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Raw Blame History

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Formation and organization

The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations subcommittee chaired by John Kerry reported that cocaine had been exported from Colombia since the late 1960s by a small Cuban-American group in Miami using couriers carrying a few kilograms on commercial flights, and that Escobar, Jorge Ochoa and Lehder took over the distribution networks in the 1970s during a period it called the "Cocaine Wars." According to the subcommittee, the separate Colombian organizations joined in 1982 after the guerrilla group M-19 kidnapped a member of the Ochoa family. Jorge Ochoa called a meeting of traffickers at his restaurant outside Medellín, and each who attended reportedly contributed $7 million to an organization called "Death to Kidnappers" (MAS). The subcommittee, citing the testimony of the money launderer Ramon Milian Rodriguez, reported that this group raised a force of 2,000 men, defeated M-19, and then made an alliance with its remnants, who thereafter protected narcotics shipments in return for money and weapons.¹

The subcommittee described a division of labor in which Escobar handled production, the Ochoas processing and transportation, and Lehder, before his arrest, distribution, with "underbosses" making arrangements with North American "transportation organizations." It reported law enforcement estimates of more than 8,000 members and annual earnings of about $8 billion, and noted that Forbes had listed Ochoa and Escobar among the richest men in the world. It described the Ochoa family ranch, Hacienda Veracruz, as encompassing several towns between Barranquilla and Cartagena.¹

Norman's Cay and the smuggling volume

Lehder led a cocaine organization from early 1978 through 1981 whose main base was Norman's Cay in the Bahamas. According to the Eleventh Circuit, planes carried loads of 150 to 500 kilograms from Colombia to the island, then on to Florida or south Georgia, from where the cocaine was driven to stash houses in Miami; the cash returned through Fort Lauderdale or Miami and was deposited in Bahamian banks or flown elsewhere. Lehder was indicted on September 18, 1981, arrested in Colombia on February 4, 1987, extradited to Jacksonville, convicted on all eleven counts on May 13, 1988, and sentenced on July 20, 1988 to life without parole on the continuing criminal enterprise count plus 120 years on the others.² The Kerry report recorded that Robert Vesco had arrived in the Bahamas after fleeing the United States in 1972, that Vesco and Lehder became regular companions, and that Lehder used Norman's Cay for smuggling during a period in which Bahamian officials were accused of complicity. It added that the cartels let the Colombian government know they would not object to Lehder's extradition, because according to unnamed sources in the drug world his colleagues thought he talked too much, used cocaine heavily and attracted too much public attention.³

Gary Webb, citing Kings of Cocaine by Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen, wrote that by early 1982 the Medellín group moved loads by specially equipped aircraft and boats, mostly through the Bahamas, and that in March 1982 U.S. Customs agents in Miami opened boxes labeled "jeans" aboard a plane from a small Colombian air cargo company and seized 3,906 pounds of cocaine, nearly four times the previous record; Gugliotta and Leen called it the DEA's "first look at the shadow of the beast." Webb gave wholesale kilogram prices as falling from about $75,000 in 1979 to about $60,000 in 1982, with gram prices falling only from $321 to $259.⁴ Ronald Lister told the CIA Inspector General that the kilogram price he saw went from about $60,000 in 1982 to about $20,000 in 1986.⁵

Panama

The pilot Floyd Carlton told the Kerry subcommittee that in mid-1982 Escobar and Gustavo Gaviria asked him to fly cocaine from Colombia into Panama, that Manuel Noriega told him the first offer was too low, and that Noriega was paid $100,000 for the first flight, $150,000 for the second, $200,000 for the third and $250,000 for the fourth. Carlton testified that he heard the Ochoa brothers contract the killing of the Colombian Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, who was shot on April 30, 1984, and that Cartel leaders came to Panama in May 1984 to ask for protection from former president Alfonso López Michelsen, with Noriega telling associates the Cartel paid between $4 million and $7 million. The subcommittee's account of the later rift was that Noriega raided a Cartel laboratory in the Darien province in June 1984 after accepting $5 million to protect it, and that, according to Jose Blandon, the Cartel decided to kill Noriega and he turned to Cuba's Fidel Castro, who mediated. The report also recorded Blandón's statement that Noriega's liaison to the DEA, Luis Quiel, was used to turn rivals of the Cartel over to the United States.⁶

