vault backup: 2026-09-22 19:06:17
This commit is contained in:
parent
6ecc95bb99
commit
bdd3b6bbfb
317 changed files with 1836 additions and 923 deletions
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Federal Reserve
|
||||
category: "Intelligence & Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,25 +1,29 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
category: "Foreign Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
- Government
|
||||
- Canada
|
||||
- Intelligence
|
||||
category: "Foreign Government"
|
||||
summary: "The Royal Canadian Mounted Police is Canada's national police force, which became significantly involved in the investigation of the PROMIS Software Scandal."
|
||||
start: 1920
|
||||
- LawEnforcement
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
summary: "Canada's national police force, twice drawn into the PROMIS affair: by a mistaken 1991 software inventory and by its own 1999-2000 inquiry, Project Abbreviation."
|
||||
location: "Ottawa, Canada"
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
The [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] is [[Canada]]'s national police force, which became significantly involved in the investigation of the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]]. In February 2000, [[Sean McDade]], an [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] national security investigator, secretly entered the [[United States]] to investigate evidence that the [[Canadian Government]] was using a modified version of the [[PROMIS]] computer software, which purportedly allowed the [[United States|U.S.]] to eavesdrop on [[Canada|Canadian]] intelligence secrets through a "back-door." His investigation was code-named [[Project Abbreviation]], and his email handle, "simorp," was [[PROMIS]] spelled backward.[1]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] probe, code-named Project Abbreviation, was authorized at the highest levels of the organization and was well-funded. The investigation was prompted by the discovery of an invoice for the purchase of [[PROMIS]] from Strategic Software Planning in Cambridge, Massachusetts, which contradicted earlier denials by [[Canada|Canadian]] authorities regarding the Hamiltons' claims about the pirated software. [[Sean McDade]]'s investigation reportedly traced banking transactions that supported the claim that high-ranking [[Canadian Government|Canadian]] officials might have unlawfully purchased the software from officials in the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]]-[[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administration.[1]
|
||||
The [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] is [[Canada]]'s national police force. It figures twice in the [[PROMIS Software Scandal]].
|
||||
|
||||
During his investigation, [[Sean McDade]] learned that a meeting had taken place in December 1999 at the [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos facility]] in [[New Mexico]], attended by intelligence heads from the [[United States|U.S.]] ([[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]), [[United Kingdom|Britain]] ([[British Intelligence]]), [[Israel]] ([[Mossad]]), and [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]]. The discussion, labeled "Unique Elements," touched upon questions related to Y2K computer problems and a glitch in the British computer system. A source suggested that all four allied countries shared the same computer system, possibly [[PROMIS]], due to its mutual integration capabilities. Furthermore, [[Sean McDade]] was informed that the [[Mossad]] might have modified the [[PROMIS]] software to create a "two-way" backdoor, potentially granting [[Israel]] access to top [[United States|U.S.]] weapons secrets at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]] and other installations.[1]
|
||||
### The 1991 Inventory
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] investigation, with assistance from Detective [[Sue Todd]] of Hercules, California, revealed that [[United States|U.S.]] investigators who had previously probed the [[PROMIS]] affair faced significant obstruction from the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]. Many were fired, suspended, or resigned when their inquiries into drugs and money laundering reached high-level connections. The text highlights that [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] investigators, among others, still feared punitive action for coming forward, even if they were no longer in the public sector.[1]
|
||||
In November 1990 and January 1991 officials of the Department of Communications and the Canadian Workplace Automation Research Centre told [[Patricia Hamilton]] of [[INSLAW]] that [[PROMIS]] was running at "more than 900 locations" in the federal government, and one said the RCMP was among the users; an RCMP officer in [[Ottawa]] told her on February 1, 1991, that he knew of no PROMIS in the force. The officials later said they had confused INSLAW's product with a project-management package of the same name sold by the Strategic Software Planning Corporation of Cambridge, Massachusetts. On December 4, 1991, the Canadian ambassador wrote to the [[House Committee on the Judiciary]] that "the RCMP and CSIS report they do not use any case management software," a letter the committee called "conclusory." The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s review of 1994 concluded that the Canadian "PROMIS" was "a totally different program developed by a different company."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]]'s involvement in the [[PROMIS]] investigation also brought to light the use of [[ECHELON]] technology. [[Sean McDade]] himself became a target of [[ECHELON]] during his investigation in the [[United States]], forcing him to take extraordinary measures to communicate securely. He noted that the [[NSA|NSA]] was spying on [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens while [[Canada]] spied on [[United States|American]] citizens, both utilizing [[ECHELON]] and exchanging data.[1]
|
||||
### Project Abbreviation
|
||||
|
||||
Despite the exposure of [[Sean McDade]]'s investigation in the *Toronto Star* in August 2000, he reportedly returned to police work in his hometown.[1]
|
||||
In 1999 and 2000 the force ran its own national security inquiry, [[Project Abbreviation]], under [[Sean McDade]], an Ottawa-Carleton regional police officer on secondment, into whether software used by Canadian agencies was a version of PROMIS with a hidden access point for American and Israeli intelligence. When the *Toronto Star* disclosed it on August 25, 2000, Sergeant Marc Richer said, "I cannot either confirm or deny what you're looking into"; Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet said the next day that it had been under way "for some time" and had found "absolutely nothing to indicate that national security has been compromised in any way." On September 16, 2000, Gaudet announced its end: "We're saying today that we do not have Promis software."[^2] The account of the inquiry from McDade's side, including a meeting of allied intelligence chiefs at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]] in December 1999 and his belief that he had been targeted by [[ECHELON]], comes from [[Cheri Seymour]].[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary. *The INSLAW Affair,* H. Rept. 102-857, September 10, 1992, section on Canada; Hamilton, Patricia C., affidavit, February 1991, *INSLAW, Inc. v. United States,* Adv. Proc. No. 86-0069 (Bankr. D.D.C.); U.S. Department of Justice, *Report on the Review of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua's Report,* September 27, 1994, "The Alleged Distribution of Enhanced PROMIS to Canada."
|
||||
[^2]: Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Spy computer 'trap' probed," *Toronto Star,* August 25, 2000; Thompson, Allan, and Valerie Lawton, "RCMP admit they're investigating 'trap'," *Toronto Star,* August 26, 2000; Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Mounties end probe of Promis," *Toronto Star,* September 16, 2000; texts as forwarded to the CTRL mailing list, https://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg49408.html, msg49544.html and msg50988.html.
|
||||
[^3]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ end: 1977
|
|||
|
||||
The [[Army Intelligence Agency]] (USAINTA) was a component of the [[U.S. Army]]'s intelligence apparatus. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, it is mentioned as merging with the Army Security Agency (ASA) to form the all-in-one [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brigadier General [[Edmund Thompson]] was the head of USAINTA before the merger, and later became the Major General and Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence (ACSI) for INSCOM, overseeing the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program.[^1]
|
||||
Brigadier General [[Edmund Thompson]] was the head of USAINTA before the merger, and later became the Major General and Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence (ACSI) for INSCOM, overseeing the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -77,7 +77,7 @@ The CIA's covert action division, the Directorate of Operations, created and man
|
|||
|
||||
### Contra Drug Trafficking and the Frogman Case
|
||||
|
||||
Federal law enforcement records and congressional testimony established that the CIA had reports of [[cocaine]] being transshipped through Contra-linked facilities, including [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]]. When defense attorneys in the [[Frogman Case]] obtained letters from CIA assets claiming seized drug money belonged to the Contras, the CIA's Costa Rican station cabled Langley that both men were assets of an organization that had "unwittingly received CIA support." CIA lawyer Lee Strickland flew to [[San Francisco]] and asked the prosecutor to ensure depositions did not go forward. The government returned $36,020 in seized drug money and a CIA cable declared: "CIA equities are fully protected."[^13]
|
||||
Federal law enforcement records and congressional testimony established that the CIA had reports of [[Cocaine]] being transshipped through Contra-linked facilities, including [[Ilopango Airbase]] in [[El Salvador]]. When defense attorneys in the [[Frogman Case]] obtained letters from CIA assets claiming seized drug money belonged to the Contras, the CIA's Costa Rican station cabled Langley that both men were assets of an organization that had "unwittingly received CIA support." CIA lawyer Lee Strickland flew to [[San Francisco]] and asked the prosecutor to ensure depositions did not go forward. The government returned $36,020 in seized drug money and a CIA cable declared: "CIA equities are fully protected."[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
The pseudonymous agent [[Ivan Gomez|Iván Gómez]], assigned to Costa Rica in 1982 as the CIA's liaison to the Contra armies, admitted during polygraph tests that he had laundered drug money. He was fired in 1989 for repeated polygraph failures concerning drug dealing.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ summary: "The Drug Enforcement Administration was the principal federal anti-nar
|
|||
start: 1973-07-01
|
||||
location: "Arlington, Virginia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) is a branch of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] and the principal federal agency responsible for enforcement of anti-drug laws.[^3] It is the successor to the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD). During the Contra war, multiple DEA agents and offices were involved in or aware of Contra-connected [[cocaine]] trafficking.
|
||||
Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) is a branch of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] and the principal federal agency responsible for enforcement of anti-drug laws.[^3] It is the successor to the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD). During the Contra war, multiple DEA agents and offices were involved in or aware of Contra-connected [[Cocaine]] trafficking.
