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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[_manifest]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Project Eagle]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Terry Waite]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Evan Harris Walker]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Alan Patricof]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Yuri Kobzarev]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Vladimir Kotelnikov]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Stephen Kappes]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Risa Heller]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Keith Harary]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[John Kramar]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Charles Honorton]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Brenda Dunne]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[SIMWA]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Cabazon Indian Reservation]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Pine Gap]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Dimona]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Palestine]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Nuclear Fission]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Remote Viewing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Samson Option]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Hydrogen Bomb]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[TOW Missile]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Parapsychology]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Dowsing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[LSD]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Gulf of Tonkin Incident]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Rockefeller Commission 1975]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Project Abbreviation]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[October Surprise]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Grill Flame Scientific Evaluation Committee]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Church Committee]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Sun Streak]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[STARGATE PROJECT]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[SCANATE]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Project MERRIMAC]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Operation DERBY HAT]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[ECHELON]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Wackenhut Corporation]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[The Finders]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[The Enterprise (Iran-Contra)]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Stanford Research Institute]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[SCT]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Rockefeller Brothers Fund]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Patricof and Company]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[INSLAW]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[IBEC]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Hadron]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Chase Manhattan Bank]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Allen and Company]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Air America]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Accumenics]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[AIFLD]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[AIA]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Palestine Liberation Organization]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[U.S. Navy]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[NSA]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[CIAA]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Roger Whelan]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Phil Zimmermann]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Mordechai Tsippori]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Mordecai Vanunu]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Hassan Yassin]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Eugene Tighe]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Edward Teller]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Donald Trump]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[William Bradford Reynolds]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Ted Shackley]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Sandra Spooner]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Robert Stutman]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Robert Booth Nichols]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Richard Secord]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Richard Ober]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[René Riveros]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Pat Price]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Nelson Rockefeller]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Marion Pettie]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[John Paul Nichols]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[J. Robert Oppenheimer]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Ingo Swann]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Harry Snyder]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Hal Puthoff]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[George Pettie]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Frank Olson]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Elliot Richardson]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Edward Snowden]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[David Rockefeller]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Bill O'Donnell]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Andrew Rose]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Ronald LeGrand]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Robert Jahn]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Richard Kennett]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Richard Kammann]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Ray Hyman]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Miles Matthews]]
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- 2026-09-22T1736 · [[Mike Harari]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[_manifest]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[North Carolina]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[Las Vegas]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[X-Dossier]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[Regina Louf]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[Warwick Spinks]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[John David Norman]]
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- 2026-09-22T1843 · [[Francis Shelden]]
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- 2026-09-22T1833 · [[_NOTES_R1_committees]]
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- 2026-09-22T1832 · [[_NOTES_R2_groups]]
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- 2026-09-22T1830 · [[_NOTES_C_belgium_norman]]
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- 2026-09-22T1829 · [[Cybertruck Trump Hotel Bombing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1828 · [[New Mexico]]
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- 2026-09-22T1826 · [[West Virginia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[United States]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[Federal Reserve Board]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[U.S. Attorney General]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[LAPD]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[United Kingdom]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[New York Times]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[U.S. Army]]
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- 2026-09-22T1824 · [[U.S. Air Force]]
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- 2026-09-22T1823 · [[Israel]]
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- 2026-09-22T1823 · [[Danny Ray Lasater]]
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- 2026-09-22T1822 · [[Contras]]
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- 2026-09-22T1822 · [[Robert Booth Nichols]]
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- 2026-09-22T1820 · [[_NOTES_C_part_A_nihoul]]
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- 2026-09-22T1819 · [[_NOTES_C_part_C_norman_shelden]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Texas]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Florida]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[California]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Arkansas]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[South Central Los Angeles]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[South America]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Negev Desert]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Central America]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Caribbean]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Opa Locka]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Homestead Air Force Base]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Fort Meade]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[U.S. Embassy in Moscow]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Soviet Union]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Saudi Arabia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Russia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Peru]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Mexico]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Libya]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Iran]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Haiti]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Ecuador]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Costa Rica]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Colombia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[China]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Bolivia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Bahamas]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Washington, D.C.]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[San Salvador]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[San Jose]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[San Francisco]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[San Bernardino]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Panama City]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Pacifica, California]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[New Orleans]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Moscow]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Miami]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Mexico City]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Medellin]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Managua]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Los Angeles]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Lima]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Houston]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Compton]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Chicago]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Cali, Colombia]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Bogota]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Baton Rouge, Louisiana]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Outbounder-Beacon Experiment]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Extended Remote Viewing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Eight-Martini Results]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Associative Remote Viewing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Analytical Overlay]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Synchronicity]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Telepathy]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Remote Viewing]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Psychoenergetics]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Psi]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Precognition]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Clairvoyance]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[KEY CONCEPTS AND TECH]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Psychic Spying]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Psi Gap]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[PSI-INT]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Human Use Experimentation]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Ground Truth]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Giggle Factor]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[Extrasensory Perception]]
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- 2026-09-22T1817 · [[The Phenomenon]]
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@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ Our effort is to illuminate hidden connections and illegal activities, building
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- [[KEY EVENTS]] - Witness the pivotal moments, from Cold War experiments to modern incidents, that reveal the unfolding narrative.
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- [[KEY CONCEPTS AND TECH]] - Grasp the scientific theories, esoteric ideas, and advanced technologies that underpin these extraordinary claims.
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For those with a more open perspective of our world and our place within it, try exploring [[The Phenomenon]] or [[STARGATE PROJECT]]. For the conspiracy-minded, you may find your starting point with [[SOFTWARE_PROJECTS/PROMIS|PROMIS]].
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For those with a more open perspective of our world and our place within it, try exploring [[The Phenomenon]] or [[Stargate Project]]. For the conspiracy-minded, you may find your starting point with [[SOFTWARE_PROJECTS/PROMIS|PROMIS]].
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Or you can always check the [[CHANGELOG]] to see where research is happening.
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@ -20,19 +20,19 @@ location: "Managua, Nicaragua"
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---
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Adolfo Calero was a longtime [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent and former manager of the Coca-Cola bottling plant in [[Managua]].[^1] Selected by the CIA in 1983 to lead the political wing of the [[FDN]], Calero worked closely with [[Oliver North]] and met with [[Norwin Meneses]] several times during the years Meneses was selling drugs for the Contras.[^1] He later became a member of the [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] Assembly.
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### Relationship with Meneses and Blandón
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### Relationship with Meneses and Blandón
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Norwin Meneses traveled to [[Honduras]] to meet with [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]] and brought Calero a crossbow as a gesture of esteem. Calero confirmed the meeting but denied that Meneses or [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] held any official positions with the FDN.[^2]
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Norwin Meneses traveled to [[Honduras]] to meet with [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]] and brought Calero a crossbow as a gesture of esteem. Calero confirmed the meeting but denied that Meneses or [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] held any official positions with the FDN.[^2]
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### San Francisco Activities and USACA
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In 1984, Calero began visiting San Francisco frequently, staying with Contra supporters [[Don Sinicco]] and [[Dennis Ainsworth]] while attending to FDN business. At Calero's request, Sinicco founded [[USACA]], a Contra support group. On June 4, 1984, Ainsworth arranged a private reception for Calero at the St. Francis Yacht Club with sixty influential business leaders. At a subsequent dinner at Caesar's Italian Restaurant, Meneses picked up the tab for the entire party. Two days later, at a cocktail party at Sinicco's home, Meneses met privately with Calero and was photographed in the kitchen huddled with Calero and FDN officials.[^3]
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Calero has admitted meeting Meneses on at least six occasions in San Francisco but portrayed them as simple greetings at large public gatherings. He repeatedly denied knowing Meneses was a drug trafficker, yet admitted to a Costa Rican paper in 1986 that he knew Meneses was "involved in some illegal things, but I don't know anything." Sinicco's files showed Meneses contributed financially to USACA. Former FDN director Edgar Chamorro declared: "Calero and Bermúdez were our main links with the CIA. They met constantly with the CIA station chief."[^3]
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Calero has admitted meeting Meneses on at least six occasions in San Francisco but portrayed them as simple greetings at large public gatherings. He repeatedly denied knowing Meneses was a drug trafficker, yet admitted to a Costa Rican paper in 1986 that he knew Meneses was "involved in some illegal things, but I don't know anything." Sinicco's files showed Meneses contributed financially to USACA. Former FDN director Edgar Chamorro declared: "Calero and Bermúdez were our main links with the CIA. They met constantly with the CIA station chief."[^3]
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### Role in the Contra Leadership
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Calero led the political side of the FDN while Enrique Bermúdez commanded the military side and [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]] managed supplies and logistics.[^2] Oliver North called Sánchez "Calero's hatchet man," indicating the closeness of their working relationship. Calero worked with Sánchez on Caribbean banking activities and was closely monitored by the CIA throughout his tenure.[^2]
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Calero led the political side of the FDN while Enrique Bermúdez commanded the military side and [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides Sánchez]] managed supplies and logistics.[^2] Oliver North called Sánchez "Calero's hatchet man," indicating the closeness of their working relationship. Calero worked with Sánchez on Caribbean banking activities and was closely monitored by the CIA throughout his tenure.[^2]
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Manuel Porro, a man arrested in a [[DEA]] operation alongside Meneses associates who later became a commander of the [[Legion of September 15]], went on to serve as a top aide to Calero and handled some of his Caribbean banking activities.[^2]
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@ -4,13 +4,13 @@ tags:
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- person
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- nicaraguan
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- contra-war
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summary: Adolfo Chamorro was a Contra leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by Ron Lister and Danilo Blandón as part of the Contra supply network.
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summary: Adolfo Chamorro was a Contra leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by Ron Lister and Danilo Blandón as part of the Contra supply network.
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---
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Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
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Adolfo Chamorro was a [[Contras|Contra]] leader who attended weapons sales presentations arranged by [[Ronald Lister|Ron Lister]] and [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] as part of the Contra supply network. Chamorro appeared alongside other top Contra figures including [[Eden Pastora]] and Mariano Montealgre at Lister's weapons demonstrations.[^1]
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### Weapons Procurement
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Blandón recalled that several top Contra leaders attended Lister's weapons sales presentation, including Eden Pastora, Adolfo Chamorro, and Mariano Montealgre. The meeting illustrated the direct connection between the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug trafficking network and Contra military procurement. Chamorro, known by the nickname "Popo," was part of the broader Chamorro family network involved in Contra operations, which included [[Edmundo Chamorro]] of UDN-FARN and Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro.[^2]
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Blandón recalled that several top Contra leaders attended Lister's weapons sales presentation, including Eden Pastora, Adolfo Chamorro, and Mariano Montealgre. The meeting illustrated the direct connection between the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug trafficking network and Contra military procurement. Chamorro, known by the nickname "Popo," was part of the broader Chamorro family network involved in Contra operations, which included [[Edmundo Chamorro]] of UDN-FARN and Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro.[^2]
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### Footnotes
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@ -20,15 +20,15 @@ Alan Fenster was a Beverly Hills criminal defense attorney and former prosecutor
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### Defense of Ricky Ross
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Fenster served as Ross's attorney during the [[DEA]] reverse sting prosecution in [[San Diego]], where [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] served as the chief confidential informant. Fenster described enormous difficulty obtaining any discovery about the government's informant, including Blandón's identity. Ross only knew Blandón as "Danilo" and was not even certain that was his real name.[^2]
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Fenster served as Ross's attorney during the [[DEA]] reverse sting prosecution in [[San Diego]], where [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] served as the chief confidential informant. Fenster described enormous difficulty obtaining any discovery about the government's informant, including Blandón's identity. Ross only knew Blandón as "Danilo" and was not even certain that was his real name.[^2]
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### The Ross Trial
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At the 1996 trial, Fenster fought to obtain government records about Blandón's Contra connections but was repeatedly stymied by prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. Fenster filed a motion to dismiss based on the government's illegal withholding of evidence, attaching an affidavit from a private investigator who had spoken to [[Gary Webb]]. The motion exposed Webb's investigation and brought the [[Los Angeles Times|L.A. Times]] into the story.[^3]
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At the 1996 trial, Fenster fought to obtain government records about Blandón's Contra connections but was repeatedly stymied by prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. Fenster filed a motion to dismiss based on the government's illegal withholding of evidence, attaching an affidavit from a private investigator who had spoken to [[Gary Webb]]. The motion exposed Webb's investigation and brought the [[Los Angeles Times|L.A. Times]] into the story.[^3]
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During the trial, Fenster cross-examined Blandón extensively about his Contra ties, pressing him on his shifting claims about when he stopped selling cocaine for the Contras. When Blandón claimed he quit in 1982, Fenster asked: "Is it your testimony that you decided to keep the profits from the drug dealing because the Contra organization had enough money to fund their own war?" Blandón paused and looked at O'Neale before saying: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," he paused, "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue that line of inquiry.[^3]
|
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During the trial, Fenster cross-examined Blandón extensively about his Contra ties, pressing him on his shifting claims about when he stopped selling cocaine for the Contras. When Blandón claimed he quit in 1982, Fenster asked: "Is it your testimony that you decided to keep the profits from the drug dealing because the Contra organization had enough money to fund their own war?" Blandón paused and looked at O'Neale before saying: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," he paused, "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue that line of inquiry.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Webb secretly supplied Fenster with questions to ask Blandón during cross-examination, after Blandón told Webb that the DEA would not allow him to give an interview. "How am I supposed to cross-examine this guy? I don't even know what to ask!" Fenster told Webb during a lunch break. "Isn't this just crazy? I mean, here I am, defending a man against a life sentence, and I've got to ask some reporter if the prosecution testimony is accurate."[^3]
|
||||
Webb secretly supplied Fenster with questions to ask Blandón during cross-examination, after Blandón told Webb that the DEA would not allow him to give an interview. "How am I supposed to cross-examine this guy? I don't even know what to ask!" Fenster told Webb during a lunch break. "Isn't this just crazy? I mean, here I am, defending a man against a life sentence, and I've got to ask some reporter if the prosecution testimony is accurate."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -40,7 +40,7 @@ One Central American station chief recalled that CIA leadership's unspoken polic
|
|||
|
||||
### Ilopango Reporting Responsibility
|
||||
|
||||
Fiers acknowledged the CIA "had a capability and indeed a responsibility for reporting what had been happening at [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]]" in [[El Salvador]]. He testified that [[Felix Rodriguez]] was sent to El Salvador in early 1985 as part of a CIA reorganization: "As a result of the change in management of the task force. . .we undertook a complete review of our efforts in San Salvador. . .and made adjustments in that undertaking that left a void. Felix Rodriguez was put into—sent to El Salvador to work in the areas where we had left a void."[^3]
|
||||
Fiers acknowledged the CIA "had a capability and indeed a responsibility for reporting what had been happening at [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]]" in [[El Salvador]]. He testified that [[Felix Rodriguez]] was sent to El Salvador in early 1985 as part of a CIA reorganization: "As a result of the change in management of the task force. . .we undertook a complete review of our efforts in San Salvador. . .and made adjustments in that undertaking that left a void. Felix Rodriguez was put into, sent to El Salvador to work in the areas where we had left a void."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "Los Angeles Times police beat reporter who wrote the first national press story about crack cocaine in November 1984, documenting the explosion of rock houses in South Central Los Angeles."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Andy Furillo, a freckle-faced police beat reporter hired away from the smaller Los Angeles Herald-Examiner, wrote the first story about [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] to appear in the national press. Published on November 25, 1984 - one day before the [[DEA]] arrested Jairo Meneses and [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]] Cabrera in San Francisco. The story ran in the Los Angeles Times under the headline "South Central Cocaine Sales Explode into $25 Rocks."[^1]
|
||||
Andy Furillo, a freckle-faced police beat reporter hired away from the smaller Los Angeles Herald-Examiner, wrote the first story about [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] to appear in the national press. Published on November 25, 1984 - one day before the [[DEA]] arrested Jairo Meneses and [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]] Cabrera in San Francisco. The story ran in the Los Angeles Times under the headline "South Central Cocaine Sales Explode into $25 Rocks."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Furillo discovered the story after officers at [[South Central Los Angeles]] police stations mentioned a flood of cocaine in the ghettos. He hit the streets, knocked on doors, and confirmed the officers' accounts. He found a gigantic, wide-open cocaine market flourishing in the poorest section of [[LAPD|Los Angeles]] that no mainstream media outlet had covered.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ alias:
|
|||
- Angela Ford
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Angela Dellafiora, later known as Angela Ford after marriage, was a [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA) intelligence analyst based in Maryland. The DIA hired her in 1986 to participate in [[STARGATE PROJECT|Project STAR GATE]], the government's classified remote-viewing program, in which she worked for nine years.[^1]
|
||||
Angela Dellafiora, later known as Angela Ford after marriage, was a [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] (DIA) intelligence analyst based in Maryland. The DIA hired her in 1986 to participate in [[Stargate Project|Project STAR GATE]], the government's classified remote-viewing program, in which she worked for nine years.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Written Remote Viewing
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -40,7 +40,7 @@ Israel denied that he had been authorized to act for it in the transaction, repe
|
|||
|
||||
In Profits of War and in congressional testimony, Ben-Menashe alleged that Israeli officials, working with figures around the 1980 [[Ronald Reagan]] presidential campaign, arranged arms sales to Iran in exchange for delaying the release of American hostages until after the November 1980 election, the scenario known as the October Surprise.[^5] He claimed to have witnessed a Paris meeting in October 1980 attended by [[George H.W. Bush]], the campaign manager [[William J. Casey|William Casey]], and Iranian representatives.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
His detailed account named a sequence of secret meetings. He described [[Miles Copeland]]'s group of CIA-connected officers, Casey, [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Earl Brian]] entering negotiations with the Iranians, and [[David Kimche]] of Mossad initiating an arms supply to Iran via [[South Africa]] in 1979. He placed first and second Madrid meetings in March and May 1980 involving [[Mehdi Karrubi]], Casey, McFarlane, [[Donald Gregg]], [[Robert Gates]], and Brian; an Amsterdam meeting in August 1980; and the October 1980 Paris meeting at which he says the hostage-release deal was sealed and after which he received 56 million dollars in [[Guatemala]] in December 1980, with 4 million for Brian and 52 million for the Iranian intermediary Kashani. The hostages were released on Reagan's inauguration day, January 20, 1981.[^5] He further alleged a 1980 to 1981 [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] arms pipeline, a role in the June 7, 1981 [[Israel Air Force]] strike on Iraq's Tammuz nuclear reactor, the recruitment of Daily Mirror foreign editor [[Nicholas Davies]] by Mossad, and the use of a slush fund (the [[Ora Group]]) to finance the [[Likud Party]] and "black" operations including, in his telling, the 1985 [[Achille Lauro]] hijacking.[^5]
|
||||
His detailed account named a sequence of secret meetings. He described [[Miles Copeland]]'s group of CIA-connected officers, Casey, [[Robert McFarlane]], and [[Earl Brian]] entering negotiations with the Iranians, and [[David Kimche]] of Mossad initiating an arms supply to Iran via [[South Africa]] in 1979. He placed first and second Madrid meetings in March and May 1980 involving [[Mehdi Karrubi]], Casey, McFarlane, [[Donald Gregg]], [[Robert Gates]], and Brian; an Amsterdam meeting in August 1980; and the October 1980 Paris meeting at which he says the hostage-release deal was sealed and after which he received 56 million dollars in [[Guatemala]] in December 1980, with 4 million for Brian and 52 million for the Iranian intermediary Kashani. The hostages were released on Reagan's inauguration day, January 20, 1981.[^5] He further alleged a 1980 to 1981 [[Iran-Israel Joint Committee]] arms pipeline, a role in the June 7, 1981 [[Israel Air Force]] strike on Iraq's Tammuz nuclear reactor, the recruitment of [[Daily Mirror]] foreign editor [[Nicholas Davies]] by Mossad, and the use of a slush fund (the [[Ora Group]]) to finance the [[Likud Party]] and "black" operations including, in his telling, the 1985 [[Achille Lauro]] hijacking.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
No official body endorsed this account. The [[House October Surprise Task Force]], chaired by Representative [[Lee Hamilton]], published its joint report on January 3, 1993, and rejected it, saying it had conclusive evidence from travel and passport records that Ben-Menashe was not in Paris when he claimed to have witnessed the meeting, and describing his testimony as "totally lacking in credibility," "demonstrably false from beginning to end," and "a total fabrication."[^6] A separate review of the Iran-Contra-related allegations conducted under Attorney General [[William Barr]] likewise found no credible basis for his key claims, and an earlier Senate examination reached similar conclusions.[^6][^7]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -27,13 +27,13 @@ Bill Clinton (born William Jefferson Blythe III on August 19, 1946) is an Americ
|
|||
|
||||
### Governor of Arkansas and the Mena Drug Operations
|
||||
|
||||
As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
|
||||
As Governor of Arkansas, Clinton presided over the period when [[Barry Seal]] operated his [[Central Intelligence Agency]]-connected [[Cocaine]] smuggling operation at Mena airport. Clinton's close friend [[Danny Ray Lasater]] was convicted as part of a major drug ring in [[Little Rock, Arkansas|Little Rock]], raising questions about what the governor knew about the activities at [[Mena, Arkansas|Mena]].[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
Arkansas state trooper Larry Patterson testified that troopers were aware "that there was large quantities of drugs being flown into the Mena airport" and that "it was a CIA operation." Despite the scale of Seal's operations, which a letter from the Arkansas attorney general to U.S. Attorney General [[Ed Meese]] valued at 3 billion to 5 billion dollars in smuggled drugs, the state government took no action to shut down the operation. Clinton's administration in Arkansas presided over the period when the Mena airport served as a hub for both drug trafficking and Contra supply operations.[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
### Project Stargate
|
||||
|
||||
As president, Clinton's administration oversaw the 1995 declassification and termination of the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], the government's remote-viewing program, after a CIA-commissioned review concluded the program had no demonstrated intelligence value. The *Remote Viewers* account does not detail any direct involvement by Clinton in the program, but notes that [[William Perry]], who served as Clinton's Secretary of Defense, had earlier been involved in funding decisions for the program during the Carter administration.[^15]
|
||||
As president, Clinton's administration oversaw the 1995 declassification and termination of the [[Stargate Project]], the government's remote-viewing program, after a CIA-commissioned review concluded the program had no demonstrated intelligence value. The *Remote Viewers* account does not detail any direct involvement by Clinton in the program, but notes that [[William Perry]], who served as Clinton's Secretary of Defense, had earlier been involved in funding decisions for the program during the Carter administration.[^15]
|
||||
|
||||
### Epstein Contacts and Flight Logs
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,9 +10,9 @@ died: 2018
|
|||
location: "Israel"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Binyamin Blumberg was a former military intelligence officer handpicked by [[Shimon Peres]] to direct the Office of Special Tasks, a new intelligence agency created to provide security for [[Israel]]'s burgeoning nuclear operation at [[Dimona]]. This office, bureaucratically placed inside the defense ministry, would later become known as LAKAM (Science Liaison Bureau) and was responsible for one of [[Israel]]'s worst mistakes, the recruitment of [[Jonathan Pollard]].[^1]
|
||||
Binyamin Blumberg was a former military intelligence officer handpicked by [[Shimon Peres]] to direct the Office of Special Tasks, a new intelligence agency created to provide security for [[Israel]]'s burgeoning nuclear operation at [[Dimona]]. This office, bureaucratically placed inside the defense ministry, would later become known as [[LAKAM]] (Science Liaison Bureau) and was responsible for one of Israel's worst mistakes, the recruitment of [[Jonathan Pollard]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Blumberg's sole mission in the late 1950s was protecting [[Dimona]], and he was deeply involved in the details, even overturning bureaucratic rules to ensure the hiring of essential scientists. He and his colleagues in the Office of Special Tasks were constantly improving and embellishing the Israeli cover-up regarding [[Dimona]]'s true purpose, especially during the annual inspections by [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]] from the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
Blumberg's sole mission in the late 1950s was protecting Dimona, and he was deeply involved in the details, even overturning bureaucratic rules to ensure the hiring of essential scientists. He and his colleagues in the Office of Special Tasks were constantly improving and embellishing the Israeli cover-up regarding Dimona's true purpose, especially during the annual inspections by [[Floyd L. Culler, Jr.]] from the [[United States]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,35 +15,35 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "Los Angeles attorney who represented Danilo Blandon and provided firsthand observations about Contra fundraising through cocaine trafficking."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Bradley Brunon was a Los Angeles attorney who represented [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] throughout his legal troubles and provided firsthand observations about the intersection of Contra fundraising and cocaine trafficking in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
Bradley Brunon was a Los Angeles attorney who represented [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] throughout his legal troubles and provided firsthand observations about the intersection of Contra fundraising and cocaine trafficking in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Observations of Contra Cocaine Trafficking
|
||||
|
||||
Brunon met Blandón while defending a middle-class [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] exile accused of drug trafficking. He said Blandón was one of several former [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] supporters dealing cocaine in [[Los Angeles]] in the early 1980s. "People were being arrested who had high government connections, or high military connections, in the Somoza regime, who didn't have any particular lifestyle consistent with being cocaine dealers, didn't have a background consistent with that, but they were highly politicized individuals. And the only politics I was aware that they were involved with was this attempt to fund the Contra revolutionary insurgency."[^1]
|
||||
Brunon met Blandón while defending a middle-class [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] exile accused of drug trafficking. He said Blandón was one of several former [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] supporters dealing cocaine in [[Los Angeles]] in the early 1980s. "People were being arrested who had high government connections, or high military connections, in the Somoza regime, who didn't have any particular lifestyle consistent with being cocaine dealers, didn't have a background consistent with that, but they were highly politicized individuals. And the only politics I was aware that they were involved with was this attempt to fund the Contra revolutionary insurgency."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brunon said it was his understanding that "the [[Contras]], and I don't even know if they were known as that then... had no above-the-line funding. Everything was sub rosa and one of the ways they were trying to raise money was importing cocaine." He clarified that this information "was information that I didn't specifically receive from Blandón, but that I had surmised based on a series of events that were happening."[^1]
|
||||
Brunon said it was his understanding that "the [[Contras]], and I don't even know if they were known as that then... had no above-the-line funding. Everything was sub rosa and one of the ways they were trying to raise money was importing cocaine." He clarified that this information "was information that I didn't specifically receive from Blandón, but that I had surmised based on a series of events that were happening."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Knowledge of Blandón's Contra Involvement
|
||||
### Knowledge of Blandón's Contra Involvement
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón was fairly close-mouthed about his role with the Contras, according to Brunon. "I don't know the formal particulars of it other than there was this kind of atmosphere of [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and clandestine activities and so forth that surrounded him when I met him. He never was specific. I mean, I believed he was involved with the Contras. I don't think there's any doubt about that. Beyond that, I never got into the particulars with him, because I didn't have a need to know at that point."[^1]
|
||||
Blandón was fairly close-mouthed about his role with the Contras, according to Brunon. "I don't know the formal particulars of it other than there was this kind of atmosphere of [[Central Intelligence Agency]] and clandestine activities and so forth that surrounded him when I met him. He never was specific. I mean, I believed he was involved with the Contras. I don't think there's any doubt about that. Beyond that, I never got into the particulars with him, because I didn't have a need to know at that point."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Encounters with Ronald Lister
|
||||
|
||||
Brunon met [[Ronald Lister]] in 1986, when Lister showed up unannounced at the lawyer's office and began asking very detailed questions about Blandón's background. "It was just like the hair on the back of your neck goes up. What does this guy want? What's he doing here? Is he investigating Blandón?" Brunon said. "I never knew what his true role was. I mean, he covertly insinuated that he was CIA. At least, if not a sworn member, whatever the hell they do to get to become employees — some sort of operative." Brunon "really didn't have much communication with the guy because he scared me."[^1]
|
||||
Brunon met [[Ronald Lister]] in 1986, when Lister showed up unannounced at the lawyer's office and began asking very detailed questions about Blandón's background. "It was just like the hair on the back of your neck goes up. What does this guy want? What's he doing here? Is he investigating Blandón?" Brunon said. "I never knew what his true role was. I mean, he covertly insinuated that he was CIA. At least, if not a sworn member, whatever the hell they do to get to become employees, some sort of operative." Brunon "really didn't have much communication with the guy because he scared me."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brunon described Lister as "one of these guys who would boast about having bugging capabilities, would boast about having wiretap capabilities, you could get any information any time, one of those... I-can-uplink-to-the-satellite sort of guy."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Claims and the FBI
|
||||
|
||||
A 1986 [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] report about Blandón obtained by [[Gary Webb]] through a FOIA request revealed that Brunon had called the [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office|L.A. County Sheriff's Office]] after a police raid and claimed the CIA had "winked" at Blandón's activities.[^2]
|
||||
A 1986 [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] report about Blandón obtained by [[Gary Webb]] through a FOIA request revealed that Brunon had called the [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office|L.A. County Sheriff's Office]] after a police raid and claimed the CIA had "winked" at Blandón's activities.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### DEA Knowledge of Blandón
|
||||
### DEA Knowledge of Blandón
|
||||
|
||||
Brunon stated in court in 1992 that the [[DEA]] possessed extensive knowledge of Blandón's drug dealing spanning over a decade: "I have some 300 DEA-6 reports regarding Mr. Blandón, and the reports relate to activities between approximately 1981 and May 1992." This was a period during which Blandón was granted U.S. political asylum, ran a multimillion-dollar cocaine operation, and served as a DEA informant.[^3]
|
||||
Brunon stated in court in 1992 that the [[DEA]] possessed extensive knowledge of Blandón's drug dealing spanning over a decade: "I have some 300 DEA-6 reports regarding Mr. Blandón, and the reports relate to activities between approximately 1981 and May 1992." This was a period during which Blandón was granted U.S. political asylum, ran a multimillion-dollar cocaine operation, and served as a DEA informant.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Views on Blandón's 1992 Case
|
||||
### Views on Blandón's 1992 Case
|
||||
|
||||
[[LAPD]] narcotics detective Ron Hodges, who investigated Blandón in conjunction with the DEA in 1991-92, told Webb that the case against Blandón was remarkably weak. "What's hard to understand [is] when we actually did the investigation on him and it came to a conclusion, I think he was charged with what they consider a 'no-dope conspiracy,' which is like nothing. It's so minimal. It's like trying to do something when there is nothing there." Brunon pointed out that his client had no criminal record, and the DEA had nothing more than some loose talk with criminal informants and no evidence of actual drug dealing.[^4]
|
||||
[[LAPD]] narcotics detective Ron Hodges, who investigated Blandón in conjunction with the DEA in 1991-92, told Webb that the case against Blandón was remarkably weak. "What's hard to understand [is] when we actually did the investigation on him and it came to a conclusion, I think he was charged with what they consider a 'no-dope conspiracy,' which is like nothing. It's so minimal. It's like trying to do something when there is nothing there." Brunon pointed out that his client had no criminal record, and the DEA had nothing more than some loose talk with criminal informants and no evidence of actual drug dealing.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,6 +8,16 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Princeton
|
||||
summary: "Chicago remote-viewing experimenter who from 1979 ran Robert Jahn's privately funded Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research laboratory."