Milian Rodriguez, arrested in May 1983 with $5.4 million in cash as he tried to leave Fort Lauderdale for Panama on his Lear jet, was sentenced to 43 years. He told the subcommittee that currency pallets were flown to Panama on commercial airlines whose station managers were in Noriega's employ, and that Noriega held an interest in the armored-car company that met the flights.⁷

Seal, the indictments and the Washington disclosure

Barry Seal was a pilot for the Cartel, known to its members as "McKenzie," earning as much as $500,000 per flight, according to the Louisiana Court of Appeal. After an indictment in Florida and a ten-year sentence he approached the DEA and became an informant in March 1984. The United States Attorney for the Southern District of Florida testified that the indictments of Escobar and Jorge Ochoa in July 1984 resulted from his cooperation. Ochoa was arrested in Spain shortly afterward, and Seal supplied the affidavits for the extradition request. In November 1984 a Baton Rouge television station aired a documentary on Seal's career, and the cartel figure Max Mermelstein testified that in December 1984 he was given the contract to kidnap Seal (for $1,000,000) or kill him (for $500,000), authorized by telephone by Fabio Ochoa and Escobar. Seal was shot to death with a machine gun on February 19, 1986 in the parking lot of a Salvation Army halfway house in Baton Rouge, and Miguel Velez, Bernardo Antonio Vasquez and Luis Carlos Quintero-Cruz were convicted of first-degree murder.⁸

The Kerry subcommittee reported that Seal flew to Nicaragua, where cameras on his aircraft photographed Escobar and a man U.S. authorities identified as a Nicaraguan government official, Federico Vaughn, loading the plane; that the material became central evidence for official claims of Sandinista involvement in narcotics; and that Vaughn then disappeared. It reported that the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime found the telephone number Vaughn used to call Seal was a number controlled by the U.S. Embassy since 1985. It also reported DEA testimony that in June 1985 Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North suggested that $1.5 million in drug money carried on a plane piloted by Seal during the sting be given to the Contras, and that the DEA rejected the suggestion. Its conclusion on the sting was that an administration official, identified as North, leaked the operation to the press to influence a pending congressional vote on Contra aid, endangering agents, and that grand jury probes of Seal's associates at the airport in Mena, Arkansas were dropped over the strong protests of state and federal law enforcement officials, with the apparent reason being that a prosecution might reveal national security information although the crimes preceded Seal's work as an informant.⁹ The State Department's Narcotics Control Strategy Report stated that it had "no evidence" of Nicaraguan use for drug shipments to the United States since the allegations of 1984 connected with the Seal case.⁹

Extradition, surrender and the Palace of Justice

The Kerry report stated that an extradition treaty between the United States and Colombia entered into force in 1982, that the Cartel responded with a public court challenge and with the attack on the Palace of Justice in Bogota on November 6, 1985, in which eleven sitting justices were killed and the files on pending extradition cases were burned, and that Ochoa was indicted in 1984 for narcotics smuggling, with DEA officials estimating that he moved nearly sixty tons of cocaine into the United States from 1982 to 1987. The first extradition attempt, from Spain, ended when Spain sent Ochoa to Colombia, where a judge released him. Assistant U.S. Attorney Richard Gregorie testified to the subcommittee that the embassy in Madrid had a secretary as the person most knowledgeable about the matter and that Attorney General Edwin Meese did not ask the prosecutors for a briefing. Ochoa was rearrested in Colombia in November 1987 and released by a Colombian judge.¹⁰ The Louisiana court places Ochoa's arrest in Spain shortly after the July 1984 indictments, while the Kerry report dates it to 1985; an affidavit described in a 1997 federal opinion states that Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela was arrested in Spain in November 1984 and extradited to Colombia in 1986.⁸¹¹

A 1997 statement by DEA Chief of Operations Donnie Marshall described the later course: Lehder extradited and serving life terms; the Ochoa brothers arrested but given "ridiculously short jail terms" and recently released; Rodríguez Gacha and Escobar killed in gunfights with the Colombian National Police; and, during that campaign, the Cali group led by Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela, Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela and Jose Santacruz Londono building what he called the most prolific criminal enterprise in history.¹²

