[ECHELON]] technology during his investigation in the [[United States]], forcing him to take extraordinary measures to communicate with [[Sue Todd]] and [[Cheri Seymour]]. He stated that the [[NSA|NSA]] was spying on [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens while [[Canada]] spied on [[United States|American]] citizens, both using [[ECHELON]] and trading data. The RCMP's spokesman Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet said on August 25, 2000, that the inquiry had produced "absolutely nothing to date to indicate national security has been compromised in any way," and CSIS's Dan Lambert that the service had reviewed the matter in 1991 and never held a copy of the software;[2] the public record of the affair, from the 1991 origin to the 2000 disclosure, is on the [[Project Abbreviation]] page. Although he reportedly left the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] after his investigation was exposed in the *Toronto Star* in August 2000, [[Sue Todd]] indicated he ultimately returned to police work in his hometown.[1]
|
||||
The rest of what is known of the inquiry comes from Seymour, who met McDade in Southern California on February 19, 2000, with the Hercules, California, detective [[Sue Todd]]. In her account the inquiry was authorized at the top of the force and well funded; McDade had learned of a meeting in December 1999 at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]], [[New Mexico]], of intelligence chiefs of the [[United States]], [[United Kingdom|Britain]], [[Israel]] and [[Canada]] on Y2K problems, and had been told by sources that the four countries shared one computer system, possibly PROMIS, and that the [[Mossad]] may have built a "two-way" back door into it. He told Seymour that Canadian officials might have bought the software unlawfully from officials of the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] and [[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administrations, that the RCMP had traced banking transactions supporting this, and that a successful inquiry "could cause the entire U.S. Republican Party to be dismantled." He spent three days copying her files before setting up a "war room" in [[Ottawa]], and over eight months interviewed former investigators and informants, among them [[Scott Lawrence]], whose Customs inquiry on the Maine border, "The Indo-China Project," had been closed after he and his supervisor, [[John (Tim) Kelly]], asked for grand juries to depose [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officials. McDade believed he had been targeted by [[ECHELON]] while in the United States. Todd told Seymour that he later returned to police work in his hometown.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[2] Sallot, Jeff. "Mounties probe software allegations," *The Globe and Mail,* August 26, 2000.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the passages attributed to Seymour and McDade.
|
||||
[^2]: Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Spy computer 'trap' probed," *Toronto Star,* August 25, 2000; Thompson, Allan, and Valerie Lawton, "RCMP admit they're investigating 'trap'," *Toronto Star,* August 26, 2000; Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Mounties end probe of Promis," *Toronto Star,* September 16, 2000; texts as forwarded to the CTRL mailing list, https://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg49408.html, msg49544.html and msg50988.html; Sallot, Jeff, "Mounties probe software allegations," *The Globe and Mail,* August 26, 2000.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,6 +7,38 @@ tags:
|
|||
- PrivateMilitaryContractors
|
||||
summary: "Career CIA operations officer who headed the Directorate of Operations from 2002 to 2004, worked for ArmorGroup International, and returned as the agency's Deputy Director in 2006."
|
||||
born: 1951-08-22
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[United States Marine Corps]]"
|
||||
start: 1976
|
||||
role: "officer"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
start: 1981-01
|
||||
role: "operations officer; Deputy Director for Operations 2002-2004"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[ArmorGroup International]]"
|
||||
start: 2005-04
|
||||
end: 2006-06
|
||||
role: "chief operating officer"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[ArmorGroup International]]"
|
||||
start: 2005-11
|
||||
end: 2006-06
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
start: 2006-07-24
|
||||
role: "Deputy Director"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[T-Mobile US]]"
|
||||
end: 2021-06-22
|
||||
role: "national security director"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Hanson was known to 'cool down' before a remote viewing session by rea
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Steve Hanson]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was a devout Christian and one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Steve Hanson]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit. He was a devout Christian and one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Hanson was known to "cool down" before a remote viewing session by reading Bible verses. However, he eventually faded from the remote viewing scene, as he had problems relaxing into the groove of remote viewing itself, often yanking himself out of the "zone" with worries about whether he was doing it correctly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Army civilian photo-interpreter and one of the original four candidate
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Steve Holloway]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Steve Holloway]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ born: 1940-02-08
|
|||
location: "Nelson, Lancashire, England"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
#Ted Koppel is an American broadcast journalist, best known as the anchor and managing editor of *Nightline* from 1980 to 2005. On November 28, 1995, Koppel hosted a *Nightline* exposé that made the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate program]] public[^1].
|
||||
#Ted Koppel is an American broadcast journalist, best known as the anchor and managing editor of *Nightline* from 1980 to 2005. On November 28, 1995, Koppel hosted a *Nightline* exposé that made the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate program]] public[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
During the broadcast, Koppel interviewed [[Dale Graff]] of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] and [[Robert Gates]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. Graff defended the integrity of the programs, while Gates downplayed their significance. Koppel also interviewed [[William Green]], a customs agent, who confirmed the story of how [[Angela Dellafiora]], a DIA psychic, had located [[Charles Frank Jordan]], an [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] Most Wanted Fugitive[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,6 +9,12 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Soviet radio engineer and vice president of the USSR Academy of Sciences whom a 1987 DIA briefing quoted as saying Ninel Kulagina's psychokinetic abilities were real."
|
||||
died: 2005-02-11
|
||||
location: "Moscow, Russia"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Soviet Academy of Sciences]]"
|
||||
start: 1953
|
||||
role: "academician; vice president from 1969"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,6 +10,12 @@ summary: "Soviet radar pioneer and academician whom a 1987 DIA briefing quoted a
|
|||
born: 1905-12-08
|
||||
died: 1992-04-25
|
||||
location: "Moscow, Russia"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Soviet Academy of Sciences]]"
|
||||
start: 1970-11
|
||||
role: "academician"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,7 +24,7 @@ Yuri Borisovich Kobzarev was born on November 25 (December 8, New Style), 1905,
|
|||
|
||||
### In the DIA Briefing
|
||||
|
||||
A [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] briefing on Soviet psychoenergetics given to the [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] in 1987 quoted "Yu. B. Kobzerev," "radar pioneer, member USSR Academy of Science": "I am persuaded that the phenomena demonstrated by N. Kulagina (psychokinesis), and by L. Korabelnikova (extrasensory perception), are by no means tricks but rather the existence of the manifestation of unusual capabilities in man. My conviction is shared by many people including a group of professors and academicians."[^2] See [[Ninel Kulagina]], [[Vladimir Kotelnikov]] and [[Psychoenergetics]].
|
||||
A [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] briefing on Soviet psychoenergetics given to the [[United States Air Force|Air Force]] in 1987 quoted "Yu. B. Kobzerev," "radar pioneer, member [[Soviet Union|USSR]] Academy of Science": "I am persuaded that the phenomena demonstrated by N. Kulagina (psychokinesis), and by L. Korabelnikova (extrasensory perception), are by no means tricks but rather the existence of the manifestation of unusual capabilities in man. My conviction is shared by many people including a group of professors and academicians."[^2] See [[Ninel Kulagina]], [[Vladimir Kotelnikov]] and [[Psychoenergetics]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
Loading…
Add table
Add a link
Reference in a new issue