|
||||
location: "Princeton, New Jersey"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: reported_to
|
||||
with: "[[Robert Jahn]]"
|
||||
start: 1979
|
||||
role: "manager, Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Society for Scientific Exploration]]"
|
||||
role: "officer"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
@ -16,7 +26,7 @@ Brenda J. Dunne, of the Midwest Parapsychological Research Institute at Mundelei
|
|||
|
||||
### PEAR
|
||||
|
||||
By 1979 [[Robert Jahn]] had started the Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research laboratory at [[Princeton University]] and hired Dunne to run it, and in 1987 they published *Margins of Reality.*[^3] Jahn relied on private donations of more than ten million dollars, the first and largest from [[James S. McDonnell]] of [[McDonnell Douglas]]. PEAR published more than sixty research reports, most in the journal of the [[Society for Scientific Exploration]], of which Jahn and Dunne were officers; it announced its closure in 2007. "Many PEAR Tree members who are science faculty members will not reveal themselves publicly," Dunne told the *New York Times.*[^4]
|
||||
By 1979 [[Robert Jahn]] had started the Princeton Engineering Anomalies Research laboratory at [[Princeton University]] and hired Dunne to run it, and in 1987 they published *Margins of Reality.*[^3] Jahn relied on private donations of more than ten million dollars, the first and largest from [[James S. McDonnell]] of [[McDonnell Douglas]]. PEAR published more than sixty research reports, most in the journal of the [[Society for Scientific Exploration]], of which Jahn and Dunne were officers; it announced its closure in 2007. "Many PEAR Tree members who are science faculty members will not reveal themselves publicly," Dunne told the *[[New York Times]].*[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Army civilian photo-interpreter and early member of the Gondola Wish (
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Bud Duncan]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Bud Duncan]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,23 +15,23 @@ Carl E. Duckett was an American intelligence official who headed the [[Central I
|
|||
|
||||
### Nuclear Intelligence Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett became the recipient of intelligence on [[Israel]]'s nuclear program, which was routed to his office from sources like [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory]] and [[Los Alamos]] through the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s Office of Science and Technology. His work centered on assessing [[Israel]]'s nuclear capabilities and the potential for nuclear proliferation in the [[Middle East]].[^1]
|
||||
Duckett became the recipient of intelligence on [[Israel]]'s nuclear program, which was routed to his office from sources like [[Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory]] and [[Los Alamos]] through the CIA's Office of Science and Technology. His work centered on assessing Israel's nuclear capabilities and the potential for nuclear proliferation in the [[Middle East]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Israeli Nuclear Estimates
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett's top-secret [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] estimate in 1968, which concluded that [[Israel]] had three or four nuclear bombs, was primarily based on his conviction that [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]] had smuggled over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium into [[Israel]]. This alleged smuggling was also a major factor in Duckett's 1974 estimate, which credited [[Israel]] with at least ten bombs. To Duckett and his colleagues, the case against Shapiro was unassailable, despite the lack of concrete proof of a chemical reprocessing plant in [[Israel]].[^2]
|
||||
Duckett's top-secret CIA estimate in 1968, which concluded that Israel had three or four nuclear bombs, was primarily based on his conviction that [[Zalman Mordecai Shapiro]] had smuggled over two hundred pounds of enriched uranium into Israel. This alleged smuggling was also a major factor in Duckett's 1974 estimate, which credited Israel with at least ten bombs. To Duckett and his colleagues, the case against Shapiro was unassailable, despite the lack of concrete proof of a chemical reprocessing plant in Israel.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Public Disclosure and Media Impact
|
||||
|
||||
Duckett's intelligence report on [[Israel]]'s nuclear arsenal, initially suppressed in 1968 by [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] and later by [[Richard Helms]], finally made its way onto the front page of the _New York Times_ in July 1970. This report provided the American public with its first account of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]'s assessment of the Israeli nuclear arsenal, stating that the U.S. government had been operating on the assumption that [[Israel]] either possessed an atomic bomb or had component parts available for quick assembly.[^1]
|
||||
Duckett's intelligence report on Israel's nuclear arsenal, initially suppressed in 1968 by [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] and later by [[Richard Helms]], finally made its way onto the front page of the _New York Times_ in July 1970. This report provided the American public with its first account of the CIA's assessment of the Israeli nuclear arsenal, stating that the U.S. government had been operating on the assumption that Israel either possessed an atomic bomb or had component parts available for quick assembly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Career-Ending Mistake
|
||||
|
||||
In March 1976, Duckett made a career-ending mistake by openly discussing [[Israel]]'s nuclear weapons at an informal seminar, stating that [[Israel]] was estimated to have ten to twenty nuclear weapons "available for use." This disclosure forced [[George H.W. Bush]], the newly installed [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] director, to issue a public statement assuming "full responsibility" and led to Duckett's retirement. Duckett later acknowledged that the rumors of his heavy drinking led to his departure, but insisted the real issue was Bush's unwillingness to promote him. His 1974 estimate remained the official American intelligence estimate until the early 1980s, despite being based on speculation and lacking specific intelligence.[^2]
|
||||
In March 1976, Duckett made a career-ending mistake by openly discussing Israel's nuclear weapons at an informal seminar, stating that Israel was estimated to have ten to twenty nuclear weapons "available for use." This disclosure forced [[George H.W. Bush]], the newly installed CIA director, to issue a public statement assuming "full responsibility" and led to Duckett's retirement. Duckett later acknowledged that the rumors of his heavy drinking led to his departure, but insisted the real issue was Bush's unwillingness to promote him. His 1974 estimate remained the official American intelligence estimate until the early 1980s, despite being based on speculation and lacking specific intelligence.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Psychic Research Programs
|
||||
|
||||
Beyond nuclear intelligence, Duckett was a key figure in the agency's involvement with psychic research, including the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program. Duckett, along with [[John McMahon]], was briefed on the remote viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and suggested that the time was ripe for psychic spying on more sensitive targets overseas.[^3]
|
||||
Beyond nuclear intelligence, Duckett was a key figure in the agency's involvement with psychic research, including the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program. Duckett, along with [[John McMahon]], was briefed on the remote viewing research at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and suggested that the time was ripe for psychic spying on more sensitive targets overseas.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Carlos Amador was a pilot who planned to fly into Ilopango Air Base to pick up cocaine from Hangar No. 4 and transport it to Miami, according to a DEA cable.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Carlos Amador was a pilot who planned to fly into [[Ilopango Airbase]] to pick up [[cocaine]] from Hangar No. 4 and transport it to [[Miami]], according to a March 1986 [[DEA]] cable. Amador's planned flight provided direct evidence of the drug trafficking operation at the base where [[Felix Rodriguez]] and [[Oliver North]] managed the [[Contras|Contra]] resupply effort.[^1]
|
||||
Carlos Amador was a pilot who planned to fly into [[Ilopango Airbase]] to pick up [[Cocaine]] from Hangar No. 4 and transport it to [[Miami]], according to a March 1986 [[DEA]] cable. Amador's planned flight provided direct evidence of the drug trafficking operation at the base where [[Felix Rodriguez]] and [[Oliver North]] managed the [[Contras|Contra]] resupply effort.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Ilopango Connection
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -38,33 +38,33 @@ Within weeks DEA agent Sandra Smith spotted Cabezas picking up two L.A. drug dea
|
|||
|
||||
### The Contra Cocaine Connection
|
||||
|
||||
Cabezas's cocaine came from two sources: Ãlvaro Carvajal Minota, a Colombian in San Francisco connected to the nascent [[Cali Drug Cartel]]; and a Costa Rican source that supplied higher-quality Peruvian cocaine. It was the Peruvian cocaine, Cabezas said, that belonged to the Contras.[^2]
|
||||
Cabezas's cocaine came from two sources: Álvaro Carvajal Minota, a Colombian in San Francisco connected to the nascent [[Cali Drug Cartel]]; and a Costa Rican source that supplied higher-quality Peruvian cocaine. It was the Peruvian cocaine, Cabezas said, that belonged to the Contras.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1981, Zavala sent Cabezas to Costa Rica to meet two of [[Norwin Meneses]]'s associates: [[Horacio Pereira]], a drug dealer and gambler known as "La Burra," and [[Troilo Sanchez|Troilo Sánchez]], a playboy brother of [[FDN]] leaders [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides]] and [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]]. Cabezas told [[Central Intelligence Agency]] investigators this meeting "was the genesis of an effort to raise money for the Contras by selling drugs."[^2]
|
||||
In December 1981, Zavala sent Cabezas to Costa Rica to meet two of [[Norwin Meneses]]'s associates: [[Horacio Pereira]], a drug dealer and gambler known as "La Burra," and [[Troilo Sanchez|Troilo Sánchez]], a playboy brother of [[FDN]] leaders [[Aristides Sanchez|Aristides]] and [[Fernando Sanchez|Fernando Sánchez]]. Cabezas told [[Central Intelligence Agency]] investigators this meeting "was the genesis of an effort to raise money for the Contras by selling drugs."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Horacio Pereira told Cabezas he was representing [[UDN-FARN]] and the FDN in Costa Rica and that the CIA would control the delivery of the money. When Pereira grew suspicious of Zavala's drinking and money management, he cut Zavala out and insisted Cabezas personally handle the Contra money. Cabezas agreed to a 50/50 profit split with Zavala in exchange for assuming financial responsibility.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Cocaine from Costa Rica was smuggled inside woven Peruvian baskets. Each basket contained about a kilo of cocaine hidden inside wax-coated strings within the framework. Cabezas personally brought back twelve kilos during the first part of 1982, earning about $17,000. He told CIA inspectors that "Contra mules, typically airline flight attendants" were also bringing baskets into the United States.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Cabezas delivered drug money directly to FDN leader Aristides Sanchez at the Contras' [[Miami]] offices in a shopping center near the airport, and to Horacio Pereira or FDN logistics officer JoaquÃn "Pelón" Vega in [[Honduras]]. On average, Cabezas carried $64,000 on each of his twenty trips to [[Central America]], and once helped deliver about $250,000 to Pereira and Sánchez.[^2]
|
||||
Cabezas delivered drug money directly to FDN leader Aristides Sanchez at the Contras' [[Miami]] offices in a shopping center near the airport, and to Horacio Pereira or FDN logistics officer Joaquín "Pelón" Vega in [[Honduras]]. On average, Cabezas carried $64,000 on each of his twenty trips to [[Central America]], and once helped deliver about $250,000 to Pereira and Sánchez.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Meeting with CIA Agent "Iván Gómez"
|
||||
### Meeting with CIA Agent "Iván Gómez"
|
||||
|
||||
In April or May 1982, Pereira and Troilo Sánchez introduced Cabezas to a man calling himself [[Ivan Gomez|Iván Gómez]], who identified himself as the CIA's "man in Costa Rica." Gómez told Cabezas he was there to "ensure that the profits from the cocaine went to the Contras and not into someone's pocket." Cabezas saw Gómez only once more, in late summer 1982.[^2]
|
||||
In April or May 1982, Pereira and Troilo Sánchez introduced Cabezas to a man calling himself [[Ivan Gomez|Iván Gómez]], who identified himself as the CIA's "man in Costa Rica." Gómez told Cabezas he was there to "ensure that the profits from the cocaine went to the Contras and not into someone's pocket." Cabezas saw Gómez only once more, in late summer 1982.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
On February 15, 1983, federal agents raided fourteen locations in the San Francisco area. Cabezas, his mother, and numerous others were arrested. Cabezas's attorney advised him to cooperate, and he became a government witness against Julio Zavala.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
At Zavala's trial in late 1984, Cabezas testified under oath that drug profits were going to the Contras. Pages from his ledger books showing cocaine transactions with Contra official Fernando Sánchez were introduced into evidence. Zavala was convicted. Cabezas's testimony went unchallenged—and unreported. Though San Francisco media had extensively covered the arrests, not a single reporter covered the trial.[^2]
|
||||
At Zavala's trial in late 1984, Cabezas testified under oath that drug profits were going to the Contras. Pages from his ledger books showing cocaine transactions with Contra official Fernando Sánchez were introduced into evidence. Zavala was convicted. Cabezas's testimony went unchallenged and unreported. Though San Francisco media had extensively covered the arrests, not a single reporter covered the trial.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Cabezas pleaded guilty to drug charges in 1984 and served several years in prison. He later returned to Managua and was practicing law there as of 1998.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Post-Series Interview
|
||||
|
||||
In December 1996, journalist [[Georg Hodel]] located Cabezas in Managua. Cabezas admitted on the record that he had delivered millions of dollars in drug money to the Contras and identified CIA agent Ivan Gómez as having direct knowledge of the operation. He provided names, dates, amounts, and pages from his drug ledgers. "We've got it," Hodel told [[Gary Webb]]. "Cabezas is willing to talk on the record."[[^3]
|
||||
In December 1996, journalist [[Georg Hodel]] located Cabezas in Managua. Cabezas admitted on the record that he had delivered millions of dollars in drug money to the Contras and identified CIA agent Ivan Gómez as having direct knowledge of the operation. He provided names, dates, amounts, and pages from his drug ledgers. "We've got it," Hodel told [[Gary Webb]]. "Cabezas is willing to talk on the record."[[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
In 1987, Cabezas had written to [[Doyle McManus|McManus]] of the [[Los Angeles Times|L.A. Times]] after McManus reported there was "no supporting evidence" for Contra drug allegations, telling the reporter: "I am going to tell you that there was indeed 'supporting evidence,' hidden by the government." Cabezas described his trip to Costa Rica with $250,000 and noted the FBI made no attempt to stop him despite his traveling with an FBI informant. He also told McManus the FBI had tape-recorded conversations between Fernando Sánchez, Troilo Sánchez, and himself about drug transactions. McManus replied asking Cabezas to substantiate his "allegations" and inquired about Sandinista drug trafficking. Cabezas sent documents about the Contras and never heard from McManus again.[^3]
|
||||
In 1987, Cabezas had written to [[Doyle McManus|McManus]] of the [[Los Angeles Times|L.A. Times]] after McManus reported there was "no supporting evidence" for Contra drug allegations, telling the reporter: "I am going to tell you that there was indeed 'supporting evidence,' hidden by the government." Cabezas described his trip to Costa Rica with $250,000 and noted the FBI made no attempt to stop him despite his traveling with an FBI informant. He also told McManus the FBI had tape-recorded conversations between Fernando Sánchez, Troilo Sánchez, and himself about drug transactions. McManus replied asking Cabezas to substantiate his "allegations" and inquired about Sandinista drug trafficking. Cabezas sent documents about the Contras and never heard from McManus again.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,21 +6,21 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Nicaragua
|
||||
- Contra
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
summary: Danilo Blandón's wife, identified by the DEA as closely involved in his trafficking activities, who was arrested in 1992 and had all charges dropped when her husband agreed to become a DEA informant.
|
||||
summary: Danilo Blandón's wife, identified by the DEA as closely involved in his trafficking activities, who was arrested in 1992 and had all charges dropped when her husband agreed to become a DEA informant.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Chepita Blandón was the wife of [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] who was identified by the [[DEA]] as being closely involved in her husband's cocaine trafficking activities.[^1]
|
||||
Chepita Blandón was the wife of [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] who was identified by the [[DEA]] as being closely involved in her husband's cocaine trafficking activities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Trafficking Activities
|
||||
|
||||
Chepita was a member of the wealthy Murillo family of [[Nicaragua]]. Her uncle, [[Orlando Murillo]], was an economist who served on the board of Nicaragua's Central Bank before the revolution and was a suspected money launderer for the Blandón organization. The DEA opened a NADDIS file on Chepita on March 15, 1985, after she was reported as a "member of a cocaine distribution organization." Despite this, she was granted U.S. political asylum later that same year.[^2]
|
||||
Chepita was a member of the wealthy Murillo family of [[Nicaragua]]. Her uncle, [[Orlando Murillo]], was an economist who served on the board of Nicaragua's Central Bank before the revolution and was a suspected money launderer for the Blandón organization. The DEA opened a NADDIS file on Chepita on March 15, 1985, after she was reported as a "member of a cocaine distribution organization." Despite this, she was granted U.S. political asylum later that same year.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and Cooperation
|
||||
|
||||
Chepita was arrested alongside Blandón on May 5, 1992, as part of a conspiracy case that carried a mandatory life sentence. All charges against her were dropped when Blandón agreed to become a full-time paid DEA informant. She was subsequently made a naturalized [[United States|U.S.]] citizen.[^3]
|
||||
Chepita was arrested alongside Blandón on May 5, 1992, as part of a conspiracy case that carried a mandatory life sentence. All charges against her were dropped when Blandón agreed to become a full-time paid DEA informant. She was subsequently made a naturalized [[United States|U.S.]] citizen.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in Drug Operations
|
||||
|
||||
Chepita was involved in the financial operations of Blandón's trafficking network. After Blandón moved to [[Miami]], Ross wired drug money to [[Florida]] in Chepita's name, which Blandón said was paid to [[Roger Sandino]]. Chepita also called [[Ricky Ross]] to invite him to dinner and pressure him to find someone to sell drugs, as part of the DEA sting operation that led to Ross's arrest.[^4]
|
||||
Chepita was involved in the financial operations of Blandón's trafficking network. After Blandón moved to [[Miami]], Ross wired drug money to [[Florida]] in Chepita's name, which Blandón said was paid to [[Roger Sandino]]. Chepita also called [[Ricky Ross]] to invite him to dinner and pressure him to find someone to sell drugs, as part of the DEA sting operation that led to Ross's arrest.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "Lafayette Township, New Jersey"
|
|||
|
||||
In 1966, Backster conducted an experiment where he attached polygraph electrodes to a plant and observed its responses to his thoughts, including the intention to harm it. He claimed the plant showed a measurable reaction, leading him to believe in a form of [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] in plant life. He published his findings as "Evidence of a Primary Perception in Plant Life," which became the subject of the bestselling book *The Secret Life of Plants*.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Backster's work, while widely criticized by mainstream scientists for lacking scientific rigor, caught the attention of [[Hal Puthoff]], who was interested in exploring the boundaries of [[Animate Physics]]. Backster also conducted experiments with [[Ingo Swann]], who later became a key figure in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]].[^1]
|
||||
Backster's work, while widely criticized by mainstream scientists for lacking scientific rigor, caught the attention of [[Hal Puthoff]], who was interested in exploring the boundaries of [[Animate Physics]]. Backster also conducted experiments with [[Ingo Swann]], who later became a key figure in the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ died: 2022-07-03
|
|||
location: "Harlem, New York City"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Clifford Alexander]] was the U.S. Secretary of the [[U.S. Army|Army]] during the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Army Chief of Staff [[Edward Meyer]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
[[Clifford Alexander]] was the U.S. Secretary of the [[U.S. Army|Army]] during the early years of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Army Chief of Staff [[Edward Meyer]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -18,9 +18,9 @@ Craig Chretien was a [[DEA]] Special Agent in Charge of the National City region
|
|||
|
||||
### Meeting with Gary Webb
|
||||
|
||||
On October 19, 1995, Chretien hosted Webb in a room with six DEA agents, including [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s handlers Chuck Jones and Judy Gustafson. Chretien opened by telling Webb that his reporting was getting into "rather sensitive areas" and was endangering undercover operations and putting agents' families at risk. He asked Webb to leave out the fact that Blandón was working for the DEA. "Your story can just go up to a certain point and stop, can't it?" Chretien asked.[^1]
|
||||
On October 19, 1995, Chretien hosted Webb in a room with six DEA agents, including [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s handlers Chuck Jones and Judy Gustafson. Chretien opened by telling Webb that his reporting was getting into "rather sensitive areas" and was endangering undercover operations and putting agents' families at risk. He asked Webb to leave out the fact that Blandón was working for the DEA. "Your story can just go up to a certain point and stop, can't it?" Chretien asked.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
When Webb mentioned that his story was about Blandón, [[Norwin Meneses]], the [[Contras]], and [[Ricky Ross]], Chretien dismissed the Contra connection: "That whole Central American thing. I was down there. You heard all sorts of things. There was never any proof that the Contras were dealing drugs." Chretien proposed that the DEA might help Webb obtain information on Meneses if Webb would focus his story on Meneses rather than Blandón and omit "some other things."[^1]
|
||||
When Webb mentioned that his story was about Blandón, [[Norwin Meneses]], the [[Contras]], and [[Ricky Ross]], Chretien dismissed the Contra connection: "That whole Central American thing. I was down there. You heard all sorts of things. There was never any proof that the Contras were dealing drugs." Chretien proposed that the DEA might help Webb obtain information on Meneses if Webb would focus his story on Meneses rather than Blandón and omit "some other things."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Investigation of Celerino Castillo
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,13 +13,13 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "Federal prosecutor in Los Angeles who took the Danilo Blandon case to the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force and described it as 'a sensitive matter' involving CIA allegations."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Crossan Andersen was a federal prosecutor in the Los Angeles U.S. Attorney's office who agreed to take the [[Danilo Blandon|Blandón]]-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug case to the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) in November 1986.[^1]
|
||||
Crossan Andersen was a federal prosecutor in the Los Angeles U.S. Attorney's office who agreed to take the [[Danilo Blandon|Blandón]]-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] drug case to the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) in November 1986.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### "A Sensitive Matter"
|
||||
|
||||
On November 25, 1986, Andersen wrote to the IRS criminal investigation division in Laguna Niguel, asking for agents to assist with the case. "As you know," Andersen wrote, "this is a narcotics investigation involving [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]], [[DEA]], and [[LASD Major Violators|LASO]] units in Riverside and Whittier, California. It is a sensitive matter since it involves allegations of drug running in support of the Contra movement in Nicaragua and wholly unconfirmed allegations of [[Central Intelligence Agency]] involvement."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The same morning Andersen dictated his letter, President [[Ronald Reagan]] and Attorney General Edwin Meese were publicly announcing the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], revealing that millions from Iranian missile sales had been illegally diverted to the [[Contras]] by [[Oliver North]]. The timing was not coincidental; the Blandón case and the Iran-Contra scandal were converging.[^1]
|
||||
The same morning Andersen dictated his letter, President [[Ronald Reagan]] and Attorney General Edwin Meese were publicly announcing the [[Iran-Contra Affair]], revealing that millions from Iranian missile sales had been illegally diverted to the [[Contras]] by [[Oliver North]]. The timing was not coincidental; the Blandón case and the Iran-Contra scandal were converging.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Closing the Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ updated: 2026-09-22
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Dale Graff]] is a [[U.S. Air Force]] civilian scientist who played a significant role in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He worked in the Foreign Technology Division at [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]] in Ohio, where he was responsible for keeping the Air Force and [[Department of Defense|DoD]] planners aware of cutting-edge military research in the [[Soviet Union]] and [[China]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Dale Graff]] is a [[U.S. Air Force]] civilian scientist who played a significant role in the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]]. He worked in the Foreign Technology Division at [[Wright-Patterson Air Force Base]] in Ohio, where he was responsible for keeping the Air Force and [[Department of Defense|DoD]] planners aware of cutting-edge military research in the [[Soviet Union]] and [[China]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Graff's interest in [[Psi|psi]] phenomena stemmed from a personal experience in 1968, where he had a profound [[Out-of-Body Experience|out-of-body experience]] while caught in a rip current. This led him to research anomalous mental phenomena, and he later sought to integrate psychic abilities into military applications.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,8 +4,28 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Danilo Blandon
|
||||
- Danilo Blandón Reyes
|
||||
- Oscar Danilo Blandón
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: partner_of
|
||||
with: "[[Norwin Meneses]]"
|
||||
start: 1982
|
||||
role: "cocaine supply"
|
||||
fn: 16
|
||||
- type: spouse_of
|
||||
with: "[[Chepita Blandon]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: informant_for
|
||||
with: "[[DEA]]"
|
||||
start: 1992
|
||||
role: "cooperating witness, then paid informant from 1994"
|
||||
fn: 16
|
||||
- type: prosecuted
|
||||
with: "[[LJ Oneale]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
start: 1992-05-05
|
||||
end: 1994-09-19
|
||||
fn: 16
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,185 +38,185 @@ summary: "Nicaraguan cocaine trafficker who operated a multimillion-dollar distr
|
|||
born: 1951-07-29
|
||||
location: "Managua, Nicaragua"
|
||||
---
|
||||
"Oscar" Danilo Blandón Reyes was a [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] cocaine trafficker who operated a multiton distribution ring in [[Los Angeles]] from 1981 to 1991.[^2] Blandón was the first major trafficker to establish a direct connection between [[South Central Los Angeles|South Central L.A.]] street gangs and the [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine cartels. He was the longtime primary supplier to [[Ricky Ross|"Freeway" Ricky Ross]], the leader of South Central L.A.'s largest [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] distribution network.
|
||||
"Oscar" Danilo Blandón Reyes was a [[Nicaragua|Nicaraguan]] cocaine trafficker who operated a multiton distribution ring in [[Los Angeles]] from 1981 to 1991.[^2] Blandón was the first major trafficker to establish a direct connection between [[South Central Los Angeles|South Central L.A.]] street gangs and the [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine cartels. He was the longtime primary supplier to [[Ricky Ross|"Freeway" Ricky Ross]], the leader of South Central L.A.'s largest [[Crack Cocaine|crack]] distribution network.
|
||||
|
||||
### Family Background and Early Life
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón was the second son of a wealthy landowning family deeply embedded in the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] power structure.[^3] His father, Julio Blandón, owned the land on which was built one of the worst slums in [[Managua]] - OPEN #3, an emergency housing district built after the 1972 earthquake leveled the city. The neighborhood, later renamed Ciudad Sandino and numbering over 70,000 residents, was a constant source of recruits for the [[Sandinistas]]. Economist [[Orlando Murillo]], an uncle of Blandón's wife, stated: "It was called Via Misery. People there lived like the niggers in Los Angeles. But it made Danilo's father a very rich man."
|
||||
Blandón was the second son of a wealthy landowning family deeply embedded in the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] power structure.[^3] His father, Julio Blandón, owned the land on which was built one of the worst slums in [[Managua]] - OPEN #3, an emergency housing district built after the 1972 earthquake leveled the city. The neighborhood, later renamed Ciudad Sandino and numbering over 70,000 residents, was a constant source of recruits for the [[Sandinistas]]. Economist [[Orlando Murillo]], an uncle of Blandón's wife, stated: "It was called Via Misery. People there lived like the niggers in Los Angeles. But it made Danilo's father a very rich man."
|
||||
|
||||
The Blandóns were social friends of the Somozas and shared common business interests; Julio Blandón and Somoza were two of the biggest landlords in Managua. Blandón's mother was from the Reyes family - his grandfather was Colonel Rigoberto Reyes, former minister of war and [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guard]] commander under Somoza's father, Anastasio I.
|
||||
The Blandóns were social friends of the Somozas and shared common business interests; Julio Blandón and Somoza were two of the biggest landlords in Managua. Blandón's mother was from the Reyes family - his grandfather was Colonel Rigoberto Reyes, former minister of war and [[Nicaraguan National Guard|National Guard]] commander under Somoza's father, Anastasio I.
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón's in-laws, the Murillos, were stalwarts of Somoza's Liberal party. The Murillos had provided leaders for the National Assembly for generations. Orlando Murillo's father had been the assembly's president, and [[Chepita Blandon|Chepita Blandón]]'s father had been Managua's mayor. The Murillos owned large tracts of the capital, including the national telecommunications company headquarters, along with cattle ranches and plantations.
|
||||
Blandón's in-laws, the Murillos, were stalwarts of Somoza's Liberal party. The Murillos had provided leaders for the National Assembly for generations. Orlando Murillo's father had been the assembly's president, and [[Chepita Blandon|Chepita Blandón]]'s father had been Managua's mayor. The Murillos owned large tracts of the capital, including the national telecommunications company headquarters, along with cattle ranches and plantations.
|
||||
|
||||
### Pre-Revolution Career
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón held a cushy government job as director of wholesale markets, running a program to introduce a free-market economy to Nicaragua's farmers. The $27 million program was jointly financed by the Nicaraguan and [[United States|U.S.]] governments and paid for his M.B.A. from the University of Colombia in [[Bogota|Bogotá]]. He also ran an import-export company, a travel agency, and a firm with a lucrative contract to supply American food to the Nicaraguan National Guard.
|
||||
Blandón held a cushy government job as director of wholesale markets, running a program to introduce a free-market economy to Nicaragua's farmers. The $27 million program was jointly financed by the Nicaraguan and [[United States|U.S.]] governments and paid for his M.B.A. from the University of Colombia in [[Bogota|Bogotá]]. He also ran an import-export company, a travel agency, and a firm with a lucrative contract to supply American food to the Nicaraguan National Guard.
|
||||
|
||||
### Flight from Nicaragua
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón stayed in Managua through the first weeks of June 1979 as Sandinista forces closed in.[^3] On June 19, 1979, he placed his wife and three-year-old daughter on a flight for Los Angeles, where Chepita had relatives, while he and his brother Julio Jr. flew to [[Miami]]. His cousin Flor Reyes said he arrived "[with] one hand in the front and one in the back." Blandón claimed he arrived with only $100 after selling a Sony television; Orlando Murillo said he paid for the airline tickets and gave the couple $5,000.
|
||||
Blandón stayed in Managua through the first weeks of June 1979 as Sandinista forces closed in.[^3] On June 19, 1979, he placed his wife and three-year-old daughter on a flight for Los Angeles, where Chepita had relatives, while he and his brother Julio Jr. flew to [[Miami]]. His cousin Flor Reyes said he arrived "[with] one hand in the front and one in the back." Blandón claimed he arrived with only $100 after selling a Sony television; Orlando Murillo said he paid for the airline tickets and gave the couple $5,000.
|
||||
|
||||
After briefly washing cars in Miami, Blandón rejoined his family in Los Angeles in early July 1979, landing a job as a salesman at Torres Used Cars in East Los Angeles, run by two Nicaraguan brothers ([[Jacinto Torres|Jacinto]] and [[Edgar Torres]]) who would later become major [[cocaine]] traffickers known as "the Trees" or "the Twin Towers."
|
||||
After briefly washing cars in Miami, Blandón rejoined his family in Los Angeles in early July 1979, landing a job as a salesman at Torres Used Cars in East Los Angeles, run by two Nicaraguan brothers ([[Jacinto Torres|Jacinto]] and [[Edgar Torres]]) who would later become major [[Cocaine]] traffickers known as "the Trees" or "the Twin Towers."
|
||||
|
||||
### Contra Fundraising and FDN Chapter
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón claimed his was the first organized Contra group in Los Angeles, calling themselves the [[FDN]]:[^3] "I was the first. We formed a group in L.A. to go and fight against the Sandinistas that we called FDN. We were five people in charge of it in L.A. We were in charge to get some money."
|
||||
Blandón claimed his was the first organized Contra group in Los Angeles, calling themselves the [[FDN]]:[^3] "I was the first. We formed a group in L.A. to go and fight against the Sandinistas that we called FDN. We were five people in charge of it in L.A. We were in charge to get some money."
|
||||
|
||||
In 1981, CIA agent [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]] visited Blandón's group, gave a pep talk, and asked them to adopt the FDN colors and flag. Blandón's group began raising funds through car theft and loan fraud, using Blandón's credit history to obtain auto loans for vehicles sent to the Contras in [[Honduras]]. "We were the first people, the first group that sent a pickup truck to the Contra revolution in Honduras," Blandón said. When the organization failed to make payments, Blandón lost his credit: "But at that time I didn't care because they [the Contras] were my idea, my cause."
|
||||
In 1981, CIA agent [[Enrique Bermudez|Enrique Bermúdez]] visited Blandón's group, gave a pep talk, and asked them to adopt the FDN colors and flag. Blandón's group began raising funds through car theft and loan fraud, using Blandón's credit history to obtain auto loans for vehicles sent to the Contras in [[Honduras]]. "We were the first people, the first group that sent a pickup truck to the Contra revolution in Honduras," Blandón said. When the organization failed to make payments, Blandón lost his credit: "But at that time I didn't care because they [the Contras] were my idea, my cause."
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón testified before a federal grand jury (Grand Jury Number 93-5, Northern District of California) on February 3, 1994, that he had begun dealing cocaine to raise funds for the [[Contras]] in Los Angeles during the early 1980s.[^1] According to Blandón, after [[Ronald Reagan]] took office, the CIA decided his fundraising services were no longer required, and he continued in the drug business on his own.
|
||||
Blandón testified before a federal grand jury (Grand Jury Number 93-5, Northern District of California) on February 3, 1994, that he had begun dealing cocaine to raise funds for the [[Contras]] in Los Angeles during the early 1980s.[^1] According to Blandón, after [[Ronald Reagan]] took office, the CIA decided his fundraising services were no longer required, and he continued in the drug business on his own.
|
||||
|
||||
### Los Angeles Operations
|
||||
|
||||
After being sent to Los Angeles by [[Norwin Meneses]] to sell cocaine, Blandón struggled to establish a customer base in a city he didn't know, unlike [[San Francisco]] where Meneses's drug network was well established. While distributing cocaine, Blandón served as Meneses's "administrator" in L.A., keeping the books for the drug operation, collecting money from customers, and delivering cash to pay Meneses's Colombian cocaine suppliers. Blandón made clear that the profits from the L.A. operation went to the Contra revolution: "whatever we were running in L.A. goes - the profit is - was going to the Contra revolution."[^4]
|
||||
After being sent to Los Angeles by [[Norwin Meneses]] to sell cocaine, Blandón struggled to establish a customer base in a city he didn't know, unlike [[San Francisco]] where Meneses's drug network was well established. While distributing cocaine, Blandón served as Meneses's "administrator" in L.A., keeping the books for the drug operation, collecting money from customers, and delivering cash to pay Meneses's Colombian cocaine suppliers. Blandón made clear that the profits from the L.A. operation went to the Contra revolution: "whatever we were running in L.A. goes - the profit is - was going to the Contra revolution."[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses also opened a restaurant on Hoover Street in East Los Angeles called the Chicalina, which Blandón helped oversee. Blandón described it to a federal grand jury as a "marketing" operation. In August 1982, Blandón and Maritza Meneses set up JDM Artwork Inc., a silk-screen printing company that quickly became part of the Contras' support network in Los Angeles. [[ARDE]] commander [[Eden Pastora]] visited the firm during a trip to L.A. in 1982, and it printed T-shirts with his likeness. Former Pastora aide Carol Prado claimed the company was used to launder money from drug sales for the Contras. A former associate also claimed the company printed counterfeit twenty-dollar bills that provided operating cash for the FDN.[^4]
|
||||
Meneses also opened a restaurant on Hoover Street in East Los Angeles called the Chicalina, which Blandón helped oversee. Blandón described it to a federal grand jury as a "marketing" operation. In August 1982, Blandón and Maritza Meneses set up JDM Artwork Inc., a silk-screen printing company that quickly became part of the Contras' support network in Los Angeles. [[ARDE]] commander [[Eden Pastora]] visited the firm during a trip to L.A. in 1982, and it printed T-shirts with his likeness. Former Pastora aide Carol Prado claimed the company was used to launder money from drug sales for the Contras. A former associate also claimed the company printed counterfeit twenty-dollar bills that provided operating cash for the FDN.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Partnership with Ronald Lister
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón picked up [[Ronald Lister]] as a partner shortly after going to work for Meneses in late 1981 or early 1982. Lister would remain at Blandón's side for seven years. Blandón told Justice Department interviewers that he and Meneses "entered into an informal partnership [with Lister] for the purpose of selling weapons abroad," specifically in [[El Salvador]]. The plan was for the three partners "to get their share of the profits in weapons, which they would then give to the Contras." Lister introduced a weapons and sophisticated electronics dimension to Blandón's drug ring, though Blandón said he "never believed Lister because he lied too much" about his claimed CIA connections.[^4]
|
||||
Blandón picked up [[Ronald Lister]] as a partner shortly after going to work for Meneses in late 1981 or early 1982. Lister would remain at Blandón's side for seven years. Blandón told [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] interviewers that he and Meneses "entered into an informal partnership [with Lister] for the purpose of selling weapons abroad," specifically in [[El Salvador]]. The plan was for the three partners "to get their share of the profits in weapons, which they would then give to the Contras." Lister introduced a weapons and sophisticated electronics dimension to Blandón's drug ring, though Blandón said he "never believed Lister because he lied too much" about his claimed CIA connections.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Split from Meneses
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón testified that when Ronald Reagan took office and the CIA began funding the Contras directly in 1983, he stopped sending cocaine profits to the Contras. "In 1983, okay, the Contra gets a lot of money from the United States," he told a federal grand jury in 1994. "And the people that was in charge, it was the CIA, so they didn't want to raise any money because they had the money that they wanted." He claimed he then went into business for himself: "So we started — you know, the ambitious person, we started doing business by ourselves."[^5]
|
||||
Blandón testified that when Ronald Reagan took office and the CIA began funding the Contras directly in 1983, he stopped sending cocaine profits to the Contras. "In 1983, okay, the Contra gets a lot of money from the United States," he told a federal grand jury in 1994. "And the people that was in charge, it was the CIA, so they didn't want to raise any money because they had the money that they wanted." He claimed he then went into business for himself: "So we started, you know, the ambitious person, we started doing business by ourselves."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
However, substantial evidence contradicts Blandón's timeline. FBI and DEA files showed Blandón and Meneses were still working together as late as 1991. In August 1986, their NADDIS files listed both men as current associates. An August 1986 DEA report stated: "The principal group is controlled by Blandón and is the focal point for drug supply and money laundering for the others. The other group is run by Meneses and is located principally in the San Francisco area... Per CI cocaine is often transported to the Blandón association and then from Blandón to Meneses in San Francisco." Blandón's associate Jacinto Torres told the FBI in 1992 that "Blandón's supplier as of 1984 continued to be Norwin Meneses" and that Meneses was flying planeloads of 200 to 400 kilograms from Miami. Jairo Meneses was arrested on November 26, 1984, the same day Blandón and Meneses were celebrating a 40-50 kilo drug deal at Meneses's house - roughly two years after Blandón claims he quit dealing with Norwin. [[Rafael Cornejo]] confirmed Blandón and Meneses were still working together in 1984.[^5]
|
||||
However, substantial evidence contradicts Blandón's timeline. FBI and DEA files showed Blandón and Meneses were still working together as late as 1991. In August 1986, their NADDIS files listed both men as current associates. An August 1986 DEA report stated: "The principal group is controlled by Blandón and is the focal point for drug supply and money laundering for the others. The other group is run by Meneses and is located principally in the San Francisco area... Per CI cocaine is often transported to the Blandón association and then from Blandón to Meneses in San Francisco." Blandón's associate Jacinto Torres told the FBI in 1992 that "Blandón's supplier as of 1984 continued to be Norwin Meneses" and that Meneses was flying planeloads of 200 to 400 kilograms from Miami. Jairo Meneses was arrested on November 26, 1984, the same day Blandón and Meneses were celebrating a 40-50 kilo drug deal at Meneses's house - roughly two years after Blandón claims he quit dealing with Norwin. [[Rafael Cornejo]] confirmed Blandón and Meneses were still working together in 1984.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
A 1990 DEA report stated the two "disassociated" in 1984 but had reunited by the late 1980s to head "a criminal organization that operate(s) internationally from Colombia and Bolivia, through the Bahamas, Costa Rica, or Nicaragua to the United States." The ring was getting cocaine from the politically connected Suarez family in Bolivia and the Ochoa family in Colombia, founders of the [[Medellin Cartel|MedellÃn cartel]]. The Bolivian cocaine came through Miami and the Colombians' powder landed in L.A.[^5]
|
||||
A 1990 DEA report stated the two "disassociated" in 1984 but had reunited by the late 1980s to head "a criminal organization that operate(s) internationally from Colombia and Bolivia, through the Bahamas, [[Costa Rica]], or Nicaragua to the United States." The ring was getting cocaine from the politically connected Suarez family in Bolivia and the Ochoa family in Colombia, founders of the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]]. The Bolivian cocaine came through Miami and the Colombians' powder landed in L.A.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Expansion of Drug Operations
|
||||
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles exploded. Almost overnight he went from receiving small one- or two-kilo packages to multimillion-dollar loads. Lister described the logistics: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen." Two interrelated reasons drove this expansion: the arrival of crack cocaine smoking in Los Angeles, and a street-smart ghetto teenager who would come to be known as "Freeway" Rick.[^4]
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles exploded. Almost overnight he went from receiving small one- or two-kilo packages to multimillion-dollar loads. Lister described the logistics: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen." Two interrelated reasons drove this expansion: the arrival of crack cocaine smoking in Los Angeles, and a street-smart ghetto teenager who would come to be known as "Freeway" Rick.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Path to Ricky Ross
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón observed the cocaine operation run by Ivan Arguellas (also known as Claudio Villavicencio), another Nicaraguan exile, who was supplying Ross in South Central L.A. "I wished I could have known Ricky... because all the time I want to grow in the business," Blandón said. He was jealous - despite all his work for Norwin Meneses (keeping books, working for the Contras, helping run the restaurant and T-shirt company), Meneses was charging him $60,000 a kilo and taking nearly every penny. "I didn't have my own car. I have to rent cars. I used to work with him, you know, coming from San Francisco, going back, and I thought, 'Hey, what are you doing? You're not doing nothing, you know? You're not making no - no money.'"[^5]
|
||||
Blandón observed the cocaine operation run by Ivan Arguellas (also known as Claudio Villavicencio), another Nicaraguan exile, who was supplying Ross in South Central L.A. "I wished I could have known Ricky... because all the time I want to grow in the business," Blandón said. He was jealous - despite all his work for Norwin Meneses (keeping books, working for the Contras, helping run the restaurant and T-shirt company), Meneses was charging him $60,000 a kilo and taking nearly every penny. "I didn't have my own car. I have to rent cars. I used to work with him, you know, coming from San Francisco, going back, and I thought, 'Hey, what are you doing? You're not doing nothing, you know? You're not making no - no money.'"[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón got his break when Ivan Arguellas was shot by his wife and paralyzed. Ivan's brother-in-law, [[Henry Corrales]], took over but had no cocaine sources beyond Blandón. Blandón supplied Henry, who sold to Ross, splitting commissions fifty-fifty. By late 1982 or early 1983, Corrales was selling Ross 10 to 15 kilos a week - roughly 50 kilos a month. But Corrales grew paranoid from the volume and decided to retire to Honduras. Before leaving, he introduced Blandón directly to Ross, in exchange for continuing commissions. The meeting took place at the home of Mary Monroe, a friend of Ross. Blandón recalled Ross's operation: "We went to an apartment... there was a guy with a shotgun: 'Who are you?' We identify ourselves, then you have to pass another guy with another machine gun. And inside, near the dinner table in the living room, there were about five guys, and all the guys were there with a gun at the table."[^5]
|
||||
Blandón got his break when Ivan Arguellas was shot by his wife and paralyzed. Ivan's brother-in-law, [[Henry Corrales]], took over but had no cocaine sources beyond Blandón. Blandón supplied Henry, who sold to Ross, splitting commissions fifty-fifty. By late 1982 or early 1983, Corrales was selling Ross 10 to 15 kilos a week - roughly 50 kilos a month. But Corrales grew paranoid from the volume and decided to retire to Honduras. Before leaving, he introduced Blandón directly to Ross, in exchange for continuing commissions. The meeting took place at the home of Mary Monroe, a friend of Ross. Blandón recalled Ross's operation: "We went to an apartment... there was a guy with a shotgun: 'Who are you?' We identify ourselves, then you have to pass another guy with another machine gun. And inside, near the dinner table in the living room, there were about five guys, and all the guys were there with a gun at the table."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón said his direct sales to Ross grew geometrically: "In those times, there were one, two, three, four, five, six, maybe seven a day. Every day." At seven kilos a day, that meant over 200 kilos per month. During 1982 and 1983, Blandón said he and Meneses brought "three or four" planeloads of cocaine from Miami to Los Angeles, with each load ranging between 200 and 400 kilos according to the Torres brothers. These flights continued until at least 1984.[^5]
|
||||
Blandón said his direct sales to Ross grew geometrically: "In those times, there were one, two, three, four, five, six, maybe seven a day. Every day." At seven kilos a day, that meant over 200 kilos per month. During 1982 and 1983, Blandón said he and Meneses brought "three or four" planeloads of cocaine from Miami to Los Angeles, with each load ranging between 200 and 400 kilos according to the Torres brothers. These flights continued until at least 1984.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Criminal History
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón was secretly indicted on May 5, 1992, along with six others including his wife Chepita Blandón, for conspiring to distribute cocaine.[^1] He had been buying wholesale quantities from suppliers and reselling to other wholesalers nationwide. He bragged on tape of selling between two and four tons of cocaine to L.A. dealers. The judge ordered him and his wife held without bail, declaring they posed "a threat to the health and moral fiber of the community."
|
||||
Blandón was secretly indicted on May 5, 1992, along with six others including his wife Chepita Blandón, for conspiring to distribute cocaine.[^1] On May 15, 1992, INS agent [[Robert Tellez]] asked him to come to the INS office to collect his green card, and DEA agents arrested him and his wife when he arrived.[^16] He had been buying wholesale quantities from suppliers and reselling to other wholesalers nationwide. He bragged on tape of selling between two and four tons of cocaine to L.A. dealers. The judge ordered him and his wife held without bail, declaring they posed "a threat to the health and moral fiber of the community."
