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Raw Blame History

Early career and election

Thatcher studied chemistry at Oxford University before qualifying as a barrister. She was elected Conservative member for Finchley in 1959. After the Conservative Party lost two general elections in 1974, she defeated Edward Heath for the party leadership in February 1975.¹ The Conservatives won the general election of May 3, 1979, and Thatcher became Prime Minister the following day.¹

Brighton bombing

On October 12, 1984, the Irish Republican Army detonated a long-delay bomb at the Grand Hotel, Brighton during the Conservative Party conference. The Prime Minister and senior members of her Cabinet were among the people in the hotel at the time, and a message read in the House of Lords on October 16 gave thanks for "the escape from assassination of the Prime Minister and other Ministers of the Crown."² The Lords were told that four people had died and 32 were injured, and that the Provisional IRA had admitted responsibility.² The Home Secretary, Leon Brittan, told the House of Commons on October 22 that the purpose of the bomb "was no less than to strike a blow at the heart of our democracy by killing the majority of the Cabinet."³

A fifth person died on November 13, 1984: the wife of Scotland's Conservative Party leader, who died of the wounds she had received in the bombing.⁴ Thatcher wrote that when she went to the Royal Sussex County Hospital to see the injured after her conference speech, "Four people had already died," and that one of the injured women "was on a drip feed: she would die later."⁵ Five people died in all, and 34 were injured.⁶

Patrick Magee was arrested in Glasgow in June 1985. A palm print on a hotel registration card, made out in the false name Roy Walsh, led to the charge. On June 10, 1986, a jury at the Old Bailey convicted him on all counts, and he received eight life sentences, seven of them for the Brighton bombing. He was released in June 1999 under the early release scheme of the Good Friday Agreement after serving 14 years.⁷

Cold War alliance with Reagan

Thatcher and Reagan formed the central political partnership of the Western alliance in the 1980s. She had met Reagan in April 1975, and the two shared a commitment to rolling back Soviet Union influence. After Reagan's election in November 1980, the two governments coordinated intelligence and military policy through the decade. British MI6 cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency ran through joint operations in several theaters.¹

The most operationally significant joint effort was support for the Afghanistan resistance after the Soviet invasion of December 1979. The CIA's Operation Cyclone, which moved arms and funds to mujahideen factions through Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, was complemented by British Special Air Service training programs for Afghan fighters.⁸ On January 24, 1980, the government's statement in the Commons, read by Lord Privy Seal Ian Gilmour, said that "The Soviet action is a breach of all the conventions that have governed East-West relations for the past decade."⁹ Thatcher publicly backed the mujahideen, framing Soviet involvement as unprovoked aggression against a neighboring state.⁸

Falklands War

The Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands on April 2, 1982, began the most direct military crisis of Thatcher's tenure. The British task force recaptured the islands by June 14, 1982. On April 14, 1982, Thatcher told the Commons of Alexander M. Haig, Jr., the American Secretary of State, that his "tireless efforts" had included "two visits to this country and one to Buenos Aires."¹⁰

The American record of the war is published in the State Department's Foreign Relations series. On April 6, 1982, Thatcher sent Reagan a message that opened: "I am seeking your urgent help in bringing pressure to bear on Argentina to withdraw from the Falkland Islands," and asked for his "personal backing for the urgent introduction of economic and financial measures against Argentina."¹¹ The same day, the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, Francis West, told Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger that "Intelligence reporting is shared between the US and the UK, under bilateral agreement and also under the aegis of NATO," that "Cooperation extends to compartmental, sensitive source programs, including SIGINT, COMINT, overhead and SOSUS," and that "Both real time and analytical intelligence is exchanged."¹² A State Department action memorandum of April 6 recorded the view of its European Bureau that "a lack of support from the U.S. in the period ahead could threaten the life of the Thatcher Government" and recommended: "We should therefore proceed with logistics/intelligence support of the type requested while insisting on the greatest possible secrecy." Its Inter-American Bureau advised refusing British requests "that are not clearly required by existing agreements."¹³ NSA and GCHQ cooperation on signals intelligence became part of British operational planning during the war, and American satellite and electronic intelligence was shared with British commanders.¹²