|
||||
|
||||
### Contra War Involvement
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,9 +15,9 @@ summary: "The Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) is a major intelligence agency o
|
|||
start: 1961-10-01
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
---
|
||||
The [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA) is a major intelligence agency of the United States, specializing in defense and military intelligence. The DIA played a significant role in the oversight and funding of the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], particularly after the Army's initial involvement.[^1]
|
||||
The [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA) is a major intelligence agency of the United States, specializing in defense and military intelligence. The DIA played a significant role in the oversight and funding of the [[Stargate Project]], particularly after the Army's initial involvement.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1979, when [[Jimmy Carter]] decided to provide [[Israel]] with KH-11 satellite photographs, the images were picked up by Israeli military attachés at a special Pentagon office controlled by the DIA. Following the Israeli bombing of [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, a review found that [[Israel]] had significantly expanded the agreement, leading to anger within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and DIA over the "very lax" management of the liaison agreement.[^2]
|
||||
In March 1979, when [[Jimmy Carter]] decided to provide [[Israel]] with KH-11 satellite photographs, the images were picked up by Israeli military attachés at a special Pentagon office controlled by the DIA. Following the Israeli bombing of [[Osirak bombing]] in June 1981, a review found that Israel had significantly expanded the agreement, leading to anger within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] and DIA over the "very lax" management of the liaison agreement.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Involvement in Psi Research
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ location: "Arlington, Virginia"
|
|||
|
||||
The [[Department of Defense]] (DoD) is an executive branch department of the U.S. federal government charged with coordinating and supervising all agencies and functions of the government concerned directly with national security and the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In the context of psychic research, the DoD played a significant role, particularly after the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s initial involvement. The DoD became the primary sponsor of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], overseeing its various phases and applications for military and intelligence purposes. Figures like [[William Perry]] and [[Richard DeLauer]] were involved in funding decisions for these programs.[^1]
|
||||
In the context of psychic research, the DoD played a significant role, particularly after the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s initial involvement. The DoD became the primary sponsor of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], overseeing its various phases and applications for military and intelligence purposes. Figures like [[William Perry]] and [[Richard DeLauer]] were involved in funding decisions for these programs.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The DoD's interest in [[Psi|psi]] phenomena was often driven by concerns about perceived advancements in [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] and [[China|Chinese]] psychic research, leading to programs aimed at understanding and potentially weaponizing these abilities. This included research into [[Psychotronic Weapons]] and the biological effects of electromagnetic radiation, as seen in [[Project Pandora]] and the work of scientists like [[Allan H. Frey]] and [[Robert O. Becker]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -29,9 +29,9 @@ However, the DoD has also been the primary source of the official secrecy and de
|
|||
|
||||
### Internal Conflict and Recent Developments
|
||||
|
||||
The DoD has been the site of significant internal conflict over the UAP issue. The efforts of individuals like [[Luis Elizondo]], [[Christopher Mellon]], and [[Jay Stratton]] to bring the issue to the attention of senior leadership have been met with resistance from within the department, including from the alleged "[[Collins Elite]]" and the powerful forces behind the "Legacy Program."[^2]
|
||||
The DoD has been the site of significant internal conflict over the UAP issue. The efforts of individuals like Luis Elizondo, [[Christopher Mellon]], and [[Jay Stratton]] to bring the issue to the attention of senior leadership have been met with resistance from within the department, including from the alleged "[[Collins Elite]]" and the powerful forces behind the "Legacy Program."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In recent years, however, the DoD has been forced to take the UAP issue more seriously due to pressure from Congress and the public. The department has officially released UAP videos, produced public reports on the phenomenon, and established the [[All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office]] (AARO) to standardize the collection and analysis of UAP data. Despite these steps towards transparency, the DoD continues to be criticized for its lack of openness and its failure to provide a full accounting of its historical involvement with the UAP issue.[^2]
|
||||
In recent years, however, the DoD has been forced to take the UAP issue more seriously due to pressure from Congress and the public. The department has officially released UAP videos, produced public reports on the phenomenon, and established the All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) to standardize the collection and analysis of UAP data. Despite these steps towards transparency, the DoD continues to be criticized for its lack of openness and its failure to provide a full accounting of its historical involvement with the UAP issue.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ location: "Langley, Virginia"
|
|||
---
|
||||
The Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) was a dual-hatted position that served as both the head of the U.S. intelligence community and the director of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] from 1946 to 2005. The DCI was responsible for coordinating intelligence activities across various U.S. government agencies.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Stansfield Turner]] held this position during the [[Jimmy Carter]] administration, overseeing the CIA's operations, including its involvement with psychic research programs like the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Stansfield Turner]] held this position during the [[Jimmy Carter]] administration, overseeing the CIA's operations, including its involvement with psychic research programs like the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ start: 1908-07-26
|
|||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is the domestic intelligence and security service of the United States and its principal federal law enforcement agency. The FBI was aware of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program and occasionally sought assistance from its remote viewers for counterintelligence situations.[^1]
|
||||
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is the domestic intelligence and security service of the United States and its principal federal law enforcement agency. The FBI was aware of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program and occasionally sought assistance from its remote viewers for counterintelligence situations.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Psi Research Assistance
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -25,7 +25,7 @@ One notable instance involved an FBI official seeking [[Norm Everheart]]'s help
|
|||
|
||||
### Dark Alliance Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
During the Contra war, the FBI investigated - and in some cases suppressed - connections between [[Contras|Contra]] supporters and [[cocaine]] trafficking. In 1982, the FBI identified [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]] and [[Horacio Pereira]] as cocaine suppliers to the Contra drug operation in [[San Francisco]]. In 1987, Contra supporter [[Dennis Ainsworth]] told the FBI that [[Norwin Meneses]] "ran one of the major distributions in the U.S. He was national. And he was totally protected." The FBI took no apparent action.[^2]
|
||||
During the Contra war, the FBI investigated - and in some cases suppressed - connections between [[Contras|Contra]] supporters and [[Cocaine]] trafficking. In 1982, the FBI identified [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]] and [[Horacio Pereira]] as cocaine suppliers to the Contra drug operation in [[San Francisco]]. In 1987, Contra supporter [[Dennis Ainsworth]] told the FBI that [[Norwin Meneses]] "ran one of the major distributions in the U.S. He was national. And he was totally protected." The FBI took no apparent action.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Between 1983 and 1986, the FBI opened five separate investigations of [[Ronald Lister]] for trafficking in illegal weapons. In September 1983, [[Pyramid International Security Consultants]] came under FBI scrutiny for Neutrality Act violations involving weapons sales to [[El Salvador]] and Saudi loans. Despite the Saudi government's involvement in financing covert operations, "no further information was ever developed."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ summary: "A Human Use Review Board (also known as an Institutional Review Board
|
|||
|
||||
A [[Human Use Review Board]] (also known as an Institutional Review Board or IRB) is a committee responsible for reviewing and approving research involving human subjects to ensure ethical standards and participant safety. These boards are a direct consequence of past abuses in human experimentation, such as those seen in [[Project MKUltra]] and Nazi medical experiments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
In the context of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], the remote viewing program was categorized as [[Human Use Experimentation]], requiring the establishment of a Human Use Review Board within the [[U.S. Army]] to oversee its activities. This ensured that participants provided informed consent and that the research adhered to ethical guidelines.[^1]
|
||||
In the context of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], the remote viewing program was categorized as [[Human Use Experimentation]], requiring the establishment of a Human Use Review Board within the [[U.S. Army]] to oversee its activities. This ensured that participants provided informed consent and that the research adhered to ethical guidelines.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Los Angeles Police Department
|
||||
category: "U.S. Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -45,7 +47,7 @@ By 1986, despite three years of the crack epidemic raging in South Central, drug
|
|||
|
||||
On January 12, 1987, the LAPD and the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department formally joined forces to create the Freeway Rick Task Force, one of the few times in L.A. law enforcement history that a single individual was the target of a multi-jurisdictional squad. The LAPD contributed four detectives to join five from the sheriff's department, led by Sergeant [[Robert Sobel]] of Majors I. Detective [[Steve Polak]], who had worked South Central streets since the dawn of crack, was among the LAPD contingent. Deputy LAPD chief Glenn Levant called the task force "a model for other jurisdictions to follow to attack mid-level cocaine trafficking in California."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The task force's tactics became increasingly aggressive. Detectives beat Ricky Ross's partner [[Ollie Newell]], smothering him with a plastic bag. They planted a kilo of [[cocaine]] on Ross after a foot chase in April 1987, with Polak retrieving the drugs from his trunk and claiming Ross had dropped them. After Ross's arrest, task force members visited him in jail and, on a tape recording, discussed their frame-up of him. A forensic expert found eleven erasures on the tape. After hearing the recording, the judge threw all charges out of court.[^4]
|
||||
The task force's tactics became increasingly aggressive. Detectives beat Ricky Ross's partner [[Ollie Newell]], smothering him with a plastic bag. They planted a kilo of [[Cocaine]] on Ross after a foot chase in April 1987, with Polak retrieving the drugs from his trunk and claiming Ross had dropped them. After Ross's arrest, task force members visited him in jail and, on a tape recording, discussed their frame-up of him. A forensic expert found eleven erasures on the tape. After hearing the recording, the judge threw all charges out of court.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ The Laguna Beach Police Department employed [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]], a form
|
|||
|
||||
### Ron Lister's Background
|
||||
|
||||
The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón." Lister operated Mundy Security Group Inc., incorporated in Laguna Beach in mid-1983, which provided cover for his weapons procurement activities. He claimed to have high-level CIA contacts at [[Fluor Corporation]] and told drug dealers his "friends in Washington" could make their legal problems disappear.[^2]
|
||||
The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[Cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón." Lister operated Mundy Security Group Inc., incorporated in Laguna Beach in mid-1983, which provided cover for his weapons procurement activities. He claimed to have high-level CIA contacts at [[Fluor Corporation]] and told drug dealers his "friends in Washington" could make their legal problems disappear.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Purged Records
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department played a key role in invest
|
|||
start: 1850
|
||||
location: "Los Angeles, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department (LASD) played a key role in investigating the Contra-connected [[cocaine]] network, arresting [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] before being ordered to release him and return seized evidence. The department's [[LASD Major Violators]] unit, known as "the Majors," partnered with federal agents on the investigation that nearly exposed the Contra drug connection.[^1]
|
||||
The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department (LASD) played a key role in investigating the Contra-connected [[Cocaine]] network, arresting [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] before being ordered to release him and return seized evidence. The department's [[LASD Major Violators]] unit, known as "the Majors," partnered with federal agents on the investigation that nearly exposed the Contra drug connection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Blandón Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -21,7 +21,7 @@ The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) is the U.S. federal civ
|
|||
|
||||
### Edgar Mitchell and the Apollo 14 Experience
|
||||
|
||||
Apollo 14 commander [[Edgar Mitchell]] had a spontaneous experience during the return voyage from the Moon in February 1971 that he later described as a sudden overwhelming sense of unity with the universe and the understanding that consciousness was somehow fundamental to reality. This experience, which Mitchell characterized as a form of samadhi drawn from Eastern spiritual traditions, led him to undertake a scientific investigation of consciousness upon his return.
|
||||
Apollo 14 commander Edgar Mitchell had a spontaneous experience during the return voyage from the Moon in February 1971 that he later described as a sudden overwhelming sense of unity with the universe and the understanding that consciousness was somehow fundamental to reality. This experience, which Mitchell characterized as a form of samadhi drawn from Eastern spiritual traditions, led him to undertake a scientific investigation of consciousness upon his return.
|
||||
|
||||
In 1973, Mitchell founded the [[Institute of Noetic Sciences|Institute of Noetic Sciences (IONS)]] in Palo Alto, California, to study consciousness and what he believed were its paranormal dimensions. IONS funded and published research on remote viewing, psychokinesis, and other psi phenomena, and provided some financial and institutional support to the broader network of researchers and practitioners associated with the U.S. government's parapsychology programs.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -29,7 +29,7 @@ During the Apollo 14 flight itself - without NASA authorization - Mitchell condu
|
|||
|
||||
### Remote Viewing and Space Targets
|
||||
|
||||
The early [[STARGATE PROJECT|STAR GATE]] remote viewing research conducted at the [[Stanford Research Institute|Stanford Research Institute (SRI)]] in the early 1970s included several experiments in which subjects attempted to describe space-related targets. In 1973, [[Ingo Swann]] was asked by researchers to describe the planet Jupiter, providing his description before NASA's Pioneer 10 spacecraft reached the planet. Swann's session, conducted on April 27, 1973, described Jupiter as having rings - a feature not then known. Pioneer 10 flew past Jupiter in December 1973; later spacecraft confirmed Jupiter has a faint ring system. This session was cited by remote viewing proponents as one of the most significant predictive examples in the SRI database, though critics disputed the interpretation of Swann's original description and its match to the later discovery.
|
||||
The early [[Stargate Project|STAR GATE]] remote viewing research conducted at the [[Stanford Research Institute|Stanford Research Institute (SRI)]] in the early 1970s included several experiments in which subjects attempted to describe space-related targets. In 1973, [[Ingo Swann]] was asked by researchers to describe the planet Jupiter, providing his description before NASA's Pioneer 10 spacecraft reached the planet. Swann's session, conducted on April 27, 1973, described Jupiter as having rings - a feature not then known. Pioneer 10 flew past Jupiter in December 1973; later spacecraft confirmed Jupiter has a faint ring system. This session was cited by remote viewing proponents as one of the most significant predictive examples in the SRI database, though critics disputed the interpretation of Swann's original description and its match to the later discovery.
|
||||
|
||||
Similar space-target sessions were conducted with other SRI subjects during the 1972-1975 period. NASA spacecraft and planetary features were used as targets in some experiments.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ location: "Fort Meade, Maryland"
|
|||
> [!INFO] THIS IS NOT WIKIPEDIA
|
||||
> This page is not all encompassing. The organization is obviously much larger and more detailed than the scope of this page. Consequently, only general information and details relevant to other research thrusts are included.