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón's wife Chepita Blandón was identified by the [[DEA]] as being closely involved in his trafficking activities.
|
||||
Blandón's wife Chepita Blandón was identified by the [[DEA]] as being closely involved in his trafficking activities.
|
||||
|
||||
### U.S. Political Asylum
|
||||
|
||||
In 1984, despite being known to the DEA as a major cocaine trafficker, Blandón was granted political asylum by the U.S. State Department after two earlier rejections. The DEA had opened a NADDIS file on Blandón on May 24, 1983, after receiving a tip from a confidential informant that he was a member of a cocaine trafficking organization. His attorney [[Brad Brunon|Bradley Brunon]] stated in court in 1992 that the DEA's knowledge of Blandón's drug dealing stretched back even further: "I have some 300 DEA-6 reports regarding Mr. Blandón, and the reports relate to activities between approximately 1981 and May 1992." In early 1984, while Blandón's asylum application was under review, the DEA learned from an informant that he was "the head" of his own cocaine distribution organization based in Los Angeles.[^6]
|
||||
Blandón entered the United States on a business visa on June 17, 1979, and applied for asylum in Los Angeles on February 15, 1980. The INS denied the request on January 25, 1983; on June 27, 1983, he filed a new application before an immigration judge, who granted it on August 19, 1985, finding that he had "a well-founded fear of prosecution" if returned to Nicaragua. The earliest information on him in DEA files dated from March 1983, but the Justice Department's inspector general concluded that "the DEA had not conducted investigations of him before 1986."[^16] Gary Webb wrote that the DEA opened a NADDIS file on Blandón on May 24, 1983, after a confidential informant named him as a member of a cocaine trafficking organization.[^6] His attorney [[Brad Brunon|Bradley Brunon]] stated in court in 1992 that the DEA's knowledge of Blandón's drug dealing stretched back even further: "I have some 300 DEA-6 reports regarding Mr. Blandón, and the reports relate to activities between approximately 1981 and May 1992." In early 1984, while Blandón's asylum application was under review, the DEA learned from an informant that he was "the head" of his own cocaine distribution organization based in Los Angeles.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
The same pattern occurred with Blandón's wife, Chepita. In early 1985 she was reported to the DEA as a "member of a cocaine distribution organization," and the agency opened a NADDIS file on her on March 15, 1985. Later that same year she was granted political asylum. Immigration experts noted that normally even the slightest hint of drug involvement results in deportation, and State Department policy requires checking with the DEA before approving asylum applications. When the Justice Department's Inspector General examined the Blandóns' immigration records, he found them "in disarray."[^6]
|
||||
The same pattern occurred with Blandón's wife, Chepita. In early 1985 she was reported to the DEA as a "member of a cocaine distribution organization," and the agency opened a NADDIS file on her on March 15, 1985. Later that same year she was granted political asylum. Immigration experts noted that normally even the slightest hint of drug involvement results in deportation, and [[State Department]] policy requires checking with the DEA before approving asylum applications. When the Justice Department's Inspector General examined the Blandóns' immigration records, he found them "in disarray."[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Move to Rialto and Business Fronts
|
||||
|
||||
During the peak of his trafficking empire in 1984–85, Blandón moved his family from Northridge to a sprawling Spanish-style home in Rialto, San Bernardino County, some thirty miles outside Los Angeles. He withdrew $175,000 in cash from his bank account in Panama and gave it to Orlando Murillo, who purchased the house under his name to keep Blandón's name off the property rolls.[^6]
|
||||
During the peak of his trafficking empire in 1984–85, Blandón moved his family from Northridge to a sprawling Spanish-style home in Rialto, [[San Bernardino]] County, some thirty miles outside Los Angeles. He withdrew $175,000 in cash from his bank account in Panama and gave it to Orlando Murillo, who purchased the house under his name to keep Blandón's name off the property rolls.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón opened a restaurant called the Nicamex and bought a used car lot in nearby Fontana with an old college buddy, Sergio Guerra, a Mexican millionaire whose family owned major automobile franchises in Guadalajara. Guerra owned the last parking lot on the California side of the Mexican border in San Ysidro, valued at approximately $29 million in the early 1990s. These businesses served as fronts to launder drug money. The car lot, a favorite ploy among Nicaraguan traffickers, was especially useful: cars sold for $2,000 were declared as sold for $4,000, and the lot paid taxes on the inflated amount at a rate cheaper than any money launderer would charge, giving drug profits a legitimate pedigree.[^6]
|
||||
Blandón opened a restaurant called the Nicamex and bought a used car lot in nearby Fontana with an old college buddy, Sergio Guerra, a Mexican millionaire whose family owned major automobile franchises in Guadalajara. Guerra owned the last parking lot on the California side of the Mexican border in San Ysidro, valued at approximately $29 million in the early 1990s. These businesses served as fronts to launder drug money. The car lot, a favorite ploy among Nicaraguan traffickers, was especially useful: cars sold for $2,000 were declared as sold for $4,000, and the lot paid taxes on the inflated amount at a rate cheaper than any money launderer would charge, giving drug profits a legitimate pedigree.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Weapons Sales to Crack Dealers
|
||||
|
||||
Beginning in 1984, Blandón sold high-powered weapons to Ricky Ross and his associates, procured through Ronald Lister and his partner [[William Downing]] at the [[Mundy Security Group]] in Laguna Beach. Blandón gave Ross his first gun—a .22 pistol with a silencer—as a free gift, then began selling him an array of firearms. Ross described Blandón's inventory: "I mean, he sold what is called a Streetsweeper, the Thompsons...he sold Uzi's, he sold pistols, brand new pistols, .38, .357, any kind of pistol that you wanted...any kind of gun that you wanted, he got it for you." Ross and his fellow dealers bought more than a hundred guns from Blandón, who admitted selling Ross a .22 pistol, an Uzi machine pistol, and an Armalite AR-15 assault rifle, the civilian version of the military's M-16 - a weapon the Contras bought by the thousands.[^6]
|
||||
Beginning in 1984, Blandón sold high-powered weapons to Ricky Ross and his associates, procured through Ronald Lister and his partner [[William Downing]] at the [[Mundy Security Group]] in Laguna Beach. Blandón gave Ross his first gun (a .22 pistol with a silencer) as a free gift, then began selling him an array of firearms. Ross described Blandón's inventory: "I mean, he sold what is called a Streetsweeper, the Thompsons...he sold Uzi's, he sold pistols, brand new pistols, .38, .357, any kind of pistol that you wanted...any kind of gun that you wanted, he got it for you." Ross and his fellow dealers bought more than a hundred guns from Blandón, who admitted selling Ross a .22 pistol, an Uzi machine pistol, and an Armalite AR-15 assault rifle, the civilian version of the military's M-16 - a weapon the Contras bought by the thousands.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
When asked how a drug dealer knew arms merchants, Blandón replied: "Because I was in the Contra revolution." Lister admitted to the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] that he began acquiring weapons for Blandón between 1982 and 1983, selling him one or two guns a week including "assorted handguns, semiautomatic Uzi machine pistols, KG99 Tec Nine machine pistols, and possibly semi-automatic AK47's," as well as night vision devices.[^6]
|
||||
When asked how a drug dealer knew arms merchants, Blandón replied: "Because I was in the Contra revolution." Lister admitted to the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] that he began acquiring weapons for Blandón between 1982 and 1983, selling him one or two guns a week including "assorted handguns, semiautomatic Uzi machine pistols, KG99 Tec Nine machine pistols, and possibly semi-automatic AK47's," as well as night vision devices.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Electronics Sales
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón also sold electronics equipment to cocaine dealers—walkie-talkies, pagers, police scanners, voice scramblers, cellular phones, and anti-eavesdropping equipment—all procured by Ronald Lister. Ross's crew carried police scanners in their cars during drug deliveries and used one in the counting house. During a 1987 raid, L.A. County Sheriff's Sergeant Robert Sobel complained that the dealers had "electronic police-detection systems, sophisticated weapons—better equipment than we have." An LAPD summary by Deputy Chief Glenn Levant listed "numerous 9-mm Uzies [sic] were seized, along with an AK-47 assault rifle, a fully automatic Mac-11 machine gun, a fully automatic machine gun complete with silencer, and state-of-the-art handguns, rifles and shotguns" at Ross-associated locations.[^6]
|
||||
Blandón also sold electronics equipment to cocaine dealers: walkie-talkies, pagers, police scanners, voice scramblers, cellular phones, and anti-eavesdropping equipment, all procured by Ronald Lister. Ross's crew carried police scanners in their cars during drug deliveries and used one in the counting house. During a 1987 raid, L.A. County Sheriff's Sergeant [[Robert Sobel]] complained that the dealers had "electronic police-detection systems, sophisticated weapons, better equipment than we have." An LAPD summary by Deputy Chief Glenn Levant listed "numerous 9-mm Uzies [sic] were seized, along with an AK-47 assault rifle, a fully automatic Mac-11 machine gun, a fully automatic machine gun complete with silencer, and state-of-the-art handguns, rifles and shotguns" at Ross-associated locations.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Rivalry with Torres Brothers
|
||||
|
||||
As Blandón grew complacent in Rialto, drinking heavily, snorting cocaine, and refusing to leave his house, Ross began buying from the [[Torres Brothers]], Nicaraguan traffickers who had previously worked for Blandón. Ross used the competition to drive down prices from both suppliers. The other Nicaraguan dealers began calling Blandón "Chanchin," meaning "the fat pig," a nickname that turned up as an alias in his DEA files.[^6]
|
||||
As Blandón grew complacent in Rialto, drinking heavily, snorting cocaine, and refusing to leave his house, Ross began buying from the [[Torres Brothers]], Nicaraguan traffickers who had previously worked for Blandón. Ross used the competition to drive down prices from both suppliers. The other Nicaraguan dealers began calling Blandón "Chanchin," meaning "the fat pig," a nickname that turned up as an alias in his DEA files.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
The rivalry turned deadly when Blandón, told by Chepita that she had an affair with one of the Torres brothers, hired a former Nicaraguan army officer to kill the man. The Torres brothers confirmed to police that Blandón "became enraged and hired a former military officer of the Nicaraguan army to kill him," but "apparently realized his wife had lied to him about the affair and called off the hit man." Blandón had also proposed that Ross set up a cocaine buy as an ambush, offering: "tell that motherfucker to bring it at such-and-such a place, and I'm going to have some guys there waiting and you keep the dope."[^6]
|
||||
The rivalry turned deadly when Blandón, told by Chepita that she had an affair with one of the Torres brothers, hired a former Nicaraguan army officer to kill the man. The Torres brothers confirmed to police that Blandón "became enraged and hired a former military officer of the Nicaraguan army to kill him," but "apparently realized his wife had lied to him about the affair and called off the hit man." Blandón had also proposed that Ross set up a cocaine buy as an ambush, offering: "tell that motherfucker to bring it at such-and-such a place, and I'm going to have some guys there waiting and you keep the dope."[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Credit Arrangements and Volume
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón arranged with his Colombian suppliers to give Ross large amounts of cocaine on credit - initially 20 to 25 kilos, worth approximately $1 million wholesale. Ross was purchasing 100 or more kilos per week from Blandón at the operation's peak. Ross used a South Central apartment as a counting house where money was sorted and wrapped using two or three counting machines running day and night. Blandón acknowledged the volume: "Those times, they were using two or three machines, counting machines, and they were counting day and night." If Ross was moving 150 kilos weekly, Blandón and the Torres brothers were sometimes sharing approximately $5.7 million per week in cash.[^6]
|
||||
Blandón arranged with his Colombian suppliers to give Ross large amounts of cocaine on credit - initially 20 to 25 kilos, worth approximately $1 million wholesale. Ross was purchasing 100 or more kilos per week from Blandón at the operation's peak. Ross used a South Central apartment as a counting house where money was sorted and wrapped using two or three counting machines running day and night. Blandón acknowledged the volume: "Those times, they were using two or three machines, counting machines, and they were counting day and night." If Ross was moving 150 kilos weekly, Blandón and the Torres brothers were sometimes sharing approximately $5.7 million per week in cash.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Relationship with Ricky Ross
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón was "Freeway" Ricky Ross's primary source of cocaine from approximately 1981-82 onward.[^1] Ross described Blandón as "almost like a godfather to me. He's the one who got me going." Ross stated that everyone he knew in the drug trade, he knew through Blandón: "He was. Everybody I knew, I knew through him. So really, he could be considered as my only source."
|
||||
Blandón was "Freeway" Ricky Ross's primary source of cocaine from approximately 1981-82 onward.[^1] Ross described Blandón as "almost like a godfather to me. He's the one who got me going." Ross stated that everyone he knew in the drug trade, he knew through Blandón: "He was. Everybody I knew, I knew through him. So really, he could be considered as my only source."
|
||||
|
||||
Ross had no knowledge of Blandón's Contra connections. To Ross, Blandón was simply "a nice guy with a lot of cheap dope." When Webb informed Ross that Blandón had been working for the Contras, Ross responded: "And they put me in jail? I'd say that was some fucked-up shit there. They say I sold dope all over, but man, I know he done sold ten times more than me."
|
||||
Ross had no knowledge of Blandón's Contra connections. To Ross, Blandón was simply "a nice guy with a lot of cheap dope." When Webb informed Ross that Blandón had been working for the Contras, Ross responded: "And they put me in jail? I'd say that was some fucked-up shit there. They say I sold dope all over, but man, I know he done sold ten times more than me."
|
||||
|
||||
### Plea Deal and Government Employment
|
||||
|
||||
Five months after his 1992 arrest, Blandón pleaded guilty to conspiracy.[^1] Despite facing a minimum sentence of life plus a $4 million fine, Blandón received only forty-eight months, later reduced to approximately twenty-eight months. His wife's charges were dropped entirely when he agreed to become a DEA informant.
|
||||
On October 13, 1992, five months after his arrest, Blandón entered a plea agreement and pleaded guilty to conspiracy.[^1][^16] Despite facing a minimum sentence of life plus a $4 million fine, he was sentenced on December 20, 1993, to forty-eight months and five years' probation, a reduction the government sought for his "substantial assistance."[^16] His wife's charges were dropped entirely when he agreed to become a DEA informant.
|
||||
|
||||
Assistant U.S. Attorney [[LJ Oneale]] filed motions to have Blandón's sentence secretly reduced twice and then persuaded the court to release him entirely, stating Blandón was needed as a "full-time paid informant" for the [[Department of Justice]]. Since he would be undercover, he was placed on unsupervised probation and released on September 19, 1994, into the custody of INS agent Robert Tellez.
|
||||
On September 16, 1994, Assistant U.S. Attorney [[LJ Oneale]] moved under Rule 35(b) to reduce the sentence to time served as of September 19, 1994, and to drop supervised release, allowing Blandón's immediate release after twenty-eight months. His affidavit said Blandón had testified before a grand jury in the Northern District of California against "a significant well-established drug trafficking organization," and that DEA agent Jones and Tellez wished "to enlist Mr. Blandon as a full-time, paid, informant after his release from prison."[^16] Tellez had written in a memorandum of February 15, 1991, during the investigation of Blandón's organization, that "This major cocaine traffickers [sic] may have had a degree of influence from the C.I.A."; he told the inspector general that it was a rumor from an informant, and that he had told an immigration examiner that Blandón knew people with CIA and Contra contacts only "to impress the examiner" and speed up Blandón's application.[^16]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón subsequently became the chief confidential informant in a DEA reverse sting operation that led to the arrest of Ricky Ross and others in [[San Diego]].
|
||||
Blandón subsequently became the chief confidential informant in a DEA reverse sting operation that led to the arrest of Ricky Ross and others in [[San Diego]].
|
||||
|
||||
### Associates
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón's network included his wife Chepita Blandón; money launderer and weapons dealer Ronald Lister; cocaine distributor Henry Corrales; Mexican millionaire and money launderer Sergio Guerra; and [[Aparicio Moreno]], a Colombian supplier with reported ties to the FDN and CIA.[^2] He also had a partnership with Jairo Meneses involving 764 kilos of cocaine seized in Nicaragua in 1991, and owned hotels and casinos in Nicaragua with the Meneses family. The Torres Brothers became his principal rivals for Ricky Ross's business. Weapons were procured through William Downing and the Mundy Security Group. He was vice president of Mundy Security Group Inc., a company incorporated by Ronald Lister in Laguna Beach.
|
||||
Blandón's network included his wife Chepita Blandón; money launderer and weapons dealer Ronald Lister; cocaine distributor Henry Corrales; Mexican millionaire and money launderer Sergio Guerra; and [[Aparicio Moreno]], a Colombian supplier with reported ties to the FDN and CIA.[^2] He also had a partnership with Jairo Meneses involving 764 kilos of cocaine seized in Nicaragua in 1991, and owned hotels and casinos in Nicaragua with the Meneses family. The Torres Brothers became his principal rivals for Ricky Ross's business. Weapons were procured through William Downing and the Mundy Security Group. He was vice president of Mundy Security Group Inc., a company incorporated by Ronald Lister in Laguna Beach.
|
||||
|
||||
### Law Enforcement Warnings
|
||||
|
||||
The Torres brothers told detective [[Jerry Guzzetta]] during 1986 debriefings that "Blandón is extremely dangerous because of his access to information" about law enforcement activity. They warned Guzzetta to "be extremely careful about releasing any information to other law enforcement agencies. . .because they were afraid that Blandón had somebody inside the police department or whatever that was feeding him information." The brothers reported Blandón was "working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie" (Ronald Lister) who "transported 100 kilos of cocaine to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to Miami for Danilo Blandón." Once cash arrived in Florida, Orlando Murillo would launder it.[^8]
|
||||
The Torres brothers told detective [[Jerry Guzzetta]] during 1986 debriefings that "Blandón is extremely dangerous because of his access to information" about law enforcement activity. They warned Guzzetta to "be extremely careful about releasing any information to other law enforcement agencies. . .because they were afraid that Blandón had somebody inside the police department or whatever that was feeding him information." The brothers reported Blandón was "working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie" (Ronald Lister) who "transported 100 kilos of cocaine to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to Miami for Danilo Blandón." Once cash arrived in Florida, Orlando Murillo would launder it.[^8]
|
||||
|
||||
### Contra Cocaine Arriving by the Planeload
|
||||
|
||||
According to Blandón's attorney Brad Brunon, the Contras' cocaine was arriving in the United States literally by the planeload. "The transportation channel got established and got filled up with cocaine rather quickly," Brunon said. "As I understood it, these large transports were coming back from delivering food and guns and humanitarian aid and things like that and they were just loading them up with cocaine and bringing them back. I think 1,000-kilo shipments were not unheard of." Former Meneses aide Enrique Miranda confirmed that Meneses's drug-laden planes were flying out of [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]] in El Salvador, which [[Oliver North]] had selected as the hub for his Contra air force. North's operatives worked there "practically unfettered," according to Iran-Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh.[^7]
|
||||
According to Blandón's attorney Brad Brunon, the Contras' cocaine was arriving in the United States literally by the planeload. "The transportation channel got established and got filled up with cocaine rather quickly," Brunon said. "As I understood it, these large transports were coming back from delivering food and guns and humanitarian aid and things like that and they were just loading them up with cocaine and bringing them back. I think 1,000-kilo shipments were not unheard of." Former Meneses aide [[Enrique Miranda]] confirmed that Meneses's drug-laden planes were flying out of [[Ilopango Airbase|Ilopango Air Force Base]] in El Salvador, which [[Oliver North]] had selected as the hub for his Contra air force. North's operatives worked there "practically unfettered," according to Iran-Contra prosecutor [[Lawrence Walsh]].[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1986 Raid and Release
|
||||
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, [[LASD Major Violators]] detective [[Thomas Gordon]] executed search warrants at fourteen locations across Southern California. Gordon's twenty-one-page affidavit described "a large scale cocaine distributing organization" of "well over 100 persons" and linked Blandón to the FDN, writing that "money and arms generated by this organization comes through the sale of cocaine." At Blandón's home, deputies found small amounts of cocaine, an AR-15 assault rifle, a shotgun, and pay-owe sheets. Blandón spontaneously confessed: "The cocaine is mine." But most raid locations came up dry—suspects appeared to have been forewarned. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Blandón, Ronald Lister, and Norwin Meneses.[^9]
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, [[LASD Major Violators]] detective [[Thomas Gordon]] executed search warrants at fourteen locations across Southern California. Gordon's twenty-one-page affidavit described "a large scale cocaine distributing organization" of "well over 100 persons" and linked Blandón to the FDN, writing that "money and arms generated by this organization comes through the sale of cocaine." At Blandón's home, deputies found small amounts of cocaine, an AR-15 assault rifle, a shotgun, and pay-owe sheets. Blandón spontaneously confessed: "The cocaine is mine." But most raid locations came up dry; suspects appeared to have been forewarned. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Blandón, Ronald Lister, and Norwin Meneses.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
No charges were filed. The seized documents—including bank records showing $9 million in deposits marked "U.S. Treasury/State" and a note from Blandón's sister about Contra corruption—disappeared from sheriff's evidence storage. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages that subsequently vanished. On December 10, 1986, Blandón was told no charges would be filed. The next day he hired an immigration attorney and applied for permanent residency, disclosing his arrest but writing: "No complaint filed. They exonerated me 12-10-86." The attorney he hired, John M. Garrisi, was under federal indictment for immigration fraud and was later convicted and disbarred.[^9]
|
||||
No charges were filed. The seized documents (including bank records showing $9 million in deposits marked "U.S. Treasury/State" and a note from Blandón's sister about Contra corruption) disappeared from sheriff's evidence storage. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages that subsequently vanished. On December 10, 1986, Blandón was told no charges would be filed. The next day he hired an immigration attorney and applied for permanent residency, disclosing his arrest but writing: "No complaint filed. They exonerated me 12-10-86." The attorney he hired, John M. Garrisi, was under federal indictment for immigration fraud and was later convicted and disbarred.[^9]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Surveillance and Operation Perico
|
||||
|
||||
After the October 1986 raids, Blandón and Ross continued buying and selling millions of dollars worth of cocaine every week, even as the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] watched. Records show Blandón was under periodic surveillance through the first half of 1987. Former L.A. County deputy district attorney Susan Bryant-Deason, who had been cross-designated as a special assistant U.S. attorney, told police in 1996 that she met several times with federal agents trying to keep the Blandón investigation alive, but the agents "were frustrated and wanted to do something but had insufficient evidence."[^10]
|
||||
After the October 1986 raids, Blandón and Ross continued buying and selling millions of dollars worth of cocaine every week, even as the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] watched. Records show Blandón was under periodic surveillance through the first half of 1987. Former L.A. County deputy district attorney Susan Bryant-Deason, who had been cross-designated as a special assistant U.S. attorney, told police in 1996 that she met several times with federal agents trying to keep the Blandón investigation alive, but the agents "were frustrated and wanted to do something but had insufficient evidence."[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
In early January 1987, a series of meetings took place in Los Angeles between Blandón, Norwin Meneses, the CIA operative known as "Roberto," and FDN official [[Ivan Torres]]. The meetings were part of the Costa Rican DEA office's secret "Operation Perico," conducted without the knowledge of [[Douglas Aukland|FBI agent Aukland]], who was leading the federal investigation. During these meetings, Torres boasted that the Majors' raids had not interfered with cocaine sales to "Los Angeles black organizations" and had merely caused management changes.[^10]
|
||||
In early January 1987, a series of meetings took place in Los Angeles between Blandón, Norwin Meneses, the CIA operative known as "Roberto," and FDN official [[Ivan Torres]]. The meetings were part of the Costa Rican DEA office's secret "Operation Perico," conducted without the knowledge of [[Douglas Aukland|FBI agent Aukland]], who was leading the federal investigation. During these meetings, Torres boasted that the Majors' raids had not interfered with cocaine sales to "Los Angeles black organizations" and had merely caused management changes.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### Move to Miami
|
||||
|
||||
Despite telling Ross nothing would change, Blandón had decided to leave Los Angeles. The raids had blown his cover, his best customer was under siege, and his wife Chepita was showing signs of a nervous breakdown. "When I went to Miami to visit my family, the doctor told me. My wife was sick from the nerves. . .The doctor called me and told me I have to change from L.A. 'If you want to have a wife. . .change from that place, [or] your wife will be in a psychiatric hospital.'" His used car business had been ruined by the publicity from the raids. After being told in December 1986 that no criminal charges would result, Blandón quietly closed up shop, sold his car lot and restaurants, put his house up for sale, and sent Chepita and their daughters ahead to Miami to stay with her uncle, Orlando Murillo. By the time he was ready to go, he was packing $1.6 million in cash.[^10]
|
||||
Despite telling Ross nothing would change, Blandón had decided to leave Los Angeles. The raids had blown his cover, his best customer was under siege, and his wife Chepita was showing signs of a nervous breakdown. "When I went to Miami to visit my family, the doctor told me. My wife was sick from the nerves. . .The doctor called me and told me I have to change from L.A. 'If you want to have a wife. . .change from that place, [or] your wife will be in a psychiatric hospital.'" His used car business had been ruined by the publicity from the raids. After being told in December 1986 that no criminal charges would result, Blandón quietly closed up shop, sold his car lot and restaurants, put his house up for sale, and sent Chepita and their daughters ahead to Miami to stay with her uncle, Orlando Murillo. By the time he was ready to go, he was packing $1.6 million in cash.[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### Handoff to Roger Sandino
|
||||
|
||||
"I was prepared to change my life," Blandón testified. But he did not let the cocaine ring go to waste. "I handed it to the Nicaraguans. I introduced my customers to them and they continued doing the business," using his old contacts, his supplier, and his buyers. Blandón's successors were [[Roger Sandino]] and Jose "Chinito" Gonzalez, both Meneses associates. After Blandón moved, Ross called him in Miami to place orders, and Sandino's partner Gonzalez handled pickups and deliveries. Blandón continued as middleman, solving problems, settling disputes, and collecting commissions. "They used to be calling me all the time if they have some problem. I was the middleman, you see, like, I was making something."[^10]
|
||||
"I was prepared to change my life," Blandón testified. But he did not let the cocaine ring go to waste. "I handed it to the Nicaraguans. I introduced my customers to them and they continued doing the business," using his old contacts, his supplier, and his buyers. Blandón's successors were [[Roger Sandino]] and Jose "Chinito" Gonzalez, both Meneses associates. After Blandón moved, Ross called him in Miami to place orders, and Sandino's partner Gonzalez handled pickups and deliveries. Blandón continued as middleman, solving problems, settling disputes, and collecting commissions. "They used to be calling me all the time if they have some problem. I was the middleman, you see, like, I was making something."[^10]
|
||||
|
||||
### Miami Business Empire
|
||||
|
||||
After arriving in Miami, Blandón invested his L.A. drug profits in a string of companies, sometimes in partnership with exiled Nicaraguan judge [[Jose Macario|Jose Macario Estrada]], a family friend who was also his immigration lawyer. Both men became directors of Mex-US Import and Export Inc., along with accountant Rene Gonzalez of the Peat Marwick & Mitchell office in Caracas, Blandón's Mexican college friend Sergio Guerra, and Panamanian banker Jose Fernando Soto, the longtime representative of the Swiss Bank Corp. in Panama and an old friend of Orlando Murillo. Blandón also bought his wife a business, Pupi's Children's Boutique, which Chepita ran from a shopping mall in Sweetwater.[^11]
|
||||
After arriving in Miami, Blandón invested his L.A. drug profits in a string of companies, sometimes in partnership with exiled Nicaraguan judge [[Jose Macario|Jose Macario Estrada]], a family friend who was also his immigration lawyer. Both men became directors of Mex-US Import and Export Inc., along with accountant Rene Gonzalez of the Peat Marwick & Mitchell office in Caracas, Blandón's Mexican college friend Sergio Guerra, and Panamanian banker Jose Fernando Soto, the longtime representative of the Swiss Bank Corp. in Panama and an old friend of Orlando Murillo. Blandón also bought his wife a business, Pupi's Children's Boutique, which Chepita ran from a shopping mall in Sweetwater.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón bought into La Parrilla, a Nicaraguan restaurant co-founded by former National Guard major general [[Gustavo Medina]] and FDN supporter [[Donald Barrios]]. Henry Corrales, Blandón's former cocaine distributor, also owned a piece. The elegant restaurant became a hangout for Contra leaders and was the site of pro-Contra demonstrations and seminars. The Miami Herald named it "the best Nicaraguan restaurant in Dade [County]" in 1987 and awarded it four stars.[^11]
|
||||
Blandón bought into La Parrilla, a Nicaraguan restaurant co-founded by former National Guard major general [[Gustavo Medina]] and FDN supporter [[Donald Barrios]]. Henry Corrales, Blandón's former cocaine distributor, also owned a piece. The elegant restaurant became a hangout for Contra leaders and was the site of pro-Contra demonstrations and seminars. The [[Miami Herald]] named it "the best Nicaraguan restaurant in Dade [County]" in 1987 and awarded it four stars.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside [[Miami International Airport]] and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
|
||||
Blandón's main investment was Alpha II Rent-a-Car, which began with an office outside [[Miami International Airport]] and spread to twenty-four other locations in southern Florida. The business was so successful he became an authorized outlet for Chrysler Corporation and [[General Motors]] vehicles.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Continued Drug Oversight
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón denied he was personally selling drugs after moving to Miami but admitted overseeing the drug sales of his successors. "I knew everything," he said. Because of the way the cocaine business worked, he had to vouch for Roger Sandino and Jose Gonzalez, which meant mediating disputes between Ricky Ross's crew, the Nicaraguans, and their Colombian suppliers. "They were calling me all the time. 'Hey, the order didn't come with the money. The order didn't come with the merchandise.'" Blandón agreed that Ross's replacements "weren't taking care of the business" and said there were frequent feuds with Meneses's men.[^11]
|
||||
Blandón denied he was personally selling drugs after moving to Miami but admitted overseeing the drug sales of his successors. "I knew everything," he said. Because of the way the cocaine business worked, he had to vouch for Roger Sandino and Jose Gonzalez, which meant mediating disputes between Ricky Ross's crew, the Nicaraguans, and their Colombian suppliers. "They were calling me all the time. 'Hey, the order didn't come with the money. The order didn't come with the merchandise.'" Blandón agreed that Ross's replacements "weren't taking care of the business" and said there were frequent feuds with Meneses's men.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón continued pursuing Ross, calling two or three times a month to lure him back into the cocaine trade. In the fall of 1987, Blandón called from Detroit and offered Ross fifteen kilos. Blandón and Sandino visited Ross in Cincinnati, and Ross wired money to Florida in Chepita's name, which Blandón said was paid to Sandino. Ross also met with Blandón and a Colombian named Tony in New York City to place cocaine orders. "He kept saying he could get me some stuff for really cheap and we could make a lot of money with it in Cincinnati," Ross said.[^11]
|
||||
Blandón continued pursuing Ross, calling two or three times a month to lure him back into the cocaine trade. In the fall of 1987, Blandón called from Detroit and offered Ross fifteen kilos. Blandón and Sandino visited Ross in Cincinnati, and Ross wired money to Florida in Chepita's name, which Blandón said was paid to Sandino. Ross also met with Blandón and a Colombian named Tony in [[New York City]] to place cocaine orders. "He kept saying he could get me some stuff for really cheap and we could make a lot of money with it in Cincinnati," Ross said.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Pressure on Ross and DEA Sting
|
||||
|
||||
After Ross's release from prison in August 1993, Blandón called him out of the blue, having seen him on television. Chepita followed up, inviting Ross to dinner and pressuring him to find someone to sell drugs to repay a debt owed by Ross's associate Tony McDonald. Ross refused repeatedly. "I told him basically, 'You know what I'm going through right now, you know, and I'm trying to stay clean.'"[^12]
|
||||
After Ross's release from prison in August 1993, Blandón called him out of the blue, having seen him on television. Chepita followed up, inviting Ross to dinner and pressuring him to find someone to sell drugs to repay a debt owed by Ross's associate Tony McDonald. Ross refused repeatedly. "I told him basically, 'You know what I'm going through right now, you know, and I'm trying to stay clean.'"[^12]
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1994, Ross asked Blandón about buying cocaine, but negotiations stalled because Ross had no money. Blandón kept calling and paging him. In February 1995, [[Leroy Brown|"Chico" Brown]], to whom Ross owed $30,000, proposed putting up the money for a deal with Blandón. Ross agreed to make the introduction. In late February and early March 1995, Ross, Brown, and Brown's associate Curtis James met Blandón and a Colombian associate in National City and Chula Vista, south of San Diego. On March 2, 1995, at the Bonita Plaza Mall, Brown handed over $169,445 and the Colombian handed over keys to a Chevy Blazer containing 100 kilos of cocaine. The DEA, which had been running Blandón as an informant, had booby-trapped the vehicle. Federal agents swarmed the parking lot. Ross was captured after a brief foot chase. Blandón served as the chief confidential informant in the case.[^12]
|
||||
In October 1994, Ross asked Blandón about buying cocaine, but negotiations stalled because Ross had no money. Blandón kept calling and paging him. In February 1995, [[Leroy Brown|"Chico" Brown]], to whom Ross owed $30,000, proposed putting up the money for a deal with Blandón. Ross agreed to make the introduction. In late February and early March 1995, Ross, Brown, and Brown's associate Curtis James met Blandón and a Colombian associate in National City and Chula Vista, south of San Diego. On March 2, 1995, at the Bonita Plaza Mall, Brown handed over $169,445 and the Colombian handed over keys to a Chevy Blazer containing 100 kilos of cocaine. The DEA, which had been running Blandón as an informant, had booby-trapped the vehicle. Federal agents swarmed the parking lot. Ross was captured after a brief foot chase. Blandón served as the chief confidential informant in the case.[^12]
|
||||
|
||||
### Return to Drug Dealing and San Diego
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón's Alpha II Rent-a-Car business suffered when a deal to rent 3,000 cars to German tourists fell through, and Chrysler yanked his $1.5 million credit line. He lost $300,000 in three months and the lender filed to foreclose. Colombian trafficker [[Humberto Cardona]], who was supplying Blandón's Nicaraguan associates in South Central, suggested he return to cocaine trafficking, telling Blandón he had just sold 2,000 kilos in L.A. Blandón put Alpha II into bankruptcy and moved to San Diego, settling in a house owned by Sergio Guerra.[^13]
|
||||
Blandón's Alpha II Rent-a-Car business suffered when a deal to rent 3,000 cars to German tourists fell through, and Chrysler yanked his $1.5 million credit line. He lost $300,000 in three months and the lender filed to foreclose. Colombian trafficker [[Humberto Cardona]], who was supplying Blandón's Nicaraguan associates in South Central, suggested he return to cocaine trafficking, telling Blandón he had just sold 2,000 kilos in L.A. Blandón put Alpha II into bankruptcy and moved to San Diego, settling in a house owned by Sergio Guerra.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
Blandón reassembled his cocaine network, reconnecting with the Meneses family through Jose Gonzalez in San Francisco. Between 1990 and 1991, he estimated he provided about 425 kilos of cocaine to the Meneses family, roughly $8.5 million at wholesale. He also reconnected with the Torres Brothers in L.A. DEA informant John Arman infiltrated Blandón's circle, secretly recording conversations about cocaine deals, international suppliers, and Blandón's political connections in Nicaragua. Blandón boasted on tape: "Yeah, I know all the people from the government. They like you, see?"[^13]
|
||||
Blandón reassembled his cocaine network, reconnecting with the Meneses family through Jose Gonzalez in San Francisco. Between 1990 and 1991, he estimated he provided about 425 kilos of cocaine to the Meneses family, roughly $8.5 million at wholesale. He also reconnected with the Torres Brothers in L.A. DEA informant John Arman infiltrated Blandón's circle, secretly recording conversations about cocaine deals, international suppliers, and Blandón's political connections in Nicaragua. Blandón boasted on tape: "Yeah, I know all the people from the government. They like you, see?"[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite intensive DEA surveillance, Blandón evaded arrest repeatedly. In August 1991, he was caught at the border with $114,000 in money orders in Sergio Guerra's car, but only Guerra was charged. In December 1991, an LAPD strike force arrested Blandón with $14,000 and cocaine, but the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Diego had the charges dropped to protect the DEA investigation. LAPD sergeant Ron Hodges, who had his own case against Blandón, said: "I think they just let him run." Blandón was finally secretly indicted on May 5, 1992.[^13]
|
||||
Despite intensive DEA surveillance, Blandón evaded arrest repeatedly. In August 1991, he was caught at the border with $114,000 in money orders in Sergio Guerra's car, but only Guerra was charged. In December 1991, an LAPD strike force arrested Blandón with $14,000 and cocaine, but the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Diego had the charges dropped to protect the DEA investigation. LAPD sergeant Ron Hodges, who had his own case against Blandón, said: "I think they just let him run." Blandón was finally secretly indicted on May 5, 1992.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### DEA Protection and the Webb Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
The Justice Department went to considerable lengths to protect Blandón's status as an informant. In October 1995, Assistant U.S. Attorney David Hall contacted [[Gary Webb]] to warn that publishing details about Blandón would endanger his life and compromise ongoing investigations. The DEA's San Diego office arranged a meeting where [[Craig Chretien|SAC Craig Chretien]] and Blandón's handlers [[Chuck Jones]] and Judy Gustafson pressed Webb to omit Blandón's DEA ties. Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug history, but when Webb revealed he possessed grand jury transcripts proving Blandón had testified about it, Jones inadvertently confirmed the DEA knew. Blandón's case was a "no-dope conspiracy," as [[LAPD]] detective Ron Hodges described it, with no physical evidence of actual drug dealing, only taped conversations with informants. Brunon pointed out that his client had no criminal record and the government had nothing more than loose talk.[^14]
|
||||
The Justice Department went to considerable lengths to protect Blandón's status as an informant. In October 1995, Assistant U.S. Attorney [[David Hall]] contacted [[Gary Webb]] to warn that publishing details about Blandón would endanger his life and compromise ongoing investigations. The DEA's San Diego office arranged a meeting where [[Craig Chretien|SAC Craig Chretien]] and Blandón's handlers [[Chuck Jones]] and Judy Gustafson pressed Webb to omit Blandón's DEA ties. Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug history, but when Webb revealed he possessed grand jury transcripts proving Blandón had testified about it, Jones inadvertently confirmed the DEA knew. Blandón's case was a "no-dope conspiracy," as [[LAPD]] detective Ron Hodges described it, with no physical evidence of actual drug dealing, only taped conversations with informants. Brunon pointed out that his client had no criminal record and the government had nothing more than loose talk.[^14]
|
||||
|
||||
### Trial Testimony in the Ross Case
|
||||
|
||||
At Ross's 1996 trial in San Diego, Blandón testified for the prosecution wearing tinted aviator glasses and a dark suit, escorted by U.S. marshals. Prosecutor LJ Oneale led Blandón through testimony in which he admitted Meneses had recruited him to sell cocaine for the Contras but progressively shifted the date he claimed to have stopped. O'Neale had initially said the split occurred in 1986, then revised it to 1984 before trial, and by the end of his testimony Blandón was insisting he quit in 1982, before he had met Ross. Government documents showed Blandón was still selling cocaine for the Contras through 1986.[^15]
|
||||
At Ross's 1996 trial in San Diego, Blandón testified for the prosecution wearing tinted aviator glasses and a dark suit, escorted by U.S. marshals. Prosecutor LJ Oneale led Blandón through testimony in which he admitted Meneses had recruited him to sell cocaine for the Contras but progressively shifted the date he claimed to have stopped. O'Neale had initially said the split occurred in 1986, then revised it to 1984 before trial, and by the end of his testimony Blandón was insisting he quit in 1982, before he had met Ross. Government documents showed Blandón was still selling cocaine for the Contras through 1986.[^15]
|
||||
|
||||
When defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]] cross-examined Blandón about his Contra fundraising, Blandón began to say: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," then paused, looked at O'Neale, and said "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue the admission. Blandón also confessed under cross-examination that he did not know whether the Contras had received $19 million in CIA aid, contradicting his claim that he quit because the organization had sufficient funds. After the trial, Blandón admitted to the Senate Intelligence Committee and the CIA Inspector General that his Contra contributions continued through 1985.[^15]
|
||||
When defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]] cross-examined Blandón about his Contra fundraising, Blandón began to say: "When we raise money for the Contra revolution, we received orders from the," then paused, looked at O'Neale, and said "from another people." Because of the court order prohibiting CIA testimony, Fenster was unable to pursue the admission. Blandón also confessed under cross-examination that he did not know whether the Contras had received $19 million in CIA aid, contradicting his claim that he quit because the organization had sufficient funds. After the trial, Blandón admitted to the Senate Intelligence Committee and the CIA Inspector General that his Contra contributions continued through 1985.[^15]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -215,3 +235,4 @@ When defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]] cross-examined Blandón about his Contr
|
|||
[^13]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 23: "He had the backing of a superpower"
|
||||
[^14]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
[^15]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 26: "That matter, if true, would be classified"
|
||||
[^16]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapter II and appendix E. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -23,7 +23,7 @@ In late 1983, Ainsworth began assisting Nicaraguan refugees who had settled in S
|
|||
|
||||
At a dinner after the yacht club reception, [[Norwin Meneses]] (a man Ainsworth had not previously noticed) paid the bill for the entire party. When Ainsworth asked who the man was, a Nicaraguan friend told him, "You don't want to know." At a cocktail party for Calero two days later, Ainsworth observed Meneses meeting privately with Calero. Meneses then began attending USACA meetings and making financial contributions.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
When [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]] and Jairo Meneses were arrested on cocaine trafficking charges in November 1984, Ainsworth began suspecting FDN involvement in drugs. Peña confessed to him his role in the Contra drug network. Alarmed, Ainsworth began investigating and received a DEA intelligence report dated February 6, 1984, from a friend in Washington, describing Meneses as "the apparent head of a criminal organization responsible for smuggling kilogram quantities of cocaine to the United States." Ainsworth said: "I had gone through the Looking Glass. I had crossed over into the nether world that 99 percent of the population wouldn't even believe existed."[^1]
|
||||
When [[Renato Pena|Renato Peña]] and Jairo Meneses were arrested on cocaine trafficking charges in November 1984, Ainsworth began suspecting FDN involvement in drugs. Peña confessed to him his role in the Contra drug network. Alarmed, Ainsworth began investigating and received a DEA intelligence report dated February 6, 1984, from a friend in Washington, describing Meneses as "the apparent head of a criminal organization responsible for smuggling kilogram quantities of cocaine to the United States." Ainsworth said: "I had gone through the Looking Glass. I had crossed over into the nether world that 99 percent of the population wouldn't even believe existed."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Complaint and Aftermath
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ Duane "Dewey" Clarridge was the chief of the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s L
|
|||
|
||||
Clarridge headed the CIA effort to organize, fund, and direct the [[Contras]] from the project's inception. Under his leadership, the agency assembled the scattered anti-[[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] factions into a unified fighting force, created the [[FDN]], and established the Costa Rican-based Southern Front under Eden Pastora.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
When asked by a British television crew in late 1996 about [[Ivan Gomez|Iván Gómez]], the pseudonymous CIA agent in [[Costa Rica]] whom [[Carlos Cabezas]] identified as supervising Contra drug money, Clarridge said he had never heard of him. The 1998 CIA Inspector General's report confirmed that Gómez was indeed assigned to Costa Rica in 1982, largely corroborating Cabezas's account.[^2]
|
||||
When asked by a British television crew in late 1996 about [[Ivan Gomez|Iván Gómez]], the pseudonymous CIA agent in [[Costa Rica]] whom [[Carlos Cabezas]] identified as supervising Contra drug money, Clarridge said he had never heard of him. The 1998 CIA Inspector General's report confirmed that Gómez was indeed assigned to Costa Rica in 1982, largely corroborating Cabezas's account.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Iran-Contra Indictment
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ Donald Barrios was a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua living in Miam
|
|||
|
||||
### Introducing Meneses to Blandón
|
||||
|
||||
[[Norwin Meneses]] was introduced to [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] through Barrios. After Meneses proposed that Blandón sell [[cocaine]] in [[Los Angeles]] to raise money for the [[Contras]], Barrios facilitated the initial connection. He later sent Blandón to fetch Meneses from LAX when Meneses first arrived in California in 1980 or 1981.[^1][^2]
|
||||
[[Norwin Meneses]] was introduced to [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] through Barrios. After Meneses proposed that Blandón sell [[Cocaine]] in [[Los Angeles]] to raise money for the [[Contras]], Barrios facilitated the initial connection. He later sent Blandón to fetch Meneses from LAX when Meneses first arrived in California in 1980 or 1981.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Business Activities in Miami
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -19,7 +19,7 @@ died: 2020-11-02
|
|||
location: "California"
|
||||
summary: "Earl Brian was a California physician, businessman, and Reagan cabinet official who served alongside Edwin Meese and was named by INSLAW, Michael Riconosciuto, and the House Judiciary Committee as the alleged central figure in the theft and international distribution of the PROMIS software."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Earl W. Brian was a physician, businessman, and California government official who served in Governor [[Ronald Reagan|Ronald Reagan's]] state cabinet alongside [[Edwin Meese]]. Brian co-founded Biotech Capital Corporation and held a controlling interest in [[Hadron]], a technology and information services company. He later founded Infotechnology, Inc. He had served in Vietnam, where his background in the Phoenix Program reportedly brought him into contact with intelligence networks that would intersect with his later activities.[^1]
|
||||
Earl W. Brian was a physician, businessman, and California government official who served in Governor [[Ronald Reagan|Ronald Reagan's]] state cabinet alongside [[Edwin Meese]]. Brian co-founded Biotech Capital Corporation and held a controlling interest in [[Hadron]], a technology and information services company. He later founded Infotechnology, Inc. He had served in Vietnam, where his background in the [[Phoenix Program]] reportedly brought him into contact with intelligence networks that would intersect with his later activities.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Brian's relationship with Meese predated their time in state government. Both men moved from Sacramento to Washington when Reagan won the presidency in 1980: Meese as presidential counselor and later Attorney General, and Brian as a businessman positioned to benefit from DOJ technology contracts. In 1985, Meese's wife purchased stock in a Brian-controlled company.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -51,11 +51,11 @@ The Bua Report found no credible evidence to support the Iran trip allegation. E
|
|||
|
||||
Both Brian and Videnieks categorically denied ever meeting one another or meeting Riconosciuto, denied having visited Indio, California, and denied any involvement in the alleged PROMIS distribution. The Bua Report found both men to be credible witnesses and concluded there was "overwhelming" evidence of no connection between Brian and anything related to INSLAW or PROMIS. Bua found Riconosciuto's account a "tale of total fiction woven against the background of accurate historical facts" and Ben-Menashe's affidavits contradicted by his own subsequent testimony to Bua investigators.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Brian was never charged with any crime in connection with the PROMIS affair. His libel suit against [[Elliot Richardson]] over the former attorney general's New York Times article of October 21, 1991, "A High-Tech Watergate," which accused him of taking part in an illegal conspiracy, was dismissed; the New York Court of Appeals held on November 29, 1995, that because Richardson had disclosed at the outset that he was INSLAW's own lawyer, because the article's "predominant tone" was "rife with rumor, speculation and seemingly tenuous inferences," and because its purpose was to call for an independent investigation, "a reasonable reader would understand the statements... as mere allegations to be investigated rather than as facts."[^5]
|
||||
Brian was never charged with any crime in connection with the PROMIS affair. His libel suit against [[Elliot Richardson]] over the former attorney general's [[New York Times]] article of October 21, 1991, "A High-Tech Watergate," which accused him of taking part in an illegal conspiracy, was dismissed; the New York Court of Appeals held on November 29, 1995, that because Richardson had disclosed at the outset that he was INSLAW's own lawyer, because the article's "predominant tone" was "rife with rumor, speculation and seemingly tenuous inferences," and because its purpose was to call for an independent investigation, "a reasonable reader would understand the statements... as mere allegations to be investigated rather than as facts."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Financial News Network and UPI
|
||||
|
||||
In July 1993 the Securities and Exchange Commission charged Brian and three others with fraudulently inflating the revenue and earnings of the [[Financial News Network]], the Los Angeles cable channel controlled with [[United Press International]] by his holding company Infotechnology, Inc.; he settled without admitting or denying the charges and consented to a permanent injunction. A federal grand jury in the Central District of California returned a 24-count indictment in June 1994, unsealed on September 5, 1995, charging Brian, then Infotechnology's chairman, and its chief operating officer John F. Berentson with lying to obtain 56 million dollars in loans from Security Pacific and Toronto-Dominion in 1989 by falsifying FNN's books through fictitious equipment leases and inter-company billings; FNN's chief financial officer C. Steven Bolen and Gary A. Prince pleaded guilty and cooperated. FNN, which lost 72.4 million dollars in fiscal 1990, and UPI, whose management rights Infotechnology had bought in February 1988, both entered Chapter 11 in 1991. On October 17, 1996, after a four-month trial in Los Angeles, a jury convicted Brian on ten counts including conspiracy and bank and securities fraud, deadlocking on the rest; he was ordered to report to prison on August 18 of the following year to serve a term reported as four and a half years, and appealed. On October 3, 2000, he moved to vacate his sentence under 28 U.S.C. § 2255 in the Central District of California; the motion, assigned to Judge Ronald S. W. Lew, was closed on February 22, 2001.[^7] Hadron continued as a public company, was renamed Analex Corporation in 2002 and ceased reporting in 2007.[^6]
|
||||
In July 1993 the [[Securities and Exchange Commission]] charged Brian and three others with fraudulently inflating the revenue and earnings of the [[Financial News Network]], the [[Los Angeles]] cable channel controlled with [[United Press International]] by his holding company Infotechnology, Inc.; he settled without admitting or denying the charges and consented to a permanent injunction. A federal grand jury in the Central District of California returned a 24-count indictment in June 1994, unsealed on September 5, 1995, charging Brian, then Infotechnology's chairman, and its chief operating officer John F. Berentson with lying to obtain 56 million dollars in loans from Security Pacific and Toronto-Dominion in 1989 by falsifying FNN's books through fictitious equipment leases and inter-company billings; FNN's chief financial officer C. Steven Bolen and Gary A. Prince pleaded guilty and cooperated. FNN, which lost 72.4 million dollars in fiscal 1990, and UPI, whose management rights Infotechnology had bought in February 1988, both entered Chapter 11 in 1991. On October 17, 1996, after a four-month trial in Los Angeles, a jury convicted Brian on ten counts including conspiracy and bank and securities fraud, deadlocking on the rest; he was ordered to report to prison on August 18 of the following year to serve a term reported as four and a half years, and appealed. On October 3, 2000, he moved to vacate his sentence under 28 U.S.C. § 2255 in the Central District of California; the motion, assigned to Judge Ronald S. W. Lew, was closed on February 22, 2001.[^7] Hadron continued as a public company, was renamed Analex Corporation in 2002 and ceased reporting in 2007.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ born: 1946-03-22
|
|||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Ed Dames was a [[U.S. Army]] Major who served as training and operations officer in the classified remote viewing unit at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, during the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Center Lane]] and [[Sun Streak]] phases of the program in the 1980s and early 1990s. Within the unit he occupied a managerial and analytical role rather than being a primary operational viewer himself, working with [[Edwin May]] and the DIA sponsorship structure. His post-military public profile, built on commercial remote viewing training and alarming predictions about planetary catastrophe, made him simultaneously the most publicly visible and most criticized figure to emerge from the Fort Meade program.[^1]
|
||||
Ed Dames was a [[U.S. Army]] Major who served as training and operations officer in the classified remote viewing unit at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, during the [[Stargate Project|Center Lane]] and [[Sun Streak]] phases of the program in the 1980s and early 1990s. Within the unit he occupied a managerial and analytical role rather than being a primary operational viewer himself, working with [[Edwin May]] and the DIA sponsorship structure. His post-military public profile, built on commercial remote viewing training and alarming predictions about planetary catastrophe, made him simultaneously the most publicly visible and most criticized figure to emerge from the Fort Meade program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Fort Meade Service
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,7 +7,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: Edgar Chamorro was a former FDN director who publicly confirmed that Norwin Meneses was a Contra leader involved in cocaine trafficking to fund the war.
|
||||
born: 1931-07-23
|
||||
---
|
||||
Edgar Chamorro was a former [[FDN]] director who publicly confirmed that [[Norwin Meneses]] was a Contra leader involved in [[cocaine]] trafficking to fund the war. Chamorro told the San Francisco Examiner in 1986 that he and FDN director [[Frank Arana]] flew to [[San Francisco]] in October 1982 to select leaders for the [[Contras|Contra]] support committee.[^1]
|
||||
Edgar Chamorro was a former [[FDN]] director who publicly confirmed that [[Norwin Meneses]] was a Contra leader involved in [[Cocaine]] trafficking to fund the war. Chamorro told the San Francisco Examiner in 1986 that he and FDN director [[Frank Arana]] flew to [[San Francisco]] in October 1982 to select leaders for the [[Contras|Contra]] support committee.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Public Confirmation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ Edmundo Chamorro was the deputy commander of the [[UDN-FARN]] [[Contras|Contra]]
|
|||
|
||||
### Captured on Wiretaps
|
||||
|
||||
When Costa Rican OIJ agents listened in on phone calls of cocaine dealer [[Horacio Pereira]], they found themselves eavesdropping on Contra commanders discussing [[cocaine]] shipments, drug labs, weapons deliveries, and international politics. Among those captured on the wiretaps was UDN-FARN subcommander Edmundo Chamorro. The wiretaps provided direct evidence of the integration between Contra military operations and drug trafficking on the Southern Front.[^2]
|
||||
When Costa Rican OIJ agents listened in on phone calls of cocaine dealer [[Horacio Pereira]], they found themselves eavesdropping on Contra commanders discussing [[Cocaine]] shipments, drug labs, weapons deliveries, and international politics. Among those captured on the wiretaps was UDN-FARN subcommander Edmundo Chamorro. The wiretaps provided direct evidence of the integration between Contra military operations and drug trafficking on the Southern Front.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Connections
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ Edward P. Boland was the Massachusetts Democratic congressman who sponsored the
|
|||
|
||||
### The Boland Amendments
|
||||
|
||||
The amendments sought to rein in the Reagan administration's covert war by prohibiting the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], [[National Security Council]], or any other U.S. government agency from providing military aid to the [[Contras]]. The legislation directly led to [[Oliver North]]'s illegal efforts to fund the Contras through alternative sources, including [[Iran]] arms sales proceeds, Saudi contributions, and [[cocaine]] trafficking profits. The Boland Amendments exposed the tension between congressional oversight and executive branch determination to pursue the Contra war by any means necessary.[^2]
|
||||
The amendments sought to rein in the Reagan administration's covert war by prohibiting the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], [[National Security Council]], or any other U.S. government agency from providing military aid to the [[Contras]]. The legislation directly led to [[Oliver North]]'s illegal efforts to fund the Contras through alternative sources, including [[Iran]] arms sales proceeds, Saudi contributions, and [[Cocaine]] trafficking profits. The Boland Amendments exposed the tension between congressional oversight and executive branch determination to pursue the Contra war by any means necessary.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ Edwin Corr was the U.S. Ambassador to [[El Salvador]] who received [[Celerino Ca
|
|||
|
||||
### Shutting Down the Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
When Castillo reported his findings about [[cocaine]] trafficking at Ilopango to Ambassador Corr, Corr sent a secret back channel cable to Washington. Rather than supporting Castillo's investigation, the response from Washington was to shut it down. The CIA station in El Salvador sent a message to [[Costa Rica]] Station advising the [[DEA]] not to make inquiries about Hangar No. 4 at Ilopango. Corr's role in the chain of suppression illustrated how the State Department participated in protecting the Contra supply operation from law enforcement scrutiny.[^2]
|
||||
When Castillo reported his findings about [[Cocaine]] trafficking at Ilopango to Ambassador Corr, Corr sent a secret back channel cable to Washington. Rather than supporting Castillo's investigation, the response from Washington was to shut it down. The CIA station in El Salvador sent a message to [[Costa Rica]] Station advising the [[DEA]] not to make inquiries about Hangar No. 4 at Ilopango. Corr's role in the chain of suppression illustrated how the State Department participated in protecting the Contra supply operation from law enforcement scrutiny.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -23,7 +23,7 @@ Enrique Bermúdez "Commandante 380" was the supreme military commander of the [[
|
|||
|
||||
### Contra Leadership
|
||||
|
||||
Bermúdez commanded the FDN throughout the Contra war and was a close friend of the [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] family. He reportedly trafficked in arms and [[cocaine]] with Norwin Meneses. [[Dennis Ainsworth]], a [[San Francisco]] Contra supporter, told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] in 1987 that he had discovered Meneses and Bermúdez were dealing arms and drugs together.[^1]
|
||||
Bermúdez commanded the FDN throughout the Contra war and was a close friend of the [[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] family. He reportedly trafficked in arms and [[Cocaine]] with Norwin Meneses. [[Dennis Ainsworth]], a [[San Francisco]] Contra supporter, told the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] in 1987 that he had discovered Meneses and Bermúdez were dealing arms and drugs together.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Earlier Career
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ location: "Rhode Island"
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Fernand "Fern" Gauvin was a civilian counterintelligence specialist working at Arlington Hall, a military/civilian intelligence complex, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was among the initial group of ten or eleven candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]] for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit in 1977, and one of the original six soldier psychics. A dark-haired, handsome Rhode Islander in his late forties, Gauvin had a long history of psychic experiences and transcendental yearnings dating back to his childhood; he practiced yoga and meditation, experimented with altered states, and read books about spirit-mediums and auras. In 1975 he had an unusual out-of-body experience, an encounter with a "benevolent, luminous, loving entity" that profoundly affected him.[^1]
|
||||
Fernand "Fern" Gauvin was a civilian counterintelligence specialist working at Arlington Hall, a military/civilian intelligence complex, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was among the initial group of ten or eleven candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]] for the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit in 1977, and one of the original six soldier psychics. A dark-haired, handsome Rhode Islander in his late forties, Gauvin had a long history of psychic experiences and transcendental yearnings dating back to his childhood; he practiced yoga and meditation, experimented with altered states, and read books about spirit-mediums and auras. In 1975 he had an unusual out-of-body experience, an encounter with a "benevolent, luminous, loving entity" that profoundly affected him.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Gauvin was one of the six most promising members of the team sent to [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] for two weeks of outbound remote-viewing experiments. He participated in the intense, round-the-clock remote viewing sessions during the Iran hostage crisis (1979-1981). Like [[Nancy Stern]], he was deeply affected by the failure of the rescue mission in April 1980 and subsequently left the unit, vowing never to remote-view again.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -33,7 +33,7 @@ The CIA forced the merger by having their Honduran allies withdraw support from
|
|||
|
||||
### Later Activities
|
||||
|
||||
While working for the CIA, Chamorro was approached by [[Norwin Meneses]] and asked to haul [[cocaine]] to the [[United States]] from Costa Rica, but he was never directly implicated in cocaine trafficking.[^2] He died in Nicaragua in the early 1990s.[^2]
|
||||
While working for the CIA, Chamorro was approached by [[Norwin Meneses]] and asked to haul [[Cocaine]] to the [[United States]] from Costa Rica, but he was never directly implicated in cocaine trafficking.[^2] He died in Nicaragua in the early 1990s.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Frank Arana was an FDN director who flew to San Francisco with Edgar Chamorro in 1982 to establish the Contra support network in California.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Frank Arana was an [[FDN]] director who flew to [[San Francisco]] with [[Edgar Chamorro]] in October 1982 to select leaders for the [[Contras|Contra]] support committee. Arana's trip to San Francisco placed him at the center of the Contra political operation in [[California]], which overlapped with [[Norwin Meneses]]'s [[cocaine]] trafficking network on the West Coast.[^1]
|
||||
Frank Arana was an [[FDN]] director who flew to [[San Francisco]] with [[Edgar Chamorro]] in October 1982 to select leaders for the [[Contras|Contra]] support committee. Arana's trip to San Francisco placed him at the center of the Contra political operation in [[California]], which overlapped with [[Norwin Meneses]]'s [[Cocaine]] trafficking network on the West Coast.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The San Francisco Connection
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ died: 2020-08-01
|
|||
location: "Andover, Hampshire, England"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Frank Barnaby was a nuclear physicist and former employee of [[Britain]]'s nuclear weapons installation at Aldermaston. He spent two days with [[Mordecai Vanunu]] at the request of the *Sunday Times* to verify Vanunu's account of [[Israel]]'s nuclear program. Barnaby concluded that Vanunu's account was "totally convincing." After leaving government service, Barnaby became director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), an arms control study group funded by the Swedish government.[^1]
|
||||
Frank Barnaby was a nuclear physicist and former employee of [[Britain]]'s nuclear weapons installation at Aldermaston. He spent two days with [[Mordecai Vanunu]] at the request of the *[[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]]* to verify Vanunu's account of [[Israel]]'s nuclear program. Barnaby concluded that Vanunu's account was "totally convincing." After leaving government service, Barnaby became director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), an arms control study group funded by the Swedish government.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -23,7 +23,7 @@ born: 1947-01-01
|
|||
location: "Glendale, California"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Frederick Holmes "Skip" Atwater (born 1947, Glendale, California) was the [[U.S. Army]] intelligence officer at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, who proposed the formation of a military remote viewing unit in 1977, recruited its initial personnel, and served as its operations officer through the program's most active period until his retirement from the Army in 1987. His proposal directly initiated what became the [[STARGATE PROJECT]] series of programs - Gondola Wish, Grill Flame, Center Lane, [[Sun Streak]] - that constituted the military's remote viewing research and intelligence effort for nearly two decades.
|
||||
Frederick Holmes "Skip" Atwater (born 1947, Glendale, California) was the [[U.S. Army]] intelligence officer at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, who proposed the formation of a military remote viewing unit in 1977, recruited its initial personnel, and served as its operations officer through the program's most active period until his retirement from the Army in 1987. His proposal directly initiated what became the [[Stargate Project]] series of programs - Gondola Wish, Grill Flame, Center Lane, [[Sun Streak]] - that constituted the military's remote viewing research and intelligence effort for nearly two decades.
|
||||
|
||||
### Army Career and STARGATE Initiation
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,9 +10,9 @@ location: "Fort Wayne, Indiana"
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
Lieutenant General [[James Clapper]] was a [[U.S. Air Force]] officer who later served as the Director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] and subsequently as the [[Director of National Intelligence]]. In the context of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], Clapper was involved with the program in the 1990s, serving as a project leader. His involvement highlights the continued, albeit evolving, interest in [[Psi|psychic]] phenomena within the U.S. intelligence community even in later stages of the program's existence[^1].
|
||||
Lieutenant General [[James Clapper]] was a [[U.S. Air Force]] officer who later served as the Director of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] and subsequently as the [[Director of National Intelligence]]. In the context of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], Clapper was involved with the program in the 1990s, serving as a project leader. His involvement highlights the continued, albeit evolving, interest in [[Psi|psychic]] phenomena within the U.S. intelligence community even in later stages of the program's existence[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
In 1991, after the *[[Associated Press]]* broke the story about [[Psi]] and its involvement in finding [[Saddam Hussein]]'s weapon sites, Clapper, then Director of the DIA, faced intense scrutiny. He stated that he and his three predecessors had all tried to kill the program, finding it "too far out at the leading edge of technology to maintain very well as an ongoing intelligence activity"[^2].
|
||||
In 1991, after the *[[Associated Press]]* broke the story about Psi and its involvement in finding [[Saddam Hussein]]'s weapon sites, Clapper, then Director of the DIA, faced intense scrutiny. He stated that he and his three predecessors had all tried to kill the program, finding it "too far out at the leading edge of technology to maintain very well as an ongoing intelligence activity"[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
Despite his efforts to terminate the program, Clapper noted that [[U.S. Congress|Congress]] mandated its sustenance through specific language in appropriations. He categorized the [[Department of Defense]]'s [[Extrasensory Perception|ESP]] and [[Psychokinesis|PK]] research as "leading edge technology," rather than parapsychology[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ James Earl "Jimmy" Carter Jr. was the 39th President of the [[United States]], s
|
|||
|
||||
### Nuclear Nonproliferation and South African Tests
|
||||
|
||||
Carter and [[Leonid Brezhnev]] worked together to lead an international campaign of protest against [[South Africa]]'s suspected nuclear test in the [[Kalahari]] in August 1977. The South African government backed down, and Carter publicly announced that [[South Africa]] did not intend to develop nuclear explosive devices. However, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] later concluded that the strong international protests had only deflected [[South Africa]] "at least temporarily" from its planned test, and that Israeli military personnel were openly present at the Kalahari test site.[^1]
|
||||
Carter and [[Leonid Brezhnev]] worked together to lead an international campaign of protest against [[South Africa]]'s suspected nuclear test in the [[Kalahari]] in August 1977. The South African government backed down, and Carter publicly announced that South Africa did not intend to develop nuclear explosive devices. However, the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] later concluded that the strong international protests had only deflected South Africa "at least temporarily" from its planned test, and that Israeli military personnel were openly present at the Kalahari test site.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Israeli Satellite Intelligence Access
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -24,19 +24,19 @@ In March 1979, President Carter made the decision to provide [[Israel]] with acc
|
|||
|
||||
### VELA Satellite Incident
|
||||
|
||||
On September 22, 1979, a [[VELA Satellite]] recorded two distinctive bright flashes of light over the South Indian Ocean, probable evidence of a nuclear explosion. This event, suspected to be a joint Israeli-South African nuclear test, created a horrible dilemma for President Carter, just months before the 1980 presidential campaign. Carter, who had emphasized nonproliferation, faced criticism for hypocrisy if he did not act, but political repercussions if he sought sanctions against [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]].[^1]
|
||||
On September 22, 1979, a [[VELA Satellite]] recorded two distinctive bright flashes of light over the South Indian Ocean, probable evidence of a nuclear explosion. This event, suspected to be a joint Israeli-South African nuclear test, created a horrible dilemma for President Carter, just months before the 1980 presidential campaign. Carter, who had emphasized nonproliferation, faced criticism for hypocrisy if he did not act, but political repercussions if he sought sanctions against Israel and South Africa.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Psychic Research Programs
|
||||
|
||||
His presidency coincided with the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, the U.S. government's secret psychic research effort. President Carter was reportedly aware of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, with Congressman [[Charlie Rose]] even discussing it with him. However, his administration's stance on the program was complex. While some officials, like [[William Perry]], sought to cut its funding, the program managed to continue.[^3]
|
||||
His presidency coincided with the early years of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, the U.S. government's secret psychic research effort. President Carter was reportedly aware of the Grill Flame program, with Congressman [[Charlie Rose]] even discussing it with him. However, his administration's stance on the program was complex. While some officials, like [[William Perry]], sought to cut its funding, the program managed to continue.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Iran Hostage Crisis
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Iran Hostage Crisis]] (1979-1981) was a major challenge during his presidency. Remote viewers were extensively tasked by the [[Department of Defense|Pentagon]] and [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] to gather intelligence on the hostages' whereabouts and conditions, though the administration's handling of the crisis, including the failed rescue attempt, ultimately led to the hostages' release on the day Carter's presidency ended.[^3]
|
||||
The [[Iran Hostage Crisis]] (1979-1981) was a major challenge during his presidency. Remote viewers were extensively tasked by the [[Department of Defense|Pentagon]] and CIA to gather intelligence on the hostages' whereabouts and conditions, though the administration's handling of the crisis, including the failed rescue attempt, ultimately led to the hostages' release on the day Carter's presidency ended.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Latin American Policy
|
||||
|
||||
During his presidency, Carter's human rights foreign policy in [[Latin America]] reportedly distanced the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] under [[Stansfield Turner]] from any death-squad interdiction. His administration was also reportedly reluctant to pursue certain figures involved in the drug trade, such as General Torrijos of [[Panama]], due to ongoing negotiations for the [[Panama Canal]] treaty.[^4]
|
||||
During his presidency, Carter's human rights foreign policy in [[Latin America]] reportedly distanced the CIA under [[Stansfield Turner]] from any death-squad interdiction. His administration was also reportedly reluctant to pursue certain figures involved in the drug trade, such as General Torrijos of [[Panama]], due to ongoing negotiations for the [[Panama Canal]] treaty.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections to BCCI
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ Alexander's esoteric interests caught the attention of [[First Earth Battalion|T
|
|||
|
||||
Alexander's work at INSCOM focused on developing human technologies to enhance soldier performance and narrow the "human technology gap." He explored various new age and self-help programs, including sleep discipline, neurolinguistic programming, and Silva Mind Control[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
He also played a role in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, particularly after the [[James Randi]] hoax. Alexander suggested using magicians as consultants, and worked with [[Doug Henning]] and [[Jack Houck]] on psychokinesis research, observing spoon-bending parties to understand the phenomena[^1].
|
||||
He also played a role in the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, particularly after the [[James Randi]] hoax. Alexander suggested using magicians as consultants, and worked with [[Doug Henning]] and [[Jack Houck]] on psychokinesis research, observing spoon-bending parties to understand the phenomena[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
After retiring from the military, Alexander joined [[Psi]]'s corporate board in 1990, though he later stated it was a mistake[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "John Berberich was a Division Chief at the DIA."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
John Berberich was a Division Chief at the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]]. In October 1990, he became the new DIA division chief and gave [[Dale Graff]] the position of branch chief at [[Fort Meade]], placing Graff in charge of the [[Remote Viewing]] program, which was then renamed [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]][^1].
|
||||
John Berberich was a Division Chief at the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]]. In October 1990, he became the new DIA division chief and gave [[Dale Graff]] the position of branch chief at [[Fort Meade]], placing Graff in charge of the [[Remote Viewing]] program, which was then renamed [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]][^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Berberich's decision to appoint Graff to this leadership role indicated a shift in the program's management, aiming for a more operationally effective approach. In May 1991, Berberich, along with Graff and three remote viewers (including [[Angela Dellafiora]]), traveled to [[England]], [[Germany]], and [[Israel]] as part of an annual intelligence exchange, further highlighting his involvement in the program's international engagements[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ born: 1935-01-31
|
|||
location: "El Salvador"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Juan Rafael Bustillo was the Salvadoran Air Force commander who provided hangar space at Ilopango Air Base for [[Felix Rodriguez]]'s Contra resupply operation. Rodriguez "greased the skids" with Bustillo, using his influence to secure the facilities needed for the covert weapons and [[cocaine]] trafficking operation at the base in [[San Salvador|El Salvador]].[^1]
|
||||
Juan Rafael Bustillo was the Salvadoran Air Force commander who provided hangar space at Ilopango Air Base for [[Felix Rodriguez]]'s Contra resupply operation. Rodriguez "greased the skids" with Bustillo, using his influence to secure the facilities needed for the covert weapons and [[Cocaine]] trafficking operation at the base in [[San Salvador|El Salvador]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Ilopango Operations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ summary: "U.S. Army captain and original remote viewer in the Stargate Project k
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Ken Bell was a U.S. Army captain and one of the original six remote viewers in the [[STARGATE PROJECT]]. He was recruited into the program, then codenamed Gondola Wish, in 1977 by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
Ken Bell was a U.S. Army captain and one of the original six remote viewers in the [[Stargate Project]]. He was recruited into the program, then codenamed Gondola Wish, in 1977 by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bell had a background in counterintelligence and was known for his interest in meditation. He was described as short, wiry, and somewhat intense. He believed that psi could never be used to make money, as psychics who tried to get rich often failed, suggesting a connection between psi and human morality. He was among the six most promising members sent to [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) for two weeks of outbound remote-viewing experiments, where SRI evaluated their talents and confirmed their suitability for operational remote viewing.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Christopher "Kit" Green was a physician and neurophysiologist who served in the
|
|||
|
||||
Green was working in the CIA's Life Sciences Division when physicist [[Hal Puthoff]] initiated contact with the agency regarding proposed research on anomalous mental phenomena. On June 27, 1972, Puthoff wrote to Green at the CIA outlining remote viewing as a legitimate area for scientific investigation, proposing formal experiments at SRI to assess whether the phenomena could be reproduced under controlled conditions. This letter - subsequently released under FOIA and housed in the CIA Reading Room - established the institutional relationship between SRI and the CIA's scientific analysis staff that would persist for more than two decades.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Green served as the primary CIA officer receiving and evaluating SRI's experimental results during the early years of the program, which was organized under various code names before being consolidated as the [[STARGATE PROJECT|STAR GATE]] program. In this capacity he reviewed classified experimental data, participated in briefings, and maintained the agency's formal interest in the research while keeping it within the Life Sciences Division's medical and scientific framework rather than the operational framework of the Directorate of Operations.[^2]
|
||||
Green served as the primary CIA officer receiving and evaluating SRI's experimental results during the early years of the program, which was organized under various code names before being consolidated as the [[Stargate Project|STAR GATE]] program. In this capacity he reviewed classified experimental data, participated in briefings, and maintained the agency's formal interest in the research while keeping it within the Life Sciences Division's medical and scientific framework rather than the operational framework of the Directorate of Operations.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Uri Geller and the SRI Experiments
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -17,7 +17,7 @@ updated: 2026-09-22
|
|||
|
||||
Larry Ed Combest was born in Memphis, Hall County, [[Texas]], on March 20, 1945, graduated from West Texas State University in 1969, farmed, directed the Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service office in 1971, and was legislative assistant to Senator [[John Tower]] from 1971 to 1978. Elected as a Republican in 1984, he sat in the House, a member from [[Lubbock]], from January 3, 1985, until his resignation on May 31, 2003, sat on the [[House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence]] from 1988, chaired it in the 104th Congress, and chaired the Agriculture Committee in the 106th and 107th.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
As chairman he was the addressee of the CIA's letter of March 28, 1995, transmitting DIA's and the CIA's responses to Congress's directed actions on the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]] program ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). On April 9, 1996, he sent the Speaker the committee staff study *IC21: The Intelligence Community in the 21st Century,* "carefully edited in consultation with the appropriate agencies to remove any classified information." In 1996 "Mr. Combest was awarded the National Intelligence Distinguished Service Medal and the Seal Medallion of the Central Intelligence Agency," and he served as vice chairman of the [[Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy|Moynihan Commission]] on secrecy.[^2]
|
||||
As chairman he was the addressee of the CIA's letter of March 28, 1995, transmitting DIA's and the CIA's responses to Congress's directed actions on the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). On April 9, 1996, he sent the Speaker the committee staff study *IC21: The Intelligence Community in the 21st Century,* "carefully edited in consultation with the appropriate agencies to remove any classified information." In 1996 "Mr. Combest was awarded the National Intelligence Distinguished Service Medal and the Seal Medallion of the Central Intelligence Agency," and he served as vice chairman of the [[Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy|Moynihan Commission]] on secrecy.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ born: 1939-07-28
|
|||
location: "Waco, Texas"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Lyn Buchanan was a [[U.S. Army]] sergeant who served as a remote viewer in the classified Army program at [[Fort Meade]] that operated under the successive designations [[STARGATE PROJECT|Center Lane]], [[Sun Streak]], and STAR GATE during the 1980s and early 1990s. He was trained in [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) by [[Ingo Swann]] after Swann returned to the program to train Army viewers beginning in 1984, and became one of the unit's more consistently producing operational viewers.[^1]
|
||||
Lyn Buchanan was a [[U.S. Army]] sergeant who served as a remote viewer in the classified Army program at [[Fort Meade]] that operated under the successive designations [[Stargate Project|Center Lane]], [[Sun Streak]], and STAR GATE during the 1980s and early 1990s. He was trained in [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) by [[Ingo Swann]] after Swann returned to the program to train Army viewers beginning in 1984, and became one of the unit's more consistently producing operational viewers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Military Remote Viewing Career
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,7 +6,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: Mario Calero was the brother of FDN leader Adolfo Calero who operated air cargo companies used for Contra supply missions and cocaine smuggling.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Mario Calero was the brother of [[FDN]] leader [[Adolfo Calero]] who operated air cargo companies used for Contra supply missions and [[cocaine]] smuggling. Mario ran [[Hondu Carib Cargo]] Inc., which the FDN hired to transport supplies, blurring the line between legitimate logistics and drug trafficking.[^1]
|
||||
Mario Calero was the brother of [[FDN]] leader [[Adolfo Calero]] who operated air cargo companies used for Contra supply missions and [[Cocaine]] smuggling. Mario ran [[Hondu Carib Cargo]] Inc., which the FDN hired to transport supplies, blurring the line between legitimate logistics and drug trafficking.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Hondu Carib Cargo
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -3,27 +3,45 @@ category: "Organized Crime"
|
|||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- OrganizedCrime
|
||||
- Cartel
|
||||
summary: "Abbell served as a staff assistant to the Assistant U.S."
|
||||
- CaliCartel
|
||||
- Lawyer
|
||||
- DepartmentOfJustice
|
||||
summary: "Former head of the Justice Department's Office of International Affairs who became a Washington lawyer for the Rodríguez Orejuela brothers of the Cali cartel and was convicted in 1998 of conspiring to launder its money."