On April 10, 1982, in Buenos Aires, Haig told President Leopoldo Galtieri, in the words of the American record, "that the reports that the US has furnished intelligence and satellite information to the UK are untrue. We denied the British request."¹⁴ On April 17, the Director of the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs, Richard Burt, listed among American interests "maintaining the Thatcher Government in power" and wrote that "The U.S. must be prepared to do what is necessary to see the UK prevail, and must be seen to be doing so at the appropriate time."¹⁵ A Defense Department list of British requests received on May 6 and 7, 1982, which Weinberger annotated on May 10 with the instruction "We should not require longer than 36 hours to act on any UK request," included encryption devices, infra-red flares, torpedoes, a close-in weapons system, night vision goggles, 50 limpet mines, and the direct relay of weather satellite information.¹⁶

In April 1984, Thatcher answered questions from Tam Dalyell about the sinking of the ARA General Belgrano. She told the Commons that no official interviews or assistance had been given to the authors of The Sinking of the Belgrano "specifically in connection with their book," beyond comments on an article in International Defense Review.¹⁷

Blunt disclosure of 1979

On November 21, 1979, Thatcher told the Commons that Anthony Blunt had been a Soviet agent. "Professor Blunt has admitted that he was recruited for Russian intelligence when he was at Cambridge before the war." She said that "There is no doubt that British interests were seriously damaged by his activities," but that "it is unlikely that British military operations or British lives were put at risk." She added that "the story that he jeopardised the lives of secret agents in the Netherlands is without foundation."¹⁸

GCHQ trade union ban

On January 31, 1984, the Prime Minister told the Commons that "Certificates have been signed under successive Governments to except these services from the provisions of the Employment Protection Acts." The government removed trade union membership rights from staff at GCHQ in Cheltenham in January 1984. The Employment Protection (Consolidation) Act 1978 allowed a Minister to issue a certificate "for the purpose of safeguarding national security," and on February 1, 1984, the Prime Minister answered that "Such a certificate has been issued in the case of GCHQ."¹⁹

The Council of Civil Service Unions challenged the instruction in the High Court. On July 17, 1984, Thatcher told the Commons that Mr Justice Glidewell had found for the government on four of the five grounds of the challenge, but had concluded that "because of the lack of prior consultation with the unions concerned, the instruction given in this instance was invalid." She said that the finding "did not affect the certificates issued" under the Employment Protection Acts.²⁰

Libya bombing of April 1986

On April 15, 1986, Thatcher told the Commons that the President had sought British support and "agreement, in accordance with our long-standing arrangements, to the use in the operation of some United States aircraft based in this country." She said that Britain would support "action directed against specific Libyan targets demonstrably involved in the conduct and support of terrorist activities," and that "we would agree to the deployment of United States aircraft from bases in the United Kingdom for that purpose." She reported that the President had made clear that "use of F111 aircraft from bases in the United Kingdom was essential."²¹

The operation, Operation El Dorado Canyon, was flown from RAF Lakenheath and RAF Upper Heyford against targets associated with Muammar Gaddafi in Libya. Reagan thanked "our friends and allies in Europe who cooperated in today's mission."²² Air Force Magazine reported that France, Germany, Italy and Spain refused to cooperate, which forced the F-111s to fly around France and Spain and through the Strait of Gibraltar.²³ The decision was politically controversial in Britain.