Offers to the United States

In October 1986 a Miami lawyer told the FBI and DEA that a Bogotá lawyer for the Cartel had said early in 1986 that the Cartel wanted a deal with the government for immunity from prosecution in exchange for help in stopping the flow of cocaine, and that Jorge Ochoa financed "both Sandinista and anti-Sandinista forces in Nicaragua by setting up drug operations there." The lawyer met Ochoa and other principals in Medellín, where, according to the subcommittee, Ochoa said the Cartel held information of national security interest on Nicaragua, Cuba, Mexico, Panama and Colombia, had "worked with the Communists in the past," and proposed to collect intelligence on guerrillas for six months to a year in exchange for amnesty or an end to extradition proceedings. The lawyer passed a polygraph; the DEA and FBI broke off contact, and the material was not investigated in connection with Nicaragua or the Contras. The subcommittee separately recorded that Milian Rodriguez said Escobar had asked him to explore starting drug operations in Nicaragua, documenting them and using the information to bargain with the United States for amnesty.¹³

Milian Rodriguez also told the subcommittee in a closed session on June 25, 1987 that he had offered, through a meeting arranged by the Miami investigator Raoul Diaz, to give drug money to the Contras and that Felix Rodriguez accepted, with $10 million provided by couriers; he said he also offered to help entrap the Sandinistas, in return for dropping his charges. Felix Rodriguez denied that version and said he reported the offer to the FBI, the CIA and other agencies, which took no action. Diaz did not respond to a subpoena, and the subcommittee recorded that it could not resolve the question.¹³

Records on the Contra network

An FBI cable to the CIA dated March 7, 1986 relayed an allegation by Jack Terrell that before February 1985 the Miami Cuban exile Frank Castro had presented himself as the representative of Ochoa who wanted a U.S. ambassador assassinated and offered $1 million. A February 13, 1987 FBI cable stated that Castro was alleged to have offered, as drug king Jorge Luis Ochoa's representative, $1 million to kill Ambassador Lewis Tambs, that he had "very good connections with [the] Medellin Cartel Ochoa brothers," and that unsubstantiated allegations existed that he and others used a Contra camp as a front to traffic drugs between Colombia and the United States. The complaint in Avirgan and Honey v. Hull, filed May 29, 1986 by Daniel Sheehan of the Christic Institute, alleged an overt act of a conspiracy to bomb the U.S. embassy in San José, Costa Rica and to kill Tambs "for the purpose of obtaining a $1 million 'bounty' offered for the death of Lewis Tambs by Defendant PABLO ESCOBAR."¹⁴

A November 8, 1988 cable to CIA headquarters forwarded an FBI Miami request for comment on information about a 1984 agreement between the Medellín figures Lehder, Escobar and Rodríguez Gacha and the Nicaraguan government under which they would be allowed to stay in Managua, establish a base and be secure from Colombian and U.S. authorities, with $3 million given to Tomás Borge and drug flights using Los Brasiles airport; the cable further reported that the cartel used Vesco's services in October or November 1984.¹⁵ A U.S. Coast Guard report from Miami in December 1986 cited sources that named the owner of Hyde Shipping of Miami, Hyde (see Hyde Shipping), as master of the fishing vessel Bobby in 1985 "as a favor to Pablo Escobar."¹⁶

The CIA Inspector General's second volume recorded that a Colombian pilot testified at the trial of a Medellín drug lord that he flew arms to Contra forces and cocaine to Florida, and that the Miami Herald in October 1990 linked the Nicaraguan consul Adolfo Chamorro to that network; that analysts of the Directorate of Intelligence described the counternarcotics effort of the mid-1980s as "consumed" with the Medellín Cartel, with Central America "just a blip on the scope"; and that an independent contractor said that if there was trafficking from Nicaragua it was "probably" by the Medellín cartel.¹⁷ The convicted trafficker Enrique Miranda told investigators that Marcos Aguado flew weapons to Medellín and returned with cocaine stored at Ilopango; the Inspector General reported that no information was found to support the allegation, and that no information was found indicating that CIA tried to develop independent information on Aguado.¹⁸ Lister told the Inspector General he went with Danilo Blandon on trips to Colombia and was present when Blandón dealt with Colombian suppliers Roger Sandino and Aparicio Moreno.⁵