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
|
||||
start: 1973
|
||||
role: "staff assistant to an assistant attorney general; director, Office of International Affairs, Criminal Division, 1979-1982 (sole source: Seymour)"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: partner_of
|
||||
with: "[[Bruno Ristau]]"
|
||||
role: "Ristau & Abbell"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]]"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela]]"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Michael Abbell]] is a former official of the [[Department of Justice|U.S. Department of Justice]] who later became a central figure in investigations related to drug trafficking and money laundering, particularly involving the [[Cali Drug Cartel]].[1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Career in the Justice Department
|
||||
Michael Abbell was a staff assistant to an assistant attorney general of the [[Department of Justice]] from 1973 to 1979 and director of the Office of International Affairs of its Criminal Division from 1979 to 1982, according to [[Cheri Seymour]]. On leaving the department he joined the firm of Kaplan, Russin and Becchi, which had an office in Bogotá, and later formed his own Washington firm, Ristau & Abbell, with [[Bruno Ristau]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Abbell served as a staff assistant to the Assistant U.S. Attorney General from 1973 to 1979. From 1979 to 1982, he held the position of Director of the Office of International Affairs of the Criminal Division of the [[Department of Justice|Department of Justice]].[1]
|
||||
### The Cali Case
|
||||
|
||||
### Post-DOJ Career and Allegations
|
||||
Abbell acknowledged that [[Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela|Miguel]] and [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]], the heads of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], were his clients.[^3] In an affidavit for a search warrant on his office, issued on September 2, 1994, the Customs agent Edward Kacerosky described the role of the organization's lawyers as defending arrested members at the request of the brothers "in order to assure the organization that these individuals will [sic] not cooperate," supplying the brothers with information on the government's investigations, serving as "conduits for legal fees, bail monies and support payments" to the families of arrested members, and obtaining affidavits "which falsely exculpate Miguel and Gilberto Rodríguez-Orejuela" for use in Colombia's courts.[^3] A grand jury in Miami returned a third superseding indictment against Abbell and the lawyer William Moran on June 2, 1995, for racketeering conspiracy and related counts.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
After leaving the [[Department of Justice|Department of Justice]] in 1984, Abbell joined the law firm of [[Kaplan, Russin and Becchi]], which had offices in various international locations, including Bogota, Colombia. He was later associated with his own firm, [[Ristau and Abbell]], in Washington D.C., with [[Bruno Ristau]] as his partner.[1]
|
||||
The evidence at trial showed that the cartel kept its employees silent with "a carrot-and-stick approach," paying the legal fees and family expenses of those arrested and threatening those who cooperated; that Ristau & Abbell paid about 100 dollars a month into the prison commissary accounts of two convicted cartel employees; and that Abbell told the lawyer of the cartel's former Miami manager, Harold Ackerman, that Rodríguez Orejuela would pay his fees and wanted Ackerman to sign an affidavit "that both Shohat and Abbell knew to be false." In the days and weeks before the search, Abbell "destroyed or altered his records of his bills to Rodriguez-Orejuela." After a first trial in 1997 ended in an acquittal on one count and a hung jury, a jury convicted him in 1998 of racketeering conspiracy and conspiracy to launder money; the trial judge set aside the racketeering count, and Abbell was sentenced to 87 months. On November 7, 2001, the Eleventh Circuit reinstated the racketeering conviction, affirmed the money-laundering conviction and ordered him resentenced.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Abbell was indicted in Miami on June 6, 1995, for laundering money for the [[Cali Drug Cartel]]. Surveillance reports indicated he made frequent visits to the home of [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]], a leader of the Cali Cartel, in Bogota, Colombia. He was subsequently prosecuted and served a prison term.[1]
|
||||
### The Octopus
|
||||
|
||||
### Connections to "The Octopus" Investigation
|
||||
According to Seymour, the last lead [[Danny Casolaro]] pursued before his death in August 1991 was a connection between Abbell, the Cali cartel and [[Robert Booth Nichols]]. [[Michael Riconosciuto]] told her that Abbell, Nichols and Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela were "all in bed together," and that Nichols had given Abbell 50,000 dollars in cash to handle a Justice Department internal inquiry that would have led to the extradition of Rodríguez Orejuela and [[Jose Santacruz Londono|José Santacruz Londoño]], whom Nichols considered "intelligence people."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Abbell's activities became a significant focus of investigative journalist [[Danny Casolaro]]'s "[[The Octopus]]" probe during the last week of Casolaro's life. Casolaro had discovered a connection between Abbell, the [[Cali Drug Cartel]], and [[Robert Booth Nichols]], an international intelligence operative.[1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Michael Riconosciuto]] claimed that Abbell, [[Robert Booth Nichols]], and [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] were "all in bed together." Riconosciuto also alleged that Nichols provided Abbell with $50,000 in cash to handle an internal affairs investigation within the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] that would have led to the extradition of Cali Cartel leaders [[Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela]] and [[Jose Santacruz Londono]], whom Nichols reportedly considered "intelligence people."[1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the Justice Department career dates, the Kaplan firm and Riconosciuto's claims.
|
||||
[^2]: *United States v. Abbell,* 271 F.3d 1286 (11th Cir. 2001). https://openjurist.org/271/f3d/1286
|
||||
[^3]: *United States v. Abbell,* 963 F. Supp. 1178 (S.D. Fla. 1997), order denying motions to suppress. https://openjurist.org/963/fsupp/1178
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ Norm Everheart was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] technical operations sp
|
|||
|
||||
In late 1974 or early 1975, Everheart was appointed liaison to "Staff D" (later the Office of SIGINT Operations), an office specializing in small-scale signals intelligence collection. It was in this role that he was introduced to the remote viewing program by [[Kenneth A. Kress|Ken Kress]], who had initiated [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI)'s first psi research contract. Everheart, initially unfamiliar with remote viewing, was urged to consider how it might benefit Staff D operations, particularly through the abilities of [[Pat Price]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Everheart became the chief coordinator for [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate, working alongside his superior [[John McMahon]], the CIA's deputy director for operations. He was a pragmatic and relatively open-minded individual in the often "cold and conniving" world of intelligence. He employed an "oblique targeting method," where the remote viewer was given minimal information about the target, which helped build confidence in the accuracy of psychic data when it matched unknown facts.[^1]
|
||||
Everheart became the chief coordinator for [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate, working alongside his superior [[John McMahon]], the CIA's deputy director for operations. He was a pragmatic and relatively open-minded individual in the often "cold and conniving" world of intelligence. He employed an "oblique targeting method," where the remote viewer was given minimal information about the target, which helped build confidence in the accuracy of psychic data when it matched unknown facts.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
He was involved in several notable remote viewing operations. In one, he tasked [[Ken Bell]] and [[Mel Riley]] to remote-view a KGB "illegal" in South Africa, leading to the discovery of a hidden pocket calculator used for coding messages. In another, he tasked [[Joe McMoneagle]] to remote-view a Soviet Embassy official carrying a fishing pole, which led to the identification of a dead-drop site. Despite the "giggle factor" from skeptical colleagues like Staff D chief Ed Rogers, Everheart remained a strong proponent of remote viewing within the Agency.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,11 +7,11 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Freelance Colombian journalist who met Mordecai Vanunu in Sydney and received top-secret photographs of Israel's nuclear facility."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
[[Oscar Guerrero]] was a freelance journalist from [[Colombia]]. He met [[Mordecai Vanunu]] in [[Sydney]], [[Australia]], where [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu]] was sharing top-secret photographs of [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear facility.[^1]
|
||||
[[Oscar Guerrero]] was a freelance journalist from [[Colombia]]. He met [[Mordecai Vanunu]] in [[Sydney]], [[Australia]], where Vanunu was sharing top-secret photographs of [[Israel|Israel's]] nuclear facility.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] saw the photographs and proposed publishing them for a fee. He first approached *The Sydney Morning Herald*, but the photographs were rejected. His approach was, however, passed on to the [[Australian Security Intelligence Organization|Australian Security Intelligence Organization]] (ASIO) and then to the [[Australian Security Intelligence Service|Australian Security Intelligence Service]] (ASIS), who informed [[Israel]].[[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] then tried *The Age* newspaper in [[Melbourne]], and later the [[London]] papers.[^1]
|
||||
Guerrero saw the photographs and proposed publishing them for a fee. He first approached *The Sydney Morning Herald*, but the photographs were rejected. His approach was, however, passed on to the [[Australian Security Intelligence Organization|Australian Security Intelligence Organization]] (ASIO) and then to the [[Australian Security Intelligence Service|Australian Security Intelligence Service]] (ASIS), who informed Israel.Guerrero then tried *The Age* newspaper in [[Melbourne]], and later the [[London]] papers.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Nicholas Davies]], a London *Daily Mirror* foreign editor and [[Israel|Israeli]] agent, stalled [[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] by telling him the newspaper needed an expert to check his claims. [[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] had already struck a deal with *The Sunday Times* to publish [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu's]] story and photographs, with [[Mordecai Vanunu|Vanunu]] receiving a £250,000 advance on a book and [[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] receiving a 10% cut. [[Oscar Guerrero|Guerrero]] approached the *Mirror* because he believed he was being cut out of *The Sunday Times* deal.[^1]
|
||||
[[Nicholas Davies]], a London *[[Daily Mirror]]* foreign editor and Israeli agent, stalled Guerrero by telling him the newspaper needed an expert to check his claims. Guerrero had already struck a deal with *The [[The Sunday Times|Sunday Times]]* to publish Vanunu's story and photographs, with Vanunu receiving a £250,000 advance on a book and Guerrero receiving a 10% cut. Guerrero approached the *Mirror* because he believed he was being cut out of *The Sunday Times* deal.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Ben-Menashe, Ari. *Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network*. TrineDay, 1992.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ Pablo Escobar was the leader of the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín Cartel]] who all
|
|||
|
||||
### Connection to the Contra Supply Chain
|
||||
|
||||
The [[Danilo Blandon|Blandón]]-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] ring sourced its [[cocaine]] from the Ochoa family in Colombia, founders of the Medellín Cartel, and from the Suarez family in [[Bolivia]]. The cartel's vast distribution network overlapped with the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Contra supply chain, as the same aircraft and pilots moved weapons south and drugs north. Barry Seal, a CIA and [[DEA]] contract agent, was flying loads in directly for the Medellín Cartel while simultaneously working on U.S. government missions.[^2]
|
||||
The [[Danilo Blandon|Blandón]]-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] ring sourced its [[Cocaine]] from the Ochoa family in Colombia, founders of the Medellín Cartel, and from the Suarez family in [[Bolivia]]. The cartel's vast distribution network overlapped with the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Contra supply chain, as the same aircraft and pilots moved weapons south and drugs north. Barry Seal, a CIA and [[DEA]] contract agent, was flying loads in directly for the Medellín Cartel while simultaneously working on U.S. government missions.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DarkAllianceInvestigation
|
||||
summary: "Norwin Meneses's nephew and distributor in the San Francisco Bay Area since the mid-1970s whose territory stretched to Portland, Oregon, convicted of income tax evasion in 1985 and cocaine trafficking in 1996."
|
||||
---
|
||||
Rafael Cornejo was a major [[cocaine]] trafficker in the [[San Francisco]] Bay Area and a distributor for [[Norwin Meneses]] since the mid-1970s.[^2] His trafficking territory stretched from the Bay Area to Portland, Oregon. His father had been a sergeant in [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]]'s National Guard. Cornejo was at the center of the legal case that brought the [[Dark Alliance]] story to [[Gary Webb]]'s attention.[^1] Cornejo said of Meneses: "You can say what you want about that man, but his heart and soul was into the movement, and that was his priority more than anything else. It's kind of hard to be kicked out of your own country and that's what his passion was. He was straight-up pro-Somocista."[^3]
|
||||
Rafael Cornejo was a major [[Cocaine]] trafficker in the [[San Francisco]] Bay Area and a distributor for [[Norwin Meneses]] since the mid-1970s.[^2] His trafficking territory stretched from the Bay Area to Portland, Oregon. His father had been a sergeant in [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]]'s National Guard. Cornejo was at the center of the legal case that brought the [[Dark Alliance]] story to [[Gary Webb]]'s attention.[^1] Cornejo said of Meneses: "You can say what you want about that man, but his heart and soul was into the movement, and that was his priority more than anything else. It's kind of hard to be kicked out of your own country and that's what his passion was. He was straight-up pro-Somocista."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Criminal History
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Charles Richard D'Amato was born in Hackensack, [[New Jersey]], on September 28,
|
|||
|
||||
### Star Gate
|
||||
|
||||
The CIA's papers on the transfer of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]] program in 1995 ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]) record that the Director of Congressional Affairs "described our approach to Mr. Richard D'Amato, the congressional staffer responsible for the language effecting the transfer, and Mr. D'Amato expressed concern about the DIA people, in particular the three remote viewers, during the period that the panel is conducting our review"; that on March 27, 1995, the CIA "briefed Richard D'Amato at Hart Senate Office bldg, on status of transfer; obtained agreement on previously submitted Terms of Reference"; and, in slides for the committee, that "CIA terms of reference requested that no resources be transferred until Blue Ribbon Panel completes directed review, SAC staffer agreed." His support for the program in the Senate is said to have been vital. [[Edwin May]] wrote to him in 1993 to complain that research reports sent to Fort Meade had never been read, and in 1995, dissatisfied with DIA's treatment of the project, he pressed for the transfer.[^4][^5]
|
||||
The CIA's papers on the transfer of the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]] program in 1995 ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]) record that the Director of Congressional Affairs "described our approach to Mr. Richard D'Amato, the congressional staffer responsible for the language effecting the transfer, and Mr. D'Amato expressed concern about the DIA people, in particular the three remote viewers, during the period that the panel is conducting our review"; that on March 27, 1995, the CIA "briefed Richard D'Amato at Hart Senate Office bldg, on status of transfer; obtained agreement on previously submitted Terms of Reference"; and, in slides for the committee, that "CIA terms of reference requested that no resources be transferred until Blue Ribbon Panel completes directed review, SAC staffer agreed." His support for the program in the Senate is said to have been vital. [[Edwin May]] wrote to him in 1993 to complain that research reports sent to Fort Meade had never been read, and in 1995, dissatisfied with DIA's treatment of the project, he pressed for the transfer.[^4][^5]
|
||||
|
||||
A statement he posted on his own website, headed "1980's Inquiry into Unidentified Aerial Crash in [[New Mexico]]," reads: "In the 1980's and 1990's, I served on the staff of the Senate Democratic Leader, Senator Robert C. Byrd, and my responsibilities involved helping manage the budgets of the Department of Defense and the National Foreign Intelligence Program... In this context, a senior Senate Committee chairman asked me to conduct a preliminary inquiry into allegations that came to his attention regarding unidentified aerial crashes in the 1940's in New Mexico. I met with a number of people who had made public statements on the matter. I reported my conclusion to the Senator that the basis for such allegations did not appear to merit any further Senate investigation. Beyond this inquiry on behalf of the Senator, I have no personal opinion on the matter and consider the inquiry to have been closed for over 20 years."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ location: "Oakland, California"
|
|||
|
||||
Richard DeLauer was the Undersecretary of Defense for Research and Engineering. He was an alumnus of [[California Institute of Technology|Caltech]], the same institution where [[Qian Xuesen|H. S. Tsien]] had studied and co-founded the Jet Propulsion Laboratory[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
DeLauer was aware of the power and influence wielded by Tsien, whom he called the "elder statesman" of Chinese scientific technology and development. After receiving [[Hal Puthoff]]'s sixty-page classified report, "Psychoenergetics Research in the People’s Republic of China (1982)," and a back-up briefing, DeLauer signed a memo allocating additional resources, Program Six funds, for the psychic research program [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] (later renamed [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]])[^1].
|
||||
DeLauer was aware of the power and influence wielded by Tsien, whom he called the "elder statesman" of Chinese scientific technology and development. After receiving [[Hal Puthoff]]'s sixty-page classified report, "Psychoenergetics Research in the People’s Republic of China (1982)," and a back-up briefing, DeLauer signed a memo allocating additional resources, Program Six funds, for the psychic research program [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] (later renamed Star Gate)[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Rob Cowart was a Captain in military intelligence and one of the two military intelligence officers personally trained by Ingo Swann in CRV techniques."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Rob Cowart was a Captain in military intelligence and one of the two military intelligence officers personally trained by [[Ingo Swann]] in [[Coordinate Remote Viewing|CRV]] techniques. In 1982, he was read onto the classified [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program[^1].
|
||||
Rob Cowart was a Captain in military intelligence and one of the two military intelligence officers personally trained by [[Ingo Swann]] in [[Coordinate Remote Viewing|CRV]] techniques. In 1982, he was read onto the classified [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
The plan was for Cowart and [[Tom McNear]], the other trainee, to become the program's CRV trainers. However, McNear later noted that Cowart was medically retired due to cancer, which contributed to McNear's decision to leave the unit[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ location: "North Wilkesboro, North Carolina"
|
|||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Robert Byrd]] was a powerful West Virginia Democratic Senator. Barbara Videnieks, wife of [[Peter Videnieks]], the Justice Department contracting officer on the [[PROMIS]] contract, worked in his office.[^1][^2] The suggestion by [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and others that Peter Videnieks was involved in the death of [[Danny Casolaro]] in [[West Virginia]], the Justice Department's review of 1994 stated, appeared "to rest on the fact that Mr. Videnieks' wife works for Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia"; it found "no evidence whatsoever of Mr. Videnieks' involvement." [[Joseph Cuellar]], an Army Reserve major, told the reviewers that his former fiancée had worked with Barbara Videnieks "in the Capitol Hill office of West Virginia Senator Robert Byrd."[^2] Byrd played a major role in the effort to have the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] move some of its administrative offices to Charlestown, 20 miles from Martinsburg, on the Virginia border.[^1]
|
||||
[[Robert Byrd]] was a powerful West Virginia Democratic Senator. Barbara Videnieks, wife of [[Peter Videnieks]], the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] contracting officer on the [[PROMIS]] contract, worked in his office.[^1][^2] The suggestion by [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and others that Peter Videnieks was involved in the death of [[Danny Casolaro]] in [[West Virginia]], the Justice Department's review of 1994 stated, appeared "to rest on the fact that Mr. Videnieks' wife works for Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia"; it found "no evidence whatsoever of Mr. Videnieks' involvement." [[Joseph Cuellar]], an Army Reserve major, told the reviewers that his former fiancée had worked with Barbara Videnieks "in the Capitol Hill office of West Virginia Senator Robert Byrd."[^2] Byrd played a major role in the effort to have the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] move some of its administrative offices to Charlestown, 20 miles from Martinsburg, on the Virginia border.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -21,7 +21,7 @@ In 1986, Gates noted a significant buildup in advanced technology weapons facili
|
|||
|
||||
Gates revealed details about the [[Moscow Signal]] in his 1997 memoir, *From the Shadows*. He described how the CIA detected a new and more powerful set of Soviet microwave beams aimed at the [[U.S. Embassy in Moscow]] in 1973, code-named MUTS-2. He noted that these signals were regarded as posing a greater health hazard due to their duration and peculiar characteristics[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
On November 28, 1995, Gates appeared on *Nightline* with [[Ted Koppel]] to discuss the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate program]], where he downplayed the significance of the government's psychic research[^2].
|
||||
On November 28, 1995, Gates appeared on *Nightline* with [[Ted Koppel]] to discuss the [[Stargate Project|Stargate program]], where he downplayed the significance of the government's psychic research[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
### Remote Viewing
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ died: 2004-05-20
|
|||
location: "Adelaide, Australia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
W. Ross Adey was the chief of staff of the Research Division at Veterans Hospital in Loma Linda, California. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
W. Ross Adey was the chief of staff of the Research Division at Veterans Hospital in Loma Linda, California. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,11 +11,50 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Former CIA employee who became Attorney General in 1991 and again in 2019; he appointed the INSLAW and BNL special counsels and urged the Iran-Contra pardons of 1992."
|
||||
born: 1950-05-23
|
||||
location: "Washington, D.C."
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
start: 1973
|
||||
end: 1977
|
||||
role: "assistant legislative counsel"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Office of Legal Counsel]]"
|
||||
start: 1989
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Department of Justice]]"
|
||||
start: 1989
|
||||
end: 1993
|
||||
role: "Office of Legal Counsel, deputy attorney general, attorney general"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: appointed
|
||||
with: "[[Nicholas J. Bua]]"
|
||||
start: 1991-11-07
|
||||
role: "INSLAW special counsel"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: appointed
|
||||
with: "[[Frederick Lacey]]"
|
||||
start: 1992-10-16
|
||||
role: "BNL special counsel"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: appointed
|
||||
with: "[[Malcolm Wilkey]]"
|
||||
role: "House bank special counsel"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[Dominion Energy]]"
|
||||
end: 2019-02-12
|
||||
fn: 5
|
||||
- type: relative_of
|
||||
with: "[[Donald Barr]]"
|
||||
role: "son"
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
William P. Barr worked at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] from 1973 to 1977 while attending law school at night. "During my tenure at CIA, 1973 to '77, the investigations of the agency started, and I moved to the legislative counsel's office," he recalled; as assistant legislative counsel under Director [[George H.W. Bush]] in 1976 he worked against legislation of Representatives Michael Harrington and Bella Abzug that would have required notice to people whose mail the agency had opened under [[HTLINGUAL]]. He then clerked for Judge Malcolm Wilkey of the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|D.C. Circuit]], a former head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division, who telephoned Bush for a reference. After private practice and the Reagan transition he joined the White House domestic policy staff, where he worked with C. Boyden Gray, counsel to Vice President Bush. In 1988 he helped screen vice-presidential candidates through Robert Kimmitt.[^1]
|
||||
William P. Barr worked at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] from 1973 to 1977 while attending law school at night. "During my tenure at CIA, 1973 to '77, the investigations of the agency started, and I moved to the legislative counsel's office," he recalled; as assistant legislative counsel under Director [[George H.W. Bush]] in 1976 he worked against legislation of Representatives [[Michael Harrington]] and [[Bella Abzug]] that would have required notice to people whose mail the agency had opened under [[HTLINGUAL]]. He then clerked for Judge [[Malcolm Wilkey]] of the [[United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit|D.C. Circuit]], a former head of the Justice Department's Criminal Division, who telephoned Bush for a reference. After private practice and the Reagan transition he joined the [[White House]] domestic policy staff, where he worked with [[C. Boyden Gray]], counsel to Vice President Bush. In 1988 he helped screen vice-presidential candidates through [[Robert Kimmitt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Justice Department, 1989-1993
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -27,7 +66,7 @@ According to the report of [[Nicholas J. Bua]], Barr appointed him special couns
|
|||
|
||||
#### BNL
|
||||
|
||||
On the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] loans to [[Iraq]], Barr declined to seek an independent counsel. "Even though an independent counsel was not required, in my opinion, because they didn't meet the statutory test, I just used my inherent authority," he recalled. He first asked former Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti, who declined, and on October 16, 1992, appointed the retired judge [[Frederick Lacey]]. Barr said the position became untenable after an allegation that the CIA had withheld cables and after a White House aide's call to the Atlanta prosecutor Gale McKenzie about the case, and that Bush telephoned him from Air Force One only to ask what to say about it. Lacey reported on December 8, 1992, that there were no grounds for an independent counsel and that he had "seen nothing" to suggest that [[Brent Scowcroft]] and [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] knew of the loans; Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez|Henry Gonzalez]] called the report a whitewash.[^1][^4]
|
||||
On the [[BNL Scandal|Banca Nazionale del Lavoro]] loans to [[Iraq]], Barr declined to seek an independent counsel. "Even though an independent counsel was not required, in my opinion, because they didn't meet the statutory test, I just used my inherent authority," he recalled. He first asked former Attorney General [[Benjamin Civiletti]], who declined, and on October 16, 1992, appointed the retired judge [[Frederick Lacey]]. Barr said the position became untenable after an allegation that the CIA had withheld cables and after a White House aide's call to the Atlanta prosecutor [[Gale McKenzie]] about the case, and that Bush telephoned him from Air Force One only to ask what to say about it. Lacey reported on December 8, 1992, that there were no grounds for an independent counsel and that he had "seen nothing" to suggest that [[Brent Scowcroft]] and [[Lawrence Eagleburger]] knew of the loans; Representative [[Henry B. Gonzalez|Henry Gonzalez]] called the report a whitewash.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
#### House Bank
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -35,7 +74,7 @@ Barr appointed his former judge, Wilkey, as special counsel for the investigatio
|
|||
|
||||
#### Iran-Contra Pardons
|
||||
|
||||
At the end of the administration Barr advised Bush to pardon [[Caspar Weinberger]], "but while he was at it, he should pardon about five others." "The big ones obviously were the Iran Contra ones. I certainly did not oppose any of them. I favored the broadest. There were some people arguing just for Weinberger, and I said, 'No, in for a penny, in for a pound.'" He described [[Elliott Abrams]] as "very unjustly treated" and did not remember going through the pardon office. Of the independent counsel [[Lawrence Walsh]] he said: "He was certainly a headhunter and had completely lost perspective." He disputed Bob Woodward's account that Bush "bellowed" at him over Weinberger's indictment on the Friday before the 1992 election: "He didn't even raise his voice. He just said that he felt it cost him the election."[^1]
|
||||
At the end of the administration Barr advised Bush to pardon [[Caspar Weinberger]], "but while he was at it, he should pardon about five others." "The big ones obviously were the Iran Contra ones. I certainly did not oppose any of them. I favored the broadest. There were some people arguing just for Weinberger, and I said, 'No, in for a penny, in for a pound.'" He described [[Elliott Abrams]] as "very unjustly treated" and did not remember going through the pardon office. Of the independent counsel [[Lawrence Walsh]] he said: "He was certainly a headhunter and had completely lost perspective." He disputed [[Bob Woodward]]'s account that Bush "bellowed" at him over Weinberger's indictment on the Friday before the 1992 election: "He didn't even raise his voice. He just said that he felt it cost him the election."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Attorney General, 2019
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,13 +10,13 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Contra_War
|
||||
summary: Colombian cocaine supplier and money launderer connected to both the Blandon and Meneses organizations, the FDN, and a Guatemalan CIA agent.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Aparicio Moreno was a [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine supplier and money launderer who worked with both [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses]], had connections to the [[FDN]], and was later linked to a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent in [[Guatemala]].[^1]
|
||||
Aparicio Moreno was a [[Colombia|Colombian]] cocaine supplier and money launderer who worked with both [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and [[Norwin Meneses]], had connections to the [[FDN]], and was later linked to a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] agent in [[Guatemala]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Role in the Blandón Network
|
||||
### Role in the Blandón Network
|
||||
|
||||
Moreno was introduced to Blandón by Norwin Meneses and supplied Blandón with "so many" thousands of kilos of cocaine in 1984 and 1985 that Blandón could not put an exact number on them. Blandón worked with Moreno until 1987. [[Ronald Lister]] told police in 1996 that Moreno was "affiliated with [the] FDN," and Blandón strongly suggested the same during interviews with the CIA Inspector General. Moreno arranged "at least one 1-ton delivery that was delivered by air via Oklahoma," Blandón told the CIA. Blandón said "he and his associates thought the plane might be connected with the CIA because someone had placed a small FDN sticker somewhere on the airplane."[^1]
|
||||
Moreno was introduced to Blandón by Norwin Meneses and supplied Blandón with "so many" thousands of kilos of cocaine in 1984 and 1985 that Blandón could not put an exact number on them. Blandón worked with Moreno until 1987. [[Ronald Lister]] told police in 1996 that Moreno was "affiliated with [the] FDN," and Blandón strongly suggested the same during interviews with the CIA Inspector General. Moreno arranged "at least one 1-ton delivery that was delivered by air via Oklahoma," Blandón told the CIA. Blandón said "he and his associates thought the plane might be connected with the CIA because someone had placed a small FDN sticker somewhere on the airplane."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
A DEA informant described Moreno as a cocaine supplier and money launderer for both Meneses's [[San Francisco]]-based branch and Blandón's [[Los Angeles]] network. Moreno, his wife Aura, and his family hauled millions in drug profits to [[Miami]] hidden in a motor home. Moreno was also living in Ronald Lister's former Mission Viejo residence when the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided it in October 1986. In Lister's handwritten notes, next to the name "Aparicio," he had written "FDN coordinator."[^1]
|
||||
A DEA informant described Moreno as a cocaine supplier and money launderer for both Meneses's [[San Francisco]]-based branch and Blandón's [[Los Angeles]] network. Moreno, his wife Aura, and his family hauled millions in drug profits to [[Miami]] hidden in a motor home. Moreno was also living in Ronald Lister's former Mission Viejo residence when the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided it in October 1986. In Lister's handwritten notes, next to the name "Aparicio," he had written "FDN coordinator."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Guatemala Connections
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "Budapest, Hungary"
|
|||
|
||||
Arthur Koestler was a Hungarian-born British novelist, journalist, and critic. He was known for his writings on science, parapsychology, and political philosophy. His 1972 book, *The Roots of Coincidence*, explored the concept of synchronicity and other parapsychological phenomena.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Koestler's work, particularly *The Roots of Coincidence*, played a role in influencing key figures in the U.S. government's psychic research programs. Major General [[Edmund Thompson]], the Army's assistant chief of staff for intelligence, developed a considerable enthusiasm for psychic spying after reading Koestler's pro-paranormal book. This personal interest contributed to Thompson's approval and support for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] program.[^1]
|
||||
Koestler's work, particularly *The Roots of Coincidence*, played a role in influencing key figures in the U.S. government's psychic research programs. Major General [[Edmund Thompson]], the Army's assistant chief of staff for intelligence, developed a considerable enthusiasm for psychic spying after reading Koestler's pro-paranormal book. This personal interest contributed to Thompson's approval and support for the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] program.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,15 +6,15 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Colombia
|
||||
- 1980s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: Colombian drug trafficker who revolutionized cocaine smuggling for the MedellÃn cartel in the early 1980s.
|
||||
summary: Colombian drug trafficker who revolutionized cocaine smuggling for the Medellín cartel in the early 1980s.
|
||||
born: 1949-09-07
|
||||
location: "Armenia, Colombia"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Carlos Lehder was a Colombian drug trafficker and key figure in the [[Medellin Cartel|MedellÃn cartel]] who revolutionized the cocaine import/export business in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
Carlos Lehder was a Colombian drug trafficker and key figure in the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]] who revolutionized the cocaine import/export business in the early 1980s.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Revolutionizing Cocaine Smuggling
|
||||
|
||||
By early 1982, Lehder and his associates in MedellÃn had gotten their act together and, using special airplanes, radar avoidance techniques, and specially designed speedboats, began bringing in unheard-of amounts of cocaine, mostly through the [[Bahamas]]. The result was a massive increase in supply that caused wholesale prices to begin dropping. Ten days before [[Ricky Ross|Ricky Ross]]'s auto theft arrest in March 1982, Customs agents in [[Miami]] searched an airplane owned by a tiny Colombian air cargo company that had flown in from MedellÃn. When an inspector stuck a screwdriver into boxes labeled "jeans," white powder came pouring out. The seizure topped out at 3,906 pounds, nearly four times the size of the previous U.S. cocaine seizure record. Authors Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen wrote in *Kings of Cocaine* that it was the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast."[^1]
|
||||
By early 1982, Lehder and his associates in Medellín had gotten their act together and, using special airplanes, radar avoidance techniques, and specially designed speedboats, began bringing in unheard-of amounts of cocaine, mostly through the [[Bahamas]]. The result was a massive increase in supply that caused wholesale prices to begin dropping. Ten days before [[Ricky Ross|Ricky Ross]]'s auto theft arrest in March 1982, Customs agents in [[Miami]] searched an airplane owned by a tiny Colombian air cargo company that had flown in from Medellín. When an inspector stuck a screwdriver into boxes labeled "jeans," white powder came pouring out. The seizure topped out at 3,906 pounds, nearly four times the size of the previous U.S. cocaine seizure record. Authors Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen wrote in *Kings of Cocaine* that it was the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,6 +7,14 @@ tags:
|
|||
- SRI
|
||||
- RemoteViewing
|
||||
summary: "Parapsychologist at Maimonides Medical Center and director of the Psychophysical Research Laboratories, whose ganzfeld meta-analyses were subcontracted by SRI's government-funded remote-viewing program."