Spycatcher

The government's action against the memoir of former MI5 officer Peter Wright was pursued through the courts of Australia. On November 7, 1986, the Prime Minister answered a question about the government's action against Heinemann Australia PTY Ltd. and Peter Wright, "for an order restraining the publication of Mr. Peter Wright's manuscripts."²⁴ On November 20, 1986, the Prime Minister put the total cost to public funds of the court action, including legal costs and civil servants' fares and subsistence, at a figure that "is estimated to be of the order of £100,000."²⁵ On November 21, 1986, the Prime Minister's written answer stated that "a total of nine persons have had cause to be sent by Her Majesty's Government to Australia in connection with the case of Mr. Peter Wright."²⁶ Wright's memoir was published as Spycatcher in 1987.²⁷

Vanunu and the Israeli inquiries

Asked on November 7, 1986, whether she had had discussions with Shimon Peres or any other member of the Israeli government about Mordechai Vanunu before his departure from the United Kingdom, Thatcher answered "No."²⁸ Asked on November 27, 1986, whether information had been passed from Her Majesty's Government sources to Israeli sources about Vanunu's presence in the United Kingdom, she again answered "No."²⁹

Syrian Embassy and the Hindawi trial

On October 24, 1986, the Foreign Secretary, Geoffrey Howe, told the Commons that the trial of Nezar Hindawi had ended that day. Hindawi "was found guilty of attempting to place a bomb on an El Al aircraft at Heathrow on 17 April and was sentenced to 45 years' imprisonment." Howe said that "There is conclusive evidence of Syrian official involvement with Hindawi," and that "We have therefore decided to break diplomatic relations with Syria." The Syrian ambassador was told to close his Syrian Embassy in London and leave the country within 14 days.³⁰

Al-Yamamah

Al-Yamamah ("the Dove" in Arabic) was the series of government-to-government arms agreements between the United Kingdom and Saudi Arabia, with British Aerospace (later BAE Systems) as prime contractor. The first agreement was a Memorandum of Understanding signed at Lancaster House in September 1985 by the Secretary of State for Defence, Michael Heseltine, and the Saudi Defence Minister, Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz; it is dated September 26, 1985, and covered 72 Tornado aircraft and 30 Hawk trainers, among other equipment.³¹³² Two further, more detailed agreements followed in 1986 and 1988, and the programme was extended in 1993 by an order for 48 more Tornados.³¹³²

Foreign Office files released to the National Archives and reported in 2016 record that Thatcher stopped in Riyadh in April 1985 on her way back from South Asia and met King Fahd. Heseltine approved the stop-over on the basis that it would allow her to complete the sale, and Prince Bandar bin Sultan, then Saudi ambassador to the United States, invited her. A briefing document stated that it "seems unlikely that Prince Bandar would seek to engineer such a meeting unless something positive was likely to come out of it." The official record of the meeting was billed as one about regional developments and does not mention the aircraft. After the visit Thatcher wrote to Fahd: "I was glad that we were able to discuss a further matter privately over lunch. I look forward to receiving your majesty's personal envoy soon, in order that we may conclude this matter successfully."³³

The Guardian published in October 2006 documents that had been released to the National Archives in May of that year and were withdrawn by the Ministry of Defence after the paper approached it. One was a January 1986 telegram from Colin Chandler, head of the Ministry's arms sales unit, who was in Riyadh with BAE executives. The Guardian reported from it that the price of each Tornado had been raised by 32 percent, from £16.3 million to £21.5 million, and that the total was to reach £5 billion against the £3.5 billion to £4 billion stated in the Memorandum. The same release contained a Ministry of Defence briefing prepared for Thatcher that described Prince Sultan as "not highly intelligent," and Foreign Office correspondence of 1985 sending Thatcher's chief aide at Number 10, Charles Powell, a copy of an Arab magazine that alleged £600 million in secret commissions, with advice that officials "should simply refuse all comment."³¹ Lord Gilmour, who had been a minister under Thatcher, told BBC2's Newsnight, as the Guardian quoted him: "You either got the business and bribed, or you didn't bribe and didn't get the business."³¹