|
||||
|
||||
The National Security Agency (NSA) is a U.S. intelligence agency primarily responsible for signals intelligence (SIGINT) and cybersecurity. The NSA became involved in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, particularly in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence collection.[^1]
|
||||
The National Security Agency (NSA) is a U.S. intelligence agency primarily responsible for signals intelligence (SIGINT) and cybersecurity. The NSA became involved in the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, particularly in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence collection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Satellite Intelligence
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ start: 1962
|
|||
location: "Langley, Virginia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Office of Research and Development (CIA)]] (ORD) was a more scientifically oriented office within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[Directorate of Science and Technology]]. Along with the [[Office of Technical Service|Office of Technical Service]] (OTS), ORD jointly handled the funding and contract management for the CIA's psi research, including the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]] at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]].[^1]
|
||||
The [[Office of Research and Development (CIA)]] (ORD) was a more scientifically oriented office within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s [[Directorate of Science and Technology]]. Along with the [[Office of Technical Service|Office of Technical Service]] (OTS), ORD jointly handled the funding and contract management for the CIA's psi research, including the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]] at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ summary: "The Office of Technical Service (OTS) was a CIA division responsible f
|
|||
|
||||
The [[Office of Technical Service]] (OTS) was a division within the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] responsible for technical assistance to spying and covert-action operations. It was previously known as the Technical Services Division (TSD). OTS was often referred to as the "Q Branch" of the CIA, akin to the gadget-strewn division in the James Bond films.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
OTS played a significant role in the early funding and management of the CIA's psi research, including the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. [[Kenneth A. Kress|Ken Kress]], an OTS engineer, was responsible for giving [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] its first psi research contract in 1972. [[Norm Everheart]] served as the chief of OTS's regional "tech base" in Athens before becoming a liaison to [[Staff D]] and a key coordinator for Grill Flame taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
OTS played a significant role in the early funding and management of the CIA's psi research, including the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]]. [[Kenneth A. Kress|Ken Kress]], an OTS engineer, was responsible for giving [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] its first psi research contract in 1972. [[Norm Everheart]] served as the chief of OTS's regional "tech base" in Athens before becoming a liaison to [[Staff D]] and a key coordinator for Grill Flame taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[John McMahon]], the CIA's deputy director for operations, was also the head of OTS, indicating the importance of this office in technical and covert operations, including those involving psychic intelligence.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ The [[Operations Security Group]] (Opsec) was a [[U.S. Army]] unit based at [[Fo
|
|||
|
||||
[[Mel Riley]] was posted to the Opsec Group in 1976, where his specific job was to analyze photographic intelligence on these installations. The Opsec Group later became part of the [[Systems Exploitation Detachment]] (SED), which in turn was attached to the office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence (ACSI).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] initially proposed the formation of a small remote-viewing team to the head of SED, Colonel [[Robert Keenan]], arguing that remote viewing represented a potential security threat that Opsec teams should study. The early remote viewing activities under [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] were initially envisioned to support opsec missions, though the unit later transitioned to an offensive spying role under [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] initially proposed the formation of a small remote-viewing team to the head of SED, Colonel [[Robert Keenan]], arguing that remote viewing represented a potential security threat that Opsec teams should study. The early remote viewing activities under [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] were initially envisioned to support opsec missions, though the unit later transitioned to an offensive spying role under Grill Flame.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -21,4 +21,4 @@ The SED played a crucial role in the establishment of the Army's remote viewing
|
|||
* The office of the assistant chief of staff for intelligence (ACSI) [i]
|
||||
* The remote viewing unit itself, formally known as the "Special Action Branch," took its orders from the Pentagon office of the Army’s assistant chief of staff for intelligence.
|
||||
* Tasking requests for the Special Action Branch came from various offices throughout the U.S. intelligence community, including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]], and the [[President’s National Security Council]].
|
||||
* Orders and information were marked with the standard Army intelligence SECRET classification and the Pentagon code word, [[STARGATE PROJECT|GRILL FLAME]].
|
||||
* Orders and information were marked with the standard Army intelligence SECRET classification and the Pentagon code word, [[Stargate Project|GRILL FLAME]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- United States Air Force
|
||||
created: 2025-07-22
|
||||
updated: 2025-07-22
|
||||
title: U.S. Air Force
|
||||
|
|
@ -13,11 +15,11 @@ start: 1947
|
|||
location: "Arlington, Virginia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The [[U.S. Air Force]] is the aerial warfare service branch of the [[United States]]. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, the Air Force was a key customer for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems.[^1]
|
||||
The [[U.S. Air Force]] is the aerial warfare service branch of the [[United States]]. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, the Air Force was a key customer for the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
One notable instance involved the tasking of [[Mel Riley]] and [[Joe McMoneagle]] to remote-view a new Chinese nuclear device at Lop Nor. Air Force officials, anxious to supplement their conventional intelligence efforts, sought details about the device's design and whether it had been tested. The remote viewers' descriptions, particularly of an "hourglass-shaped device," were of significant interest to Air Force analysts. The Air Force also tasked remote viewers to locate a crashed U.S. Navy A-6 aircraft, which [[Ken Bell]] successfully did.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Additionally, the Air Force was involved in the public rollout of the B-2 Stealth bomber, which [[Mel Riley]] had accurately remote-viewed years prior during an opsec tasking, demonstrating the program's ability to penetrate highly secret projects.[^1]
|
||||
Additionally, the Air Force was involved in the public rollout of the B-2 Stealth bomber, which Mel Riley had accurately remote-viewed years prior during an opsec tasking, demonstrating the program's ability to penetrate highly secret projects.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- United States Army
|
||||
title: U.S. Army
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -37,7 +39,7 @@ The U.S. Army trained hundreds of [[Nicaraguan National Guard]] officers who lat
|
|||
- [[Fort Huachuca]]
|
||||
- [[Fort Meade]]
|
||||
### Projects
|
||||
- [[STARGATE PROJECT]]
|
||||
- [[Stargate Project]]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- United States Attorney General
|
||||
category: "U.S. Government"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- organization
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- U.S. Army Intelligence
|
||||
- NSA Collaboration
|
||||
- Remote Viewing
|
||||
description: INSCOM was formed in 1977 by merging USAINTA and ASA, maintaining Army control while collaborating with the NSA. Headquartered at Fort Meade, it conducted remote viewing operations, including the STARGATE PROJECT, until at least 1981 under General Albert Stubblebine.
|
||||
description: INSCOM was formed in 1977 by merging USAINTA and ASA, maintaining Army control while collaborating with the NSA. Headquartered at Fort Meade, it conducted remote viewing operations, including the Stargate Project, until at least 1981 under General Albert Stubblebine.
|
||||
category: "U.S. Government"
|
||||
summary: "The United States Army Intelligence and Security Command (INSCOM) is the Army's primary intelligence and security command, formed in 1977 from the merger of the Army Security Agency and Army Intelligence Command, and parent organization to the STARGATE remote viewing unit at Fort Meade."
|
||||
start: 1977
|
||||
|
|
@ -16,4 +16,4 @@ The [[United States Army Intelligence]] and Security Command (INSCOM) was formed
|
|||
|
||||
This merger was organized at [[Arlington Hall Station]], VA and officially occurred on October 1, 1977. General [[William Rolya]] was the first commanding officer. The headquarters was moved to [[Fort Meade]] where the ASA and other groups were originally stationed.
|
||||
|
||||
The command engaged in [[remote viewing]] operations (under various codenames but referred to as [[STARGATE PROJECT]] for the purposes of this knowledge base) through at least 1981 under commanding general [[Albert Stubblebine]].
|
||||
The command engaged in [[remote viewing]] operations (under various codenames but referred to as [[Stargate Project]] for the purposes of this knowledge base) through at least 1981 under commanding general [[Albert Stubblebine]].
|
||||
|
|
@ -70,7 +70,7 @@ Federal agencies, military branches, law enforcement, and government offices of
|
|||
| [[State Department]] | The State Department serves as the federal executive department responsible for the United States' foreign policy and international relations. |
|
||||
| [[Strategic Air Command]] | The Strategic Air Command (SAC) was a United States Air Force command responsible for the nation's strategic nuclear deterrence. |
|
||||
| [[Task Force 157]] | Task Force 157 was a small, undercover U.S. Navy intelligence unit. During the 1973 Yom Kippur War, operating in the waters of the Bosporus off Turkey, it relayed data to Washington D.C. |
|
||||
| [[U.S. Air Force]] | The U.S. Air Force is the aerial warfare service branch of the United States Armed Forces. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, the Air Force was a key customer for the STARGATE PROJECT program, tasking remote viewers with sensitive... |
|
||||
| [[U.S. Air Force]] | The U.S. Air Force is the aerial warfare service branch of the United States Armed Forces. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, the Air Force was a key customer for the Stargate Project program, tasking remote viewers with sensitive... |
|
||||
| [[U.S. Army]] | Obviously this is an enormous organization within the larger umbrella of the Department of Defense and well beyond the scope of a single information page. With that said, the U.S. |
|
||||
| [[U.S. Army School of the Americas]] | The U.S. Army School of the Americas at Fort Benning trained hundreds of Nicaraguan National Guard officers who later formed the leadership of the Contra army. |
|
||||
| [[U.S. Attorney General]] | The U.S. Attorney General is the nation's chief law enforcement officer, a position held during the Contra war by William French Smith and later Edwin Meese. |
|
||||
|
|
@ -110,7 +110,7 @@ Intelligence agencies, political parties, military forces, and government bodies
|
|||
| [[Rafi]] | Rafi (an acronym for the Israel Workers' List) was a new political party created by David Ben-Gurion in June 1965, after he dramatically resigned from the Mapai Party. He was joined by Shimon Peres, who became Rafi's power broker, and Moshe Dayan. |
|
||||
| [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]] | The Royal Canadian Mounted Police is Canada's national police force, which became significantly involved in the investigation of the PROMIS Software Scandal. |
|
||||
| [[Russian Orthodox Church]] | The Russian Orthodox Church's Nuncio in Jerusalem served as the quasi-official representative of the KGB in Israel. The KGB's contacts with Israel intelligence went through him ever since Israel and the Soviet Union cut diplomatic ties in 1967.[^1] |
|
||||
| [[LAKAM]] | LAKAM (Hebrew acronym for Science Liaison Bureau) was an Israeli Ministry of Defense intelligence agency, previously known as the Office of Special Tasks, founded and initially directed by Binyamin Blumberg. |
|
||||
| LAKAM | LAKAM (Hebrew acronym for Science Liaison Bureau) was an Israeli Ministry of Defense intelligence agency, previously known as the Office of Special Tasks, founded and initially directed by Binyamin Blumberg. |
|
||||
| [[Shas Party]] | The Shas Party is an orthodox political party in Israel, which emerged as a significant force in Israeli politics. |
|
||||
| [[Shin Bet]] | Shin Bet is Israel's internal security service. In the context of the *Remote Viewers* narrative, Uri Geller claimed to have worked with Shin Bet officials, along with Israeli military intelligence and Mossad. |
|
||||
| [[South African Defense Force]] | The South African Defense Force (SADF) was the military of South Africa. It entered into a military cooperation agreement with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) known as SIMWA (SADF-IDF Mutual Wartime Agreement).[^1] |
|
||||
|
|
@ -292,7 +292,7 @@ Corporations, banks, media outlets, research institutes, crime syndicates, and o
|
|||
| [[San Francisco Chronicle]] | The San Francisco Chronicle was a Bay Area newspaper that reported on aspects of the Contra-connected drug trafficking operations centered in San Francisco. |
|
||||
| [[San Jose Mercury News]] | The San Jose Mercury News published the Dark Alliance series in August 1996, using the Internet to share source documents with the public in an unprecedented act of journalistic transparency. |
|
||||
| [[Science Applications International Corporation]] | The Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC) was founded in 1969 by J Robert Beyster as Science Applications Incorporated (SAI). |
|
||||
| [[Scientology]] | Scientology is a body of beliefs and practices invented by American author L. Ron Hubbard. In the context of the STARGATE PROJECT, several key figures involved in the early remote viewing research at Stanford Research Institute were former members... |
|
||||
| [[Scientology]] | Scientology is a body of beliefs and practices invented by American author L. Ron Hubbard. In the context of the Stargate Project, several key figures involved in the early remote viewing research at Stanford Research Institute were former members... |
|
||||
| [[SCT]] | Systems and Computer Technology, Inc. ('SCT') was a company involved in an alleged attempt to purchase Inslaw Corporation in early 1986. |
|
||||
| [[SETCO]] | SETCO was a Honduran air freight company owned by drug kingpin Juan Matta Ballesteros that served as the principal transportation provider for the FDN Contra army. |
|
||||
| [[Sheridan Square Press]] | Sheridan Square Press was a publisher based in New York. It published Ari Ben-Menashe book, *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. |
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,45 +1,65 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
title: Contras
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- Contras
|
||||
- Contra
|
||||
- Nicaraguan Contras
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
category: "Paramilitary"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
- Political
|
||||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- Contra
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- ColdWar
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
- IranContra
|
||||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "Nicaraguan rebel groups organized and funded by the CIA to overthrow the Sandinista government, composed largely of former Somoza National Guard officers and implicated extensively in cocaine trafficking throughout the 1980s war."
|
||||
start: 1980-01-01
|
||||
summary: "Nicaraguan rebel armies of the 1980s, built largely from Somoza's National Guard and backed by the CIA and then by Oliver North's private network, whose supply lines were used by cocaine traffickers."