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Maimonides Medical Center]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: contractor_to
|
||||
with: "[[Stanford Research Institute]]"
|
||||
role: "director, Psychophysical Research Laboratories; ganzfeld meta-analyses"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ Chris Moore was a former reserve Laguna Beach police officer who served as offic
|
|||
|
||||
### Role at Pyramid International
|
||||
|
||||
"I think I was actually an officer in Pyramid International. Ron put my name down as treasurer or director or something because he needed to have some directors for the incorporation papers," Moore confirmed. He said Lister had extensive business dealings in [[Central America]], specifically in El Salvador. Lister explained his travels there to Moore as involving gun running and "helping the [[Contras]], supposedly on behalf of the [U.S.] government. I remember the longest conversations with him — 'I'm protected. You're working for the government. Don't worry about anything. I'm protected, I'm protected.' I don't know if that was true or not, but I do know that we stopped worrying about domestic security jobs and started concentrating on foreign ones."[^1]
|
||||
"I think I was actually an officer in Pyramid International. Ron put my name down as treasurer or director or something because he needed to have some directors for the incorporation papers," Moore confirmed. He said Lister had extensive business dealings in [[Central America]], specifically in El Salvador. Lister explained his travels there to Moore as involving gun running and "helping the [[Contras]], supposedly on behalf of the [U.S.] government. I remember the longest conversations with him, 'I'm protected. You're working for the government. Don't worry about anything. I'm protected, I'm protected.' I don't know if that was true or not, but I do know that we stopped worrying about domestic security jobs and started concentrating on foreign ones."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### El Salvador Trip
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,15 +7,15 @@ tags:
|
|||
- United_States
|
||||
- 1990s
|
||||
- Dark_Alliance_Investigation
|
||||
summary: DEA agent who served as Danilo Blandón's primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug trafficking history during a contentious meeting with Gary Webb.
|
||||
summary: DEA agent who served as Danilo Blandón's primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and denied any knowledge of Blandón's Contra drug trafficking history during a contentious meeting with Gary Webb.
|
||||
---
|
||||
Chuck Jones was a [[DEA]] agent who served as [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and participated in the October 1995 meeting with [[Gary Webb]] at the DEA's National City regional office.[^1]
|
||||
Chuck Jones was a [[DEA]] agent who served as [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s primary handler from 1993 to 1995 and participated in the October 1995 meeting with [[Gary Webb]] at the DEA's National City regional office.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Denial of Contra Knowledge
|
||||
|
||||
During the meeting, Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's history of selling [[cocaine]] to fund the [[Contras]]. "I can tell you that I have never, ever heard anything about Blandón being involved with that," Jones said. "Not once. His only involvement with the Contras was that his father was a general or something down there." When Webb informed Jones that Blandón had testified under oath before a federal grand jury about selling cocaine for the Contras, Jones's face turned red and his voice rose: "I cannot believe that those two U.S. attorneys up there, if they had him saying that before a grand jury, that they would ever, ever, ever put him on a witness stand!" When Webb pointed out that the government had pulled Blandón from the witness stand at the last minute, Jones blurted: "That's because the judge ordered them to turn over all that unredacted material!" before catching himself and falling silent.[^1]
|
||||
During the meeting, Jones firmly denied any knowledge of Blandón's history of selling [[Cocaine]] to fund the [[Contras]]. "I can tell you that I have never, ever heard anything about Blandón being involved with that," Jones said. "Not once. His only involvement with the Contras was that his father was a general or something down there." When Webb informed Jones that Blandón had testified under oath before a federal grand jury about selling cocaine for the Contras, Jones's face turned red and his voice rose: "I cannot believe that those two U.S. attorneys up there, if they had him saying that before a grand jury, that they would ever, ever, ever put him on a witness stand!" When Webb pointed out that the government had pulled Blandón from the witness stand at the last minute, Jones blurted: "That's because the judge ordered them to turn over all that unredacted material!" before catching himself and falling silent.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Jones's outburst confirmed to Webb that the DEA knew all about Blandón's Contra connection and had nixed his testimony because [[Rafael Cornejo]]'s attorney had discovered it and the government had been ordered to turn over the files.[^1]
|
||||
Jones's outburst confirmed to Webb that the DEA knew all about Blandón's Contra connection and had nixed his testimony because [[Rafael Cornejo]]'s attorney had discovered it and the government had been ordered to turn over the files.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Response to Webb's Story
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -23,11 +23,11 @@ Jones argued passionately against publication, questioning why Webb would print
|
|||
|
||||
### Prior Grand Jury Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Jones had previously testified before a federal grand jury in 1995, where Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale asked him whether Blandón was "considered to be probably the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States." Jones replied: "I believe so, sir."[^2]
|
||||
Jones had previously testified before a federal grand jury in 1995, where Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale asked him whether Blandón was "considered to be probably the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States." Jones replied: "I believe so, sir."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Trial Attendance
|
||||
|
||||
Jones attended [[Ricky Ross|Ross]]'s 1996 trial in [[San Diego]], sitting with prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. During cross-examination of Blandón by defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]], who was using questions secretly supplied by Gary Webb, Jones repeatedly turned and gave Webb what the reporter described as "the evil eye." Jones knew the cross-examination questions were coming from Webb.[^3]
|
||||
Jones attended [[Ricky Ross|Ross]]'s 1996 trial in [[San Diego]], sitting with prosecutor [[LJ Oneale]]. During cross-examination of Blandón by defense attorney [[Alan Fenster]], who was using questions secretly supplied by Gary Webb, Jones repeatedly turned and gave Webb what the reporter described as "the evil eye." Jones knew the cross-examination questions were coming from Webb.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ Typically, investigations conducted by federal Organized Crime Drug Enforcement
|
|||
|
||||
### Connection to Clinton and Mena
|
||||
|
||||
Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights Seal was involved in, Governor Clinton replied, "That's Lasater's deal." Historian [[Roger Morris]] wrote that "whatever the limits or extent of Lasater's cocaine trafficking or the nature of his other dealings, most believed that beyond him the larger corruption in Little Rock and elsewhere pointed unmistakably to organized crime, not to mention the vast crimes of Mena — none of which would be pursued."[^1]
|
||||
Ex-trooper L. D. Brown said that when he confronted Clinton about the cocaine flights Seal was involved in, Governor Clinton replied, "That's Lasater's deal." Historian [[Roger Morris]] wrote that "whatever the limits or extent of Lasater's cocaine trafficking or the nature of his other dealings, most believed that beyond him the larger corruption in Little Rock and elsewhere pointed unmistakably to organized crime, not to mention the vast crimes of Mena, none of which would be pursued."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Clinton's supporters maintained that Lasater was no drug dealer, simply a high-flying businessman who got a little too caught up in the fast life. Clinton pardoned Lasater in 1990.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -3,17 +3,17 @@ category: "Iran-Contra"
|
|||
tags:
|
||||
- person
|
||||
- contra-war
|
||||
summary: David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Rafael Cornejo and warned Gary Webb that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger Danilo Blandón's life.
|
||||
summary: David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted Rafael Cornejo and warned Gary Webb that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger Danilo Blandón's life.
|
||||
---
|
||||
David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[San Francisco]] who prosecuted [[Rafael Cornejo]] and warned [[Gary Webb]] that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s life. Hall's role in the prosecution and his subsequent warning to Webb raised questions about the government's interest in protecting Blandón as a continuing asset.[^1]
|
||||
David Hall was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in [[San Francisco]] who prosecuted [[Rafael Cornejo]] and warned [[Gary Webb]] that publishing the Dark Alliance story could endanger [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]]'s life. Hall's role in the prosecution and his subsequent warning to Webb raised questions about the government's interest in protecting Blandón as a continuing asset.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Cornejo Prosecution
|
||||
|
||||
Hall prosecuted Cornejo, a major [[cocaine]] trafficker in the San Francisco Bay Area and a distributor for the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] network. During the grand jury proceedings, Hall questioned Blandón about whether his drug proceeds went to the [[Contras|Contra]] war, asking pointedly: "From the government?" Hall's aggressive questioning suggested awareness of the Contra connection, but the prosecution focused on Cornejo rather than the broader network. Federal judge Saundra Brown Armstrong referred Hall to the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for investigation, though the nature of the referral was not specified.[^2]
|
||||
Hall prosecuted Cornejo, a major [[Cocaine]] trafficker in the San Francisco Bay Area and a distributor for the Blandón-[[Norwin Meneses|Meneses]] network. During the grand jury proceedings, Hall questioned Blandón about whether his drug proceeds went to the [[Contras|Contra]] war, asking pointedly: "From the government?" Hall's aggressive questioning suggested awareness of the Contra connection, but the prosecution focused on Cornejo rather than the broader network. Federal judge Saundra Brown Armstrong referred Hall to the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] for investigation, though the nature of the referral was not specified.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Warning to Webb
|
||||
|
||||
In October 1995, Hall called Webb unsolicited and warned that "there is a distinct possibility that real harm, possibly death, would come to Mr. Blandón" if Webb published his story. The warning came from the same prosecutor who had used Blandón as a witness, suggesting the government's concern was less about Blandón's safety than about preventing the exposure of the Contra-cocaine connection.[^3]
|
||||
In October 1995, Hall called Webb unsolicited and warned that "there is a distinct possibility that real harm, possibly death, would come to Mr. Blandón" if Webb published his story. The warning came from the same prosecutor who had used Blandón as a witness, suggesting the government's concern was less about Blandón's safety than about preventing the exposure of the Contra-cocaine connection.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -24,7 +24,7 @@ David Morehouse was a [[U.S. Army]] Lieutenant Colonel and Ranger-qualified airb
|
|||
|
||||
### Remote Viewing Training and Service
|
||||
|
||||
Morehouse underwent [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) training and served in the unit during the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] and STAR GATE phases. He was one of the viewers working with a more formal administrative structure than the unit's early years, when the program was operating under [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship through the Cognitive Sciences Laboratory direction of [[Edwin May]].
|
||||
Morehouse underwent [[Coordinate Remote Viewing]] (CRV) training and served in the unit during the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] and STAR GATE phases. He was one of the viewers working with a more formal administrative structure than the unit's early years, when the program was operating under [[Defense Intelligence Agency]] sponsorship through the Cognitive Sciences Laboratory direction of [[Edwin May]].
|
||||
|
||||
His service in the unit was complicated by personal conduct issues. Fellow viewer [[Lyn Buchanan]] and others in the unit noticed Morehouse operating a construction business on the side while on active duty and observed what they characterized as erratic behavior. A formal military investigation led to a court-martial proceeding. The case attracted some attention because of its connection to the remote viewing program; [[Angela Dellafiora]] served as a witness in the proceeding. Morehouse received a discharge that was later characterized as a general discharge under honorable conditions after plea arrangements.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Assistant Secretary of Defense who served as chairman of the oversight panel for the Sun Streak program, the renamed Stargate Project."
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Donald C. Latham was the Assistant Secretary of Defense. He served as the chairman of the oversight panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, the new code name given to the U.S. government's psychic research program on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
Donald C. Latham was the Assistant Secretary of Defense. He served as the chairman of the oversight panel for the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] program, the new code name given to the U.S. government's psychic research program on January 31, 1986[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Jacobsen, Annie. *Phenomena: The Secret History of the U.S. Government's Investigations into Extrasensory Perception and Psychokinesis*. Little, Brown and Company, 2017.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ Donald M. Kerr, Jr. served in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration as acti
|
|||
|
||||
### Sun Streak
|
||||
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^2].
|
||||
Donald M. Kerr was the director of [[Los Alamos National Laboratory]] in [[New Mexico]]. He was a member of the new science panel for the [[Stargate Project|Sun Streak]] program, which was established on January 31, 1986[^2].
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "U.S. Army Chief of Staff who tacitly supported the Stargate Project du
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Edward Meyer]] (Edward C. "Shy" Meyer) was the [[U.S. Army]] Chief of Staff during the early years of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Secretary of the Army [[Clifford Alexander]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
[[Edward Meyer]] (Edward C. "Shy" Meyer) was the [[U.S. Army]] Chief of Staff during the early years of the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]]. He tacitly supported the program, along with [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] commander [[William Rolya]] and Secretary of the Army [[Clifford Alexander]]. His support, though not always overt, contributed to the project's ability to continue operating despite its controversial nature and minimal budget.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -30,9 +30,9 @@ Following his tours in Vietnam, Gene was posted in Berlin where he ran counter i
|
|||
|
||||
### Intelligence Programs and Remote Viewing
|
||||
|
||||
Gene became deeply involved in the military's psychic espionage programs. He allegedly recruited [[Luis Elizondo]] to the [[Great Skill Program]] to practice [[Remote Viewing]]. According to Elizondo, Gene claimed that "Great Skills" was also called "Grey Fox," though this appears to reference the different [[GRAY FOX]] program within the [[United States Army Intelligence Support Activity]] (USAISA or ISA) under the [[Joint Special Operations Command]] (JSOC).[^1]
|
||||
Gene became deeply involved in the military's psychic espionage programs. He allegedly recruited Luis Elizondo to the [[Great Skill Program]] to practice [[Remote Viewing]]. According to Elizondo, Gene claimed that "Great Skills" was also called "Grey Fox," though this appears to reference the different [[GRAY FOX]] program within the [[United States Army Intelligence Support Activity]] (USAISA or ISA) under the [[Joint Special Operations Command]] (JSOC).[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Elizondo further claims that Gene was tasked with recruiting soldiers into the [[STARGATE PROJECT]], the program that was a predecessor to Great Skills and focused on training individuals as "psychic spies."[^1]
|
||||
Elizondo further claims that Gene was tasked with recruiting soldiers into the [[Stargate Project]], the program that was a predecessor to Great Skills and focused on training individuals as "psychic spies."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Work with Angela Dellafiora
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -42,9 +42,9 @@ In one notable session, Lessman tasked Dellafiora with remotely viewing the [[St
|
|||
|
||||
### Recruitment and Training of Luis Elizondo
|
||||
|
||||
Lessman recruited Elizondo into the Great Skills program after identifying him as a promising young soldier with special talents. He personally trained Elizondo in [[Remote Viewing]], teaching him how to enter a trance-like state and acquire information about a distant or unseen target using extrasensory perception.[^1]
|
||||
Lessman recruited Elizondo into the Great Skills program after identifying him as a promising young soldier with special talents. He personally trained Elizondo in Remote Viewing, teaching him how to enter a trance-like state and acquire information about a distant or unseen target using extrasensory perception.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lessman believed that Elizondo had a natural gift for [[Remote Viewing]] and encouraged him to develop his abilities. The skills that Elizondo learned from Lessman would prove to be valuable throughout his career as an intelligence officer.[^1]
|
||||
Lessman believed that Elizondo had a natural gift for Remote Viewing and encouraged him to develop his abilities. The skills that Elizondo learned from Lessman would prove to be valuable throughout his career as an intelligence officer.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Blog
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -16,7 +16,7 @@ Hodel found the massive files of Meneses's 1992 court case in the Nicaraguan Sup
|
|||
|
||||
### Confirmation of Contra Drug Links
|
||||
|
||||
Hodel confirmed the tip that had started Webb's investigation, verifying that [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and Norwin Meneses were friends, business partners, and Contra founders whose families were close to the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime. He checked the information with former Contra commander [[Eden Pastora]], former Contra lawyer [[Carlos Icaza]], and others who knew both men. Hodel also confirmed that Meneses's chief aide, [[Enrique Miranda]], had admitted at trial that Meneses sold [[cocaine]] for the [[Contras]], flying it out of an air base in [[El Salvador]] into a military airfield in [[Texas]].[^1]
|
||||
Hodel confirmed the tip that had started Webb's investigation, verifying that [[Danilo Blandon|Danilo Blandón]] and Norwin Meneses were friends, business partners, and Contra founders whose families were close to the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime. He checked the information with former Contra commander [[Eden Pastora]], former Contra lawyer [[Carlos Icaza]], and others who knew both men. Hodel also confirmed that Meneses's chief aide, [[Enrique Miranda]], had admitted at trial that Meneses sold [[Cocaine]] for the [[Contras]], flying it out of an air base in [[El Salvador]] into a military airfield in [[Texas]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Interview with Miranda
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ died: 1980
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jackie Keith]] was an [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] civilian who worked in special operations at Arlington Hall, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was selected for the original [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] team. Keith was known for being involved in numerous "cloak-and-dagger schemes."[^1]
|
||||
[[Jackie Keith]] was an [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]] civilian who worked in special operations at Arlington Hall, home to some of the more "James Bond-ish" elements of the U.S. espionage community. He was selected for the original [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] team. Keith was known for being involved in numerous "cloak-and-dagger schemes."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Keith dropped out of the original Gondola Wish team not long after being selected, but he continued to task the remote viewers with targets related to his own operations. He was involved in the [[Jimmy Carter|Carter]] administration's plans for a second hostage rescue mission in Iran, working with the remote viewers to locate the dispersed hostages. In 1980, while in the control room during a remote viewing session, Keith suffered a fatal heart attack. His death was a tragedy for the unit, as he was only in his late thirties, recently married, and his young widow was pregnant with his first child.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,7 +8,7 @@ summary: "Morris worked with Norm Everheart, who tasked Ken Bell and Mel Riley t
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Jim Morris]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] counterintelligence officer. He sought assistance from the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] psychics for a case involving a [[KGB]] "illegal" (a deep-cover officer) who had been arrested in South Africa. The KGB agent was not cooperating with interrogations, and Morris hoped the remote viewers could provide information on how the agent was decoding his messages.[^1]
|
||||
[[Jim Morris]] was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] counterintelligence officer. He sought assistance from the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] psychics for a case involving a [[KGB]] "illegal" (a deep-cover officer) who had been arrested in South Africa. The KGB agent was not cooperating with interrogations, and Morris hoped the remote viewers could provide information on how the agent was decoding his messages.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Morris worked with [[Norm Everheart]], who tasked [[Ken Bell]] and [[Mel Riley]] to remote-view the KGB agent. Bell's "telepathic interrogation" revealed details about the agent's family and a hidden pocket calculator, which was later confirmed to have been used for coding messages. Morris confirmed the accuracy of the remote viewers' descriptions, including the agent's upstairs room, gray clothes, and the presence of two interrogators. This successful operation helped close the case.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,17 +10,35 @@ summary: "Former security director of the Cabazon tribe's casino and bingo opera
|
|||
location:
|
||||
- "Indio, California"
|
||||
- "Honduras"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Cabazon Indian Reservation]]"
|
||||
end: 1984
|
||||
role: "security director, casino and bingo operations"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International]]"
|
||||
start: 1987
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: investigated
|
||||
with: "[[John Powers]]"
|
||||
reverse: true
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: relative_of
|
||||
with: "[[Rod Pacheco]]"
|
||||
role: "distant cousin"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
James "Jimmy" Hughes was the security director of the casino and bingo operations of the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Band of Mission Indians]] for four years, until 1984.[^1] In a statement to investigators reported by the *Los Angeles Times* in 1985, he said that in the summer of 1981 he had been instructed, in the presence of the tribe's financial adviser [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], to take 25,000 dollars to Idyllwild and give it to a man as partial payment for the killing of [[Fred Alvarez]].[^1] He later described himself as a former Army Ranger who had become a "Mafia hit-man," said he had worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] abroad and been protected by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in exchange for information, and alleged that Nichols issued murder contracts and that the tribe's gambling enterprises were fronts for government-sanctioned covert military activity and arms shipments to Central and [[South America]].[^2]
|
||||
James "Jimmy" Hughes was the security director of the casino and bingo operations of the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Band of Mission Indians]] for four years, until 1984.[^1] In a statement to investigators reported by the *[[Los Angeles Times]]* in 1985, he said that in the summer of 1981 he had been instructed, in the presence of the tribe's financial adviser [[Dr. John Philip Nichols]], to take 25,000 dollars to Idyllwild and give it to a man as partial payment for the killing of [[Fred Alvarez]].[^1] He later described himself as a former Army Ranger who had become a "Mafia hit-man," said he had worked for the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] abroad and been protected by the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] in exchange for information, and alleged that Nichols issued murder contracts and that the tribe's gambling enterprises were fronts for government-sanctioned covert military activity and arms shipments to Central and [[South America]].[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### The Alvarez Murders
|
||||
|
||||
Fred Alfred Alvarez, 32, a Cabazon tribal leader, [[Ralph Boger|Ralph Arthur Boger]], 42, and [[Patricia Castro|Patricia Roberta Castro]], 44, were shot dead at 35040 Bob Hope Drive in Rancho Mirage, [[California]], in 1981.[^3] Alvarez's sister Linda said her brother "was afraid for his life because his mailbox had been shot out and his motorcycle had many unexplained breakdowns and missing parts." Alvarez told Paul Zalis of the *Indio Daily News*, "I'm living in a hovel while all these guys are getting rich off the casino," and told its editor, Jim Lycett, twice, "I just know too much, and they're going to kill me." He was killed before a meeting at which he was to hand evidence to the attorney Stephen Rios.[^1][^4]
|
||||
Fred Alfred Alvarez, 32, a Cabazon tribal leader, [[Ralph Boger|Ralph Arthur Boger]], 42, and [[Patricia Castro|Patricia Roberta Castro]], 44, were shot dead at 35040 Bob Hope Drive in Rancho Mirage, [[California]], in 1981.[^3] Alvarez's sister Linda said her brother "was afraid for his life because his mailbox had been shot out and his motorcycle had many unexplained breakdowns and missing parts." Alvarez told [[Paul Zalis]] of the *Indio Daily News*, "I'm living in a hovel while all these guys are getting rich off the casino," and told its editor, Jim Lycett, twice, "I just know too much, and they're going to kill me." He was killed before a meeting at which he was to hand evidence to the attorney Stephen Rios.[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
The tribe had entered a joint venture with the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. [[Peter Zokosky]], former president of a nearby munitions plant, said Wackenhut asked him to write a proposal "to build an arsenal and manufacture tank ammunition on tribal land"; a former Wackenhut spokesman, Patrick Cannan, said the venture was formed "to win government security contracts," "fizzled when it failed to get bids," and to his knowledge "did not involve weapons." [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] (no relation to John Philip Nichols) alleged in separate filings that it was meant to develop night-vision goggles, machine guns and chemical and biological weapons for the [[Contras]]; Booth Nichols said he withdrew "because Wackenhut didn't provide State Department approval." A 1995 tribal history portrayed Alvarez as "a renegade involved in criminal activity" and denied tribal involvement in his death.[^4]
|
||||
The tribe had entered a joint venture with the [[Wackenhut Corporation]]. [[Peter Zokosky]], former president of a nearby munitions plant, said Wackenhut asked him to write a proposal "to build an arsenal and manufacture tank ammunition on tribal land"; a former Wackenhut spokesman, Patrick Cannan, said the venture was formed "to win government security contracts," "fizzled when it failed to get bids," and to his knowledge "did not involve weapons." [[Michael Riconosciuto]] and [[Robert Booth Nichols]] (no relation to John Philip Nichols) alleged in separate filings that it was meant to develop night-vision goggles, machine guns and chemical and biological weapons for the [[Contras]]; Booth Nichols said he withdrew "because Wackenhut didn't provide [[State Department]] approval." A 1995 tribal history portrayed Alvarez as "a renegade involved in criminal activity" and denied tribal involvement in his death.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Arrest and Dismissal
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -20,7 +20,7 @@ born: 1946-01-10
|
|||
location: "Miami, Florida"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Joseph McMoneagle (born January 10, 1946) was a U.S. Army Chief Warrant Officer and one of the original six remote viewers recruited into the [[STARGATE PROJECT]] when the Army established the program at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, in 1977. Known within the program as "Viewer 518," he is widely considered the most operationally successful remote viewer in the program's history, with credited sessions including a substantially confirmed description of a Soviet Typhoon-class submarine under construction and the location of a Soviet surveillance device in a U.S. consulate. He received the Legion of Merit at his Army retirement in 1984, partly for his contributions to remote viewing operations, and continued as a civilian consultant to the program until its declassification in 1995.
|
||||
Joseph McMoneagle (born January 10, 1946) was a U.S. Army Chief Warrant Officer and one of the original six remote viewers recruited into the [[Stargate Project]] when the Army established the program at [[Fort Meade]], Maryland, in 1977. Known within the program as "Viewer 518," he is widely considered the most operationally successful remote viewer in the program's history, with credited sessions including a substantially confirmed description of a Soviet Typhoon-class submarine under construction and the location of a Soviet surveillance device in a U.S. consulate. He received the Legion of Merit at his Army retirement in 1984, partly for his contributions to remote viewing operations, and continued as a civilian consultant to the program until its declassification in 1995.
|
||||
|
||||
### Early Life and Military Career
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -28,7 +28,7 @@ Kerry received money from [[Clark Clifford]] and [[Robert Altman]], members of t
|
|||
|
||||
### Contra Drug Trafficking Investigation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1987 and 1988, Kerry's subcommittee investigated links between the [[Contras]] and [[cocaine]] trafficking, with chief investigator [[Jack Blum]] uncovering direct connections.[^7] The committee took videotaped depositions from Contra leaders who acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north.[^7]
|
||||
In 1987 and 1988, Kerry's subcommittee investigated links between the [[Contras]] and [[Cocaine]] trafficking, with chief investigator Jack Blum uncovering direct connections.[^7] The committee took videotaped depositions from Contra leaders who acknowledged receiving drug profits with the apparent knowledge of the CIA. Drug dealers admitted under oath to giving money to the Contras and passed polygraph tests. Pilots admitted flying weapons south and cocaine and marijuana north.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
[[Norwin Meneses]] was an early target of the investigation, but the Justice Department stonewalled the committee's requests for information. Blum told Webb that he eventually gave up trying to obtain the records.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,6 +10,17 @@ summary: "Army Materiel Systems Analysis Activity engineer who was its Grill Fla
|
|||
born: 1935-10-30
|
||||
died: 2026-01-19
|
||||
location: "Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Army Materiel Systems Analysis Activity]]"
|
||||
role: "Grill Flame project officer; chief, Ground Warfare Division"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: participant_in
|
||||
with: "[[Stargate Project]]"
|
||||
start: 1978
|
||||
end: 1980
|
||||
role: "AMSAA Grill Flame project officer"
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
@ -18,9 +29,9 @@ John Winston Kramar was born in [[Chicago]] and moved with his parents to Edgewo
|
|||
|
||||
### Grill Flame
|
||||
|
||||
Kramar and Colonel Albert De Prospero of AMSAA were named as discussants, with [[Dale Graff]] of the Foreign Technology Division, in the "Sensory Technology Assessment" of November 14, 1978.[^2] AMSAA's interim note of July 1979 on its [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] phase I efforts listed "Mr. John Kramar" among its participants, with [[Evan Harris Walker]] and [[Lewis Walt]].[^3]
|
||||
Kramar and Colonel Albert De Prospero of AMSAA were named as discussants, with [[Dale Graff]] of the Foreign Technology Division, in the "Sensory Technology Assessment" of November 14, 1978.[^2] AMSAA's interim note of July 1979 on its [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] phase I efforts listed "Mr. John Kramar" among its participants, with [[Evan Harris Walker]] and [[Lewis Walt]].[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
As AMSAA's Grill Flame project officer, Kramar wrote for the record on February 13, 1980, that the report of the [[Grill Flame Scientific Evaluation Committee]], "transmitted to AMSAA January 1980, was found to be somewhat ambiguous and confusing," and took "exception" to its recommendation to "Terminate all AMSAA GRILL FLAME efforts": "This recommendation, as best as can be determined, is based only on a partial understanding of AMSAA's initial effort, which was terminated before the SEC came into being. There is an apparent mistake by the SEC in considering the AMSAA challenge/validation efforts to be an integral part of the SRI contract." He copied [[Manfred Gale]] and DARCOM.[^4]
|
||||
As AMSAA's Grill Flame project officer, Kramar wrote for the record on February 13, 1980, that the report of the [[Grill Flame Scientific Evaluation Committee]], "transmitted to AMSAA January 1980, was found to be somewhat ambiguous and confusing," and took "exception" to its recommendation to "Terminate all AMSAA GRILL FLAME efforts": "This recommendation, as best as can be determined, is based only on a partial understanding of AMSAA's initial effort, which was terminated before the SEC came into being. There is an apparent mistake by the SEC in considering the AMSAA challenge/validation efforts to be an integral part of the [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]] contract." He copied [[Manfred Gale]] and DARCOM.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -13,7 +13,7 @@ location: "East Norwalk, Connecticut"
|
|||
|
||||
[[John McMahon]] was the Deputy Director for Operations at the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. He also served as the head of the [[Office of Technical Service|Office of Technical Service]] (OTS), indicating his significant role in technical and covert operations, including those involving psychic intelligence.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
McMahon, along with [[Norm Everheart]], had been involved in psychic spying experiments since the early days of the CIA-sponsored work at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. They were willing to give remote viewing a try in operational situations. McMahon was the superior of [[Norm Everheart]], who served as the chief coordinator for [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
McMahon, along with [[Norm Everheart]], had been involved in psychic spying experiments since the early days of the CIA-sponsored work at [[Stanford Research Institute|SRI]]. They were willing to give remote viewing a try in operational situations. McMahon was the superior of Norm Everheart, who served as the chief coordinator for [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] taskings from the CIA's Operations Directorate.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,6 +8,11 @@ tags:
|
|||
- DelphiAssociates
|
||||
summary: "Partner of Russell Targ in Delphi Associates, the remote-viewing silver-futures venture, who later disputed Targ's account of its trials."
|
||||
location: "San Francisco, California"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: partner_of
|
||||
with: "[[Russell Targ]]"
|
||||
role: "Delphi Associates"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Kress flew to SRI to brief Hal Puthoff and [[Russell Targ]] on URDF-3 and to get
|
|||
|
||||
Despite the accuracy of some of Price's information, Kress noted that Price also produced bad data. He also became concerned about the possibility of a [[KGB]] disinformation campaign, suggesting that Price could have been supplied data for disinformation purposes. This led Kress to question his own objectivity, as he observed that individuals who supported pro-paranormal data often had "conversion" experiences[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
Kress played a crucial role in the early stages of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, particularly as a handler for Pat Price. He was involved in presenting Price with targets and evaluating his remote viewing data. Kress, along with [[Peter Maris]], was the Central Intelligence Agency official who tasked Price with remote viewing the secret Soviet military research facility at Semipalatinsk (URDF-3), a session that yielded remarkably accurate details later confirmed by satellite photography. Kress and Maris initially didn't know what to make of Price's descriptions of a large crane and metal spheres, but later confirmed them with satellite photos, which became a key piece of evidence for the program's effectiveness[^1].
|
||||
Kress played a crucial role in the early stages of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, particularly as a handler for Pat Price. He was involved in presenting Price with targets and evaluating his remote viewing data. Kress, along with [[Peter Maris]], was the Central Intelligence Agency official who tasked Price with remote viewing the secret Soviet military research facility at Semipalatinsk (URDF-3), a session that yielded remarkably accurate details later confirmed by satellite photography. Kress and Maris initially didn't know what to make of Price's descriptions of a large crane and metal spheres, but later confirmed them with satellite photos, which became a key piece of evidence for the program's effectiveness[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
He also worked closely with [[Norm Everheart]], encouraging him to explore how remote viewing could assist Staff D operations. Kress was present during Price's three tests for Staff D, witnessing Price's accurate remote viewing of the Chinese Embassy in Africa and the Chinese consular building in Rome. He also served as a liaison for [[Uri Geller]]'s visits to SRI, and was the recipient of information from Hal Puthoff regarding Geller's activities and potential security concerns[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ created: 2026-09-22
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Letitia A. Long entered civilian federal service with the [[United States Navy|Navy]] in 1978 as a project engineer in training at the David Taylor Research Center, took her electrical engineering degree at [[Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University|Virginia Tech]] in 1982, worked six years "on various submarine acoustic sensor programs," and joined the staff of the Director of Naval Intelligence in 1988 to manage its research and development programs. Selected into the Senior Intelligence Executive Service in July 1994, she was "on rotational assignment from ONI to the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]" from 1994 to 1996 as director of the Military Intelligence Staff, in which capacity she signed, as "Director, DMI Staff," DIA's response of March 1995 to the Senate's directed action on [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate]], transmitting its retrospective review, technical analysis and declassification status to the CIA ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). She joined DIA in 1996 as deputy director for information systems and services and its first chief information officer; was the Director of Central Intelligence's Executive Director for Intelligence Community Affairs from January 1998 to June 2000, Deputy Director of Naval Intelligence from 2000 to 2003, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (Policy, Requirements and Resources) from 2003 to 2006, Deputy Director of DIA from May 2006 to July 2010, and fifth director of the [[National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency]] from August 9, 2010, to 2014.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Letitia A. Long entered civilian federal service with the [[United States Navy|Navy]] in 1978 as a project engineer in training at the David Taylor Research Center, took her electrical engineering degree at [[Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University|Virginia Tech]] in 1982, worked six years "on various submarine acoustic sensor programs," and joined the staff of the Director of Naval Intelligence in 1988 to manage its research and development programs. Selected into the Senior Intelligence Executive Service in July 1994, she was "on rotational assignment from ONI to the [[Defense Intelligence Agency]]" from 1994 to 1996 as director of the Military Intelligence Staff, in which capacity she signed, as "Director, DMI Staff," DIA's response of March 1995 to the Senate's directed action on [[Stargate Project|Star Gate]], transmitting its retrospective review, technical analysis and declassification status to the CIA ([[1995 transfer of Star Gate to the CIA]]). She joined DIA in 1996 as deputy director for information systems and services and its first chief information officer; was the Director of Central Intelligence's Executive Director for Intelligence Community Affairs from January 1998 to June 2000, Deputy Director of Naval Intelligence from 2000 to 2003, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence (Policy, Requirements and Resources) from 2003 to 2006, Deputy Director of DIA from May 2006 to July 2010, and fifth director of the [[National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency]] from August 9, 2010, to 2014.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Boards
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,8 +4,19 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Norwin Meneses
|
||||
- Norwin Meneses Cantarero
|
||||
- El Rey de la Droga
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: informant_for
|
||||
with: "[[DEA]]"
|
||||
start: 1986-07
|
||||
end: 1990-08-16
|
||||
role: "source of information from July 1986; registered informant 1987-1989 and May-August 1990"
|
||||
fn: 13
|
||||
- type: funded
|
||||
with: "[[Contras]]"
|
||||
role: "recruiter, arms supplier and benefactor"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -20,7 +31,7 @@ summary: "Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as 'El Rey de la Droga,' was Nicaragua
|
|||
born: 1943-06-21
|
||||
location: "Nicaragua"
|
||||
---
|
||||
Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as "El Rey de la Droga" (The King of Drugs) and "El Perico," was the leader of the Meneses drug organization and is believed to have been the [[Cali Drug Cartel|Cali cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]]. A drug trafficker since the early 1970s, Meneses lived in the [[United States]] from 1979 to 1985 and worked for the [[Contras]] as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor throughout the entire Contra war.[^2] He simultaneously worked as a [[DEA]] informant from 1985 to 1991.[^2]
|
||||
Norwin Meneses Cantarero, known as "El Rey de la Droga" (The King of Drugs) and "El Perico," was the leader of the Meneses drug organization and is believed to have been the [[Cali Drug Cartel|Cali cartel]]'s representative in [[Nicaragua]]. A drug trafficker since the early 1970s, Meneses lived in the [[United States]] from 1979 until he left for Costa Rica after his nephew's arrest in November 1984,[^13] and worked for the [[Contras]] as a recruiter, arms supplier, and benefactor throughout the entire Contra war.[^2] The [[DEA]] office in Costa Rica used him as a source of information from July 1986 and registered him as an informant from July 24, 1987, to December 23, 1989, and again from May 10 to August 16, 1990.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### Background and Family
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -28,7 +39,7 @@ Meneses had close connections to the Cuban anti-Communist movement and to the pr
|
|||
|
||||
### Early Criminal Career
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses had been selling [[cocaine]] since before there were any cartels. His association with [[Colombia|Colombian]] drug lords began during the marijuana era of the early 1970s. According to [[Roger Mayorga]], a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who headed investigations for the Nicaraguan National Police narcotics unit, Meneses's first big deal occurred after an airplane full of marijuana made an emergency landing at a ranch owned by one of the Somozas. Colonel Edmundo Meneses, who commanded the Managua police, released the Colombian pilots and airplane but kept the marijuana, which was turned over to Norwin.
|
||||
Meneses had been selling [[Cocaine]] since before there were any cartels. His association with [[Colombia|Colombian]] drug lords began during the marijuana era of the early 1970s. According to [[Roger Mayorga]], a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who headed investigations for the Nicaraguan National Police narcotics unit, Meneses's first big deal occurred after an airplane full of marijuana made an emergency landing at a ranch owned by one of the Somozas. Colonel Edmundo Meneses, who commanded the Managua police, released the Colombian pilots and airplane but kept the marijuana, which was turned over to Norwin.
|
||||
|
||||
Under Edmundo's protection, Managua became an open city for Norwin. By the late 1970s he owned discotheques (the Frisco Disco and the VIP Club), drive-in brothels with waterbeds and porno tapes, and a thriving drug business. A "highly reliable" [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] informant reported that Meneses used his influence within the [[Anastasio Somoza|Somoza]] regime to smuggle cocaine from Colombia to the U.S. and "had even used a Nicaraguan Air Force plane once for such a shipment." [[Rafael Cornejo]] described prerevolution visits to Managua where "you'd walk down the street with Mundo, and everyone would salute you."