Webb reported that Colombian trafficker Allen Raul Rudd told Justice Department officials in 1988 that Escobar claimed the Cartel had made a deal with Vice President George H.W. Bush to supply U.S. weapons to the Contras in return for free passage for cocaine to the United States, and that Escobar said photographs existed of planes with guns being unloaded in Colombia and of Bush with Jorge Ochoa in front of suitcases of money; Webb wrote that by 1993 Escobar was dead and Ochoa jailed and the photographs were not heard of again. Sole source for the passages so cited. Webb also reported that Meneses's organization ran parallel to the Medellín distribution networks and that Miranda said Aguado boasted of flying weapons from the Salvadoran military to the Colombian cartels, a claim Miranda doubted until a Salvadoran Air Force colonel and associates were arrested in 1992 for selling bombs and high explosives to Colombian dealers.¹⁹

The Seal aircraft, the CIA records and the Mena inquiries

The Kerry report stated only that Seal obtained photographs "by using cameras installed in a plane he flew as part of an undercover operation."²⁰ On October 10, 1986, five days after the shootdown, The New York Times reported that a Drug Enforcement Administration spokesman in Miami, Jack Hood, said "we believe that the C-123 that was shot down in Nicaragua was the same plane that was used in the Barry Seal operation," and that Seal had flown the plane to Rickenbacker Air National Guard Base in Ohio, where Central Intelligence Agency experts installed hidden cameras in 1984; Seal returned from Nicaragua with 1,472 pounds of cocaine, and the cameras filmed Vaughn helping to load it. According to the same report, Eugene Hasenfus, the survivor of the crash, said he had worked with CIA employees in El Salvador and made covert flights into Nicaragua, and the retired general John Singlaub, named by administration officials as the sponsor of the flight, denied involvement.²¹ The independent counsel's report recorded that Southern Air Transport, a Miami charter company, was used by the Enterprise run by Richard Secord in the Contra and Iran operations, receiving $1,935,596 in 1985 and 1986 for contra-related services including the purchase of a C-123 cargo plane, and that the Hasenfus shootdown on October 5, 1986 "settled irrevocably the question of CIA assumption of Enterprise assets."²²

The CIA's own file copies show how its position on Seal developed. A memorandum of September 8, 1995 from the DCI Crime and Narcotics Center said the Center had no documents or records on the installation of cameras on Seal's C-123, but that "to the best of our understanding, CIA's OTS may have installed cameras on the aircraft used in the 1984 operation," and suggested the Directorate of Operations check with the Office of Technical Service.²³ A memorandum for the record on a briefing of Representative James Leach, chairman of the House Banking Committee, on July 21, 1995 recorded the statement that "the Agency was aware of Barry Seal, but had no relationship with him nor any records regarding his activities in Mena," and listed as an open question whether the CIA "had any connection to Seal's cargo plane (serial number 54-0679)." A briefing outline prepared for that meeting stated that no records of any contact with Seal had ever been discovered in several searches, most recently in June 1995 at the request of the House intelligence committee.²⁴ On March 13, 1996 Director of Central Intelligence John Deutch asked the Inspector General to report on the extent of CIA's "contact or relationship" with Seal and whether CIA had carried out any activities in Mena or in Nella, Arkansas.²⁵ The Inspector General's unclassified summary of November 1996, as reported by the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette on November 9, 1996, stated that CIA personnel had "limited contact" with Seal during the DEA sting, providing "technical support" in the form of cameras mounted in his plane and instruction on where to place and operate them, and that there was "no evidence" CIA knew his "true identity" at the time; it also stated that CIA ran "a joint training operation with another federal agency at Mena Intermountain Airport," described as a "two week exercise" never publicly disclosed, and used Mena for "routine aviation-related services" on agency-owned equipment, with the companies that did the work not knowing the client was CIA, while finding no evidence of CIA involvement in "money laundering, narcotics trafficking, arms smuggling or other illegal activities at or around Mena."²⁶ A December 24, 1996 memorandum in the Inspector General's Mena case file (96-0036-IG) examined whether Seal's C-123K (N4410F, "Fat Lady") had a Vietnam-era link to CIA, as suggested by a CIA officer whose name is redacted; the review of the Iran-Contra files, Southern Air Transport files from the 1960s and 1970s and other records found no document indicating a CIA link with N4410F or that Southern Air Transport owned, operated or leased a C-123K, and listed as remaining actions a review of further Southern Air Transport files and a reinterview of the officer.²⁷ A 1998 letter from the Inspector General to Chairman Leach stated that all information developed on Mena and Seal was set out in the November 1996 Report of Investigation.²⁸