|
||||
start: 1980
|
||||
location: "Honduras"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1981
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[The Enterprise (Iran-Contra)]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1985
|
||||
end: 1986
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
The Contras were [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] rebel groups organized and funded by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] to overthrow the [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] government of Nicaragua.[^3] Made up largely of former followers of deposed dictator [[Anastasio Somoza]] and his [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guard]], the Contras were the darlings of the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] administration's anti-Communist foreign policy. Multiple Contra factions were implicated in [[cocaine]] trafficking during the 1980s war.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Major Contra Factions
|
||||
The Contras were the armed opposition to the [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] government of [[Nicaragua]] from 1980 to 1990. Their largest army, the [[FDN]], was built around officers of [[Anastasio Somoza]]'s [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guard]] and based in [[Honduras]]; the southern armies of [[Eden Pastora]]'s [[ARDE]] and of [[UDN-FARN]], under [[Fernando Chamorro|Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro]], operated from [[Costa Rica]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The largest and best-equipped faction was the [[FDN|Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense (FDN)]], created by the CIA, based in [[Honduras]], and commanded by [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]].[^2] The [[UDN-FARN]] was based in [[Costa Rica]] and commanded by [[Fernando Chamorro|"El Negro" Chamorro]]. [[ARDE]] was commanded by former Sandinista hero [[Eden Pastora|"Commandante Zero"]] and was also based in Costa Rica. The later umbrella group [[UNO]] was a CIA-inspired attempt to unite all factions under one banner.
|
||||
### Formation
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking
|
||||
The [[Legion of September 15]], formed in 1980 and led by [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]] and Justiniano Pérez, became the military arm of the Nicaraguan Democratic Revolutionary Alliance (ADREN). In May 1981 the ADREN, the Nicaraguan Democratic Union and MISURASATA agreed in principle to combine; the FDN was established in September 1981, and the merger was completed in early 1982.[^2] According to [[Gary Webb]], the CIA had begun reassembling National Guard officers in 1980, and [[Dewey Clarridge]], chief of its Latin America Division from 1981 to 1984, directed the program and recruited Pastora in 1981.[^1] [[Adolfo Calero]] left Nicaragua in December 1982 and became the FDN's president and commander-in-chief.[^2] In mid-1985 the factions were joined in the United Nicaraguan Opposition ([[UNO]]) under Calero, [[Arturo Cruz]] and [[Alfonso Robelo]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[John Kerry|Kerry]] Committee investigation (1987-1988) by the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] uncovered direct links between drug dealers and the Contras.[^1] Contra leaders acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north, landing in at least one instance at [[Homestead Air Force Base|Homestead]] Air Force Base in [[Florida]].
|
||||
### Money
|
||||
|
||||
[[Norwin Meneses]] worked for the Contras as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor during the entire war.[^2] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] sold cocaine in [[Los Angeles]] to raise funds for the Contras in the early 1980s and founded the FDN chapter in Los Angeles. Multiple Contra officials were identified by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] as being involved in or connected to drug trafficking, including [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]], [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], [[Vicente Rappaccioli]], and [[Marcos Aguado]].
|
||||
Congress restricted aid to the Contras from 1982 in the [[Boland Amendment|Boland amendments]]; the House voted 228 to 195 on July 28, 1983, to stop all aid, and the amendment of October 1984 barred any agency of the government from supporting them.[^1] [[Oliver North]] of the [[National Security Council]] then organized private supply. The [[The Enterprise (Iran-Contra)|Enterprise]] run by [[Richard Secord]] and [[Albert Hakim]] took in money from the arms sales to [[Iran]] and from private donors; about 3.8 million dollars of its receipts reached the Contra supply operation.[^4] The fundraiser [[Carl Channell]] brought North to [[Nelson Bunker Hunt]], who gave 475,000 dollars in 1985 to the tax-exempt foundation through which Channell raised money for the Contras.[^4][^5] Before North's network existed, the National Security Council had channeled money to the Contras through [[Saudi Arabia]] and the [[Bank of Credit and Commerce International]].[^6] In mid-1985 Congress voted 27 million dollars in "humanitarian" aid, administered by the [[State Department]]'s [[NHAO|Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office]], which hired air carriers including [[SETCO]], owned by the Honduran trafficker [[Juan Matta Ballesteros]], and [[Frigorificos de Puntarenas]], a Costa Rican seafood company controlled by Miami traffickers.[^1] The Enterprise flew supplies from Hangar No. 4 at [[Ilopango]] in [[El Salvador]]; the shootdown of one of its aircraft over Nicaragua on October 5, 1986, and the capture of [[Eugene Hasenfus]] exposed the operation.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Frogman Case]], the largest cocaine bust in West Coast history at the time, exposed direct links between Contra drug traffickers in [[San Francisco]] and the CIA. When defense attorneys obtained letters from CIA assets [[Francisco Aviles]] and Vicente Rappaccioli claiming seized drug money belonged to the Contras, the CIA intervened to suppress the connection. A secret 1987 [[DEA]] report noted that a defendant in the Frogman case had made 51 phone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco.[^4]
|
||||
### Drugs
|
||||
|
||||
### Political Context
|
||||
In September 1981 the CIA received an allegation that the ADREN had decided to smuggle drugs into the [[United States]] to finance its war, beginning with cocaine carried to [[Miami]] on a commercial flight in July 1981; it sent the report to the State Department and others on September 14 and to the [[DEA]], the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], Customs and Treasury on October 28, 1981.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
The Contras were a creation of the CIA, assembled from the remnants of Somoza's defeated National Guard. After the Sandinistas overthrew Somoza in July 1979, National Guard officers who escaped poured across the borders into [[El Salvador]], Honduras, and Costa Rica. The CIA began reassembling these forces in 1980 under the direction of [[Dewey Clarridge]].[^1]
|
||||
The [[Frogman Case]] of 1982 and 1983, a federal task force investigation in [[San Francisco]] that arrested more than fifty defendants and seized 555 pounds of cocaine, included [[Julio Zavala]] and [[Carlos Cabezas]]. When Zavala's lawyer sought depositions in Costa Rica to show that 36,000 dollars seized from him had been given to him by Contra officials, the CIA's Costa Rica station learned of the plan, a CIA lawyer met the prosecutor, the depositions were canceled and the money was returned. A memorandum by the CIA lawyer said the depositions could damage "the CIA's image and program in [[Central America]]," and CIA records stated that the money was returned at the CIA's request; the U.S. Attorney, [[Joseph Russoniello]], said it was returned because the case was not worth the cost. The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s inspector general concluded that Zavala or people acting for him had fabricated the claim that the money was the Contras'. Cabezas testified that drug profits from the ring went to the Contras. According to Webb, the letters came from [[Francisco Aviles]] and [[Vicente Rappaccioli]], whom the CIA's Costa Rica station described as Contra officials and agency assets, and a DEA report of 1987 noted that a defendant in the case had made 51 telephone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco.[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
The DEA office in Costa Rica used [[Norwin Meneses]], who had raised money and bought equipment for the FDN, as a source of information from July 1986 and as a registered informant from 1987; in January 1987 the FBI in San Francisco asked whether an indictment of him "will result in national security problems with other agencies," and it deferred his prosecution.[^3] His associate [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]], who sold cocaine in [[Los Angeles]] to [[Ricky Ross]], became a paid informant of the Justice Department in 1994.[^3] According to Webb, Blandón founded the FDN's Los Angeles chapter and sold cocaine in the early 1980s to raise money for it, and the FBI identified the Contra officials [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]], [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], Rappaccioli and [[Marcos Aguado]] as involved in or connected to drug trafficking.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Senate subcommittee under [[John Kerry]] reported in December 1988 on drug trafficking by people supporting the Contras.[^7] Webb summarized its findings: Contra leaders acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA, traffickers testified under oath that they had given money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests, and pilots described flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north, in one instance landing at [[Homestead Air Force Base]] in Florida.[^1] In 1998 the CIA's inspector general, [[Fred Hitz]], testified that the agency "did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity."[^1] The Justice Department's report on the affair, signed on December 17, 1997, was held back by Attorney General [[Janet Reno]] under section 8E of the Inspector General Act, "the first time that publication of one of our reports has been prevented in this manner," and released in July 1998.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Prosecutions
|
||||
|
||||
[[Alan Fiers]], chief of the CIA's Central American Task Force, pleaded guilty to withholding information from Congress; Clarridge was indicted in 1991 for perjury and false statements.[^1] On December 24, 1992, President [[George H.W. Bush]] pardoned both, with [[Caspar Weinberger]], Clair George, [[Elliott Abrams]] and [[Robert McFarlane]];[^4] Attorney General [[William Barr]] had advised him to pardon the Iran-Contra defendants and favored "the broadest" pardons.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Prologue: "It was like they didn't want to know"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Cast of Characters
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Glossary of Organizations and Locations
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 5: "God, Fatherland and Freedom"
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998.
|
||||
[^2]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General. *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,* Volume II: *The Contra Story,* October 8, 1998, sections on organizations, Adolfo Calero and Enrique Bermudez. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/
|
||||
[^3]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, executive summary, chapters II, III and VIII, appendix E and epilogue. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
[^4]: Walsh, Lawrence E. *Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters.* 1993, including the summary of prosecutions. https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/
|
||||
[^5]: Gwynne, S. C. "Bunker Hunt," *Texas Monthly,* September 2001.
|
||||
[^6]: Beaty, Jonathan, and S. C. Gwynne. *The Outlaw Bank: A Wild Ride into the Secret Heart of BCCI.* Random House, 1993.
|
||||
[^7]: U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations. *Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy.* S. Prt. 100-165, December 1988. https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras
|
||||
[^8]: Miller Center, University of Virginia. "William P. Barr Oral History," April 5, 2001. https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/william-p-barr-oral-history
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: FARN (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Nicaragüenses) was the UDN-FARN Contra faction that operated on Costa Rica's Southern Front and was deeply involved in cocaine trafficking.
|
||||
location: "Costa Rica"
|
||||
---
|
||||
FARN (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Nicaragüenses) was the military wing of the [[UDN-FARN]] Contra faction that operated on [[Costa Rica]]'s Southern Front and was deeply involved in [[cocaine]] trafficking. The organization was led by [[Fernando Chamorro|Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro]], with [[Edmundo Chamorro]] as deputy commander.[^1]
|
||||
FARN (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Nicaragüenses) was the military wing of the [[UDN-FARN]] Contra faction that operated on [[Costa Rica]]'s Southern Front and was deeply involved in [[Cocaine]] trafficking. The organization was led by [[Fernando Chamorro|Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro]], with [[Edmundo Chamorro]] as deputy commander.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking on the Southern Front
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,8 +4,27 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- FDN
|
||||
- Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense
|
||||
- Nicaraguan Democratic Force
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Enrique Bermudez]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1981-09
|
||||
end: 1990-02
|
||||
role: "chief of the general staff, then chief of military affairs"
|
||||
fn: 7
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Adolfo Calero]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1983
|
||||
role: "president and commander-in-chief"
|
||||
fn: 7
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1981
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Paramilitary"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -15,34 +34,36 @@ tags:
|
|||
- 1980s
|
||||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "The FDN was the largest and best-armed Contra faction, created by the CIA and commanded by Enrique Bermudez, with documented connections to cocaine trafficking for fundraising."
|
||||
start: 1981-08-01
|
||||
start: 1981
|
||||
location: "Honduras"
|
||||
---
|
||||
The Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense was the largest, most well-armed, and best-trained of all the [[Contras|Contra]] factions.[^3] Created by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], based in [[Honduras]], and commanded by [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]], a former [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guardsman]]. The FDN's political wing was led by [[Adolfo Calero]], a longtime CIA agent and former manager of the Coca-Cola bottling plant in [[Managua]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Leadership
|
||||
|
||||
Enrique Bermúdez ("Commandante 380") served as supreme military commander. Adolfo Calero was selected by the CIA in 1983 to lead the political wing and worked closely with [[Oliver North]]. [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]] was head of supplies and logistics, went on the CIA payroll in the early 1980s as an aide to Bermúdez, and allegedly served as the conduit for [[cocaine]] money flowing from the [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug ring in [[California]].