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -42,7 +53,7 @@ Norwin was arrested but cleared after a "rigorous and exhaustive" investigation
|
|||
|
||||
### Entry into the United States
|
||||
|
||||
In 1979, the FBI office in [[Mexico City]] asked that Meneses be included in the Bureau's "top thief" program and requested an arrest warrant to prevent him from entering the United States. The U.S. Attorney's office in San Francisco, citing Meneses's "political connections" in Nicaragua, refused. Despite an extensive criminal record dating to the 1960s (statutory rape, shoplifting, misuse of slot machines in San Francisco in the early 1960s; suspected murder of a money changer in 1968), Meneses entered the United States freely in early 1980, applied for political asylum, and began buying property - a used car lot, commercial buildings, a travel agency, a restaurant, and two houses in [[Pacifica, California|Pacifica]]. He drove a gray Jaguar sedan registered in his own name.[^3]
|
||||
In 1979, the FBI office in [[Mexico City]] asked that Meneses be included in the Bureau's "top thief" program and requested an arrest warrant to prevent him from entering the United States. The [[U.S. Attorney's office]] in San Francisco, citing Meneses's "political connections" in Nicaragua, refused. Despite an extensive criminal record dating to the 1960s (statutory rape, shoplifting, misuse of slot machines in San Francisco in the early 1960s; suspected murder of a money changer in 1968), Meneses entered the United States freely in early 1980, applied for political asylum, and began buying property - a used car lot, commercial buildings, a travel agency, a restaurant, and two houses in [[Pacifica, California|Pacifica]]. He drove a gray Jaguar sedan registered in his own name.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses told the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]] he met with CIA agents shortly after the Sandinista takeover to teach them how to cross Nicaragua's borders undetected.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -78,13 +89,13 @@ Meneses expanded beyond drug trafficking into weapons dealing through his partne
|
|||
|
||||
An FBI informant told Justice Department inspectors that Meneses had spoken of obtaining night vision scopes from Lister in 1982, which the drug lord planned to sell to the Salvadoran government. Meneses intended to "use the proceeds from the night scopes to aid the Contras," the informant reported, but the deal fell through.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses's involvement in Contra gun running was confirmed in 1996 by the New York Times, which quoted an unnamed Clinton administration official as saying that Meneses had "contacts with the Contras in Honduras in 1982 or 1983 and 1984, and that he was believed then to have had some involvement in arms smuggling as well as money laundering and drugs."[^5]
|
||||
Meneses's involvement in Contra gun running was confirmed in 1996 by the [[New York Times]], which quoted an unnamed Clinton administration official as saying that Meneses had "contacts with the Contras in Honduras in 1982 or 1983 and 1984, and that he was believed then to have had some involvement in arms smuggling as well as money laundering and drugs."[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### Counterfeiting
|
||||
|
||||
A former associate of Blandón, a Puerto Rican man convicted of counterfeiting U.S. currency, believed that Blandón and Meneses's silk-screen company JDM Artwork Inc. also printed fake twenty-dollar bills that provided operating cash for the FDN. The associate produced Polaroid photographs showing him at work in an office with FDN banners and slogans on the wall, and a picture of Blandón in the same office with a blue-and-white FDN flag visible. According to CIA cables filed in federal court, the CIA had information by 1984 that Norwin Meneses was involved in counterfeiting - both American dollars and Costa Rican colones. In a 1986 interview, Meneses said he allowed FDN members to use his wife's Los Angeles T-shirt factory as a meeting place.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses was introduced to Danilo Blandón through Donald Barrios, a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua living in [[Miami]] who was a relative of former Nicaraguan president Violeta Barrios de Chamorro. Meneses proposed that Blandón sell cocaine in Los Angeles to raise money for the Contras. After a trip to Honduras for a meeting with Bermúdez, where the Contra commander told them "the ends justify the means," Blandón agreed. Meneses gave Blandón a two-day seminar on drug dealing, showing him how to assess quality, transport cocaine in pickup truck door panels, and avoid common mistakes. Meneses provided Blandón with two kilos of cocaine (worth about $60,000 each) and customer contacts in Los Angeles.
|
||||
Meneses was introduced to Danilo Blandón through [[Donald Barrios]], a wealthy former insurance broker from Managua living in [[Miami]] who was a relative of former Nicaraguan president Violeta Barrios de Chamorro. Meneses proposed that Blandón sell cocaine in Los Angeles to raise money for the Contras. After a trip to Honduras for a meeting with Bermúdez, where the Contra commander told them "the ends justify the means," Blandón agreed. Meneses gave Blandón a two-day seminar on drug dealing, showing him how to assess quality, transport cocaine in pickup truck door panels, and avoid common mistakes. Meneses provided Blandón with two kilos of cocaine (worth about $60,000 each) and customer contacts in Los Angeles.
|
||||
|
||||
According to Blandón, the Meneses organization moved 900 kilos of cocaine, almost a ton, into the United States in 1981, about $54 million worth at wholesale prices.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -98,7 +109,7 @@ Former Meneses aide Renato Peña told the Justice Department in 1997 that Menese
|
|||
|
||||
### Investigation and Arrest
|
||||
|
||||
The potential exposure of Meneses in the spring of 1985 came at a devastating time for the Contras. Had he been indicted on federal cocaine trafficking charges - after all his meetings with FDN directors Adolfo Calero, Enrique Bermúdez, Edgar Chamorro, and Frank Arana - the resultant scandal would likely have wiped out what little congressional support remained. Meneses was in a position to expose the [[FDN]]'s long involvement with drug merchants and lead investigators to Danilo Blandón's operation in South Central Los Angeles. A 1998 CIA Inspector General's report confirmed that as early as 1984, the agency had information tying Meneses to a drug and arms network in Costa Rica in partnership with top Contra official [[Sebastian Gonzalez|Sebastian "Guachan" Gonzalez]]. Former assistant U.S. attorney [[Eric Swenson]] confirmed that the Justice Department knew about Meneses's Contra activities because he had personally reported them.[^6]
|
||||
The potential exposure of Meneses in the spring of 1985 came at a devastating time for the Contras. Had he been indicted on federal cocaine trafficking charges - after all his meetings with FDN directors Adolfo Calero, Enrique Bermúdez, Edgar Chamorro, and Frank Arana - the resultant scandal would likely have wiped out what little congressional support remained. Meneses was in a position to expose the [[FDN]]'s long involvement with drug merchants and lead investigators to Danilo Blandón's operation in [[South Central Los Angeles]]. The CIA Inspector General's report of 1998 recorded a June 1986 cable stating that in August or September 1984 "Costa Rican drug trafficker Norvin [sic] Meneses sought the cooperation of 'El Negro' [Fernando Chamorro] to move drugs" to the United States, and found no record that the CIA followed it up; a separate cable of September 1984 alleged that the [[ARDE]] commander [[Sebastian Gonzalez|Sebastián "Wachan" González]] ran cocaine from Panama to Costa Rica.[^14] Former assistant U.S. attorney [[Eric Swenson]] confirmed that the Justice Department knew about Meneses's Contra activities because he had personally reported them.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
Despite one of Meneses's top lieutenants having pleaded guilty to cocaine charges and publicly implicated him, the drug lord was not prosecuted in the spring of 1985. Allowing Meneses to take the witness stand was out of the question - he knew too much. The cozy relationship between the CIA and San Francisco's U.S. attorney [[Joseph Russoniello]] coincided with the decision not to charge Meneses.[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -110,11 +121,11 @@ At Tipitapa Prison, Meneses was shown a 1992 FBI report in which the [[Torres Br
|
|||
|
||||
After the arrests of his nephew Jairo and Renato Peña in late 1984, Meneses wound up his affairs in San Francisco, selling his gray Jaguar, used car lot, and Mission District office building, and moved to his beachfront ranch in Costa Rica. Meneses owned several houses and large ranches in northern Costa Rica near the war zone. The L.A. Times reported that "beginning in November 1982 Meneses was spending much of his time in Costa Rica and commuting back to San Francisco." An informant told the DEA that "Norwin receives political protection from Jose Marti Figueres, the son of former Costa Rican President Jose 'Pepe' Figueres."[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Meneses was arrested and jailed in Nicaragua in 1991 and sentenced to twelve years in prison. At Tipitapa Prison, the old Guardia prison where FDN founder Ricardo Lau once held court as warden and chief torturer, Meneses strolled freely through the grounds and the guards murmured "Señor" when he passed. His cell door was closed only when he wanted it that way. [[Georg Hodel]] and Gary Webb interviewed Meneses there in January 1996.[^1]
|
||||
Meneses was arrested in Nicaragua on November 3, 1991, sentenced in August 1992 to 300 months, a term later reduced to twelve years, and released on November 14, 1997.[^13] At Tipitapa Prison, the old Guardia prison where FDN founder [[Ricardo Lau]] once held court as warden and chief torturer, Meneses strolled freely through the grounds and the guards murmured "Señor" when he passed. His cell door was closed only when he wanted it that way. [[Georg Hodel]] and Gary Webb interviewed Meneses there in January 1996.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Secret 1989 Indictment
|
||||
|
||||
About two weeks after former CIA director George Bush was sworn in as president, the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Francisco brought a secret indictment against Meneses, charging him with conspiracy to import cocaine between 1984 and 1985 and possession of one kilo in 1985. Both the warrant and indictment were locked away in courthouse vaults and sealed from public view for nine years. Meneses called the indictment "a phony," suggesting it was filed to protect the U.S. government in case its relationship with him was ever revealed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson said the case was filed because it was approaching the statute of limitations.[^11]
|
||||
About two weeks after former CIA director George Bush was sworn in as president, the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Francisco brought a secret indictment against Meneses, charging him with conspiracy to import cocaine between 1984 and 1985 and possession of one kilo in 1985. Both the warrant and indictment were locked away in courthouse vaults and sealed from public view for nine years. Meneses called the indictment "a phony," suggesting it was filed to protect the [[U.S. government]] in case its relationship with him was ever revealed. Prosecutor Eric Swenson said the case was filed because it was approaching the statute of limitations.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### Nicaragua Return and Drug Network
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -122,13 +133,13 @@ In 1990, after the Sandinistas were voted out, Meneses moved back into his mansi
|
|||
|
||||
### Arrest and Trial in Nicaragua
|
||||
|
||||
In November 1991, Nicaraguan police under Commander Rene Vivas and criminal investigations chief Roger Mayorga raided Meneses's drug ring, seizing 725 kilos of cocaine, the largest seizure in Nicaraguan history. Meneses was relaxed when Vivas interrogated him. "He said he wasn't worried about me because he had the backing of a higher power, a superpower," Vivas recalled. "He said he was working for the United States to get Sandinista officials on drug charges." DEA agent Federico Villarreal had been secretly meeting with Meneses in Managua. At trial, Miranda testified about drug flights from El Salvador and meetings with CIA pilot Marcos Aguado and FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez. Meneses was convicted and sentenced to thirty years. He was released in 1997 after serving only six years. Three weeks after the verdicts, the U.S. State Department pressured the Chamorro government to fire Vivas; Mayorga was fired soon after.[^11]
|
||||
In November 1991, Nicaraguan police under Commander Rene Vivas and criminal investigations chief Roger Mayorga raided Meneses's drug ring, seizing 725 kilos of cocaine, the largest seizure in Nicaraguan history. Meneses was relaxed when Vivas interrogated him. "He said he wasn't worried about me because he had the backing of a higher power, a superpower," Vivas recalled. "He said he was working for the United States to get Sandinista officials on drug charges." DEA agent Federico Villarreal had been secretly meeting with Meneses in Managua. At trial, Miranda testified about drug flights from El Salvador and meetings with CIA pilot Marcos Aguado and FDN commander Enrique Bermúdez. Meneses was convicted on August 16, 1992, and sentenced to 300 months; the term was later reduced to twelve years, and he was released on November 14, 1997, six years after his arrest.[^13] In April 1997 he told the Justice Department's investigators in prison that he had "never been a drug dealer" and had been "set up" by the Sandinistas.[^13] Three weeks after the verdicts, the U.S. [[State Department]] pressured the Chamorro government to fire Vivas; Mayorga was fired soon after.[^11]
|
||||
|
||||
### DEA Informant in Costa Rica
|
||||
|
||||
According to the official account, Meneses walked into the U.S. Embassy in San Jose, Costa Rica, in July 1986 and announced he wanted to help the Reagan Administration's war on drugs. DEA agent [[Sandalio Gonzalez]] recorded the official reasons: Meneses's desire to clear up an IRS problem, terminate his involvement in drug trafficking, and help the U.S. fight drugs. But there are reasons to doubt this account. Meneses said he had helped the DEA gather intelligence on the February 1985 torture-murder of DEA agent [[Kiki Camarena|Enrique "Kiki" Camarena]] in Mexico, and had met with DEA attaché Robert J. Nieves in late 1985 concerning the case - months before the official date he supposedly walked into the embassy.[^7]
|
||||
According to the official account, Meneses walked into the U.S. Embassy in [[San Jose]], Costa Rica, in July 1986 and announced he wanted to help the Reagan Administration's war on drugs. DEA agent [[Sandalio Gonzalez]] recorded the official reasons: Meneses's desire to clear up an IRS problem, terminate his involvement in drug trafficking, and help the U.S. fight drugs. But there are reasons to doubt this account. Meneses said he had helped the DEA gather intelligence on the February 1985 torture-murder of DEA agent [[Kiki Camarena|Enrique "Kiki" Camarena]] in Mexico, and had met with DEA attaché Robert J. Nieves in late 1985 concerning the case - months before the official date he supposedly walked into the embassy.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
The DEA made no official record that Meneses was an informant for at least a year. His name did not appear in the DEA's database until 1987. Gonzalez explained that Meneses "initially refused to sign DEA's informant registration," an unusual arrangement Gonzalez allowed "because of Meneses' background and potential to make cases." The result was that "other DEA offices could not get information on Meneses' use by the DEA through this database." The Justice Department's Inspector General found the accusations Meneses made against other traffickers were "vague and sometimes wildly misleading," including the claim that Blandón "was a Sandinista sympathizer."[^7]
|
||||
The DEA made no official record that Meneses was an informant for at least a year. His name did not appear in the DEA's database until 1987. Gonzalez explained that Meneses "initially refused to sign DEA's informant registration," an unusual arrangement Gonzalez allowed "because of Meneses' background and potential to make cases." The result was that "other DEA offices could not get information on Meneses' use by the DEA through this database." The Justice Department's Inspector General found the accusations Meneses made against other traffickers were "vague and sometimes wildly misleading," including the claim that Blandón "was a Sandinista sympathizer."[^7] Meneses named about twenty-one major traffickers to Gonzalez, among them Blandón, "whom Meneses described as a Sandinista sympathizer who distributed hundred kilogram quantities of cocaine in the Los Angeles area." Because Meneses was not in the DEA database, the San Francisco office, which was building a case of its own, did not know of the arrangement; on January 29, 1987, it cabled headquarters that the FBI in San Francisco had "an indictable case against the CI" and asked whether an indictment "will result in national security problems with other agencies." The inspector general noted that the San Francisco FBI had source information that Meneses may have worked for the CIA and that the Iran-Contra independent counsel's inquiry was just beginning. In February 1987 the U.S. Attorney's office and the FBI in San Francisco agreed to defer prosecution of Meneses pending the Los Angeles investigation of Blandón's organization.[^13]
|
||||
|
||||
### 1986 Media Expose
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -190,3 +201,5 @@ The DEA's public affairs office in Washington later attempted to arrange an inte
|
|||
[^10]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 20: "It is a sensitive matter"
|
||||
[^11]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 23: "He had the backing of a superpower"
|
||||
[^12]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 25: "Things are moving all around us"
|
||||
[^13]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapters II and III and appendix E. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
[^14]: Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Inspector General. *Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,* Volume II: *The Contra Story,* October 8, 1998, section on the southern front. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ A memorandum from the Under Secretary of the Army's office to Gale of July 17, 1
|
|||
|
||||
### The 1995 Evaluation
|
||||
|
||||
In 1995 the [[American Institutes for Research]], under contract to the CIA, engaged Hyman and the statistician [[Jessica Utts]] to review the research of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate program]] ([[1995 AIR evaluation of Star Gate]]). His report of September 11, 1995, took the ten [[Science Applications International Corporation|SAIC]] experiments as "the only ones for which we have adequate documentation," agreed with Utts that they "were free of the methodological weaknesses that plagued the early SRI research" and that "the effect sizes reported in the SAIC experiments are too large and consistent to be dismissed as statistical flukes," and then answered no to three questions: whether the effects established anomalous cognition, whether "the possibility of methodological flaws" had been "completely eliminated," and whether the results were consistent with other laboratories. "Ten experiments, especially from one laboratory," he wrote, "is far too few to establish reliable relationships in almost any area of inquiry." He compared the field's negatively defined anomaly with the discovery of Neptune from the perturbations of Uranus, and told anyone relying on operational hits to read [[David Marks]] and [[Richard Kammann]] on subjective validation. Of operations he recorded [[Edwin May]]'s estimate that "approximately 20 percent of the information supplied by a viewer is accurate": "If May is correct, then 80% of all the information supplied by this talented viewer will be erroneous."[^2]
|
||||
In 1995 the [[American Institutes for Research]], under contract to the CIA, engaged Hyman and the statistician [[Jessica Utts]] to review the research of the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate program]] ([[1995 AIR evaluation of Star Gate]]). His report of September 11, 1995, took the ten [[Science Applications International Corporation|SAIC]] experiments as "the only ones for which we have adequate documentation," agreed with Utts that they "were free of the methodological weaknesses that plagued the early SRI research" and that "the effect sizes reported in the SAIC experiments are too large and consistent to be dismissed as statistical flukes," and then answered no to three questions: whether the effects established anomalous cognition, whether "the possibility of methodological flaws" had been "completely eliminated," and whether the results were consistent with other laboratories. "Ten experiments, especially from one laboratory," he wrote, "is far too few to establish reliable relationships in almost any area of inquiry." He compared the field's negatively defined anomaly with the discovery of Neptune from the perturbations of Uranus, and told anyone relying on operational hits to read [[David Marks]] and [[Richard Kammann]] on subjective validation. Of operations he recorded [[Edwin May]]'s estimate that "approximately 20 percent of the information supplied by a viewer is accurate": "If May is correct, then 80% of all the information supplied by this talented viewer will be erroneous."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Writing in the *[[Skeptical Inquirer]]* in 1996, he said the CIA "abandoned this program in the late 1970s because it showed no promise," that under the DIA it "consisted of three components," one tracking foreign work, an operations program of "six, and later three, psychics on the government payroll," and the laboratory research at SRI and SAIC; that "because of some controversies within the program, a Senate committee decided to transfer the program from the DIA back to the CIA"; that "May helped identify the ten best studies for Utts and me to evaluate"; and that the panel "all agreed that any scientifically meaningful evaluation of these operational psychic intelligence uses was impossible." He ended: "It is premature to draw any conclusions. We will simply have to wait and see. If history is a guide, then this will be a long wait, indeed."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -6,30 +6,37 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Person
|
||||
- Belgium
|
||||
- Dutroux
|
||||
summary: "Regina Louf, born in Ghent, Belgium, testified as witness Regina Louf in the Marc Dutroux investigation, providing accounts of child prostitution from the 1970s onward."
|
||||
- Witness
|
||||
summary: "Ghent woman who, as the anonymous witness X1 in the Dutroux inquiry, described childhood prostitution and murders at elite parties; prosecutors closed the related files in April 1998."
|
||||
born: 1969
|
||||
location: "Ghent, Belgium"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: subject_of
|
||||
with: "[[X-Dossier]]"
|
||||
start: 1996
|
||||
end: 1998-04-23
|
||||
role: "witness X1"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-04-28
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Regina Louf, born in Ghent, Belgium, testified as witness [[Regina Louf]] in the [[Marc Dutroux]] investigation, providing accounts of child prostitution from the 1970s onward. Raised by her grandmother [[Cecile Beernaert]], Louf claimed Beernaert operated a brothel at a hotel-villa in Knokke-Heist, using Louf and other girls for sexual acts with clients including politicians and businessmen. Beernaert, a former police commissioner's widow, ran the brothel at Elizabetlaan 83, [[Knokke-Heist]], behind Golfpad 4, near the [[Royal Zoute Golf Club]], where Louf was forced into services from age two, performing with other children under threat of beatings with a metal ruler or gun. Louf stated her grandmother filmed acts and used the basement studio for pornography production. At age 12, Louf was sold to pimp [[Tony Van den Boggaert]], a family acquaintance, who leased her to [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]]'s parties in Brussels, where Dutroux supplied girls and drugs. Louf's memories surfaced during therapy in the 1990s, leading her to contact authorities after Dutroux's arrest in 1996, under pseudonym to protect her identity.[^1]
|
||||
Regina Louf, born in Ghent in 1969, was the witness known as X1 in the investigation opened at Neufchâteau after the arrest of [[Marc Dutroux]] in August 1996. The investigating judge [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] had set up a free telephone line for information on child abuse; a Dutch-speaking caller, Tania, a friend of Louf's, reached the gendarme Patrick De Baets, who was in Connerotte's office at the time, and after some days Louf herself contacted him. A special cell of the Brussels BSR under De Baets questioned her, with every interview videotaped and summarized in French for Neufchâteau, while senior gendarmerie officers and magistrates watched from behind glass. Her statements opened a series of "related files," the [[X-Dossier]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Louf described childhood at the Knokke brothel, where Beernaert hosted clients at the Royal Zoute Golf Club, including [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]], who raped her in a bedroom, and Counts [[Count Leopold Lippens]] and [[Count Maurice Auguste Lippens]], who participated in hunts in the Ardennes where children were chased naked through woods. She claimed witnessing the 1984 murder of [[Christine Van Hees]] at a Brussels factory farm, describing the 19-year-old's torture with wire ligatures from neck to ankles and burns from a blowtorch before being set on fire by Dutroux, Nihoul, [[Bernard Weinstein|Weinstein]], and lawyer [[Michel Vander Elst]]. Louf identified "Clo" as [[Carine Dellaert]], raped and murdered in 1983 after giving birth at a house, with Louf assisting the delivery before assaults by Nihoul, Dumont, and Lippens, matching Dellaert's autopsy findings of laminaria sticks and gauze for cervical dilation. Louf detailed another victim, "Katrien," as [[Katrien de Cuyper]], strangled at a castle in 1991 during a party. She described parties at [[Avenue Louise]] mansion with built-in cameras capturing sex and violence for blackmail, where contracts were signed over meals or post-act, binding participants in business and politics.[^1]
|
||||
### Her Account
|
||||
|
||||
Louf's testimonies emerged in September 1996 interviews with [[Jean-Marc Connerotte]] and [[Michel Bourlet]], where she provided maps and descriptions matching unreleased police files. Diagnosed with dissociative identity disorder, Louf recalled memories through therapy, detailing over a dozen murders at parties escalating to snuff films at the [[ASCO]] factory owned by [[Roger Boas]]. She identified X2 as a party mistress and [[Chantal Storme]] as a childhood friend also abused at the brothel, confirmed by Storme in 1997 testimony of mutual sexual acts and threats from [[Cecile Beernaert]]. Louf claimed her grandmother's WW2-era brothel catered to Nazi officers, continuing post-war with elites, where Louf was branded and forced into acts with dogs. She identified a 1982 snuff film victim as [[Veronique Dubrulle]], whose father administered a cinema company, [[Decatron NV]], with Louf naming attendees including her father and the Bert brothers. Louf described her DID as a coping mechanism, with personalities switching under stress, but her details on Van Hees included the ligature method and burn locations not publicly known.[^1]
|
||||
Louf said that from early childhood she had been prostituted by her grandmother, [[Cecile Beernaert]], at a villa in [[Knokke-Heist]] near the [[Royal Zoute Golf Club]], that at about twelve she was handed to a pimp, [[Tony Van den Boggaert]], who took her to parties in Brussels attended by [[Jean-Michel Nihoul]], and that the parties moved from sex to torture and murder. Among those she named as clients or participants were the former prime minister [[Paul Vanden Boeynants]] and members of the Lippens family, [[Count Leopold Lippens]] and [[Count Maurice Auguste Lippens]]. She said she had witnessed the 1984 murder of [[Christine Van Hees]] in the abandoned mushroom farm at Auderghem, naming Dutroux, Nihoul, [[Bernard Weinstein]] and the lawyer [[Michel Vander Elst]], and the 1983 death of [[Carine Dellaert]] after childbirth. She described a factory site that investigators connected to [[ASCO Industries NV]], a villa at Faulx-les-Tombes and parties on the Avenue Louise.[^2] She published her account as *Zwijgen is voor daders* in 1998.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### X-Dossier Testimony
|
||||
Louf's statements to Bourlet's team detailed the progression of parties from sex to violence, with children used as incentives for contracts among businessmen and politicians. She described being trafficked to Amsterdam brothels and [[G-Force nightclub]] nightclub, where Nihoul's partner [[Marleen De Cokere]] worked, and witnessing deliveries to clients via Dutroux. The X-Dossier, compiled from September 1996, included Louf's maps leading to the Sterrebeek factory near Brussels, where she described a cleaning product smell and blood spots from snuff productions. Bourlet's investigators verified the location as ASCO Industries NV. Louf identified photographs of abuse venues and participants, including a villa in Faulx-les-Tombes used for orgies. She recounted a 1981 incident where she and Dellaert were driven to a house for rape after childbirth, with the baby taken, aligning with Dellaert's disappearance from Ghent.[^1]
|
||||
### The Investigation of Her Testimony
|
||||
|
||||
Louf identified a fourth victim from photos as Veronique Dubrulle, murdered in 1982, whose father Jacques Dubrulle administered Decatron NV, with Louf naming Joost and Albert Bert as participants. Dubrulle's death certificate listed neurologists Louf identified as abusers. Louf described hunts at Lippens' estates, where children stripped progressively before final abuse or killing, with two to three deaths per event in October-November. She claimed these occurred in wooded areas near Namur and Bouillon, with guards preventing escape. Louf's pimp Tony introduced her to Nihoul's circuit, where she performed at the Dolo nightclub and chateau events, with drugs and escalating violence binding attendees through mutual compromise.[^1]
|
||||
Her account of Van Hees led the Brussels gendarme Aimé Bille to the unsolved file, and he found that the earlier investigation under the investigating judge [[Jean-Claude Van Espen]] had "multiple gaps." Her statements led to the reopening of the murders of Van Hees, Dellaert, [[Veronique Dubrulle]], [[Katrien de Cuyper]] and Hanim Ayse Mazibas. A psychiatric report on her by Professor Igodt of the Catholic University of Leuven was read so differently by others that its author publicly urged "extreme caution" about the concrete details of her testimony while calling them "useful data" for further investigation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The X-Dossier team noted Louf's DID but proceeded with verification, finding her Van Hees description matched closed files, including a basement room with a bicycle matching witness accounts. Louf identified Nihoul and Vander Elst from photos as present at the murder, with Weinstein and Dutroux as actors. For Dellaert, Louf described the house and participants, confirmed by autopsy details of recent birth and rape trauma. Her testimony included a 1984 party where Christine was killed, with Louf locked in another room during the act. Louf's book "Zwijgen is voor daders" published in 1998 detailed these experiences, asserting the network's existence.[^1]
|
||||
After Connerotte was removed from the Dutroux case in October 1996 and replaced by Judge Jacques Langlois, the cell came under a Mr. Duterme, who from April 1997 had De Baets's colleagues reread the interviews and report on her credibility and on possible manipulation by De Baets's team; the first report, very negative for De Baets, "totally lacked credibility," and a second was ordered. In the summer of 1997 Langlois ordered a complete rereading of all the related files and removed De Baets and Bille from the investigation. A criminal investigation of the two gendarmes by Judge Pignolet was dropped and a gendarmerie disciplinary inquiry acquitted them completely; they then filed more than eighty complaints alleging that reports in the rereading had been falsified.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Aftermath and Criticism
|
||||
Louf's identity was leaked as Regina Louf in 1997, leading to public discreditation as a fantasist suffering from false memory syndrome, with media portraying her as unreliable due to DID. The 2004 trial barred X-witness testimonies, citing lack of corroboration, though Bourlet's summary leaked in 2009 via Wikileaks detailed her claims. Louf's details matched elements like the Van Hees ligature and Dellaert's tools, but the court favored the syndrome theory. She identified X4 as another child prostitute and Chantal as abused with her at the Knokke brothel, where they were forced into acts before clients. Louf claimed threats to her life if she spoke, and post-leak, she faced harassment, continuing advocacy through her book and interviews.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Bourlet's team exonerated of fabrication in 1999, but the damage persisted, with the X-Dossier's 1997 leak to journalists leading to the 1999 book "The X-Files." Louf's accounts connected to [[Spartacus International]] via Dumont and CRIES, with Heylens listing Brongersma and Meier. Post-trial, Louf lived under protection, her testimony influencing independent probes into cold cases. The 2004 acquittal of Nihoul on kidnapping despite evidence from [[Michelle Martin]] and Lelievre highlighted barriers for witnesses like Louf. Her revelations detailed a network using hypnosis and trauma, tying to [[Project MKUltra]] concepts of mind control through dissociation.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Louf's later life involved therapy and public speaking on trauma recovery, with no criminal charges against her. Her DID diagnosis came under scrutiny in the trial, but she maintained her recollections' accuracy, corroborated by elements like the Van Hees wrist nail and Dellaert's pregnancy. The case closed without prosecuting named elites, leaving Louf's testimony as key to the X-Dossier's legacy in exposing alleged protections for figures like [[Melchior Wathelet]] and Vanden Boeynants.[^1]
|
||||
In January 1998 Louf gave up her anonymity, in part to protest the stalling of the inquiry, amid a press campaign against her fed by leaks from police and judicial circles. On April 23, 1998, the day Dutroux briefly escaped, the prosecutors-general of Antwerp, Ghent and Brussels decided that "no proof could be found that Regina Louf could make any contribution whatsoever to these investigations" and closed the related files. The same day, in a confrontation with Louf, the man described as her "so-called protector" admitted that he had had sex with her when she was twelve, with her parents' knowledge, and had once lent her to others; the admission was not pursued, the acts being time-barred.[^1] The Van Hees case was closed unsolved in 2014 under the statute of limitations.[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[^1]: Dovey, S. (2023). Eye of the Chickenhawk. United States: Thehotstar.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Sénat de Belgique. Proposition visant à instituer une commission d'enquête parlementaire chargée d'enquêter sur l'éloignement de deux enquêteurs de la cellule d'enquête bruxelloise « Neufchâteau », déposée par M. Frans Lozie, Doc. 2-563/1, October 9, 2000, développements. https://www.senate.be
|
||||
[^2]: Dovey, S. *Eye of the Chickenhawk.* Thehotstar, 2023. Sole source for the passages so cited; the underlying accounts are Louf, Regina, *Zwijgen is voor daders* (1998), and Bulté, Annemie, Douglas De Coninck and Marie-Jeanne Van Heeswyck, *De X-dossiers: wat België niet mocht weten over de zaak-Dutroux* (Houtekiet, 1999), neither of which was seen.
|
||||
[^3]: "On ne percera pas le mystère de la champignonnière." *La Libre Belgique,* January 30, 2014 (not examined; reported in search summaries of the article).
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ Richard Kennett was a [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] analyst in the Office
|
|||
|
||||
In May 1973, [[Hal Puthoff]] contacted Kennett regarding [[Ingo Swann]]'s coordinate-based clairvoyance scheme. Initially skeptical of the concept of using geographical coordinates for psychic targeting, Kennett challenged Puthoff to remote-view a location unknown even to Kennett himself. This led to the famous Sugar Grove incident, where Swann and [[Pat Price]] accurately described a secret [[NSA]] facility in [[West Virginia]], despite being given coordinates for Kennett's friend's cabin. This incident, while causing a security investigation, ultimately impressed Kennett and the NSA with the accuracy of remote viewing.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Kennett became a key figure in the CIA's oversight of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] program, monitoring the work at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and later at [[Fort Meade]]. He was involved in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems and evaluating their results. He was also the recipient of unusual psychic phenomena himself, including a precognitive experience related to [[Uri Geller]] that involved a shattered glass globe and a white bulldog, and a strange encounter with a one-armed man in a gray suit.[^1]
|
||||
Kennett became a key figure in the CIA's oversight of the [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] program, monitoring the work at [[Stanford Research Institute]] (SRI) and later at [[Fort Meade]]. He was involved in tasking remote viewers with sensitive intelligence problems and evaluating their results. He was also the recipient of unusual psychic phenomena himself, including a precognitive experience related to [[Uri Geller]] that involved a shattered glass globe and a white bulldog, and a strange encounter with a one-armed man in a gray suit.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
The released CIA collection on the program carries no legible mention of Kennett.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -8,21 +8,93 @@ tags:
|
|||
- Media
|
||||
summary: "New York crisis-communications consultant, formerly press secretary to Chuck Schumer, whose firm has represented Jared Kushner, Harvey Weinstein and Jeff Zucker."