Named witnesses made claims that Seal worked for the CIA or in a CIA-linked operation. The former Arkansas state trooper L.D. Brown told R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr. of The American Spectator (August 1995; a copy was sent to the Acting DCI on July 19, 1995) that he flew with Seal from Mena to Tegucigalpa on October 23, 1984 on a C-123K from which pallets of M-16 rifles were pushed out by parachute, that Seal gave him $2,500 and later showed him a kilogram of cocaine, and that he had been recruited in 1984 by CIA representatives Ken Cargile and Dan Magruder. Tyrrell wrote that "the CIA does not talk about these things, and so Brown's exact relationship with the agency may never be known." Tyrrell also reported that Terry Reed said he trained Contra pilots under Seal's supervision at Nella and that the state trooper Larry Patterson said in a March 1995 deposition he overheard talk of "large quantities of drugs being flown into Mena airport, large quantities of guns."²⁹ The CIA's Public Affairs office told the Acting DCI that "there is no reason to believe any of the allegations," and a CIA review of a 1996 documentary featuring Brown and the former state police investigator Russell Welch said the credibility of Reed's book Compromised "was questioned somewhat."²⁹³⁰ The 1995 briefing outline said a Lawrence D. Brown applied for CIA employment in 1988 and was rejected in November 1988; the Inspector General's summary, as reported, confirmed that Brown was a candidate for CIA employment in 1984 and that the agency decided that December not to hire him.²⁶²⁴

The Kerry report recorded that grand jury probes of Seal's associates who operated aircraft service businesses at the Mena airport were dropped, despite evidence sufficient for an indictment on money laundering charges and over the strong protests of state and federal law enforcement officials, with the apparent reason being that a prosecution might reveal national security information, although all the crimes preceded Seal's work as a federal informant.⁹ The inquiries by Leach's committee followed in 1995 and 1996.²⁴²⁵