|
||||
Enrique Bermúdez ("Commandante 380") served as supreme military commander. According to [[Gary Webb]], the CIA selected Adolfo Calero in 1983 to lead the political wing; he worked closely with [[Oliver North]]. In the CIA inspector general's account, Calero left Nicaragua in protest against Sandinista policies in December 1982, joined the FDN leadership, sought support in Panama, [[Costa Rica]] and Colombia in January 1983, and became the FDN's president and commander-in-chief. Bermúdez, a National Guard engineer officer from 1952 to 1979 and defense attaché in Washington from 1976, was removed as chief of the general staff in late 1982 but remained the de facto military leader; in February 1984 the general staff was replaced by a combined command with Calero as commander-in-chief and Bermúdez as chief of military affairs. He was ousted in February 1990 and assassinated in Managua on February 16, 1991.[^7] [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]] was head of supplies and logistics, went on the CIA payroll in the early 1980s as an aide to Bermúdez, and allegedly served as the conduit for [[Cocaine]] money flowing from the [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug ring in [[California]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Connections
|
||||
|
||||
Multiple FDN officials were implicated in drug trafficking. [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], the FDN spokesman in [[San Francisco]], was one of Norwin Meneses's cocaine dealers and admitted hauling millions in drug profits from San Francisco to [[Los Angeles]] for delivery to the Contras. Peña was present "on many occasions" when Meneses telephoned FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez in Honduras to discuss requests for gun silencers, cross bows, and other military equipment.[^5] [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], the FDN's representative in [[Guatemala]], was identified by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] in November 1982 as a cocaine supplier to the [[Frogman Case|Frogman drug ring]]. Aristides Sánchez allegedly served as the conduit for cocaine money from the Meneses operation and personally received drug cash from [[Carlos Cabezas]] at the Contras' [[Miami]] offices.[^1] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] founded the FDN chapter in Los Angeles and used cocaine sales to fund the Contras.[^1]
|
||||
In September 1981 the CIA received an allegation that the ADREN, the organization whose military arm was the Legion of September 15, had decided to smuggle drugs into the [[United States]] to finance its activities, beginning with cocaine carried to [[Miami]] on a commercial flight in July 1981. The agency sent the report to the [[State Department]], the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]], the [[NSA]], U.S. Southern Command and the ambassadors in [[Central America]] on September 14, 1981, and to the [[DEA]], the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]], Customs and Treasury on October 28, 1981, under the title "ADREN Operations to Smuggle Narcotics Into the U.S. to Finance Its Anti-Sandinista Activities." In February 1982 CIA headquarters answered a name trace that Bermúdez "is not associated with the 'renegade' 15th of September Legion members," whom it described as engaged in drug smuggling. The inspector general found no record that either allegation about Bermúdez was reported to Congress.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
A secret 1987 [[DEA]] report stated that a defendant in the Frogman Case had made 51 phone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco, and a DEA informant had met with traffickers at the FDN office.[^4]
|
||||
Multiple FDN officials were implicated in drug trafficking. [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]], the FDN spokesman in [[San Francisco]], was one of Norwin Meneses's cocaine dealers and admitted hauling millions in drug profits from San Francisco to [[Los Angeles]] for delivery to the Contras. Peña was present "on many occasions" when Meneses telephoned FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez in Honduras to discuss requests for gun silencers, cross bows, and other military equipment.[^5] [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]], the FDN's representative in [[Guatemala]], was identified by the Federal Bureau of Investigation in November 1982 as a cocaine supplier to the [[Frogman Case|Frogman drug ring]]. Aristides Sánchez allegedly served as the conduit for cocaine money from the Meneses operation and personally received drug cash from [[Carlos Cabezas]] at the Contras' Miami offices.[^1] [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] founded the FDN chapter in Los Angeles and used cocaine sales to fund the Contras.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
A secret 1987 DEA report stated that a defendant in the Frogman Case had made 51 phone calls to the FDN office in San Francisco, and a DEA informant had met with traffickers at the FDN office.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Origins and Creation
|
||||
|
||||
The FDN was officially created in August 1981 when the CIA forced a merger between Bermúdez's [[Legion of September 15]] and [[UDN-FARN]]. The merger was signed in the upstairs rec room of the Legion's rented safe house in [[Guatemala City]], with an Argentine military officer observing. Former FDN director Edgar Chamorro stated in a World Court affidavit that the CIA paid for the meeting, rented the building, and drafted the agreement: "The name of the organization, the members of the political junta and the members of the general staff were all chosen or approved by the CIA."
|
||||
The FDN was officially created in August 1981 when the CIA forced a merger between Bermúdez's [[Legion of September 15]] and [[UDN-FARN]]. The merger was signed in the upstairs rec room of the Legion's rented safe house in [[Guatemala City]], with an Argentine military officer observing. Former FDN director [[Edgar Chamorro]] stated in a World Court affidavit that the CIA paid for the meeting, rented the building, and drafted the agreement: "The name of the organization, the members of the political junta and the members of the general staff were all chosen or approved by the CIA." The CIA inspector general's chronology, drawn from station cables, records that the ADREN, the Nicaraguan Democratic Union and MISURASATA agreed in principle in May 1981 to combine, that the FDN "was established in September 1981" with a general staff of Bermúdez, Justiniano Pérez, [[Ricardo Lau]] and Juan Francisco Rivera, and that the merger "was completed in early 1982."[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
The CIA's role was authorized under National Security Decision Directive #17, signed by [[Ronald Reagan|President Reagan]] in late 1981, which allocated $19.95 million for covert operations against the [[Sandinistas]]. The funds were channeled through the Argentine military to preserve CIA "deniability."
|
||||
|
||||
The CIA selected Aristides Sánchez - a close friend of Norwin Meneses and brother of Fernando Sánchez ([[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]]'s last ambassador to Guatemala), Troilo Sánchez (Norwin's business partner), and Enrique Sánchez (partner in a Miami restaurant with Donald Barrios) - to assist Bermúdez. Oliver North later called Aristides Sánchez "Calero's hatchet man."[^3] Norwin Meneses stated: "I dealt directly with Bermúdez, and occasionally his assistant on minor things. I also worked with Aristides Sanchez. He was a very good friend of mine."
|
||||
The CIA selected Aristides Sánchez - a close friend of Norwin Meneses and brother of Fernando Sánchez ([[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]]'s last ambassador to Guatemala), Troilo Sánchez (Norwin's business partner), and Enrique Sánchez (partner in a Miami restaurant with [[Donald Barrios]]) - to assist Bermúdez. Oliver North later called Aristides Sánchez "Calero's hatchet man."[^3] Norwin Meneses stated: "I dealt directly with Bermúdez, and occasionally his assistant on minor things. I also worked with Aristides Sanchez. He was a very good friend of mine."
|
||||
|
||||
### Weapons Supply Network
|
||||
|
||||
[[Ronald Lister]] and [[Pyramid International Security Consultants]] established weapons manufacturing operations in [[El Salvador]] that supplied arms to the Contras. Lister partnered with FDN supporters Danilo Blandón and Norwin Meneses in selling weapons abroad. The FDN could not collect sufficient funds to finalize an arms deal with Lister, but Lister and his associates set up a weapons plant in downtown [[San Salvador]] that manufactured guns airlifted to Contra camps in Honduras.[^5]
|
||||
[[Ronald Lister]] and [[Pyramid International Security Consultants]] established weapons manufacturing operations in [[El Salvador]] that supplied arms to the Contras. Lister partnered with FDN supporters Danilo Blandón and Norwin Meneses in selling weapons abroad. The FDN could not collect sufficient funds to finalize an arms deal with Lister, but Lister and his associates set up a weapons plant in downtown [[San Salvador]] that manufactured guns airlifted to Contra camps in Honduras.[^5] The [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]]'s inspector general concluded that Lister "would have liked to sell military and security weaponry and equipment to the Contras and to factions in El Salvador but we found no evidence showing that he did."[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
Air cargo company [[Hondu Carib Cargo]], operated by Mario Calero - brother of FDN political leader Adolfo Calero - flew FDN supply missions. The owner of Hondu Carib was pilot [[Frank Moss]], identified in a 1989 Senate report as having been investigated for narcotics offenses by ten different law enforcement agencies. A DC-4 Moss used was seized by the DEA in 1987 with marijuana residue and notes containing the names of two CIA officers and the phone number of [[Robert Owen]], Oliver North's courier.[^5]
|
||||
Air cargo company [[Hondu Carib Cargo]], operated by [[Mario Calero]] - brother of FDN political leader Adolfo Calero - flew FDN supply missions. The owner of Hondu Carib was pilot [[Frank Moss]], identified in a 1989 Senate report as having been investigated for narcotics offenses by ten different law enforcement agencies. A DC-4 Moss used was seized by the DEA in 1987 with marijuana residue and notes containing the names of two CIA officers and the phone number of [[Robert Owen]], Oliver North's courier.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Later Reorganization
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -60,3 +81,5 @@ During the winter of 1984–85, the FDN reached its lowest ebb on the battlefiel
|
|||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 5: "God, Fatherland and Freedom"
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
[^6]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 10: "Teach a man a craft and he's liable to practice it"
|
||||
[^7]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General. *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,* Volume II: *The Contra Story,* October 8, 1998, sections on organizations and on Adolfo Calero, Enrique Bermudez and Mario Calero. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/
|
||||
[^8]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapter V. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- UDN-FARN
|
||||
- Union Democrática Nicaragüense
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Paramilitary"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Organization
|
||||
|
|
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ The group made the first donation of military supplies to the Contra cause in fa
|
|||
|
||||
The CIA pressured UDN-FARN to merge with [[Enrique Bermudez|Bermúdez]]'s [[Legion of September 15]]. The Chamorro brothers resisted, regarding many of the ex-[[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guard]] men as war criminals who could never win popular support. "The Legion was entirely composed of ex-National Guards. Naturally one couldn't make a big splash with that in Nicaragua," said UDN-FARN commander William Baltodano Herrera.
|
||||
|
||||
The CIA eventually forced the merger by having their Honduran allies withdraw support from the Chamorros and back Bermúdez instead. In August 1981, an Argentine military officer watched as Bermúdez signed a one-paragraph document merging the two groups into the FDN. The Chamorro brothers boycotted the meeting.
|
||||
The CIA eventually forced the merger by having their Honduran allies withdraw support from the Chamorros and back Bermúdez instead. In August 1981, an Argentine military officer watched as Bermúdez signed a one-paragraph document merging the two groups into the FDN. The Chamorro brothers boycotted the meeting. The CIA inspector general's chronology, drawn from station cables, records that the Nicaraguan Democratic Union agreed in principle with the ADREN and MISURASATA in May 1981 to combine, that the FDN was established in September 1981, and that the merger of the Union and the ADREN was completed in early 1982.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### After the FDN
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -53,3 +53,4 @@ When Fernando Chamorro and Edmundo Chamorro broke from the FDN in September 1982
|
|||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Cast of Characters
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Glossary of Organizations and Locations
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 5: "God, Fatherland and Freedom"
|
||||
[^5]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General. *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,* Volume II: *The Contra Story,* October 8, 1998, section on organizations. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ UNO (United Nicaraguan Opposition) was a [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-inspire
|
|||
|
||||
### Purpose and Structure
|
||||
|
||||
UNO existed mostly as a public relations creation. The [[State Department]] used UNO to deny drug links, assuring Congress that "DEA has examined allegations of linkages between members of the UNO/[[FARN]] and suspected traffickers. It has found no information indicating that members of this group have been involved in narcotics trafficking." This assurance came despite extensive evidence to the contrary, including wiretaps capturing Contra commanders discussing [[cocaine]] shipments and [[DEA]] reports linking UNO members to drug trafficking.[^2]
|
||||
UNO existed mostly as a public relations creation. The [[State Department]] used UNO to deny drug links, assuring Congress that "DEA has examined allegations of linkages between members of the UNO/[[FARN]] and suspected traffickers. It has found no information indicating that members of this group have been involved in narcotics trafficking." This assurance came despite extensive evidence to the contrary, including wiretaps capturing Contra commanders discussing [[Cocaine]] shipments and [[DEA]] reports linking UNO members to drug trafficking.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Facade of Unity
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,7 +18,7 @@ start: 1946-01-01
|
|||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
The American Institutes for Research (AIR) is a nonprofit behavioral and social science research organization founded in 1946, headquartered in the Washington, D.C. area. It conducts applied research in education, health, workforce development, and related fields under government and private contracts. AIR's primary relevance to intelligence history is its 1995 evaluation of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|STAR GATE]] program, the classified remote viewing research effort that had operated under various designations since 1978 under Army and [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship, and passed to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in 1995.[^1]
|
||||
The American Institutes for Research (AIR) is a nonprofit behavioral and social science research organization founded in 1946, headquartered in the Washington, D.C. area. It conducts applied research in education, health, workforce development, and related fields under government and private contracts. AIR's primary relevance to intelligence history is its 1995 evaluation of the [[Stargate Project|STAR GATE]] program, the classified remote viewing research effort that had operated under various designations since 1978 under Army and [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship, and passed to the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] in 1995.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cold War Classified Military Psychology Work
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: The Commonwealth Club in San Francisco hosted Gary Webb for a speaking
|
|||
start: 1903
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
The Commonwealth Club in [[San Francisco]] hosted [[Gary Webb]] for a speaking engagement after the [[Dark Alliance]] series was published, amid the media controversy. The club was one of the venues where Webb publicly defended his reporting on the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-[[Contras|Contra]]-[[cocaine]] connection.[^1]
|
||||
The Commonwealth Club in [[San Francisco]] hosted [[Gary Webb]] for a speaking engagement after the [[Dark Alliance]] series was published, amid the media controversy. The club was one of the venues where Webb publicly defended his reporting on the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-[[Contras|Contra]]-[[Cocaine]] connection.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Public Discourse
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: DIACSA was a Miami aircraft company run by a Cuban Bay of Pigs veteran that served as a cover company for the Costa Rican Contras and a hub for plotting drug flights and laundering cocaine profits.