|
||||
location: "New York City"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Jane Harman]]"
|
||||
start: 2004
|
||||
end: 2005
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Chuck Schumer]]"
|
||||
start: 2005
|
||||
role: "New York City press secretary"
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[David Paterson]]"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Global Strategy Group]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: spouse_of
|
||||
with: "[[Ryan Toohey]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Anthony Weiner]]"
|
||||
start: 2011
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jared Kushner]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Kushner Companies]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Ivanka Trump]]"
|
||||
start: 2017
|
||||
fn: 4
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Harvey Weinstein]]"
|
||||
start: 2015
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Kevin Clash]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Mario Batali]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Win Butler]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeffrey Toobin]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]]"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeff Zucker]]"
|
||||
start: 2022
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Jeff Shell]]"
|
||||
start: 2023
|
||||
fn: 3
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[GPB Capital Holdings]]"
|
||||
start: 2021
|
||||
fn: 6
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Verkada]]"
|
||||
fn: 7
|
||||
- type: represented
|
||||
with: "[[Casey Wasserman]]"
|
||||
start: 2026
|
||||
fn: 8
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Risa Heller graduated from the [[University of Michigan]] in 2001, having majored in psychology and in Hebrew and Jewish cultural studies, and later took a master's degree in communications at [[Johns Hopkins University]].[^1][^2] After an internship at the Washington office of the [[Anti-Defamation League]], she worked for Representative [[Jane Harman]] of [[California]] from 2004 to 2005 and then, from 2005, as the [[New York City]] press secretary of Senator [[Chuck Schumer]]; she later held a similar post under Governor [[David Paterson]] of [[New York]].[^1][^2][^3] "I would be nobody, nothing, nowhere without Chuck," she told *New York* magazine in 2023. She also worked at the Democratic consulting firm [[Global Strategy Group]], where she came to know her husband, Ryan Toohey, a former aide to [[Eliot Spitzer]] who became a partner at [[Dentons Global Advisors]].[^1]
|
||||
Risa Heller graduated from the [[University of Michigan]] in 2001, having majored in psychology and in Hebrew and Jewish cultural studies, and later took a master's degree in communications at [[Johns Hopkins University]].[^1][^2] After an internship at the Washington office of the [[Anti-Defamation League]], she worked for Representative [[Jane Harman]] of [[California]] from 2004 to 2005 and then, from 2005, as the [[New York City]] press secretary of Senator [[Chuck Schumer]]; she later held a similar post under Governor [[David Paterson]] of [[New York]].[^1][^2][^3] "I would be nobody, nothing, nowhere without Chuck," she told *New York* magazine in 2023. She also worked at the Democratic consulting firm [[Global Strategy Group]], where she came to know her husband, [[Ryan Toohey]], a former aide to [[Eliot Spitzer]] who became a partner at [[Dentons Global Advisors]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Risa Heller Communications
|
||||
|
||||
Heller founded Risa Heller Communications in 2010. It had eighteen employees in early 2023. It trades as Heller and has offices in New York and Los Angeles.[^1][^2]
|
||||
Heller founded Risa Heller Communications in 2010. It had eighteen employees in early 2023. It trades as Heller and has offices in New York and [[Los Angeles]].[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Its first crisis client, in 2011, was Representative [[Anthony Weiner]], then under scrutiny for sending an explicit photograph; she continued to advise him through his 2013 mayoral campaign and his 2017 case over messages to a minor.[^1][^4] [[Jared Kushner]] and [[Kushner Companies]] were long-standing clients. The engagement began before the 2016 presidential campaign to handle press on Kushner's divestiture from the family business, and in January 2017 she defended him against a *[[New York Times]]* report on his dealings with a Chinese businessman. She then worked on the public image of [[Ivanka Trump]] as Ivanka Trump took up a White House role. Schumer said: "I told her I didn't approve of that."[^1][^4]
|
||||
Its first crisis client, in 2011, was Representative [[Anthony Weiner]], then under scrutiny for sending an explicit photograph; she continued to advise him through his 2013 mayoral campaign and his 2017 case over messages to a minor.[^1][^4] [[Jared Kushner]] and [[Kushner Companies]] were long-standing clients. The engagement began before the 2016 presidential campaign to handle press on Kushner's divestiture from the family business, and in January 2017 she defended him against a *[[New York Times]]* report on his dealings with a Chinese businessman. She then worked on the public image of [[Ivanka Trump]] as Ivanka Trump took up a [[White House]] role. Schumer said: "I told her I didn't approve of that."[^1][^4]
|
||||
|
||||
In 2015 [[Harvey Weinstein]] retained her against the accusation of the model Ambra Battilana, and she gave the *Times* his statement: "We are pleased this episode is behind us." Other clients recorded by *New York* magazine include Kevin Clash, the puppeteer of Elmo, against allegations of sex with teenagers (the cases were dismissed); the chef Mario Batali, accused of groping women; Win Butler of Arcade Fire; the legal analyst [[Jeffrey Toobin]]; and the former *Times* publisher [[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]] in his divorce.[^1] In January 2022 she represented [[Jeff Zucker]] when his relationship with his deputy, Allison Gollust, ended his presidency of [[CNN]]; he had been introduced to her by Gary Ginsberg, a former adviser to [[Rupert Murdoch]]. In 2023 she represented Jeff Shell on his dismissal as chief executive of [[NBCUniversal]].[^1][^3]
|
||||
In 2015 [[Harvey Weinstein]] retained her against the accusation of the model Ambra Battilana, and she gave the *Times* his statement: "We are pleased this episode is behind us." Other clients recorded by *New York* magazine include [[Kevin Clash]], the puppeteer of Elmo, against allegations of sex with teenagers (the cases were dismissed); the chef [[Mario Batali]], accused of groping women; [[Win Butler]] of Arcade Fire; the legal analyst [[Jeffrey Toobin]]; and the former *Times* publisher [[Arthur Sulzberger Jr.]] in his divorce.[^1] In January 2022 she represented [[Jeff Zucker]] when his relationship with his deputy, Allison Gollust, ended his presidency of [[CNN]]; he had been introduced to her by Gary Ginsberg, a former adviser to [[Rupert Murdoch]]. In 2023 she represented [[Jeff Shell]] on his dismissal as chief executive of [[NBCUniversal]].[^1][^3]
|
||||
|
||||
She was reported to have helped [[Elizabeth Holmes]], the convicted founder of [[Theranos]], to place the *New York Times* profile "Liz Holmes Wants You to Forget About Elizabeth," published on May 7, 2023, three weeks before Holmes reported to prison.[^5] In February 2021 the spokesperson for [[GPB Capital Holdings]], whose founder David Gentile had been arrested, was Linden Zakula of Heller's firm; he denied on GPB's behalf any part in 103 million dollars of land purchases in Clearwater, [[Florida]], by limited liability companies owned by [[Scientology|Scientologists]].[^6] The surveillance-camera maker [[Verkada]] retained the firm in about 2021.[^7]
|
||||
She was reported to have helped [[Elizabeth Holmes]], the convicted founder of [[Theranos]], to place the *New York Times* profile "Liz Holmes Wants You to Forget About Elizabeth," published on May 7, 2023, three weeks before Holmes reported to prison.[^5] In February 2021 the spokesperson for [[GPB Capital Holdings]], whose founder David Gentile had been arrested, was [[Linden Zakula]] of Heller's firm; he denied on GPB's behalf any part in 103 million dollars of land purchases in Clearwater, [[Florida]], by limited liability companies owned by [[Scientology|Scientologists]].[^6] The surveillance-camera maker [[Verkada]] retained the firm in about 2021.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
*New York* magazine described her closeness to the reporters who cover her clients: she hosted a book party for [[Maggie Haberman]] of the *Times*, and when a *New Yorker* writer began a profile of Jon Kelly of Puck, Kelly "called up Heller to run interference."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -15,7 +15,7 @@ created: 2026-09-21
|
|||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
Robert J. Jachim, a lieutenant colonel of military intelligence, attended the first briefing of the new commander of [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]], [[Albert Stubblebine]], on [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]] on June 30, 1981, as "incoming project manager" beside Lieutenant Colonel [[Murray Watt]], and "assumes project manager duties" on July 17. He gave the standard INSCOM briefing to staff of the [[Senate Appropriations Committee]] on June 29, 1982 ("In the fall of 1978, ACSI tasked INSCOM to determine if parapsychology could be used to collect intelligence"), and wrote the record of the briefing of Senator [[Claiborne Pell]] by [[Jack Vorona]] of DIA and INSCOM representatives in his office at the Capitol on September 29, 1982. His memorandum of the full briefing to Stubblebine on September 27, 1982, records the general choosing the 902d Military Intelligence Group's Security Support Detachment as the unit's new home before the options had been read out, and the guidance "Get out of the briefing mode!" and "Prepare a letter to MG [[William Odom|Odom]] notifying him of the decision to continue the project." He remained manager through the change of name to [[Center Lane]] until the summer of 1983.[^1]
|
||||
Robert J. Jachim, a lieutenant colonel of military intelligence, attended the first briefing of the new commander of [[United States Army Intelligence and Security Command|INSCOM]], [[Albert Stubblebine]], on [[Stargate Project|Grill Flame]] on June 30, 1981, as "incoming project manager" beside Lieutenant Colonel [[Murray Watt]], and "assumes project manager duties" on July 17. He gave the standard INSCOM briefing to staff of the [[Senate Appropriations Committee]] on June 29, 1982 ("In the fall of 1978, ACSI tasked INSCOM to determine if parapsychology could be used to collect intelligence"), and wrote the record of the briefing of Senator [[Claiborne Pell]] by [[Jack Vorona]] of DIA and INSCOM representatives in his office at the Capitol on September 29, 1982. His memorandum of the full briefing to Stubblebine on September 27, 1982, records the general choosing the 902d Military Intelligence Group's Security Support Detachment as the unit's new home before the options had been read out, and the guidance "Get out of the briefing mode!" and "Prepare a letter to MG [[William Odom|Odom]] notifying him of the decision to continue the project." He remained manager through the change of name to [[Center Lane]] until the summer of 1983.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ location: "Lexington, Kentucky, USA"
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Robert Monroe]] was an American businessman and explorer of human consciousness. He is known for his extensive personal experiences with out-of-body experiences (OBEs) and for founding [[Monroe Institute|The Monroe Institute]], a non-profit organization dedicated to the exploration of human consciousness through various techniques, including Hemi-Sync audio technology. While not directly involved in the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Stargate Project]], his work and institute became a post-military career path for figures like [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]], who became president of the Institute.[^1]
|
||||
[[Robert Monroe]] was an American businessman and explorer of human consciousness. He is known for his extensive personal experiences with out-of-body experiences (OBEs) and for founding [[Monroe Institute|The Monroe Institute]], a non-profit organization dedicated to the exploration of human consciousness through various techniques, including Hemi-Sync audio technology. While not directly involved in the [[Stargate Project|Stargate Project]], his work and institute became a post-military career path for figures like [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]], who became president of the Institute.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
An INSCOM information paper of January 5, 1984, gave his particulars: "Born on 30 Oct 1915, in [[Wabash, Indiana]], Robert A. Monroe received a BA degree from [[Ohio State University]] in 1937," was "the author of the book *Journeys Out of the Body,* published in 1971," and "has a DoD SECRET security clearance based on a NAC completed on 18 January 1980." The Army's association with his institute dated from 1978, and by 1984 its Hemi-Sync process was in use in the [[Center Lane]] unit's training and collection missions.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -10,7 +10,7 @@ Roger Mayorga was a former [[Sandinistas|Sandinista]] intelligence officer who h
|
|||
|
||||
### Tracking Meneses
|
||||
|
||||
Mayorga, a short, stocky man with hard eyes, had been chief of state security in Meneses's hometown of Estelí. He was well acquainted with Norwin and his family and the work they had done for Somoza and the [[Contras]]. Mayorga investigated Meneses's cocaine operation in [[Managua]], which led to the 1991 raid that seized 725 kilos of [[cocaine]] and resulted in Meneses's conviction and thirty-year sentence. Mayorga played a key role in the arrest of [[Enrique Miranda]], Meneses's former aide, whose testimony about Meneses's Contra-connected drug dealings became central to the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
Mayorga, a short, stocky man with hard eyes, had been chief of state security in Meneses's hometown of Estelí. He was well acquainted with Norwin and his family and the work they had done for Somoza and the [[Contras]]. Mayorga investigated Meneses's cocaine operation in [[Managua]], which led to the 1991 raid that seized 725 kilos of [[Cocaine]] and resulted in Meneses's conviction and thirty-year sentence. Mayorga played a key role in the arrest of [[Enrique Miranda]], Meneses's former aide, whose testimony about Meneses's Contra-connected drug dealings became central to the [[Dark Alliance]] narrative.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Connections
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -4,7 +4,7 @@ aliases:
|
|||
- Ronald Jay Lister
|
||||
- Ron Lister
|
||||
created: 2026-05-17
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-21
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
category: "Key Figures"
|
||||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
|
|
@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Ronald Jay Lister was a former southern California police officer who became [[D
|
|||
|
||||
Before his criminal career, Lister spent nearly fifteen years as a police officer. He started as a military policeman for the U.S. Army and U.S. Army Reserve, stationed in Orange County with the 414th Military Police company. His service records show he held a degree in political science and was trained in processing prisoners of war captured during the Vietnam conflict. He regularly received excellent fitness reports. While an army reservist, Lister hired on as an officer with the police department of Maywood, a small suburb of [[Los Angeles]] that employed only a handful of uniformed patrolmen. He was also a reserve deputy for the [[Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office|L.A. County Sheriff's Office]] at the same time.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister was called to active duty in the army for a few months in 1969, and later, when his enlistment ended, he volunteered for the U.S. Coast Guard, serving as a reserve port security officer at Terminal Island in San Pedro, California. In late 1973 he found a home with the [[Laguna Beach Police Department]], which patrols a posh Orange County suburb south of Los Angeles. There he rose through the ranks to become a detective in the burglary division.[^1]
|
||||
Lister was called to active duty in the army for a few months in 1969, and later, when his enlistment ended, he volunteered for the U.S. Coast Guard, serving as a reserve port security officer at Terminal Island in San Pedro, California. In late 1973 he found a home with the [[Laguna Beach Police Department]], which patrols a posh Orange County suburb south of Los Angeles. There he rose through the ranks to become a detective in the burglary division.[^1] Lister's own account to the Justice Department's inspector general was about thirteen years in law enforcement: the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department from 1967, the Maywood police from 1969 to 1973 and the Laguna Beach police from 1973 to 1980. On leaving, he told the inspector general, he became owner of Terman International Security Consultants of Newport Beach, later Mundy's Security Group.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Lieutenant Danielle Adams, who served with Lister, recalled him as "always very successful, very tenacious and got the job done." His former chief, [[Neil Purcell]], who was on the hiring board that gave Lister his job, offered a starkly different assessment: "The man, in my opinion, is a lying, conniving, manipulative person who likes to play with people's minds. He's very evasive and loves living on the edge. He's the biggest bullshitter that has ever been placed on this earth." Both agreed on one point: "Don't ever underestimate him. He's very, very bright and very tenacious," Adams warned.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -46,7 +46,7 @@ Blandón stated that Lister and a partner named Bill Downing "went to the meetin
|
|||
|
||||
### Weapons Manufacturing in El Salvador
|
||||
|
||||
Through Pyramid International Security Consultants, Lister conducted extensive business in El Salvador during the early 1980s civil war. Arms manufacturer [[Tim LaFrance|Timothy LaFrance]] described Pyramid as "a private vendor that the CIA used to do things [the agency] couldn't do." LaFrance accompanied Lister to El Salvador at least twice, helping to set up facilities to manufacture pistols for the Contras. When LaFrance applied in Pyramid's name for a State Department permit to take high-powered weapons out of the [[United States]], "It came back approved in two days. Usually it takes three months. We went down to [[Central America]] with two giant boxes full of machine guns and ammunition."[^1]
|
||||
Through Pyramid International Security Consultants, Lister conducted extensive business in El Salvador during the early 1980s civil war. Arms manufacturer [[Tim LaFrance|Timothy LaFrance]] described Pyramid as "a private vendor that the CIA used to do things [the agency] couldn't do." LaFrance accompanied Lister to El Salvador at least twice, helping to set up facilities to manufacture pistols for the Contras. When LaFrance applied in Pyramid's name for a [[State Department]] permit to take high-powered weapons out of the [[United States]], "It came back approved in two days. Usually it takes three months. We went down to [[Central America]] with two giant boxes full of machine guns and ammunition."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
According to LaFrance, the Pyramid team moved into a mass-transit center run by the military in downtown [[San Salvador]]. "That's where we made the weapons. You could have 50 guys working in a machine shop and nobody would know it." After the finished guns were transported to a Salvadoran military airstrip in Morazon province, they were airlifted to Contra camps in Honduras. "We made almost all of our drops by helicopter, buzzing the treetops," LaFrance said. Pyramid was eventually expelled from El Salvador at the urging of the [[U.S. Army]], which took over the weapons plant.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -56,7 +56,7 @@ In October 1982, Pyramid made a security proposal to Salvadoran defense minister
|
|||
|
||||
Lister's former office manager [[Chris Moore]] recalled that Lister claimed to have a "big CIA contact" at [[Fluor Corporation]], an international construction management company based in Orange County. "Ron said the guy was the former Deputy Director of Operations or something, real high up there," Moore said. Blandón "recalled hearing Lister say that he was involved with the CIA and that he knew someone high up in the CIA who was getting him some licenses so he could sell weapons to Iran." Blandón said he "never believed Lister because he lied too much."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]], who once employed [[Richard Wilker]] as a salesman, said he knew Lister and Wilker were involved in some business activity in El Salvador. "It was kind of touchy... as far as getting out of the country and all that kind of stuff." Vandewerker's name was also found in the notebooks of investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] after his death, in connection with the goings-on at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] reservation. LaFrance told journalist Nick Schou that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)]] was also involved in Lister's weapons manufacturing plant in El Salvador, and that the meetings Lister and his associates had with death squad commander [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]] "happened because the DIA wanted them to happen." Records found in Lister's house in the 1986 raid disclosed connections between Lister and "a DIA subcontractor."[^1]
|
||||
Former CIA officer [[John Vandewerker]], who once employed [[Richard Wilker]] as a salesman, said he knew Lister and Wilker were involved in some business activity in El Salvador. "It was kind of touchy... as far as getting out of the country and all that kind of stuff." Vandewerker's name was also found in the notebooks of investigative reporter [[Danny Casolaro]] after his death, in connection with the goings-on at the [[Cabazon Indian Reservation|Cabazon Indian tribe]] reservation. LaFrance told journalist [[Nick Schou]] that the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA)]] was also involved in Lister's weapons manufacturing plant in El Salvador, and that the meetings Lister and his associates had with death squad commander [[Roberto D'Aubuisson]] "happened because the DIA wanted them to happen." Records found in Lister's house in the 1986 raid disclosed connections between Lister and "a DIA subcontractor."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### FBI Investigations
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -64,7 +64,7 @@ Between 1983 and 1986, the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] opened five separ
|
|||
|
||||
### CIA Denials
|
||||
|
||||
When defense attorneys tried in 1996 to quiz Blandón about Lister's alleged relationship with the CIA, a federal prosecutor immediately objected, and the jury was ordered out of the courtroom. During a whispered conversation with the judge, the prosecutor said that while it was true that "Lister made a claim... that he was an employee of the CIA," the government believed it was false, made only to "impress [his] illegal business partners," and was an attempt "to deter prosecution." Nevertheless the prosecutor asked the judge to halt that line of inquiry because it was "muddying the waters." The judge decided that since Blandón had denied that Lister worked for the government, there was no need for any more questions. An internal CIA investigation in 1997 declared that Lister had no relationship with the agency.[^1]
|
||||
When defense attorneys tried in 1996 to quiz Blandón about Lister's alleged relationship with the CIA, a federal prosecutor immediately objected, and the jury was ordered out of the courtroom. During a whispered conversation with the judge, the prosecutor said that while it was true that "Lister made a claim... that he was an employee of the CIA," the government believed it was false, made only to "impress [his] illegal business partners," and was an attempt "to deter prosecution." Nevertheless the prosecutor asked the judge to halt that line of inquiry because it was "muddying the waters." The judge decided that since Blandón had denied that Lister worked for the government, there was no need for any more questions. An internal CIA investigation in 1997 declared that Lister had no relationship with the agency.[^1] The Justice Department's inspector general concluded that "we have found no credible evidence that Lister ever had a relationship with the CIA. The evidence does indicate, however, that Lister frequently told people that he had an association with the CIA in order to impress them and to hide his illegal activities." The FBI had closed a 1984 investigation of his attempt to sell equipment to foreign nationals because he could not supply it, concluding that he "clearly had intentions of violating U.S. export laws" but lacked the ability, and its [[San Francisco]] office called him the "quintessential con man." The CIA's inspector general confirmed that William Nelson, the retired security consultant Lister named as a contact, had once been the agency's Deputy Director for Operations.[^7]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister dismissed any suggestion that he was "knowingly" working for the CIA. In an interview with police in 1996, he claimed "that if he were affiliated with an organization like the CIA, he wouldn't talk about it." The detectives noted that "Lister did display some knowledge of the U.S. intelligence community during our interview." Blandón's attorney [[Brad Brunon]] described Lister as "one of these guys who would boast about having bugging capabilities, would boast about having wiretap capabilities, you could get any information any time, one of those... I-can-uplink-to-the-satellite sort of guy." Brunon said of Lister: "I never knew what his true role was. I mean, he covertly insinuated that he was CIA. At least, if not a sworn member, whatever the hell they do to get to become employees - some sort of operative." Brunon "really didn't have much communication with the guy because he scared me."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -82,49 +82,36 @@ Lister's most significant intelligence connection was [[William Nelson|Bill Nels
|
|||
|
||||
On April 3, 1985, two FBI agents, Richard Smith and David Cook, delivered a grand jury subpoena to Lister's home in Mission Viejo. They questioned him about contacts with Soviet bloc countries. Lister confirmed to police in 1996 that he had been the subject of a "grand jury investigation on my relationship with Soviet agents." He said he had sold an FBI "scrambler system" to someone overseas, and the FBI investigated only to find the equipment was declassified and available commercially.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
FBI agent Smith recalled that Lister was attempting to sell classified electronic equipment to Soviet KGB agents. The FBI conducted a sting operation with agents posing as KGB agents. Smith said Lister's activities were "completely illegal and clearly in violation of United States national security." Chief Purcell recalled the FBI was "absolutely convinced he was selling this stuff to the Russians" and showed him photographs of Lister meeting with Russians in San Francisco, New York, and the Embassy in Washington. But Purcell told the FBI: "Pardon me for laughing, but he's taking you guys for a ride." The FBI discovered Lister was overcharging the Russians four to five times retail for camera equipment. Smith claimed Lister was never prosecuted because he was "full of hot air" and lacked "present capability" to produce the equipment, though the case went to a grand jury.[^2]
|
||||
FBI agent Smith recalled that Lister was attempting to sell classified electronic equipment to Soviet [[KGB]] agents. The FBI conducted a sting operation with agents posing as KGB agents. Smith said Lister's activities were "completely illegal and clearly in violation of United States national security." Chief Purcell recalled the FBI was "absolutely convinced he was selling this stuff to the Russians" and showed him photographs of Lister meeting with Russians in San Francisco, New York, and the Embassy in Washington. But Purcell told the FBI: "Pardon me for laughing, but he's taking you guys for a ride." The FBI discovered Lister was overcharging the Russians four to five times retail for camera equipment. Smith claimed Lister was never prosecuted because he was "full of hot air" and lacked "present capability" to produce the equipment, though the case went to a grand jury.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
### Seized Documents and National Security Classification
|
||||
|
||||
When L.A. detectives tried to obtain FBI files on the Lister investigation in 1996, FBI Special Agent Tim Bezick stated that "the FBI reports and the transcripts of Lister's grand jury testimony were protected by the National Security Act." Joel Levin, chief of the Criminal Division of the San Francisco U.S. Attorney's office, confirmed a court order would be required. The personnel files from Lister's old employers were also inaccessible: Maywood Police Department files were "sealed by the City of Maywood," and Laguna Beach Police Department files had been purged entirely.[^2]
|
||||
When L.A. detectives tried to obtain FBI files on the Lister investigation in 1996, FBI Special Agent Tim Bezick stated that "the FBI reports and the transcripts of Lister's grand jury testimony were protected by the National Security Act." Joel Levin, chief of the Criminal Division of the San Francisco [[U.S. Attorney's office]], confirmed a court order would be required. The personnel files from Lister's old employers were also inaccessible: Maywood Police Department files were "sealed by the City of Maywood," and Laguna Beach Police Department files had been purged entirely.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
Documents seized during a 1986 narcotics raid on Lister's house included a ten-page handwritten document chronicling weapons and equipment deals, including meetings with a customer named "Ivan" at the Fairmont Hotel in San Jose and a visit to the Russian embassy in Washington, D.C. Lister's monthly calendars for 1985 contained "frequent references to the Contras," including notations reading "SF Contras," "LA Contras," "D-Contra" and at least one reference to the DIA. Agents seized weapons code sheets and a handwritten note bearing the names of several CIA operatives working with [[Eden Pastora]]'s [[ARDE]] group.[^2]
|
||||
Documents seized during a 1986 narcotics raid on Lister's house included a ten-page handwritten document chronicling weapons and equipment deals, including meetings with a customer named "Ivan" at the Fairmont Hotel in [[San Jose]] and a visit to the Russian embassy in [[Washington, D.C.]] Lister's monthly calendars for 1985 contained "frequent references to the Contras," including notations reading "SF Contras," "LA Contras," "D-Contra" and at least one reference to the DIA. Agents seized weapons code sheets and a handwritten note bearing the names of several CIA operatives working with [[Eden Pastora]]'s [[ARDE]] group.[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
A flow chart found in Lister's notes contained boxes labeled "Swiss Bank," "U.S. State Department," "H.K.," "X Country," and "Factory USA." U.S. Customs Service analysis concluded it diagrammed a scheme to illegally divert American-made weapons using fraudulent end-user certificates - precisely the method [[Oliver North]] used to arm the Contras after the congressional funding cutoff. "The documents seized from Lister in 1986 largely corroborate his account of his relationship with Blandón and the Contras," the Justice Department concluded in 1997.[^2]
|
||||
A flow chart found in Lister's notes contained boxes labeled "Swiss Bank," "U.S. State Department," "H.K.," "X Country," and "Factory USA." [[U.S. Customs]] Service analysis concluded it diagrammed a scheme to illegally divert American-made weapons using fraudulent end-user certificates - precisely the method [[Oliver North]] used to arm the Contras after the congressional funding cutoff. The Justice Department's inspector general concluded that "whatever the legality of the transactions depicted in the flow chart, nothing indicates that it shows the sale of arms to the Contras, and certainly nothing suggests that it depicts the use of drug money in any of the deals," and that "the documents seized from Lister in 1986 largely corroborate his account of his relationship with Blandon and the Contras. Lister would have liked to sell military and security weaponry and equipment to the Contras and to factions in El Salvador but we found no evidence showing that he did."[^2][^7]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Expertise
|
||||
|
||||
Lister when he first met Blandón "knew nothing about narcotics and could not tell you coke from flour. I had never seen the shit." But after Lister returned from his Central American travels, his former San Diego attorney said, he appeared to be an expert in the cocaine business: "When he came back, he seemed to know a lot about what was going on in [[Colombia]] with drug trafficking. I thought it was interesting because in the mid-1980s, no one knew very much about these cartels. But he knew quite a bit. And he knew names and dates, places, et cetera." The attorney recalled Lister predicting the rise of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] while the media was focused only on the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]]: "Ron said the Cali cartel is where all the power is concentrated, that's where the power structure is, and no one is even bothering them." The attorney surmised that Lister could have gained "this information from the CIA, or through his work with them."[^1]
|
||||
Lister when he first met Blandón "knew nothing about narcotics and could not tell you coke from flour. I had never seen the shit." But after Lister returned from his Central American travels, his former [[San Diego]] attorney said, he appeared to be an expert in the cocaine business: "When he came back, he seemed to know a lot about what was going on in [[Colombia]] with drug trafficking. I thought it was interesting because in the mid-1980s, no one knew very much about these cartels. But he knew quite a bit. And he knew names and dates, places, et cetera." The attorney recalled Lister predicting the rise of the [[Cali Drug Cartel]] while the media was focused only on the [[Medellin Cartel|Medellín cartel]]: "Ron said the Cali cartel is where all the power is concentrated, that's where the power structure is, and no one is even bothering them." The attorney surmised that Lister could have gained "this information from the CIA, or through his work with them."[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Lister told CIA inspectors that he had been to Colombia with Blandón and observed Blandón negotiating drug deals with the Colombians.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
### Cocaine Distribution Operations
|
||||
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles expanded dramatically. Lister described the logistics to police: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen."[^1]
|
||||
As 1982 drew to a close, Blandón's cocaine trafficking business in Los Angeles expanded dramatically. Lister described the logistics to police: "I'd go over to D's [Blandón's] house, take my Mercedes over there, put three U-Haul boxes which will cover about 100 keys, about 33 per box plus one you'd squeeze in, in the trunk, go over to south L.A. It was the slickest deal you've ever seen."[^1] The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[Cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón.".[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### October 1986 Raids
|
||||
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided Lister's former Mission Viejo house - where [[Aparicio Moreno]] was now living - and his new residence. At the new house, Deputy Bobby Juarez explained they were executing a drug warrant. Lister responded: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told deputies he "had dealings in South America and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." Deputy Richard Love said Lister warned: "You don't know what you are doing. There's a bigger picture here. I'm working for the CIA. The government is allowing drug sales to go on in the United States." Lister also had "intimate details about a plane loaded with guns that crashed in Nicaragua" and "alluded to the fact that he had been on one of those planes before." No drugs were found. Seized evidence was logged as "miscellaneous CIA info" and included "a lot of Contra rebel correspondence."[^3]
|
||||
On October 27, 1986, the [[LASD Major Violators]] raided Lister's former Mission Viejo house - where [[Aparicio Moreno]] was now living - and his new residence. At the new house, Deputy Bobby Juarez explained they were executing a drug warrant. Lister responded: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told deputies he "had dealings in [[South America]] and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." Deputy Richard Love said Lister warned: "You don't know what you are doing. There's a bigger picture here. I'm working for the CIA. The government is allowing drug sales to go on in the United States." Lister also had "intimate details about a plane loaded with guns that crashed in Nicaragua" and "alluded to the fact that he had been on one of those planes before." No drugs were found. Seized evidence was logged as "miscellaneous CIA info" and included "a lot of Contra rebel correspondence."[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
Deputies found papers showing Lister had "regular meeting with DIA subcontractor Scott Weekly," handwritten weapons lists including antiaircraft weapons, 1,000 AR-15 rifles, and napalm bombs, and a list of names including William Nelson, Roberto D'Aubuisson, and Scott Weekly. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages of seized documents, then nearly all copies disappeared. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Lister, Blandón, and Meneses. Lister denied the CIA claims, but Sergeant Art Fransen said Lister erupted in a "tirade": "You guys don't know what you are doing. I deal with the CIA. I got power!"[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Blandón
|
||||
|
||||
Ron Lister was a former Laguna Beach police officer who became Danilo Blandón's partner in drug trafficking and weapons procurement, claiming high-level Central Intelligence Agency connections. Lister's activities illustrated the overlap between law enforcement, the drug trade, and intelligence operations in [[California]] during the 1980s.[^4]
|
||||
|
||||
### Drug Trafficking Partnership
|
||||
|
||||
The Torres brothers told investigators that "Blandón is working with an ex-Laguna Beach police officer by the name of Ronnie, who lives in an expensive house in Mission Viejo and drives a new Mercedes automobile. Ronnie transported 100 kilos of [[cocaine]] to the Black market and has transported millions of dollars to [[Miami]] for Danilo Blandón." Lister operated Mundy Security Group Inc., incorporated in Laguna Beach in mid-1983, which provided cover for his weapons procurement activities. He arranged weapons sales presentations to Contra leaders, with attendees including Eden Pastora and other top Contra figures.[^5]
|
||||
|
||||
### CIA Claims and Arrest
|
||||
|
||||
When arrested, Lister told detectives: "I know why you're here, but why are you here? Mr. Weekly knows what I'm doing and you're not supposed to be here." Lister told Detective Juarez "that he had dealings in [[South America]] and worked with the CIA and added that his friends in Washington weren't going to like what was going on." He claimed his CIA contact was the former Deputy Director of Operations working at Fluor Corporation. After the arrest, a CIA cable marked "Immediate Director" reported that individuals claiming CIA affiliation had been detained. Nearly all seized evidence was returned to Lister and Blandón within days.[^6]
|
||||
Deputies found papers showing Lister had "regular meeting with DIA subcontractor [[Scott Weekly]]," handwritten weapons lists including antiaircraft weapons, 1,000 AR-15 rifles, and napalm bombs, and a list of names including William Nelson, Roberto D'Aubuisson, and Scott Weekly. Federal agents copied over 1,000 pages of seized documents, then nearly all copies disappeared. The CIA's Los Angeles office sent an "Immediate Director" cable asking for traces on Lister, Blandón, and Meneses. Lister denied the CIA claims, but Sergeant Art Fransen said Lister erupted in a "tirade": "You guys don't know what you are doing. I deal with the CIA. I got power!"[^3]
|
||||
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 6: "They were doing their patriotic duty"
|
||||
[^2]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 10: "Teach a man a craft and he's liable to practice it"
|
||||
[^3]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Chapter 18: "We bust our ass and the government's involved"
|
||||
[^4]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
|
||||
[^5]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9, Ch. 8.
|
||||
[^6]: Webb, Gary. *Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion.* Seven Stories Press, 1998. Ch. 9.
|
||||
[^7]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General. *The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions.* December 1997, chapter V. https://oig.justice.gov/sites/default/files/legacy/special/9712/
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -3,22 +3,37 @@ category: "PROMIS Scandal"
|
|||
tags:
|
||||
- Person
|
||||
- PROMIS
|
||||
- CIA
|
||||
summary: "McDade's probe was authorized at the highest level of the RCMP and was well-funded."
|
||||
- RCMP
|
||||
- Canada
|
||||
summary: "Ottawa-Carleton police officer seconded to the RCMP who ran Project Abbreviation, the 1999-2000 inquiry into whether Canadian agencies used a compromised version of PROMIS."
|
||||
location: "Ottawa, Canada"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Royal Canadian Mounted Police]]"
|
||||
start: 1999
|
||||
end: 2000
|
||||
role: "national security investigator on secondment from the Ottawa-Carleton regional police"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
- type: head_of
|
||||
with: "[[Project Abbreviation]]"
|
||||
start: 1999
|
||||
end: 2000-09-16
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2025-08-05
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
[[Sean McDade]] was a national security investigator with the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] who secretly entered the [[United States]] in February 2000 to investigate evidence that the [[Canadian Government]] was using a computer software program called [[PROMIS]], which allegedly allowed the [[United States|U.S.]] to eavesdrop on [[Canada|Canadian]] intelligence secrets through a modified "back-door." His investigation was code-named [[Project Abbreviation]], and his email handle, "simorp," was [[PROMIS]] spelled backward.[1]
|
||||
|
||||
McDade's probe was authorized at the highest level of the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] and was well-funded. He was deeply committed to ascertaining whether the [[Canadian Government]]'s computer system had been compromised. He learned that a meeting had been held in December 1999 at the [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos facility]] in [[New Mexico]], attended by the heads of intelligence divisions from the [[United States|U.S.]] ([[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]), [[United Kingdom|Britain]] ([[British Intelligence]]), [[Israel]] ([[Mossad]]), and [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]], concerning Y2K computer problems. A source suggested that all four allied countries shared the same computer system, possibly [[PROMIS]], due to its mutual integration capabilities. McDade was also informed by another source that the [[Mossad]] may have modified the [[PROMIS]] software to create a "two-way" backdoor, potentially allowing [[Israel]] access to top [[United States|U.S.]] weapons secrets at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]] and other installations.[1]
|
||||
Sean McDade, an Ottawa-Carleton regional police officer on secondment to the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]], ran [[Project Abbreviation]], the force's inquiry into whether software used by Canadian agencies was a version of [[INSLAW]]'s [[PROMIS]] fitted with a "trap door" for American and Israeli intelligence. His email handle, "simorp," was PROMIS spelled backward.[^1][^2]
|
||||
|
||||
During his investigation, McDade met with [[Cheri Seymour]], the author of *The Last Circle*, in Southern California on February 19, 2000. He explained that high-ranking [[Canadian Government|Canadian]] officials might have unlawfully purchased the [[PROMIS]] software from officials in the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]]-[[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administration, and the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] had reportedly traced banking transactions supporting this claim. He believed a successful investigation "could cause the entire [[United States Republican Party|U.S. Republican Party]] to be dismantled and more than one presidential administration would be exposed for their knowledge of the [[PROMIS]] software transaction." [[Sue Todd]], a Police Detective from Hercules, California, accompanied McDade to this meeting, as they had discovered they shared the same source and Todd's investigation into a double homicide was connected to the [[PROMIS]] case.[1]
|
||||
### The Public Record
|
||||
|
||||
McDade spent three days photocopying thousands of supporting documents to *The Last Circle* before returning to [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] headquarters in [[Ottawa]] to set up a "war room." His probe evolved into an eight-month saga of interviews with former investigators, witnesses, undercover informants, and law enforcement personnel across the [[United States]]. He learned that [[United States|U.S.]] predecessors in the [[PROMIS]] investigation had faced obstruction from the [[Department of Justice|Justice Department]], with some investigators being fired, suspended, or quitting when directed to cease their inquiries into drugs and money laundering.[1]
|
||||
The *Toronto Star* disclosed the inquiry on August 25, 2000. Reached by telephone, McDade said: "You're putting me in a bad spot here. I can't comment on what's happening right now... I kind of get a chuckle out of how something so small has been blown out of proportion." The RCMP's Sergeant Marc Richer said, "I cannot either confirm or deny what you're looking into"; Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet confirmed the next day that an investigation had been under way "for some time" and had found "absolutely nothing to indicate that national security has been compromised"; the [[Canadian Security Intelligence Service|CSIS]] spokesman Dan Lambert said the service had reviewed the question in 1991 and never held a copy of the software. Louis Buffardi, lawyer for [[Michael Riconosciuto]], said RCMP officers had interviewed his client "eight or nine months" earlier.[^1][^2] On September 16, 2000, the Star reported the end of the inquiry, with Gaudet saying, "We're saying today that we do not have Promis software." McDade had refused the paper's requests for an interview. [[Bill Hamilton]] of INSLAW said he had spoken with McDade "probably dozens" of times and that McDade had earlier told him the RCMP acquired PROMIS "from a company in Massachusetts" and that it "was modified by a Toronto firm"; [[Cheri Seymour]] told the Star that McDade "said that they had a paper trail on the Promis software being purchased by the RCMP. He told me that."[^2]
|
||||
|
||||
McDade also described [[Scott Lawrence]]'s deep-cover drug investigation, code-named [[THE INDO-CHINA PROJECT]], on the Maine/Canadian border. Lawrence's investigation was abruptly shut down after he and his supervisor, [[John (Tim) Kelly]], requested to impanel grand juries to depose [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officials.[1]
|
||||
### McDade's Account
|
||||
|
||||
McDade found himself a target of [[ECHELON]] technology during his investigation in the [[United States]], forcing him to take extraordinary measures to communicate with [[Sue Todd]] and [[Cheri Seymour]]. He stated that the [[NSA|NSA]] was spying on [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens while [[Canada]] spied on [[United States|American]] citizens, both using [[ECHELON]] and trading data. The RCMP's spokesman Staff Sergeant Mike Gaudet said on August 25, 2000, that the inquiry had produced "absolutely nothing to date to indicate national security has been compromised in any way," and CSIS's Dan Lambert that the service had reviewed the matter in 1991 and never held a copy of the software;[2] the public record of the affair, from the 1991 origin to the 2000 disclosure, is on the [[Project Abbreviation]] page. Although he reportedly left the [[Royal Canadian Mounted Police|RCMP]] after his investigation was exposed in the *Toronto Star* in August 2000, [[Sue Todd]] indicated he ultimately returned to police work in his hometown.[1]
|
||||
The rest of what is known of the inquiry comes from Seymour, who met McDade in Southern California on February 19, 2000, with the Hercules, California, detective [[Sue Todd]]. In her account the inquiry was authorized at the top of the force and well funded; McDade had learned of a meeting in December 1999 at [[Los Alamos National Laboratory|Los Alamos]], [[New Mexico]], of intelligence chiefs of the [[United States]], [[United Kingdom|Britain]], [[Israel]] and [[Canada]] on Y2K problems, and had been told by sources that the four countries shared one computer system, possibly PROMIS, and that the [[Mossad]] may have built a "two-way" back door into it. He told Seymour that Canadian officials might have bought the software unlawfully from officials of the [[Ronald Reagan|Reagan]] and [[George H.W. Bush|Bush]] administrations, that the RCMP had traced banking transactions supporting this, and that a successful inquiry "could cause the entire U.S. Republican Party to be dismantled." He spent three days copying her files before setting up a "war room" in [[Ottawa]], and over eight months interviewed former investigators and informants, among them [[Scott Lawrence]], whose Customs inquiry on the Maine border, "The Indo-China Project," had been closed after he and his supervisor, [[John (Tim) Kelly]], asked for grand juries to depose [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] officials. McDade believed he had been targeted by [[ECHELON]] while in the United States. Todd told Seymour that he later returned to police work in his hometown.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
### Footnotes
|
||||
[1] Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro’s Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal*. First Edition. TrineDay, 2010.
|
||||
[2] Sallot, Jeff. "Mounties probe software allegations," *The Globe and Mail,* August 26, 2000.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: Seymour, Cheri. *The Last Circle: Danny Casolaro's Investigation into the Octopus and the PROMIS Software Scandal.* TrineDay, 2010. Sole source for the passages attributed to Seymour and McDade.
|
||||
[^2]: Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Spy computer 'trap' probed," *Toronto Star,* August 25, 2000; Thompson, Allan, and Valerie Lawton, "RCMP admit they're investigating 'trap'," *Toronto Star,* August 26, 2000; Lawton, Valerie, and Allan Thompson, "Mounties end probe of Promis," *Toronto Star,* September 16, 2000; texts as forwarded to the CTRL mailing list, https://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg49408.html, msg49544.html and msg50988.html; Sallot, Jeff, "Mounties probe software allegations," *The Globe and Mail,* August 26, 2000.
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -7,6 +7,38 @@ tags:
|
|||
- PrivateMilitaryContractors
|
||||
summary: "Career CIA operations officer who headed the Directorate of Operations from 2002 to 2004, worked for ArmorGroup International, and returned as the agency's Deputy Director in 2006."
|
||||
born: 1951-08-22
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[United States Marine Corps]]"
|
||||
start: 1976
|
||||
role: "officer"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
start: 1981-01
|
||||
role: "operations officer; Deputy Director for Operations 2002-2004"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[ArmorGroup International]]"
|
||||
start: 2005-04
|
||||
end: 2006-06
|
||||
role: "chief operating officer"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[ArmorGroup International]]"
|
||||
start: 2005-11
|
||||
end: 2006-06
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: employed_by
|
||||
with: "[[Central Intelligence Agency]]"
|
||||
start: 2006-07-24
|
||||
role: "Deputy Director"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
- type: director_of
|
||||
with: "[[T-Mobile US]]"
|
||||
end: 2021-06-22
|
||||
role: "national security director"
|
||||
fn: 2
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Hanson was known to 'cool down' before a remote viewing session by rea
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Steve Hanson]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was a devout Christian and one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Steve Hanson]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit. He was a devout Christian and one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
Hanson was known to "cool down" before a remote viewing session by reading Bible verses. However, he eventually faded from the remote viewing scene, as he had problems relaxing into the groove of remote viewing itself, often yanking himself out of the "zone" with worries about whether he was doing it correctly.[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ summary: "Army civilian photo-interpreter and one of the original four candidate
|
|||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
[[Steve Holloway]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Gondola Wish]] (later [[STARGATE PROJECT|Grill Flame]]) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
[[Steve Holloway]] was an Army civilian photo-interpreter and an early member of the [[Stargate Project|Gondola Wish]] (later Grill Flame) remote viewing unit. He was one of the four Army civilians in the initial group of candidates selected by [[Frederick Atwater|Skip Atwater]] and [[Murray Watt|Scotty Watt]].[^1]
|
||||
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -11,7 +11,7 @@ born: 1940-02-08
|
|||
location: "Nelson, Lancashire, England"
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
||||
#Ted Koppel is an American broadcast journalist, best known as the anchor and managing editor of *Nightline* from 1980 to 2005. On November 28, 1995, Koppel hosted a *Nightline* exposé that made the [[STARGATE PROJECT|Star Gate program]] public[^1].
|
||||
#Ted Koppel is an American broadcast journalist, best known as the anchor and managing editor of *Nightline* from 1980 to 2005. On November 28, 1995, Koppel hosted a *Nightline* exposé that made the [[Stargate Project|Star Gate program]] public[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
During the broadcast, Koppel interviewed [[Dale Graff]] of the [[Defense Intelligence Agency|DIA]] and [[Robert Gates]] of the [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]]. Graff defended the integrity of the programs, while Gates downplayed their significance. Koppel also interviewed [[William Green]], a customs agent, who confirmed the story of how [[Angela Dellafiora]], a DIA psychic, had located [[Charles Frank Jordan]], an [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] Most Wanted Fugitive[^1].
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
@ -9,6 +9,12 @@ tags:
|
|||
summary: "Soviet radio engineer and vice president of the USSR Academy of Sciences whom a 1987 DIA briefing quoted as saying Ninel Kulagina's psychokinetic abilities were real."
|
||||
died: 2005-02-11
|
||||
location: "Moscow, Russia"
|
||||
relations:
|
||||
- type: member_of
|
||||
with: "[[Soviet Academy of Sciences]]"
|
||||
start: 1953
|
||||
role: "academician; vice president from 1969"
|
||||
fn: 1
|
||||
created: 2026-09-22
|
||||
updated: 2026-09-22
|
||||
---
|
||||
|
|
|
|||
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