In 1992 the National Audit Office reported on the Saudi Arabian Airforce Project. Its examination of project receipts and payments passing through the Ministry of Defence "found no evidence of commission payments being made to third parties." On February 27, 1992, in a private session of the Public Accounts Committee, whose chairman was Robert Sheldon, the Ministry's permanent secretary, Sir Michael Quinlan, said: "The whole project operates under a seal of confidentiality. There is a very great sensitivity about the project on the part of the Saudi Arabian Government. Open Government is alien to them." Asked for an assurance that no public funds had gone the wrong way, Quinlan answered: "Yes, I can give you the assurance that there is no basis to support any suggestion that commission payments have been made using public funds."³⁴ The report was not published. The Guardian reported in March 2024, after finding the papers in Sheldon's archive at the London School of Economics, that only ten copies were printed and that only Sheldon and his deputy read it. The Guardian also reported that a Ministry memorandum disclosed at a later criminal trial showed that in 1988 the Ministry's head of arms sales had helped set up regular quarterly payments to Prince Bandar from Al-Yamamah funds, which BAE made on the Ministry's instruction. BAE said all payments were made with the express approval of the United Kingdom government, and the Ministry said the funds remained the property of the Saudi government.³⁵

The Serious Fraud Office launched an investigation into allegations of corruption against BAE on July 29, 2004, one aspect of which concerned Al-Yamamah. By autumn 2006 it intended to examine Swiss bank accounts, and the judgment of the House of Lords records that the Saudi authorities responded with an explicit threat to withdraw from bilateral counter-terrorism cooperation, to withdraw cooperation on the United Kingdom's strategic objectives in the Middle East and to end negotiations then in progress for the purchase of Typhoon aircraft. The ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, told the Director that "British lives on British streets were at risk." The Prime Minister, Tony Blair, sent the Attorney General a personal minute on December 8, 2006.³⁶

On December 14, 2006, the Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, told the Lords that the Director of the Serious Fraud Office had decided to discontinue the investigation "following representations that have been made both to the Attorney General and the Director concerning the need to safeguard national and international security." He said he had obtained "the views of the Prime Minister and the Foreign and Defence Secretaries," who had expressed "the clear view that continuation of the investigation would cause serious damage to UK/Saudi security, intelligence and diplomatic co-operation."³⁷ The Corner House and Campaign Against Arms Trade challenged the decision. The Divisional Court quashed it on the ground that the Director had yielded to a threat. On July 30, 2008, the House of Lords allowed the Director's appeal in R (Corner House Research) v Director of the Serious Fraud Office, holding the decision lawful. Lord Bingham wrote that what determined the decision was "the Director's judgment that the public interest in saving British lives outweighed the public interest in pursuing BAE to conviction."³⁶

On March 1, 2010, BAE Systems pleaded guilty in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia to conspiring to defraud the United States by making false statements about its Foreign Corrupt Practices Act compliance program and to violating the Arms Export Control Act, and was fined $400 million by Judge John D. Bates. The Department of Justice stated that BAE took the role of prime contractor to the United Kingdom government in the mid-1980s after the formal understanding with Saudi Arabia, that its "support services" resulted in substantial benefits to a foreign public official of Saudi Arabia who was in a position of influence over sales of fighter jets, and that BAE undertook no adequate review or verification of more than $5 million in invoices submitted by one employee from May 2001 to early 2002.³⁸

Mark Thatcher

On January 24, 1996, George Galloway told the Commons that commissions on the Al-Yamamah arms sales had been paid through middlemen, and named Mark Thatcher and Wafic Said among them. He described Mark Thatcher as "the son of the then Prime Minister, who gave 10 Downing street as his address at the time," who "was later given his own house and other lavish benefits by Wafic Said." Galloway also named Douglas Leese among the intermediaries and described Jonathan Aitken as Said's business partner.³⁹ The writer Paul Foot wrote in 1998 that it had become "common knowledge" that Mark Thatcher enriched himself by £12 million from the Al-Yamamah deals, that Thatcher himself never denied it or sued anyone for mentioning it, and that no one, including the authors of a book on the subject, could produce a single hard fact to prove it.⁴⁰ The Guardian wrote in 2006 that all those involved had always denied the allegations.³¹