|
||||
location: "Miami, Florida"
|
||||
---
|
||||
DIACSA was a [[Miami]] aircraft company run by Cuban [[Bay of Pigs]] veteran Alfredo Caballero that served as a cover company for the Costa Rican [[Contras]] and a hub for plotting drug flights and laundering [[cocaine]] profits. A 1985 [[Central Intelligence Agency]] cable described DIACSA as the "cover company" used by the Costa Rican Contras to secretly buy aircraft.[^1]
|
||||
DIACSA was a [[Miami]] aircraft company run by Cuban [[Bay of Pigs]] veteran Alfredo Caballero that served as a cover company for the Costa Rican [[Contras]] and a hub for plotting drug flights and laundering [[Cocaine]] profits. A 1985 [[Central Intelligence Agency]] cable described DIACSA as the "cover company" used by the Costa Rican Contras to secretly buy aircraft.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Smuggling Operations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ DIACSA was a [[Miami]] aircraft company run by Cuban [[Bay of Pigs]] veteran Alf
|
|||
|
||||
### CIA Connections
|
||||
|
||||
DIACSA's operator, Alfredo Caballero, was a Cuban drug dealer who had been part of the CIA's [[Bay of Pigs|Bay of Pigs operation]]. His background was typical of the Cuban exile operatives the CIA recruited for Contra work, combining anti-Communist credentials with experience in drug trafficking and covert operations. DIACSA's role as a CIA-designated cover company demonstrated how the Agency's covert procurement infrastructure was integrated with the drug trade.[^3]
|
||||
DIACSA's operator, Alfredo Caballero, was a Cuban drug dealer who had been part of the CIA's Bay of Pigs operation. His background was typical of the Cuban exile operatives the CIA recruited for Contra work, combining anti-Communist credentials with experience in drug trafficking and covert operations. DIACSA's role as a CIA-designated cover company demonstrated how the Agency's covert procurement infrastructure was integrated with the drug trade.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,9 +17,9 @@ The Elm Guest House was a suburban brothel operating near central London in the
|
|||
|
||||
### Police Raid and Official Cover-up
|
||||
|
||||
In June 1982, [[Metropolitan Police]] raided the Elm Guest House following an investigation into illegal brothel operations. The raid revealed that visitors were provided with a price-listed menu of sex to indulge in with boys as young as ten. Twenty-three men were detained on the premises, which contained bedroom suites festooned with whips, chains, and ropes, along with communal areas including a lounge bar, spa and sauna facility, and a screening room for pornography. According to police sources, three of the guests were parliamentary ministers, while a fourth was a member of the Queen's royal staff. [[Metropolitan Police]] had been expected to reopen files on the murder of one boy and the disappearance of another in their investigation into a VIP homosexual vice network in London.[^1]
|
||||
In June 1982, [[Metropolitan Police]] raided the Elm Guest House following an investigation into illegal brothel operations. The raid revealed that visitors were provided with a price-listed menu of sex to indulge in with boys as young as ten. Twenty-three men were detained on the premises, which contained bedroom suites festooned with whips, chains, and ropes, along with communal areas including a lounge bar, spa and sauna facility, and a screening room for pornography. According to police sources, three of the guests were parliamentary ministers, while a fourth was a member of the Queen's royal staff. Metropolitan Police had been expected to reopen files on the murder of one boy and the disappearance of another in their investigation into a VIP homosexual vice network in London.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
All reporting on the matter was subsequently denied in official statements. While a Scotland Yard official initially described it as just a routine investigation into a brothel, sources close to the investigation claimed the top brass had ordered everything to be played down and that every attempt was being made to ensure the names of VIPs using the place did not leak out. The Sunday Times reported that Scotland Yard denied claims of a security risk, stating that Special Branch was not taking part in inquiries. However, all twenty-three men detained were released without charge, and reporting on the matter soon ceased, possibly upon intervention by Attorney General [[Michael Havers]].[^1]
|
||||
All reporting on the matter was subsequently denied in official statements. While a Scotland Yard official initially described it as just a routine investigation into a brothel, sources close to the investigation claimed the top brass had ordered everything to be played down and that every attempt was being made to ensure the names of VIPs using the place did not leak out. The [[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]] reported that Scotland Yard denied claims of a security risk, stating that Special Branch was not taking part in inquiries. However, all twenty-three men detained were released without charge, and reporting on the matter soon ceased, possibly upon intervention by Attorney General [[Michael Havers]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The owners, Haroon and Carole Kasir, were charged for keeping a disorderly house and possession of child pornography. However, the child pornography charge was dropped in 1983 after seven hours of video footage seized from the premises was ruled inadmissible. By agreement with defense lawyers, the prosecution slashed eight hours of videos to just 45 minutes, and the judge made an order forbidding the press to identify the child in the case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,32 +6,32 @@ tags:
|
|||
- NSC
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
summary: "First Intercontinental Development Corporation was a company whose board of directors included prominent figures with ties to government and intelligence, and it was reportedly a National Security Council cutout."
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] was a company whose board of directors included prominent figures with ties to government and intelligence, and it was reportedly a [[National Security Council|NSC]] cutout. Its activities were closely scrutinized in the context of [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" investigation.[1]
|
||||
[[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] was a company whose board of directors included prominent figures with ties to government and intelligence, and it was reportedly a [[National Security Council|NSC]] cutout. It figures in [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Board of Directors
|
||||
|
||||
The Board of Directors of [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] consisted of individuals with significant backgrounds in government, intelligence, and business:
|
||||
The Board of Directors of FIDCO consisted of individuals with significant backgrounds in government, intelligence, and business:
|
||||
|
||||
* [[Robert Maheu]], Sr.: Vice President, Director; former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent and former CEO of Howard Hughes Operations.[1]
|
||||
* [[Michael A. McManus]]: Director, Vice President, and General Counsel to [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]; former Assistant to President [[Ronald Reagan]] at the [[White House]].[1]
|
||||
* [[Robert Booth Nichols]]: Director, Senior Vice President, and Chairman of Investment Committee; CEO of R.B.N. Companies, International, involved in high technology electronics, real estate, construction, and international finance.[1]
|
||||
* [[George K. Pender]]: Director; former Director of [[Pacific Ocean]] area of Burns & Roe, Inc., an international engineering and construction corporation.[1]
|
||||
* [[Kenneth A. Roe]]: Director; Chairman and President of Burns & Roe, Inc., involved in major projects like the [[United States|U.S.A.]] Fast Breeder Nuclear Reactor Plant.[1]
|
||||
* [[Frances T. Fox]]: Vice President and Director; former General Manager of L.A. International Airport and Director of Aviation for Howard Hughes Nevada operations (now Summa Corporation).[1]
|
||||
* [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]]: Director; owner of the Dallas Cowboys NFL football team, with family ties to powerful political and organized crime figures.[1]
|
||||
* [[William M. Pender]]: Director and Senior Vice President; licensed contractor in California.[1]
|
||||
* [[Glen R. Shockley]]: Director; consultant to Fortune 500 Companies and international financial consultant.[1]
|
||||
* [[Robert Maheu]], Sr.: Vice President, Director; former [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent and former CEO of Howard Hughes Operations.[^1]
|
||||
* [[Michael A. McManus]]: Director, Vice President, and General Counsel to FIDCO; former Assistant to President [[Ronald Reagan]] at the [[White House]].[^1]
|
||||
* [[Robert Booth Nichols]]: Director, Senior Vice President, and Chairman of Investment Committee; CEO of R.B.N. Companies, International, involved in high technology electronics, real estate, construction, and international finance.[^1]
|
||||
* [[George K. Pender]]: Director; former Director of [[Pacific Ocean]] area of Burns & Roe, Inc., an international engineering and construction corporation.[^1]
|
||||
* [[Kenneth A. Roe]]: Director; Chairman and President of Burns & Roe, Inc., involved in major projects like the [[United States|U.S.A.]] Fast Breeder Nuclear Reactor Plant.[^1]
|
||||
* [[Frances T. Fox]]: Vice President and Director; former General Manager of L.A. International Airport and Director of Aviation for Howard Hughes Nevada operations (now Summa Corporation).[^1]
|
||||
* [[Clint W. Murchison, Jr.]]: Director; owner of the Dallas Cowboys NFL football team, with family ties to powerful political and organized crime figures.[^1]
|
||||
* [[William M. Pender]]: Director and Senior Vice President; licensed contractor in California.[^1]
|
||||
* [[Glen R. Shockley]]: Director; consultant to Fortune 500 Companies and international financial consultant.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Activities and Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
[[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] was reportedly used as a [[National Security Council|NSC]] cutout in [[Lebanon]] to arrange the release of a prisoner. Letters from the summer of 1983 between [[Michael A. McManus]] and [[George K. Pender]] confirmed [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]]'s role in [[Lebanon]]. A follow-up letter from [[George K. Pender]] to [[Amin Gamayel]], the president of [[Lebanon]], indicated that transactions could be telexed to [[Robert Booth Nichols]]' address. The Arab Bank Limited in Amman, [[Jordan]], responded positively to a potential financial transaction of "US$ three billion or more" for the reconstruction of [[Lebanon]], though it is unlikely such reconstruction ever fully materialized.[^1]
|
||||
FIDCO was reportedly used as a NSC cutout in [[Lebanon]] to arrange the release of a prisoner. According to Seymour, letters of the summer of 1983 between Michael A. McManus and George K. Pender concerned FIDCO's role in Lebanon. A follow-up letter from George K. Pender to [[Amin Gamayel]], the president of Lebanon, indicated that transactions could be telexed to Robert Booth Nichols' address. The Arab Bank Limited in Amman, [[Jordan]], responded positively to a potential financial transaction of "US$ three billion or more" for the reconstruction of Lebanon.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] was a [[National Security Council|NSC]] corporate cutout and that he was a technical advisor for the organization. He also stated that [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] had a companion company called Euramae Trading, which operated throughout the [[Middle East]] and was involved in the drug trade, allegedly as a [[National Security Council|NSC]]-directed operation.[^1]
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that FIDCO was a NSC corporate cutout and that he was a technical advisor for the organization. He also stated that FIDCO had a companion company called Euramae Trading, which operated throughout the [[Middle East]] and was involved in the drug trade, allegedly as a NSC-directed operation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Booth Nichols]] used [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]] to verify his credibility in proposed arms projects, including the construction of an R&D facility for weapons systems on the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]].[[Michael Riconosciuto]] also claimed that [[Robert Booth Nichols]] was involved in illicit activities through [[First Intercontinental Development Corporation|FIDCO]], including attempting to take embargoed technology out of the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
Robert Booth Nichols used FIDCO to verify his credibility in proposed arms projects, including the construction of an R&D facility for weapons systems on the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]]. Michael Riconosciuto also claimed that Robert Booth Nichols was involved in illicit activities through FIDCO, including attempting to take embargoed technology out of the United States.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010. Sole source. The company is not mentioned in the House Judiciary Committee's report of 1992 or in the Justice Department's reports of 1993 and 1994 on the INSLAW affair.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,25 +9,29 @@ category: "Private Organization"
|
|||
summary: "The Music Corporation of America was a major entertainment corporation that became entangled in investigations related to organized crime and the broader network that Danny Casolaro termed 'The Octopus.'"