Footnotes

U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy (Committee Print, December 1988), Colombia chapter, "Origin of the Cartels," pp. 27-30 (testimony of Ramon Milian Rodriguez, Part 2, February 11, 1988, p. 248, and Leigh Ritch, February 8, 1988). Scan: https://archive.org/details/Kerry-Report-Drugs-Contras. The FBI and CIA reporting that names Rodríguez Gacha is cited at footnote 15. ↩︎
United States v. Lehder-Rivas, 955 F.2d 1510, 1511-12 (11th Cir. 1992). https://law.resource.org/pub/us/case/reporter/F2/955/955.F2d.1510.88-3596.88-3344.html ↩︎
Kerry report, The Bahamas chapter ("Growth of Official Corruption with Vesco and Bannister," Norman's Cay) and Colombia chapter (extradition of Lehder), pp. 15-17 and 32 (see footnote 1 for the scan). ↩︎
Webb, Gary. Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. Seven Stories Press, 1998, Chapter 7. Webb cites Guy Gugliotta and Jeff Leen, Kings of Cocaine (1989). Not re-verified against customs records. ↩︎
CIA Office of Inspector General, Report of Investigation: Allegations of Connections Between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States (96-0143-IG), Volume I: The California Story, January 29, 1998, Findings, individual statements of Lister. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine/findings1.html ↩︎
Kerry report, Panama chapter, "Noriega's Rift With the Cartel," testimony of Floyd Carlton (deposition of December 4, 1987) and Jose Blandon (Part 2, February 9, 1988); Cuba, Panama and the Cartel section (Castro as mediator). ↩︎
Kerry report, money-laundering chapter ("One Money Launderer's Experience") and the Panama chapter, citing Milian Rodriguez, Part 2, February 11, 1988, and the closed session of June 25, 1987. ↩︎
State v. Velez, 588 So. 2d 116, 120-21 (La. Ct. App. 1991). https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/1767808/state-v-velez/ ↩︎
Kerry report, Cuba and Nicaragua chapter (Seal, pp. 68-69), narcotics traffickers and the Contras chapter (DEA testimony before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, July 28, 1988), and National Security chapter, "Barry Seal and the Cartel," p. 121. ↩︎
Kerry report, Colombia chapter, "Extradition," pp. 31-33, citing testimony of Richard Gregorie, Part 4, pp. 144-45. ↩︎
United States v. Abbell, 963 F. Supp. 1178, n. 22 (S.D. Fla. 1997). https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/1645124/united-states-v-abbell/ ↩︎
Statement of Donnie Marshall, Chief of Operations, Drug Enforcement Administration, Subcommittee on National Security, International Affairs and Criminal Justice, July 9, 1997. https://irp.fas.org/congress/1997_hr/h970709m.htm ↩︎
Kerry report, Cuba and Nicaragua chapter, pp. 67-69 (DEA debrief of the Miami attorney, October 21 and November 13, 1986; closed testimony of Ramon Milian Rodriguez, June 25, 1987, pp. 53-55) and section "Ramon Milian Rodriguez and Felix Rodriguez." ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, Volume II: The Contra Story, October 8, 1998, Appendix (cables of March 7, 1986 and February 13, 1987 on Frank Castro; description of the Avirgan and Honey v. Hull complaint). https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/append.html ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, Volume II, Appendix (cable of November 8, 1988 on the 1984 agreement and Los Brasiles airport). https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/append.html ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, Volume II, Pilots, Airlines and Shipping Companies section (Hyde; U.S. Coast Guard Miami report of December 1986). https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/pilots.html ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, Volume II, sections on Chamorro (https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/south.html), the analytic environment (https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/pilots.html) and the independent contractor interview (https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/findings.html). ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, Volume II, Marco Aguado section. https://irp.fas.org/cia/product/cocaine2/south.html ↩︎
Webb, Dark Alliance, Chapter 13, "The wrong kind of friends" (Rudd, Escobar and Bush; Miranda and Aguado) and Cast of Characters (Meneses). Neither Rudd's statement nor the photographs appear in the Kerry report, the CIA Inspector General volumes or the Justice Department Inspector General report. ↩︎
Kerry report, Cuba and Nicaragua chapter, p. 68 (see footnote 1 for the scan). ↩︎
Richard Halloran, "Plane Downed in Nicaragua Was in a U.S. Drug 'Sting,'" The New York Times, October 10, 1986 (copy in CIA Reading Room, CIA-RDP90-00965R000402690007-7). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-cia-rdp90-00965r000402690007-7 ↩︎
Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters (Lawrence E. Walsh, August 4, 1993), chapter 8 (Southern Air Transport; the Hasenfus shootdown). https://irp.fas.org/offdocs/walsh/chap_08.htm ↩︎
CIA, DCI Crime and Narcotics Center, memorandum "Records Searches: Mena, Arkansas and Related Topics," September 8, 1995, paragraph 7 (CIA Reading Room 0001289705). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289705 ↩︎
CIA, Office of Congressional Affairs, memorandum for the record, member briefing of Rep. Leach, July 21, 1995 (CIA Reading Room 0001289686), and briefing outline "Briefing for Chairman Leach, House Banking Committee," items 6 and 7 (0001289820). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289686 and https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289820 ↩︎
Memorandum, Director of Central Intelligence to Inspector General, "Allegations of Money Laundering and Other Activities in Mena, Arkansas," March 13, 1996 (CIA Reading Room 0001289824). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289824 ↩︎
Kathy Kiely, "CIA admits training at Mena," Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, November 9, 1996, pp. 1A, 12A (summarizing the declassified summary of the Inspector General's Report of Investigation on Mena). Copy: https://archivesspace.wilkes.edu/files/normanmailer/65.9_HG2_HarlotsGhostSequelResearch_ArkansasDemocraticGazetteArticles_1996November9.pdf ↩︎
CIA Inspector General, memorandum for the record, "C-123K - Review of Additional Records," December 24, 1996, case Mena 96-0036-IG (CIA Reading Room 0001289850). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289850 ↩︎
Letter, CIA Inspector General to Rep. James A. Leach, 1998 (CIA Reading Room 0001289865). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289865 ↩︎
R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr., "The Arkansas Drug Shuttle," The American Spectator, August 1995, pp. 16-18 (copy attached to the CIA Public Affairs note to the Acting DCI, July 19, 1995, CIA Reading Room 0001289860). Sole source for Brown's account of the flights and for the Reed and Patterson statements as reported there. https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289860 ↩︎
CIA memorandum for the record, "Video Tape Review: National Empowerment Network, American Investigator, 'Mena, Arkansas Under Investigation,' aired February 8, 1996," February 22, 1996 (CIA Reading Room 0001289764). https://archive.org/details/cia-readingroom-document-0001289764 ↩︎

31 KiB Raw Blame History