Ari Ben-Menashe wrote that Mark Thatcher introduced Gerald Bull to Pieter Van Der Westhuizen in 1983, and that Van Der Westhuizen connected Bull with ARMSCOR for the "supergun" project. Ben-Menashe wrote that Mark Thatcher was present at a late-1986 meeting in Santiago, Chile, with Carlos Cardoen, Robert Gates, Senator John Tower and Van Der Westhuizen. He also wrote that Mark Thatcher presented himself to Ben-Menashe in Santiago in 1988 as a private businessman with no connection to the British government, despite his mother's position, and that Mark Thatcher was involved in the sale of 48 Chieftain tanks to Chile after the Falklands War.⁴¹

On January 13, 2005, in the Cape High Court in Cape Town, Mark Thatcher pleaded guilty under a plea agreement to attempting to contravene section 2 of South Africa's Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act by agreeing to charter a helicopter, for which he paid $275,000. The text of the agreement stated: "The accused began to suspect that the helicopter might in fact be intended for use in ... mercenary activity [in the west African region]. Despite his misgivings the accused decided to invest money in the charter of the helicopter." His lawyers stated that he was not charged with any involvement in the attempted coup in Equatorial Guinea. Judge Abe Motala imposed a fine of three million rand, or five years in prison, and a further four-year sentence suspended for five years. Zimbabwe had jailed Simon Mann, a friend of Mark Thatcher and a former British special services officer, with 65 other suspected mercenaries in September 2004.⁴²⁴³

Matrix Churchill and the Scott Inquiry

Matrix Churchill, a machine-tool company based in Coventry, exported precision tooling to Iraq under export licenses approved by the Department of Trade and Industry, despite MI6 awareness that the machinery would be used for weapons production. Three Matrix Churchill directors were prosecuted in 1992 for breaching export controls. The Arms-to-Iraq affair was the British corollary to the same illicit weapons procurement networks that characterized Western support for Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War. On November 18, 1992, the Prime Minister, John Major, answered (holding answer of November 17) a Commons question on whether the papers supplied to defence counsel would be placed in the Library: "No. The papers were supplied to the defence for the purposes of the trial. Lord Justice Scott will have access to them."⁴⁴

The trial collapsed after ministers' public interest immunity certificates kept intelligence documents from the defense. The allegation that ministers had signed the certificates to suppress intelligence documents that would have exonerated the defendants was made in the media. The government's account, given by Ian Lang to the Commons on February 15, 1996, recorded the charges "made and repeated in the media that the Ministers who signed the PII certificates were seeking to deprive defendants in a criminal trial of the means by which to clear themselves." Lang said that Richard Scott "concludes, after more than three years of painstaking investigation, that all Ministers who signed PII certificates did so without any impropriety."⁴⁵

The Scott Inquiry, commissioned by Major in November 1992 after the end of the Matrix Churchill trial, reported on February 15, 1996, after Thatcher had left office.⁴⁵⁴⁶ Lang quoted the report's finding that "following the ceasefire in 1988, but not before, Government policy towards the export of non-lethal military goods changed in a way that he believes should have been drawn to the attention of the House." He added that Scott "expressly accepts that they were sincere in doing so," while not agreeing "that they were correct in their belief."⁴⁵

Stoke Lodge and the Elm Guest House allegations

The writer S. Dovey wrote that civic functions at Stoke Lodge, the residence of the Australian High Commissioner in Kensington, were attended by Thatcher, Peter Morrison, Peter Hayman and Brittan. Dovey also wrote that the chauffeur firm used by the residence employed men later convicted of child abuse and murder, and that reporting on a June 1982 police raid of the Elm Guest House may have stopped after intervention by Attorney General Michael Havers.⁴⁷

Resignation and later life

On November 22, 1990, Thatcher addressed the Commons in the debate on the motion of confidence in her government.⁴⁸ She faced a leadership challenge from Heseltine in which she could not win the second ballot. She resigned as Prime Minister on November 28, 1990, and was succeeded by Major. She was elevated to the House of Lords as Baroness Thatcher of Kesteven in 1992. She died on April 8, 2013, at The Ritz hotel in London, following a stroke, aged 87.¹