|
||||
start: 1924
|
||||
location: "Chicago, Illinois, USA"
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
The [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] was a major entertainment corporation that became entangled in investigations related to organized crime and the broader network that [[Danny Casolaro]] termed "[[The Octopus]]."
|
||||
|
||||
### Organized Crime Allegations
|
||||
|
||||
[[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] was the subject of a [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap investigation supervised by [[United States Attorney|U.S. Attorney]] [[Marvin Rudnick]] and later by [[Richard Stavin]], a member of the Organized Crime Strike Force. These investigations, which also involved [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] agent [[Thomas Gates]], led them to believe that [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] had been penetrated by organized crime. Specifically, the wiretaps recorded communications between [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Eugene Giaquinto]], then president of [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] home entertainment division. Giaquinto was also a board member of Nichols' holding company, [[Meridian International Logistics|MIL]], which was under [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] investigation as a source of funding for narcotics and the allocation of drug trafficking proceeds.[1]
|
||||
MCA was the subject of a [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] wiretap investigation which, according to [[Cheri Seymour]], was supervised by the federal prosecutor [[Marvin Rudnick]] and later by [[Richard Stavin]] of the Justice Department's [[Los Angeles]] Organized Crime Strike Force. These investigations, which also involved FBI agent [[Thomas Gates]], led them to believe that MCA had been penetrated by organized crime. Specifically, the wiretaps recorded communications between [[Robert Booth Nichols]] and [[Eugene Giaquinto]], then president of MCA home entertainment division. Giaquinto was also a board member of Nichols' holding company, [[Meridian International Logistics|MIL]], which was under FBI investigation as a source of funding for narcotics and the allocation of drug trafficking proceeds.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The intercepted conversations reportedly revealed connections to [[La Cosa Nostra]], including members of the [[Gambino Crime Family]] and [[Bufalino Crime Family]]. The wiretap application itself stated that the purpose of the interceptions was to determine the "source, type and quantity of narcotics/controlled substances, methods and means of delivery, and the source of funding for purchasing of narcotics/controlled substances." It was also apparent from the intercepted conversations that [[Eugene Giaquinto]] had a special relationship with [[John Gotti]].[1]
|
||||
The intercepted conversations reportedly revealed connections to [[La Cosa Nostra]], including members of the [[Gambino Crime Family]] and [[Bufalino Crime Family]]. The wiretap application itself stated that the purpose of the interceptions was to determine the "source, type and quantity of narcotics/controlled substances, methods and means of delivery, and the source of funding for purchasing of narcotics/controlled substances." It was also apparent from the intercepted conversations that Eugene Giaquinto had a special relationship with [[John Gotti]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Leveraged Buyout and Investigation Shutdown
|
||||
|
||||
At the time of these investigations, [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] was being offered in a leveraged buyout to Japanese interests. An [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] investigation could have jeopardized this sale. Consequently, the wiretaps were sealed by the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]], and no prosecutions were pursued. The Los Angeles Organized Crime Strike Force was disbanded, [[Richard Stavin]] resigned, and [[Thomas Gates]] closed the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] investigation. The Japanese ultimately purchased [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] in what was reported as the largest corporate sale in U.S. history at the time.[1]
|
||||
At the time of these investigations, MCA was being offered in a leveraged buyout to Japanese interests. An FBI investigation could have jeopardized this sale. In her account the wiretaps were then sealed by the [[Department of Justice|DOJ]], and no case against MCA or its executives followed. The Los Angeles Organized Crime Strike Force was disbanded, Richard Stavin resigned, and Thomas Gates closed the FBI investigation. The Japanese ultimately purchased MCA in what was reported as the largest corporate sale in U.S. history at the time.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Marvin Rudnick]], who lost his job for refusing to drop the investigation, later had part of his story told in the 1993 book *Stiffed: A True Story of MCA, The Music Business, and the Mafia* by William Knoedelseder.[1]
|
||||
Marvin Rudnick, who lost his job for refusing to drop the investigation, later had part of his story told in the 1993 book *Stiffed: A True Story of MCA, The Music Business, and the Mafia* by William Knoedelseder.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The prosecution that did come out of the investigation was of [[Sal Pisello|Salvatore Pisello]], a middleman in MCA's dealings. In June 1984 MCA gave Pisello 30,000 dollars to study a "Latin record label" and in January 1985 another 50,000 dollars; he also received payments from Sugar Hill Records in connection with efforts to have MCA distribute its records and buy its catalog. Indicted in 1986 for evading taxes on this income, he was convicted for 1984 and 1985 and sentenced to four years' imprisonment and three years' probation; the Ninth Circuit affirmed on June 8, 1989.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connection to "The Octopus"
|
||||
|
||||
[[Danny Casolaro]]'s investigation into "[[The Octopus]]" included [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]], and he was reportedly told by [[Robert Booth Nichols]] about the leveraged buyout. [[Dan Moldea]], in his 1986 book *Dark Victory: Ronald Reagan, MCA, and the Mob*, had previously labeled [[Music Corporation of America|MCA]] as "[[The Octopus]]," a term that likely inspired Casolaro's own use of the phrase.[1]
|
||||
Danny Casolaro's investigation into "The Octopus" included MCA, and he was reportedly told by Robert Booth Nichols about the leveraged buyout. [[Dan Moldea]], in his 1986 book *Dark Victory: [[Ronald Reagan]], MCA, and the Mob*, had previously labeled MCA as "The Octopus," a term that likely inspired Casolaro's own use of the phrase.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[^2]: *United States v. Pisello,* 877 F.2d 762 (9th Cir. 1989). https://openjurist.org/877/f2d/762
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
|
|||
---
|
||||
aliases:
|
||||
- The New York Times
|
||||
category: "Private Organization"
|
||||
start: 1851
|
||||
location: "New York City, USA"
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ The OSN (Oficina Seguridad Nacional) was [[Anastasio Somoza]]'s secret police un
|
|||
|
||||
### Legacy
|
||||
|
||||
The OSN's intelligence officers, trained at U.S. military schools including [[Fort Gulick]], [[Fort Benning]], and [[Fort Leavenworth]], brought their surveillance and counterinsurgency skills to the Contra war. The culture of political repression and intelligence operations that defined the OSN carried over into the FDN's operations, where former National Guard officers applied the same techniques against the Sandinista government. The [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] family's connections to the Somoza intelligence apparatus, including the OSN, facilitated their later role in [[cocaine]] trafficking and Contra fundraising.[^2]
|
||||
The OSN's intelligence officers, trained at U.S. military schools including [[Fort Gulick]], [[Fort Benning]], and [[Fort Leavenworth]], brought their surveillance and counterinsurgency skills to the Contra war. The culture of political repression and intelligence operations that defined the OSN carried over into the FDN's operations, where former National Guard officers applied the same techniques against the Sandinista government. The [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] family's connections to the Somoza intelligence apparatus, including the OSN, facilitated their later role in [[Cocaine]] trafficking and Contra fundraising.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ The Ora Group exists in the record almost entirely through [[Ari Ben-Menashe]].
|
|||
|
||||
### London
|
||||
|
||||
The Daily Mirror's foreign editor [[Nicholas Davies]] "was called in only if we needed to use our 'London office,'" Ben-Menashe writes; when a request came from the Iranians, Davies "would call dealers or the supplier and introduce himself as a representative of the Ora Group, an Israeli company based in London," as in a 1983 sale of 4,000 TOW missiles. [[Rupert Allason]]'s parliamentary motion of 1991 named the company as [[Ora Limited]], incorporated at 41 Becmead Avenue and 1 Trafalgar Avenue, London; Ben-Menashe's book uses only "the Ora Group." A 1985 deal for the [[Contras]] brokered through [[GeoMiliTech]], the Washington company of General [[John Singlaub]] and Barbara Studley, is itemized in the book at 3,242,000 dollars paid to Ora, against 5 million dollars that he says the company's own books showed received from the American side.[^1]
|
||||
The [[Daily Mirror]]'s foreign editor [[Nicholas Davies]] "was called in only if we needed to use our 'London office,'" Ben-Menashe writes; when a request came from the Iranians, Davies "would call dealers or the supplier and introduce himself as a representative of the Ora Group, an Israeli company based in London," as in a 1983 sale of 4,000 TOW missiles. [[Rupert Allason]]'s parliamentary motion of 1991 named the company as [[Ora Limited]], incorporated at 41 Becmead Avenue and 1 Trafalgar Avenue, London; Ben-Menashe's book uses only "the Ora Group." A 1985 deal for the [[Contras]] brokered through [[GeoMiliTech]], the Washington company of General [[John Singlaub]] and Barbara Studley, is itemized in the book at 3,242,000 dollars paid to Ora, against 5 million dollars that he says the company's own books showed received from the American side.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### PROMIS
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,4 +18,4 @@ During this period, SAIC operated through a unique structure of semi-autonomous
|
|||
|
||||
The company initially focused on nuclear power and weapons effects study programs but expanded into: radiation therapy, development of the cruise missle (1970’s), cleanup of Three Mile Island, and even luggage inspection machines for the FAA.
|
||||
|
||||
[[Edwin May]] moved the [[STARGATE PROJECT]] in 1991 following [[Stanford Research Institute]] stepping away. SAIC operated the project until 1994 at which point is was declassified in 1995.
|
||||
[[Edwin May]] moved the [[Stargate Project]] in 1991 following [[Stanford Research Institute]] stepping away. SAIC operated the project until 1994 at which point is was declassified in 1995.
|
||||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "Clearwater, Florida"
|
|||
summary: "Scientology is a controversial religious movement founded by L. Ron Hubbard whose relevance to this vault lies in the fact that several key figures in the early SRI remote viewing program - including Hal Puthoff, Ingo Swann, and Pat Price - were former members."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Scientology]] is a body of beliefs and practices invented by American author L. Ron Hubbard. In the context of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], several key figures involved in the early remote viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] were former members of Scientology, including [[Hal Puthoff]], [[Ingo Swann]], and [[Pat Price]]. This connection has led to speculation about the possible influence of Scientology's practices and theories on the development of early remote viewing protocols.[^1]
|
||||
[[Scientology]] is a body of beliefs and practices invented by American author L. Ron Hubbard. In the context of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], several key figures involved in the early remote viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] were former members of Scientology, including [[Hal Puthoff]], [[Ingo Swann]], and [[Pat Price]]. This connection has led to speculation about the possible influence of Scientology's practices and theories on the development of early remote viewing protocols.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,25 +16,25 @@ The Spartacus Club was an underground paedophile network operated by [[John Stam
|
|||
|
||||
### Leadership and Structure
|
||||
|
||||
[[John Stamford]], a former Roman Catholic priest from Lancashire, fled Britain in 1972 after being convicted for sending obscene literature through the post. Stamford operated the club from Amsterdam while masquerading as a libertarian gay championing the [[Pedophile Information Exchange]]. He died of a heart attack in a Belgian prison in 1995 at age 56, just before standing trial on child sex charges[^1].