Footnotes

"Margaret Thatcher," Encyclopaedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Margaret-Thatcher ↩︎
Whitelaw, Viscount, statement on the Grand Hotel, Brighton, House of Lords, October 16, 1984, HL Deb vol. 455, cols. 884-8. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1984/oct/16/grand-hotel-brighton-bomb-explosion ↩︎
Brittan, Leon, statement on the Brighton bomb incident, House of Commons, October 22, 1984, HC Deb vol. 65, cols. 440-5. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1984/oct/22/bomb-incident-brighton ↩︎
"5th person dies from IRA bomb attack on Thatcher," UPI, November 13, 1984. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1984/11/13/5th-person-dies-from-IRA-bomb-attack-on-Thatcher/3748469170000/ ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, "Northern Ireland: The Brighton Bomb" (extract from The Downing Street Years, HarperCollins, 1993), Margaret Thatcher Foundation, document 109119. https://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/109119 ↩︎
"1984: Tory Cabinet escapes Brighton bomb," BBC On This Day, October 12, 1984. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/october/12/newsid_2531000/2531583.stm ↩︎
"1986: Magee convicted of Brighton bombing," BBC On This Day, June 10, 1986. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/june/10/newsid_2510000/2510649.stm ↩︎
Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Penguin, 2004. ↩︎
Gilmour, Ian (Lord Privy Seal), statement on Afghanistan, House of Commons, January 24, 1980, HC Deb vol. 977, cols. 655-69. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1980/jan/24/afghanistan ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, statement on the Falkland Islands, House of Commons, April 14, 1982, HC Deb vol. 21, cols. 1146-208. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1982/apr/14/falkland-islands ↩︎
Message From British Prime Minister Thatcher to President Reagan, London, April 6, 1982, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Conflict in the South Atlantic, 1981-1984, Document 68. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d68 ↩︎
Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (West) to Secretary of Defense Weinberger, Washington, April 6, 1982, FRUS 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Document 65. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d65 ↩︎
Action Memorandum From the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs (Scanlan), the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Enders), and the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs (Hormats) to Secretary of State Haig, Washington, April 6, 1982, FRUS 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Document 69. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d69 ↩︎
Memorandum of Conversation, Buenos Aires, April 10, 1982 (Haig and President Galtieri), FRUS 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Document 90. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d90 ↩︎
Information Memorandum From the Director of the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs (Burt) to Acting Secretary of State Eagleburger, Washington, April 17, 1982, FRUS 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Document 143. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d143 ↩︎
Memorandum From the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy (Ikle) to Secretary of Defense Weinberger, with attached list of requests received May 6-7, 1982 (Weinberger notation of May 10), FRUS 1981-1988, Volume XIII, Document 241. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1981-88v13/d241 ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, answer on "The Sinking of the Belgrano," House of Commons, April 12, 1984, HC Deb vol. 58, col. 526. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1984/apr/12/the-sinking-of-the-belgrano ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, statement on Mr. Anthony Blunt, House of Commons, November 21, 1979, HC Deb vol. 974, cols. 402-520. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1979/nov/21/mr-anthony-blunt ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answers on the intelligence services and trade union membership, House of Commons, January 31, 1984, HC Deb vol. 53, col. 120W, and February 1, 1984, HC Deb vol. 53, cols. 209-10W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1984/feb/01/trade-union-membership ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, statement on GCHQ, House of Commons, July 17, 1984, HC Deb vol. 64, cols. 171-86. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1984/jul/17/gchq ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, statement on Libya, House of Commons, April 15, 1986, HC Deb vol. 95, cols. 729-39. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1986/apr/15/libya ↩︎