|
||||
John Stamford, a former Roman Catholic priest from Lancashire, fled Britain in 1972 after being convicted for sending obscene literature through the post. Stamford operated the club from Amsterdam while masquerading as a libertarian gay championing the [[Pedophile Information Exchange]]. He died of a heart attack in a Belgian prison in 1995 at age 56, just before standing trial on child sex charges[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
[[Peter Glencross]] served as commercial manager of Spartacus International and was responsible for creating a network of venues for Spartacus members. Glencross, a South African based in Holland, disappeared without trace after 1989. He was instrumental in setting up the [[Elm Guest House]] as a Spartacus Club location. The club had 25,000 British members and operated with sophisticated record-keeping, storing vital information on each member including sexual preferences, desired age of children, preferred country of origin, and personalized lists of children for selection[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Elm Guest House Operations
|
||||
|
||||
The Spartacus Club had a significant operation at the [[Elm Guest House]] in London. The venue displayed a sign reading "Spartacus, Club - Welcome" and offered "10% Discount to Spartacus Club Members" in coded advertisements. The [[Elm Guest House]] was used by MPs and other VIPs for abuse of boys. Police raided the location in June 1982. Correspondence from Spartacus International dating from 1981 was found during the investigation, confirming the connection between the international organization and the London-based venue[^1].
|
||||
The Spartacus Club had a significant operation at the Elm Guest House in London. The venue displayed a sign reading "Spartacus, Club - Welcome" and offered "10% Discount to Spartacus Club Members" in coded advertisements. The Elm Guest House was used by MPs and other VIPs for abuse of boys. Police raided the location in June 1982. Correspondence from Spartacus International dating from 1981 was found during the investigation, confirming the connection between the international organization and the London-based venue[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Elm Guest House]] became a key location where VIPs could access children through the Spartacus network. The club's presence at this location demonstrated how international paedophile organizations established local chapters in major cities to serve their membership base. The 1982 raid led to the release of all twenty-three detained individuals without charge, possibly upon intervention by Attorney General [[Michael Havers]][^1].
|
||||
The Elm Guest House became a key location where VIPs could access children through the Spartacus network. The club's presence at this location demonstrated how international paedophile organizations established local chapters in major cities to serve their membership base. The 1982 raid led to the release of all twenty-three detained individuals without charge, possibly upon intervention by Attorney General [[Michael Havers]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Criminal Network
|
||||
|
||||
The Spartacus Club maintained connections to numerous convicted paedophiles and trafficking operations:
|
||||
|
||||
[[Russell Tricker]] operated "Toff's Travel" coach service to smuggle boys into Amsterdam. Tricker was a close associate of [[Peter Glencross]] and admitted having links with [[Warwick Spinks]], saying they "go back a long way." [[Warwick Spinks]] trafficked boys as young as 10 from London streets and later from Eastern Europe, operating boy brothels in Amsterdam's Spuistraat district[^1].
|
||||
[[Russell Tricker]] operated "Toff's Travel" coach service to smuggle boys into Amsterdam. Tricker was a close associate of Peter Glencross and admitted having links with [[Warwick Spinks]], saying they "go back a long way." Warwick Spinks trafficked boys as young as 10 from London streets and later from Eastern Europe, operating boy brothels in Amsterdam's Spuistraat district[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The club also had connections to [[Jean-Paul Dumont]] through the X-Dossier investigation in Belgium. This European network extended the Spartacus Club's influence beyond the UK and Netherlands, creating a web of interconnected trafficking operations across Western Europe. These connections facilitated the movement of children and information between different criminal organizations[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The Spartacus Club was exposed by The Sunday Times in 1986 when undercover reporters were offered two boys in Manila, aged 8 and 14. The club's activities were later investigated as part of [[Operation Fernbridge]] in the UK, which looked into allegations that prominent politicians abused boys at the [[Elm Guest House]] in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
The Spartacus Club was exposed by The [[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]] in 1986 when undercover reporters were offered two boys in Manila, aged 8 and 14. The club's activities were later investigated as part of [[Operation Fernbridge]] in the UK, which looked into allegations that prominent politicians abused boys at the Elm Guest House in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The Spartacus Club was part of a larger international network that included connections to [[NAMBLA]] (North American Man/Boy Love Association) in the United States. Operations also extended to Australia through [[Clarence Henry Osborne]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -23,9 +23,9 @@ The organization also had direct connections to the [[Elm Guest House]] in Londo
|
|||
|
||||
### Publishing Operations and Criminal Activities
|
||||
|
||||
Between 1979 and 1985, Stamford published PAN ([[PAN Magazine]]): A self described "magazine about boy-love." The first edition was published in 1979 through a publishing house owned by Stamford. [[Francis Shelden]], who fled Michigan in 1976, started this newsletter under the penname "[[Frank Torey]]" in Amsterdam. The publication was used to platform Spartacus International's European operations. The Sunday Times exposed Spartacus in 1986, with undercover reporters being offered two boys in Manila, aged 8 and 14. Stamford was quoted as saying: "If you are discreet, I can guarantee you will get as many boys as you want in the Philippines. Our chaps there will fix it up, and all it will cost you is a meal for the guides, and just the equivalent of a pound or so for the kid per night."[^1]
|
||||
Between 1979 and 1985, Stamford published PAN ([[PAN Magazine]]): A self described "magazine about boy-love." The first edition was published in 1979 through a publishing house owned by Stamford. [[Francis Shelden]], who fled Michigan in 1976, started this newsletter under the penname "[[Frank Torey]]" in Amsterdam. The publication was used to platform Spartacus International's European operations. The [[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]] exposed Spartacus in 1986, with undercover reporters being offered two boys in Manila, aged 8 and 14. Stamford was quoted as saying: "If you are discreet, I can guarantee you will get as many boys as you want in the Philippines. Our chaps there will fix it up, and all it will cost you is a meal for the guides, and just the equivalent of a pound or so for the kid per night."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Key associates in the Spartacus network included [[Peter Glencross]], a South African based in Holland who served as commercial manager and was responsible for creating a network of venues for Spartacus members across Europe. Glencross disappeared without trace after 1989. Another associate was [[Russell Tricker]], who operated a coach service called "[[Toff's Travel]]" across the English Channel used to smuggle boys into Amsterdam. Tricker was a known associate of Spartacus International's Peter Glencross. The network also included [[Warwick Spinks]], the notorious British pedophile who was friends with Russell Tricker and operated a similar concierge service for pedophiles in European child sex hotspots.[^1]
|
||||
Key associates in the Spartacus network included Peter Glencross, a South African based in Holland who served as commercial manager and was responsible for creating a network of venues for Spartacus members across Europe. Glencross disappeared without trace after 1989. Another associate was [[Russell Tricker]], who operated a coach service called "[[Toff's Travel]]" across the English Channel used to smuggle boys into Amsterdam. Tricker was a known associate of Spartacus International's Peter Glencross. The network also included [[Warwick Spinks]], the notorious British pedophile who was friends with Russell Tricker and operated a similar concierge service for pedophiles in European child sex hotspots.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Legal Troubles and Downfall
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: The St. Francis Yacht Club in San Francisco was where Norwin Meneses held meetings and conducted business for his Contra-connected cocaine trafficking operation.
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
The St. Francis Yacht Club in [[San Francisco]] was where [[Norwin Meneses]] held meetings and conducted business for his Contra-connected [[cocaine]] trafficking operation. The exclusive waterfront venue reflected Meneses's status as a wealthy and well-connected figure in the Nicaraguan exile community.[^1]
|
||||
The St. Francis Yacht Club in [[San Francisco]] was where [[Norwin Meneses]] held meetings and conducted business for his Contra-connected [[Cocaine]] trafficking operation. The exclusive waterfront venue reflected Meneses's status as a wealthy and well-connected figure in the Nicaraguan exile community.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Meneses's Operations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -51,7 +51,7 @@ During the [[Vietnam War]], student activists at Stanford protested the universi
|
|||
|
||||
### The Remote-Viewing Program
|
||||
|
||||
From 1972 to about 1995 SRI hosted a classified, government-funded parapsychology research program investigating "[[remote viewing]]," the claimed ability to perceive distant or hidden targets by extrasensory means, conducted for clients including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]. The physicists Russell Targ and Harold Puthoff ran the SRI experiments, working with subjects such as the artist [[Ingo Swann]], the former police officer [[Pat Price]], and the celebrity psychic [[Uri Geller]], and the program was one strand of the broader military and intelligence effort later consolidated under the name [[STARGATE PROJECT]].[^7][^8]
|
||||
From 1972 to about 1995 SRI hosted a classified, government-funded parapsychology research program investigating "[[remote viewing]]," the claimed ability to perceive distant or hidden targets by extrasensory means, conducted for clients including the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]. The physicists Russell Targ and Harold Puthoff ran the SRI experiments, working with subjects such as the artist [[Ingo Swann]], the former police officer [[Pat Price]], and the celebrity psychic [[Uri Geller]], and the program was one strand of the broader military and intelligence effort later consolidated under the name [[Stargate Project]].[^7][^8]
|
||||
|
||||
SRI developed several of the core techniques of the field, including [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) and the use of outbounder teams sent to randomly chosen locations for a viewer to describe. The institute's prestige and its heavy reliance on classified government contracts made it a fitting home for the sensitive work, and Puthoff and Targ published some of their results in reputable scientific journals, lending the field a measure of credibility that helped persuade parts of the intelligence community that remote viewing might serve as an intelligence-gathering tool.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,9 +8,9 @@ summary: "The Sunday Mirror is a British tabloid newspaper that was part of Robe
|
|||
start: 1915
|
||||
location: "London, UK"
|
||||
---
|
||||
*The [[The Sunday Mirror]]* is a British newspaper. [[Robert Maxwell|Robert Maxwell's]] publishing empire included *The [[The Sunday Mirror]]*.[^1]
|
||||
*The [[The Sunday Mirror]]* is a British newspaper. [[Robert Maxwell|Robert Maxwell's]] publishing empire included *The The Sunday Mirror*.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Nicholas Davies]], a London *Daily Mirror* foreign editor and [[Israel|Israeli]] agent, put together a disinformation story for *The [[The Sunday Mirror]]* to discredit [[Mordecai Vanunu|Mordecai Vanunu's]] claims about [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear program. This piece was published with copies of [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu's]] photographs, claiming that *The [[The Sunday Mirror]]* had investigated the pictures and the men trying to sell them and found it to be a "con job."[^1]
|
||||
[[Nicholas Davies]], a London *[[Daily Mirror]]* foreign editor and [[Israel|Israeli]] agent, put together a disinformation story for *The The Sunday Mirror* to discredit [[Mordecai Vanunu|Mordecai Vanunu's]] claims about Israel's nuclear program. This piece was published with copies of Vanunu's photographs, claiming that *The The Sunday Mirror* had investigated the pictures and the men trying to sell them and found it to be a "con job."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: UCLA was where researcher Dr. Ronald K. Siegel traced the discovery of
|
|||
start: 1919
|
||||
location: "Los Angeles, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
UCLA (University of California, Los Angeles) was where researcher Dr. Ronald K. Siegel traced the discovery of freebasing [[cocaine]] and studied the drug's effects, providing scientific context for the [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] epidemic. Siegel's research at UCLA documented the pharmacological mechanisms that made smokable cocaine so addictive.[^1]
|
||||
UCLA (University of California, Los Angeles) was where researcher Dr. Ronald K. Siegel traced the discovery of freebasing [[Cocaine]] and studied the drug's effects, providing scientific context for the [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] epidemic. Siegel's research at UCLA documented the pharmacological mechanisms that made smokable cocaine so addictive.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cocaine Research
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ location: "Washington, D.C."
|
|||
|
||||
### Attack on Dark Alliance
|
||||
|
||||
The Post's story, headlined "The CIA and Crack: Evidence is Lacking of Alleged Plot," falsely claimed the series alleged a CIA conspiracy to target black communities. Despite [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s testimony about selling 200 to 300 kilos of [[cocaine]] for the Contras, the Post quoted unnamed officials minimizing the volume to "$30,000 to $60,000 worth of cocaine in two transactions." The story buried the admission that "the CIA knew about some of these activities and did little or nothing to stop them."[[^1]
|
||||
The Post's story, headlined "The CIA and Crack: Evidence is Lacking of Alleged Plot," falsely claimed the series alleged a CIA conspiracy to target black communities. Despite [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s testimony about selling 200 to 300 kilos of [[Cocaine]] for the Contras, the Post quoted unnamed officials minimizing the volume to "$30,000 to $60,000 worth of cocaine in two transactions." The story buried the admission that "the CIA knew about some of these activities and did little or nothing to stop them."[[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Pincus's CIA Background
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
Loading…
Add table
Add a link
Reference in a new issue