Reagan, Ronald, Address to the Nation on the United States Air Strike Against Libya, April 14, 1986, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/archives/speech/address-nation-united-states-air-strike-against-libya ↩︎
"El Dorado Canyon," Air Force Magazine, March 1999 (Air & Space Forces Magazine archive). https://www.airandspaceforces.com/article/0399canyon/ ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answer on the Wright memoirs, House of Commons, November 7, 1986, HC Deb vol. 103, cols. 631-2W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1986/nov/07/wright-memoirs ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answer on the Australian court action, House of Commons, November 20, 1986, HC Deb vol. 105, col. 268W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1986/nov/20/mr-peter-wright-australian-court-action ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answer on the court case, House of Commons, November 21, 1986, HC Deb vol. 105, cols. 359-60W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1986/nov/21/mr-peter-wright-court-case ↩︎
Wright, Peter. Spycatcher: The Candid Autobiography of a Senior Intelligence Officer. Viking, 1987. ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answer on Mr. M. Vanunu, House of Commons, November 7, 1986, HC Deb vol. 103, col. 632W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1986/nov/07/mr-m-vanunu ↩︎
Thatcher, Margaret, written answer on Mr. Mordechai Vanunu, House of Commons, November 27, 1986, HC Deb vol. 106, col. 299W. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written_answers/1986/nov/27/mr-mordechai-vanunu ↩︎
Howe, Sir Geoffrey, statement on Anglo-Syrian relations, House of Commons, October 24, 1986, HC Deb vol. 102, cols. 1504-14. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1986/oct/24/anglo-syrian-relations ↩︎
Leigh, David, and Rob Evans, "The secret Whitehall telegram that reveals truth behind controversial Saudi arms deal," The Guardian, October 27, 2006. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2006/oct/28/bae.whitehall ↩︎
Lewis, Mike, and Katherine Templar. UK Personnel Supporting the Saudi Armed Forces: Risk, Knowledge and Accountability. 2018, citing the Memorandum of Understanding for the Provision of Equipment and Services for the Royal Saudi Air Force, September 26, 1985, and UK National Archives file FCO 8/6055. https://www.mikelewisresearch.com/RSAFfinal.pdf ↩︎
"Thatcher held secret Saudi talks to win huge arms deal, archives show," Middle East Eye, August 25, 2016 (reporting on Foreign Office files released to the National Archives). https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/thatcher-held-secret-saudi-talks-win-huge-arms-deal-archives-show ↩︎
Ministry of Defence Appropriation Accounts 1990-91, Class I, Vote 2, Defence Procurement: The Saudi Arabian Airforce Project (National Audit Office report, 1992), and summary minutes of the private session of the Committee of Public Accounts, February 27, 1992 (Sir Michael Quinlan, Ministry of Defence), in the papers of Robert Sheldon, London School of Economics, as published by The Guardian. https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/24502904/collected-files-sheldon-papers-reduced.pdf ↩︎
"Suppressed report on UK-Saudi arms deal discovered in archive," The Guardian, March 24, 2024. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/mar/24/al-yamamah-arms-deal-report-discovery-anti-corruption-mod-nao-britain-saudi-arabia ↩︎
R (on the application of Corner House Research and others) v Director of the Serious Fraud Office [2008] UKHL 60 (House of Lords, July 30, 2008), on appeal from [2008] EWHC 714 (Admin). https://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKHL/2008/60.html ↩︎
Goldsmith, Lord (Attorney General), statement "BAE Systems: Al Yamamah Contract," House of Lords, December 14, 2006, HL Deb cols. 1711-8. https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200607/ldhansrd/text/61214-0014.htm ↩︎
U.S. Department of Justice, "BAE Systems PLC Pleads Guilty and Ordered to Pay $400 Million Criminal Fine," press release, March 1, 2010 (United States v. BAE Systems plc, D.D.C., Crim. No. 10-035, Judge John D. Bates). https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/bae-systems-plc-pleads-guilty-and-ordered-pay-400-million-criminal-fine ↩︎
Galloway, George, speech on Saudi Arabia, House of Commons, January 24, 1996, HC Deb vol. 270, cols. 453-62. https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1996/jan/24/saudi-arabia ↩︎
Foot, Paul, "Prince and Pimp," London Review of Books, vol. 20, no. 1, January 1, 1998. https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v20/n01/paul-foot/prince-and-pimp ↩︎
Ben-Menashe, Ari. Profits of War: Inside the Secret U.S.-Israeli Arms Network. Sheridan Square Press, 1992 (TrineDay reprint, 2015). ↩︎
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